glinda of oz in which are related the exciting experiences of princess ozma of oz, and dorothy, in their hazardous journey to the home of the flatheads, and to the magic isle of the skeezers, and how they were rescued from dire peril by the sorcery of glinda the good. by l. frank baum "royal historian of oz" illustrated by john r. neill this book is dedicated to my son robert stanton baum to our readers glinda the good, lovely sorceress of the land of oz and friend of princess ozma and dorothy, has lots of personal acquaintances who want to know more about her. so, in the new oz story, mr. l. frank baum, royal historian of oz, has written a whole book about how glinda and the wizard worked with all their might to save the princess and dorothy from the dire dangers which threatened them when they went among the warring tribes of the flatheads and skeezers. the wicked queen coo-ee-oh, a vain and evil witch, was really to blame for all the trouble. she surely succeeded in getting every one on the magic, glass-domed island of the skeezers into amazing difficulties. when mr. baum tells you how worried everybody in the land of oz felt about the princess ozma and dorothy and what wonderful sorcery glinda had to perform to save them, you'll be thrilled with excitement and admiration. he reveals the most hidden mysteries of magic. mr. baum did his best to answer all the letters from his small earth-friends before he had to leave them, but he couldn't answer quite all, for there were very many. in may, nineteen hundred nineteen, he went away to take his stories to the little child-souls who had lived here too long ago to read the oz stories for themselves. we are sorry he could not stay here and we are sad to tell you this is his last complete story. but he left some unfinished notes about the princess ozma and dorothy and the oz people and we promise that some day we will put them all together like a picture puzzle and give you more stories of the wonderful land of oz. cordially, your friends, the publishers. list of chapters the call of duty ozma and dorothy the mist maidens the magic tent the magic stairway flathead mountain the magic isle queen coo-ee-oh lady aurex under water the conquest of the skeezers the diamond swan the alarm bell ozma's counsellors the great sorceress the enchanted fishes under the great dome the cleverness of ervic red reera, the yookoohoo a puzzling problem the three adepts the sunken island the magic words glinda's triumph [illustration: glinda of oz] chapter the call to duty glinda, the good sorceress of oz, sat in the grand court of her palace, surrounded by her maids of honor--a hundred of the most beautiful girls of the fairyland of oz. the palace court was built of rare marbles, exquisitely polished. fountains tinkled musically here and there; the vast colonnade, open to the south, allowed the maidens, as they raised their heads from their embroideries, to gaze upon a vista of rose-hued fields and groves of trees bearing fruits or laden with sweet-scented flowers. at times one of the girls would start a song, the others joining in the chorus, or one would rise and dance, gracefully swaying to the music of a harp played by a companion. and then glinda smiled, glad to see her maids mixing play with work. presently among the fields an object was seen moving, threading the broad path that led to the castle gate. some of the girls looked upon this object enviously; the sorceress merely gave it a glance and nodded her stately head as if pleased, for it meant the coming of her friend and mistress--the only one in all the land that glinda bowed to. then up the path trotted a wooden animal attached to a red wagon, and as the quaint steed halted at the gate there descended from the wagon two young girls, ozma, ruler of oz, and her companion, princess dorothy. both were dressed in simple white muslin gowns, and as they ran up the marble steps of the palace they laughed and chatted as gaily as if they were not the most important persons in the world's loveliest fairyland. the maids of honor had risen and stood with bowed heads to greet the royal ozma, while glinda came forward with outstretched arms to greet her guests. "we've just come on a visit, you know," said ozma. "both dorothy and i were wondering how we should pass the day when we happened to think we'd not been to your quadling country for weeks, so we took the sawhorse and rode straight here." "and we came so fast," added dorothy, "that our hair is blown all fuzzy, for the sawhorse makes a wind of his own. usually it's a day's journey from the em'rald city, but i don't s'pose we were two hours on the way." "you are most welcome," said glinda the sorceress, and led them through the court to her magnificent reception hall. ozma took the arm of her hostess, but dorothy lagged behind, kissing some of the maids she knew best, talking with others, and making them all feel that she was their friend. when at last she joined glinda and ozma in the reception hall, she found them talking earnestly about the condition of the people, and how to make them more happy and contented--although they were already the happiest and most contented folks in all the world. this interested ozma, of course, but it didn't interest dorothy very much, so the little girl ran over to a big table on which was lying open glinda's great book of records. this book is one of the greatest treasures in oz, and the sorceress prizes it more highly than any of her magical possessions. that is the reason it is firmly attached to the big marble table by means of golden chains, and whenever glinda leaves home she locks the great book together with five jeweled padlocks, and carries the keys safely hidden in her bosom. i do not suppose there is any magical thing in any fairyland to compare with the record book, on the pages of which are constantly being printed a record of every event that happens in any part of the world, at exactly the moment it happens. and the records are always truthful, although sometimes they do not give as many details as one could wish. but then, lots of things happen, and so the records have to be brief or even glinda's great book could not hold them all. glinda looked at the records several times each day, and dorothy, whenever she visited the sorceress, loved to look in the book and see what was happening everywhere. not much was recorded about the land of oz, which is usually peaceful and uneventful, but today dorothy found something which interested her. indeed, the printed letters were appearing on the page even while she looked. "this is funny!" she exclaimed. "did you know, ozma, that there were people in your land of oz called skeezers?" "yes," replied ozma, coming to her side, "i know that on professor wogglebug's map of the land of oz there is a place marked 'skeezer,' but what the skeezers are like i do not know. no one i know has ever seen them or heard of them. the skeezer country is 'way at the upper edge of the gillikin country, with the sandy, impassable desert on one side and the mountains of oogaboo on another side. that is a part of the land of oz of which i know very little." "i guess no one else knows much about it either, unless it's the skeezers themselves," remarked dorothy. "but the book says: 'the skeezers of oz have declared war on the flatheads of oz, and there is likely to be fighting and much trouble as the result.'" "is that all the book says?" asked ozma. "every word," said dorothy, and ozma and glinda both looked at the record and seemed surprised and perplexed. "tell me, glinda," said ozma, "who are the flatheads?" "i cannot, your majesty," confessed the sorceress. "until now i never have heard of them, nor have i ever heard the skeezers mentioned. in the faraway corners of oz are hidden many curious tribes of people, and those who never leave their own countries and never are visited by those from our favored part of oz, naturally are unknown to me. however, if you so desire, i can learn through my arts of sorcery something of the skeezers and the flatheads." "i wish you would," answered ozma seriously. "you see, glinda, if these are oz people they are my subjects and i cannot allow any wars or troubles in the land i rule, if i can possibly help it." "very well, your majesty," said the sorceress, "i will try to get some information to guide you. please excuse me for a time, while i retire to my room of magic and sorcery." "may i go with you?" asked dorothy, eagerly. "no, princess," was the reply. "it would spoil the charm to have anyone present." so glinda locked herself in her own room of magic and dorothy and ozma waited patiently for her to come out again. in about an hour glinda appeared, looking grave and thoughtful. "your majesty," she said to ozma, "the skeezers live on a magic isle in a great lake. for that reason--because the skeezers deal in magic--i can learn little about them." "why, i didn't know there was a lake in that part of oz," exclaimed ozma. "the map shows a river running through the skeezer country, but no lake." "that is because the person who made the map never had visited that part of the country," explained the sorceress. "the lake surely is there, and in the lake is an island--a magic isle--and on that island live the people called the skeezers." "what are they like?" inquired the ruler of oz. "my magic cannot tell me that," confessed glinda, "for the magic of the skeezers prevents anyone outside of their domain knowing anything about them." "the flatheads must know, if they're going to fight the skeezers," suggested dorothy. "perhaps so," glinda replied, "but i can get little information concerning the flatheads, either. they are people who inhabit a mountain just south of the lake of the skeezers. the mountain has steep sides and a broad, hollow top, like a basin, and in this basin the flatheads have their dwellings. they also are magic-workers and usually keep to themselves and allow no one from outside to visit them. i have learned that the flatheads number about one hundred people--men, women and children--while the skeezers number just one hundred and one." "what did they quarrel about, and why do they wish to fight one another?" was ozma's next question. "i cannot tell your majesty that," said glinda. "but see here!" cried dorothy, "it's against the law for anyone but glinda and the wizard to work magic in the land of oz, so if these two strange people are magic-makers they are breaking the law and ought to be punished!" ozma smiled upon her little friend. "those who do not know me or my laws," she said, "cannot be expected to obey my laws. if we know nothing of the skeezers or the flatheads, it is likely that they know nothing of us." "but they _ought_ to know, ozma, and _we_ ought to know. who's going to tell them, and how are we going to make them behave?" "that," returned ozma, "is what i am now considering. what would you advise, glinda?" the sorceress took a little time to consider this question, before she made reply. then she said: "had you not learned of the existence of the flatheads and the skeezers, through my book of records, you would never have worried about them or their quarrels. so, if you pay no attention to these peoples, you may never hear of them again." "but that wouldn't be right," declared ozma. "i am ruler of all the land of oz, which includes the gillikin country, the quadling country, the winkie country and the munchkin country, as well as the emerald city, and being the princess of this fairyland it is my duty to make all my people--wherever they may be--happy and content and to settle their disputes and keep them from quarreling. so, while the skeezers and flatheads may not know me or that i am their lawful ruler, i now know that they inhabit my kingdom and are my subjects, so i would not be doing my duty if i kept away from them and allowed them to fight." "that's a fact, ozma," commented dorothy. "you've got to go up to the gillikin country and make these people behave themselves and make up their quarrels. but how are you going to do it?" "that is what is puzzling me also, your majesty," said the sorceress. "it may be dangerous for you to go into those strange countries, where the people are possibly fierce and warlike." "i am not afraid," said ozma, with a smile. "'tisn't a question of being 'fraid," argued dorothy. "of course we know you're a fairy, and can't be killed or hurt, and we know you've a lot of magic of your own to help you. but, ozma dear, in spite of all this you've been in trouble before, on account of wicked enemies, and it isn't right for the ruler of all oz to put herself in danger." "perhaps i shall be in no danger at all," returned ozma, with a little laugh. "you mustn't _imagine_ danger, dorothy, for one should only imagine nice things, and we do not know that the skeezers and flatheads are wicked people or my enemies. perhaps they would be good and listen to reason." "dorothy is right, your majesty," asserted the sorceress. "it is true we know nothing of these faraway subjects, except that they intend to fight one another, and have a certain amount of magic power at their command. such folks do not like to submit to interference and they are more likely to resent your coming among them than to receive you kindly and graciously, as is your due." "if you had an army to take with you," added dorothy, "it wouldn't be so bad; but there isn't such a thing as an army in all oz." "i have one soldier," said ozma. "yes, the soldier with the green whiskers; but he's dreadful 'fraid of his gun and never loads it. i'm sure he'd run rather than fight. and one soldier, even if he were brave, couldn't do much against two hundred and one flatheads and skeezers." "what then, my friends, would you suggest?" inquired ozma. "i advise you to send the wizard of oz to them, and let him inform them that it is against the laws of oz to fight, and that you command them to settle their differences and become friends," proposed glinda. "let the wizard tell them they will be punished if they refuse to obey the commands of the princess of all the land of oz." ozma shook her head, to indicate that the advice was not to her satisfaction. "if they refuse, what then?" she asked. "i should be obliged to carry out my threat and punish them, and that would be an unpleasant and difficult thing to do. i am sure it would be better for me to go peacefully, without an army and armed only with my authority as ruler, and plead with them to obey me. then, if they prove obstinate i could resort to other means to win their obedience." "it's a ticklish thing, anyhow you look at it," sighed dorothy. "i'm sorry now that i noticed the record in the great book." "but can't you realize, my dear, that i must do my duty, now that i am aware of this trouble?" asked ozma. "i am fully determined to go at once to the magic isle of the skeezers and to the enchanted mountain of the flatheads, and prevent war and strife between their inhabitants. the only question to decide is whether it is better for me to go alone, or to assemble a party of my friends and loyal supporters to accompany me." "if you go i want to go, too," declared dorothy. "whatever happens it's going to be fun--'cause all excitement is fun--and i wouldn't miss it for the world!" neither ozma nor glinda paid any attention to this statement, for they were gravely considering the serious aspect of this proposed adventure. "there are plenty of friends who would like to go with you," said the sorceress, "but none of them would afford your majesty any protection in case you were in danger. you are yourself the most powerful fairy in oz, although both i and the wizard have more varied arts of magic at our command. however, you have one art that no other in all the world can equal--the art of winning hearts and making people love to bow to your gracious presence. for that reason i believe you can accomplish more good alone than with a large number of subjects in your train." "i believe that also," agreed the princess. "i shall be quite able to take care of myself, you know, but might not be able to protect others so well. i do not look for opposition, however. i shall speak to these people in kindly words and settle their dispute--whatever it may be--in a just manner." "aren't you going to take _me_?" pleaded dorothy. "you'll need _some_ companion, ozma." the princess smiled upon her little friend. "i see no reason why you should not accompany me," was her reply. "two girls are not very warlike and they will not suspect us of being on any errand but a kindly and peaceful one. but, in order to prevent war and strife between these angry peoples, we must go to them at once. let us return immediately to the emerald city and prepare to start on our journey early tomorrow morning." glinda was not quite satisfied with this plan, but could not think of any better way to meet the problem. she knew that ozma, with all her gentleness and sweet disposition, was accustomed to abide by any decision she had made and could not easily be turned from her purpose. moreover she could see no great danger to the fairy ruler of oz in the undertaking, even though the unknown people she was to visit proved obstinate. but dorothy was not a fairy; she was a little girl who had come from kansas to live in the land of oz. dorothy might encounter dangers that to ozma would be as nothing but to an "earth child" would be very serious. the very fact that dorothy lived in oz, and had been made a princess by her friend ozma, prevented her from being killed or suffering any great bodily pain as long as she lived in that fairyland. she could not grow big, either, and would always remain the same little girl who had come to oz, unless in some way she left that fairyland or was spirited away from it. but dorothy was a mortal, nevertheless, and might possibly be destroyed, or hidden where none of her friends could ever find her. she could, for instance, be cut into pieces, and the pieces, while still alive and free from pain, could be widely scattered; or she might be buried deep underground, or "destroyed" in other ways by evil magicians, were she not properly protected. these facts glinda was considering while she paced with stately tread her marble hall. finally the good sorceress paused and drew a ring from her finger, handing it to dorothy. "wear this ring constantly until your return," she said to the girl. "if serious danger threatens you, turn the ring around on your finger once to the right and another turn to the left. that will ring the alarm bell in my palace and i will at once come to your rescue. but do not use the ring unless you are actually in danger of destruction. while you remain with princess ozma i believe she will be able to protect you from all lesser ills." "thank you, glinda," responded dorothy gratefully, as she placed the ring on her finger. "i'm going to wear my magic belt which i took from the nome king, too, so i guess i'll be safe from anything the skeezers and flatheads try to do to me." ozma had many arrangements to make before she could leave her throne and her palace in the emerald city, even for a trip of a few days, so she bade good-bye to glinda and with dorothy climbed into the red wagon. a word to the wooden sawhorse started that astonishing creature on the return journey, and so swiftly did he run that dorothy was unable to talk or do anything but hold tight to her seat all the way back to the emerald city. chapter ozma and dorothy residing in ozma's palace at this time was a live scarecrow, a most remarkable and intelligent creature who had once ruled the land of oz for a brief period and was much loved and respected by all the people. once a munchkin farmer had stuffed an old suit of clothes with straw and put stuffed boots on the feet and used a pair of stuffed cotton gloves for hands. the head of the scarecrow was a stuffed sack fastened to the body, with eyes, nose, mouth and ears painted on the sack. when a hat had been put on the head, the thing was a good imitation of a man. the farmer placed the scarecrow on a pole in his cornfield and it came to life in a curious manner. dorothy, who was passing by the field, was hailed by the live scarecrow and lifted him off his pole. he then went with her to the emerald city, where the wizard of oz gave him some excellent brains, and the scarecrow soon became an important personage. ozma considered the scarecrow one of her best friends and most loyal subjects, so the morning after her visit to glinda she asked him to take her place as ruler of the land of oz while she was absent on a journey, and the scarecrow at once consented without asking any questions. ozma had warned dorothy to keep their journey a secret and say nothing to anyone about the skeezers and flatheads until their return, and dorothy promised to obey. she longed to tell her girl friends, tiny trot and betsy bobbin, of the adventure they were undertaking, but refrained from saying a word on the subject although both these girls lived with her in ozma's palace. indeed, only glinda the sorceress knew they were going, until after they had gone, and even the sorceress didn't know what their errand might be. princess ozma took the sawhorse and the red wagon, although she was not sure there was a wagon road all the way to the lake of the skeezers. the land of oz is a pretty big place, surrounded on all sides by a deadly desert which it is impossible to cross, and the skeezer country, according to the map, was in the farthest northwestern part of oz, bordering on the north desert. as the emerald city was exactly in the center of oz, it was no small journey from there to the skeezers. around the emerald city the country is thickly settled in every direction, but the farther away you get from the city the fewer people there are, until those parts that border on the desert have small populations. also those faraway sections are little known to the oz people, except in the south, where glinda lives and where dorothy has often wandered on trips of exploration. the least known of all is the gillikin country, which harbors many strange bands of people among its mountains and valleys and forests and streams, and ozma was now bound for the most distant part of the gillikin country. "i am really sorry," said ozma to dorothy, as they rode away in the red wagon, "not to know more about the wonderful land i rule. it is my duty to be acquainted with every tribe of people and every strange and hidden country in all oz, but i am kept so busy at my palace making laws and planning for the comforts of those who live near the emerald city, that i do not often find time to make long journeys." "well," replied dorothy, "we'll prob'bly find out a lot on this trip, and we'll learn all about the skeezers and flatheads, anyhow. time doesn't make much diff'rence in the land of oz, 'cause we don't grow up, or get old, or become sick and die, as they do other places; so, if we explore one place at a time, we'll by-an'-by know all about every nook and corner in oz." dorothy wore around her waist the nome king's magic belt, which protected her from harm, and the magic ring which glinda had given her was on her finger. ozma had merely slipped a small silver wand into the bosom of her gown, for fairies do not use chemicals and herbs and the tools of wizards and sorcerers to perform their magic. the silver wand was ozma's one weapon of offense and defense and by its use she could accomplish many things. they had left the emerald city just at sunrise and the sawhorse traveled very swiftly over the roads towards the north, but in a few hours the wooden animal had to slacken his pace because the farm houses had become few and far between and often there were no paths at all in the direction they wished to follow. at such times they crossed the fields, avoiding groups of trees and fording the streams and rivulets whenever they came to them. but finally they reached a broad hillside closely covered with scrubby brush, through which the wagon could not pass. "it will be difficult even for you and me to get through without tearing our dresses," said ozma, "so we must leave the sawhorse and the wagon here until our return." "that's all right," dorothy replied, "i'm tired riding, anyhow. do you s'pose, ozma, we're anywhere near the skeezer country?" "i cannot tell, dorothy dear, but i know we've been going in the right direction, so we are sure to find it in time." the scrubby brush was almost like a grove of small trees, for it reached as high as the heads of the two girls, neither of whom was very tall. they were obliged to thread their way in and out, until dorothy was afraid they would get lost, and finally they were halted by a curious thing that barred their further progress. it was a huge web--as if woven by gigantic spiders--and the delicate, lacy film was fastened stoutly to the branches of the bushes and continued to the right and left in the form of a half circle. the threads of this web were of a brilliant purple color and woven into numerous artistic patterns, but it reached from the ground to branches above the heads of the girls and formed a sort of fence that hedged them in. "it doesn't look very strong, though," said dorothy. "i wonder if we couldn't break through." she tried but found the web stronger than it seemed. all her efforts could not break a single thread. "we must go back, i think, and try to get around this peculiar web," ozma decided. so they turned to the right and, following the web, found that it seemed to spread in a regular circle. on and on they went until finally ozma said they had returned to the exact spot from which they had started. "here is a handkerchief you dropped when we were here before," she said to dorothy. "in that case, they must have built the web behind us, after we walked into the trap," exclaimed the little girl. "true," agreed ozma, "an enemy has tried to imprison us." "and they did it, too," said dorothy. "i wonder who it was." "it's a spider-web, i'm quite sure," returned ozma, "but it must be the work of enormous spiders." "quite right!" cried a voice behind them. turning quickly around they beheld a huge purple spider sitting not two yards away and regarding them with its small bright eyes. then there crawled from the bushes a dozen more great purple spiders, which saluted the first one and said: "the web is finished, o king, and the strangers are our prisoners." dorothy did not like the looks of these spiders at all. they had big heads, sharp claws, small eyes and fuzzy hair all over their purple bodies. "they look wicked," she whispered to ozma. "what shall we do?" ozma gazed upon the spiders with a serious face. "what is your object in making us prisoners?" she inquired. "we need someone to keep house for us," answered the spider king. "there is sweeping and dusting to be done, and polishing and washing of dishes, and that is work my people dislike to do. so we decided that if any strangers came our way we would capture them and make them our servants." "i am princess ozma, ruler of all oz," said the girl with dignity. "well, i am king of all spiders," was the reply, "and that makes me your master. come with me to my palace and i will instruct you in your work." "i won't," said dorothy indignantly. "we won't have anything to do with you." "we'll see about that," returned the spider in a severe tone, and the next instant he made a dive straight at dorothy, opening the claws in his legs as if to grab and pinch her with the sharp points. but the girl was wearing her magic belt and was not harmed. the spider king could not even touch her. he turned swiftly and made a dash at ozma, but she held her magic wand over his head and the monster recoiled as if it had been struck. "you'd better let us go," dorothy advised him, "for you see you can't hurt us." "so i see," returned the spider king angrily. "your magic is greater than mine. but i'll not help you to escape. if you can break the magic web my people have woven you may go; if not you must stay here and starve." with that the spider king uttered a peculiar whistle and all the spiders disappeared. "there is more magic in my fairyland than i dreamed of," remarked the beautiful ozma, with a sigh of regret. "it seems that my laws have not been obeyed, for even these monstrous spiders defy me by means of magic." "never mind that now," said dorothy; "let's see what we can do to get out of this trap." they now examined the web with great care and were amazed at its strength. although finer than the finest silken hairs, it resisted all their efforts to work through, even though both girls threw all their weight against it. "we must find some instrument which will cut the threads of the web," said ozma, finally. "let us look about for such a tool." so they wandered among the bushes and finally came to a shallow pool of water, formed by a small bubbling spring. dorothy stooped to get a drink and discovered in the water a green crab, about as big as her hand. the crab had two big, sharp claws, and as soon as dorothy saw them she had an idea that those claws could save them. "come out of the water," she called to the crab; "i want to talk to you." rather lazily the crab rose to the surface and caught hold of a bit of rock. with his head above the water he said in a cross voice: "what do you want?" "we want you to cut the web of the purple spiders with your claws, so we can get through it," answered dorothy. "you can do that, can't you?" "i suppose so," replied the crab. "but if i do what will you give me?" "what do you wish?" ozma inquired. "i wish to be white, instead of green," said the crab. "green crabs are very common, and white ones are rare; besides the purple spiders, which infest this hillside, are afraid of white crabs. could you make me white if i should agree to cut the web for you?" "yes," said ozma, "i can do that easily. and, so you may know i am speaking the truth, i will change your color now." she waved her silver wand over the pool and the crab instantly became snow-white--all except his eyes, which remained black. the creature saw his reflection in the water and was so delighted that he at once climbed out of the pool and began moving slowly toward the web, by backing away from the pool. he moved so very slowly that dorothy cried out impatiently: "dear me, this will never do!" catching the crab in her hands she ran with him to the web. she had to hold him up even then, so he could reach with his claws strand after strand of the filmy purple web, which he was able to sever with one nip. when enough of the web had been cut to allow them to pass, dorothy ran back to the pool and placed the white crab in the water, after which she rejoined ozma. they were just in time to escape through the web, for several of the purple spiders now appeared, having discovered that their web had been cut, and had the girls not rushed through the opening the spiders would have quickly repaired the cuts and again imprisoned them. ozma and dorothy ran as fast as they could and although the angry spiders threw a number of strands of web after them, hoping to lasso them or entangle them in the coils, they managed to escape and clamber to the top of the hill. chapter the mist maidens from the top of the hill ozma and dorothy looked down into the valley beyond and were surprised to find it filled with a floating mist that was as dense as smoke. nothing in the valley was visible except these rolling waves of mist, but beyond, on the other side, rose a grassy hill that appeared quite beautiful. "well," said dorothy, "what are we to do, ozma? walk down into that thick fog, an' prob'bly get lost in it, or wait till it clears away?" "i'm not sure it will clear away, however long we wait," replied ozma, doubtfully. "if we wish to get on, i think we must venture into the mist." "but we can't see where we're going, or what we're stepping on," protested dorothy. "there may be dreadful things mixed up in that fog, an' i'm scared just to think of wading into it." even ozma seemed to hesitate. she was silent and thoughtful for a little while, looking at the rolling drifts that were so gray and forbidding. finally she said: "i believe this is a mist valley, where these moist clouds always remain, for even the sunshine above does not drive them away. therefore the mist maids must live here, and they are fairies and should answer my call." she placed her two hands before her mouth, forming a hollow with them, and uttered a clear, thrilling, bird-like cry. it floated far out over the mist waves and presently was answered by a similar sound, as of a far-off echo. dorothy was much impressed. she had seen many strange things since coming to this fairy country, but here was a new experience. at ordinary times ozma was just like any little girl one might chance to meet--simple, merry, lovable as could be--yet with a certain reserve that lent her dignity in her most joyous moods. there were times, however, when seated on her throne and commanding her subjects, or when her fairy powers were called into use, when dorothy and all others about her stood in awe of their lovely girl ruler and realized her superiority. ozma waited. presently out from the billows rose beautiful forms, clothed in fleecy, trailing garments of gray that could scarcely be distinguished from the mist. their hair was mist-color, too; only their gleaming arms and sweet, pallid faces proved they were living, intelligent creatures answering the call of a sister fairy. like sea nymphs they rested on the bosom of the clouds, their eyes turned questioningly upon the two girls who stood upon the bank. one came quite near and to her ozma said: "will you please take us to the opposite hillside? we are afraid to venture into the mist. i am princess ozma of oz, and this is my friend dorothy, a princess of oz." the mist maids came nearer, holding out their arms. without hesitation ozma advanced and allowed them to embrace her and dorothy plucked up courage to follow. very gently the mist maids held them. dorothy thought the arms were cold and misty--they didn't seem real at all--yet they supported the two girls above the surface of the billows and floated with them so swiftly to the green hillside opposite that the girls were astonished to find themselves set upon the grass before they realized they had fairly started. "thank you!" said ozma gratefully, and dorothy also added her thanks for the service. the mist maids made no answer, but they smiled and waved their hands in good-bye as again they floated out into the mist and disappeared from view. chapter the magic tent "well," said dorothy with a laugh, "that was easier than i expected. it's worth while, sometimes, to be a real fairy. but i wouldn't like to be that kind, and live in a dreadful fog all the time." they now climbed the bank and found before them a delightful plain that spread for miles in all directions. fragrant wild flowers were scattered throughout the grass; there were bushes bearing lovely blossoms and luscious fruits; now and then a group of stately trees added to the beauty of the landscape. but there were no dwellings or signs of life. the farther side of the plain was bordered by a row of palms, and just in front of the palms rose a queerly shaped hill that towered above the plain like a mountain. the sides of this hill were straight up and down; it was oblong in shape and the top seemed flat and level. "oh, ho!" cried dorothy; "i'll bet that's the mountain glinda told us of, where the flatheads live." "if it is," replied ozma, "the lake of the skeezers must be just beyond the line of palm trees. can you walk that far, dorothy?" "of course, in time," was the prompt answer. "i'm sorry we had to leave the sawhorse and the red wagon behind us, for they'd come in handy just now; but with the end of our journey in sight a tramp across these pretty green fields won't tire us a bit." it was a longer tramp than they suspected, however, and night overtook them before they could reach the flat mountain. so ozma proposed they camp for the night and dorothy was quite ready to approve. she didn't like to admit to her friend she was tired, but she told herself that her legs "had prickers in 'em," meaning they had begun to ache. usually when dorothy started on a journey of exploration or adventure, she carried with her a basket of food, and other things that a traveler in a strange country might require, but to go away with ozma was quite a different thing, as experience had taught her. the fairy ruler of oz only needed her silver wand--tipped at one end with a great sparkling emerald--to provide through its magic all that they might need. therefore ozma, having halted with her companion and selected a smooth, grassy spot on the plain, waved her wand in graceful curves and chanted some mystic words in her sweet voice, and in an instant a handsome tent appeared before them. the canvas was striped purple and white, and from the center pole fluttered the royal banner of oz. "come, dear," said ozma, taking dorothy's hand, "i am hungry and i'm sure you must be also; so let us go in and have our feast." on entering the tent they found a table set for two, with snowy linen, bright silver and sparkling glassware, a vase of roses in the center and many dishes of delicious food, some smoking hot, waiting to satisfy their hunger. also, on either side of the tent were beds, with satin sheets, warm blankets and pillows filled with swansdown. there were chairs, too, and tall lamps that lighted the interior of the tent with a soft, rosy glow. dorothy, resting herself at her fairy friend's command, and eating her dinner with unusual enjoyment, thought of the wonders of magic. if one were a fairy and knew the secret laws of nature and the mystic words and ceremonies that commanded those laws, then a simple wave of a silver wand would produce instantly all that men work hard and anxiously for through weary years. and dorothy wished in her kindly, innocent heart, that all men and women could be fairies with silver wands, and satisfy all their needs without so much work and worry, for then, she imagined, they would have all their working hours to be happy in. but ozma, looking into her friend's face and reading those thoughts, gave a laugh and said: "no, no, dorothy, that wouldn't do at all. instead of happiness your plan would bring weariness to the world. if every one could wave a wand and have his wants fulfilled there would be little to wish for. there would be no eager striving to obtain the difficult, for nothing would then be difficult, and the pleasure of earning something longed for, and only to be secured by hard work and careful thought, would be utterly lost. there would be nothing to do, you see, and no interest in life and in our fellow creatures. that is all that makes life worth our while--to do good deeds and to help those less fortunate than ourselves." "well, you're a fairy, ozma. aren't you happy?" asked dorothy. "yes, dear, because i can use my fairy powers to make others happy. had i no kingdom to rule, and no subjects to look after, i would be miserable. also, you must realize that while i am a more powerful fairy than any other inhabitant of oz, i am not as powerful as glinda the sorceress, who has studied many arts of magic that i know nothing of. even the little wizard of oz can do some things i am unable to accomplish, while i can accomplish things unknown to the wizard. this is to explain that i am not all-powerful, by any means. my magic is simply fairy magic, and not sorcery or wizardry." "all the same," said dorothy, "i'm mighty glad you could make this tent appear, with our dinners and beds all ready for us." ozma smiled. "yes, it is indeed wonderful," she agreed. "not all fairies know that sort of magic, but some fairies can do magic that fills me with astonishment. i think that is what makes us modest and unassuming--the fact that our magic arts are divided, some being given each of us. i'm glad i don't know everything, dorothy, and that there still are things in both nature and in wit for me to marvel at." dorothy couldn't quite understand this, so she said nothing more on the subject and presently had a new reason to marvel. for when they had quite finished their meal table and contents disappeared in a flash. "no dishes to wash, ozma!" she said with a laugh. "i guess you'd make a lot of folks happy if you could teach 'em just that one trick." for an hour ozma told stories, and talked with dorothy about various people in whom they were interested. and then it was bedtime, and they undressed and crept into their soft beds and fell asleep almost as soon as their heads touched their pillows. chapter the magic stairway the flat mountain looked much nearer in the clear light of the morning sun, but dorothy and ozma knew there was a long tramp before them, even yet. they finished dressing only to find a warm, delicious breakfast awaiting them, and having eaten they left the tent and started toward the mountain which was their first goal. after going a little way dorothy looked back and found that the fairy tent had entirely disappeared. she was not surprised, for she knew this would happen. "can't your magic give us a horse an' wagon, or an automobile?" inquired dorothy. "no, dear; i'm sorry that such magic is beyond my power," confessed her fairy friend. "perhaps glinda could," said dorothy thoughtfully. "glinda has a stork chariot that carries her through the air," said ozma, "but even our great sorceress cannot conjure up other modes of travel. don't forget what i told you last night, that no one is powerful enough to do everything." "well, i s'pose i ought to know that, having lived so long in the land of oz," replied dorothy; "but _i_ can't do any magic at all, an' so i can't figure out e'zactly how you an' glinda an' the wizard do it." "don't try," laughed ozma. "but you have at least one magical art, dorothy: you know the trick of winning all hearts." "no, i don't," said dorothy earnestly. "if i really can do it, ozma, i am sure i don't know _how_ i do it." it took them a good two hours to reach the foot of the round, flat mountain, and then they found the sides so steep that they were like the wall of a house. "even my purple kitten couldn't climb 'em," remarked dorothy, gazing upward. "but there is some way for the flatheads to get down and up again," declared ozma; "otherwise they couldn't make war with the skeezers, or even meet them and quarrel with them." "that's so, ozma. let's walk around a ways; perhaps we'll find a ladder or something." they walked quite a distance, for it was a big mountain, and as they circled around it and came to the side that faced the palm trees, they suddenly discovered an entrance way cut out of the rock wall. this entrance was arched overhead and not very deep because it merely led to a short flight of stone stairs. "oh, we've found a way to the top at last," announced ozma, and the two girls turned and walked straight toward the entrance. suddenly they bumped against something and stood still, unable to proceed farther. "dear me!" exclaimed dorothy, rubbing her nose, which had struck something hard, although she could not see what it was; "this isn't as easy as it looks. what has stopped us, ozma? is it magic of some sort?" ozma was feeling around, her hands outstretched before her. "yes, dear, it is magic," she replied. "the flatheads had to have a way from their mountain top from the plain below, but to prevent enemies from rushing up the stairs to conquer them, they have built, at a small distance before the entrance a wall of solid stone, the stones being held in place by cement, and then they made the wall invisible." "i wonder why they did that?" mused dorothy. "a wall would keep folks out anyhow, whether it could be seen or not, so there wasn't any use making it invisible. seems to me it would have been better to have left it solid, for then no one would have seen the entrance behind it. now anybody can see the entrance, as we did. and prob'bly anybody that tries to go up the stairs gets bumped, as we did." ozma made no reply at once. her face was grave and thoughtful. "i think i know the reason for making the wall invisible," she said after a while. "the flatheads use the stairs for coming down and going up. if there was a solid stone wall to keep them from reaching the plain they would themselves be imprisoned by the wall. so they had to leave some place to get around the wall, and, if the wall was visible, all strangers or enemies would find the place to go around it and then the wall would be useless. so the flatheads cunningly made their wall invisible, believing that everyone who saw the entrance to the mountain would walk straight toward it, as we did, and find it impossible to go any farther. i suppose the wall is really high and thick, and can't be broken through, so those who find it in their way are obliged to go away again." "well," said dorothy, "if there's a way around the wall, where is it?" "we must find it," returned ozma, and began feeling her way along the wall. dorothy followed and began to get discouraged when ozma had walked nearly a quarter of a mile away from the entrance. but now the invisible wall curved in toward the side of the mountain and suddenly ended, leaving just space enough between the wall and the mountain for an ordinary person to pass through. the girls went in, single file, and ozma explained that they were now behind the barrier and could go back to the entrance. they met no further obstructions. "most people, ozma, wouldn't have figured this thing out the way you did," remarked dorothy. "if i'd been alone the invisible wall surely would have stumped me." reaching the entrance they began to mount the stone stairs. they went up ten stairs and then down five stairs, following a passage cut from the rock. the stairs were just wide enough for the two girls to walk abreast, arm in arm. at the bottom of the five stairs the passage turned to the right, and they ascended ten more stairs, only to find at the top of the flight five stairs leading straight down again. again the passage turned abruptly, this time to the left, and ten more stairs led upward. the passage was now quite dark, for they were in the heart of the mountain and all daylight had been shut out by the turns of the passage. however, ozma drew her silver wand from her bosom and the great jewel at its end gave out a lustrous, green-tinted light which lighted the place well enough for them to see their way plainly. ten steps up, five steps down, and a turn, this way or that. that was the program, and dorothy figured that they were only gaining five stairs upward each trip that they made. "those flatheads must be funny people," she said to ozma. "they don't seem to do anything in a bold, straightforward manner. in making this passage they forced everyone to walk three times as far as is necessary. and of course this trip is just as tiresome to the flatheads as it is to other folks." "that is true," answered ozma; "yet it is a clever arrangement to prevent their being surprised by intruders. every time we reach the tenth step of a flight, the pressure of our feet on the stone makes a bell ring on top of the mountain, to warn the flatheads of our coming." "how do you know that?" demanded dorothy, astonished. "i've heard the bell ever since we started," ozma told her. "you could not hear it, i know, but when i am holding my wand in my hand i can hear sounds a great distance off." "do you hear anything on top of the mountain 'cept the bell?" inquired dorothy. "yes. the people are calling to one another in alarm and many footsteps are approaching the place where we will reach the flat top of the mountain." this made dorothy feel somewhat anxious. "i'd thought we were going to visit just common, ordinary people," she remarked, "but they're pretty clever, it seems, and they know some kinds of magic, too. they may be dangerous, ozma. p'raps we'd better stayed at home." finally the upstairs-and-downstairs passage seemed coming to an end, for daylight again appeared ahead of the two girls and ozma replaced her wand in the bosom of her gown. the last ten steps brought them to the surface, where they found themselves surrounded by such a throng of queer people that for a time they halted, speechless, and stared into the faces that confronted them. dorothy knew at once why these mountain people were called flatheads. their heads were really flat on top, as if they had been cut off just above the eyes and ears. also the heads were bald, with no hair on top at all, and the ears were big and stuck straight out, and the noses were small and stubby, while the mouths of the flatheads were well shaped and not unusual. their eyes were perhaps their best feature, being large and bright and a deep violet in color. the costumes of the flatheads were all made of metals dug from their mountain. small gold, silver, tin and iron discs, about the size of pennies, and very thin, were cleverly wired together and made to form knee trousers and jackets for the men and skirts and waists for the women. the colored metals were skillfully mixed to form stripes and checks of various sorts, so that the costumes were quite gorgeous and reminded dorothy of pictures she had seen of knights of old clothed in armor. aside from their flat heads, these people were not really bad looking. the men were armed with bows and arrows and had small axes of steel stuck in their metal belts. they wore no hats nor ornaments. chapter flathead mountain when they saw that the intruders on their mountain were only two little girls, the flatheads grunted with satisfaction and drew back, permitting them to see what the mountain top looked like. it was shaped like a saucer, so that the houses and other buildings--all made of rocks--could not be seen over the edge by anyone standing in the plain below. but now a big fat flathead stood before the girls and in a gruff voice demanded: "what are you doing here? have the skeezers sent you to spy upon us?" "i am princess ozma, ruler of all the land of oz." "well, i've never heard of the land of oz, so you may be what you claim," returned the flathead. "this is the land of oz--part of it, anyway," exclaimed dorothy. "so princess ozma rules you flathead people, as well as all the other people in oz." the man laughed, and all the others who stood around laughed, too. some one in the crowd called: "she'd better not tell the supreme dictator about ruling the flatheads. eh, friends?" "no, indeed!" they all answered in positive tones. "who is your supreme dictator?" answered ozma. "i think i'll let him tell you that himself," answered the man who had first spoken. "you have broken our laws by coming here; and whoever you are the supreme dictator must fix your punishment. come along with me." he started down a path and ozma and dorothy followed him without protest, as they wanted to see the most important person in this queer country. the houses they passed seemed pleasant enough and each had a little yard in which were flowers and vegetables. walls of rock separated the dwellings, and all the paths were paved with smooth slabs of rock. this seemed their only building material and they utilized it cleverly for every purpose. directly in the center of the great saucer stood a larger building which the flathead informed the girls was the palace of the supreme dictator. he led them through an entrance hall into a big reception room, where they sat upon stone benches and awaited the coming of the dictator. pretty soon he entered from another room--a rather lean and rather old flathead, dressed much like the others of this strange race, and only distinguished from them by the sly and cunning expression of his face. he kept his eyes half closed and looked through the slits of them at ozma and dorothy, who rose to receive him. "are you the supreme dictator of the flatheads?" inquired ozma. "yes, that's me," he said, rubbing his hands slowly together. "my word is law. i'm the head of the flatheads on this flat headland." "i am princess ozma of oz, and i have come from the emerald city to----" "stop a minute," interrupted the dictator, and turned to the man who had brought the girls there. "go away, dictator felo flathead!" he commanded. "return to your duty and guard the stairway. i will look after these strangers." the man bowed and departed, and dorothy asked wonderingly: "is _he_ a dictator, too?" "of course," was the answer. "everybody here is a dictator of something or other. they're all office holders. that's what keeps them contented. but i'm the supreme dictator of all, and i'm elected once a year. this is a democracy, you know, where the people are allowed to vote for their rulers. a good many others would like to be supreme dictator, but as i made a law that i am always to count the votes myself, i am always elected." "what is your name?" asked ozma. "i am called the su-dic, which is short for supreme dictator. i sent that man away because the moment you mentioned ozma of oz, and the emerald city, i knew who you are. i suppose i'm the only flathead that ever heard of you, but that's because i have more brains than the rest." dorothy was staring hard at the su-dic. "i don't see how you can have any brains at all," she remarked, "because the part of your head is gone where brains are kept." "i don't blame you for thinking that," he said. "once the flatheads had no brains because, as you say, there is no upper part to their heads, to hold brains. but long, long ago a band of fairies flew over this country and made it all a fairyland, and when they came to the flatheads the fairies were sorry to find them all very stupid and quite unable to think. so, as there was no good place in their bodies in which to put brains the fairy queen gave each one of us a nice can of brains to carry in his pocket and that made us just as intelligent as other people. see," he continued, "here is one of the cans of brains the fairies gave us." he took from a pocket a bright tin can having a pretty red label on it which said: "flathead concentrated brains, extra quality." "and does every flathead have the same kind of brains?" asked dorothy. "yes, they're all alike. here's another can." from another pocket he produced a second can of brains. "did the fairies give you a double supply?" inquired dorothy. "no, but one of the flatheads thought he wanted to be the su-dic and tried to get my people to rebel against me, so i punished him by taking away his brains. one day my wife scolded me severely, so i took away her can of brains. she didn't like that and went out and robbed several women of _their_ brains. then i made a law that if anyone stole another's brains, or even tried to borrow them, he would forfeit his own brains to the su-dic. so each one is content with his own canned brains and my wife and i are the only ones on the mountain with more than one can. i have three cans and that makes me very clever--so clever that i'm a good sorcerer, if i do say it myself. my poor wife had four cans of brains and became a remarkable witch, but alas! that was before those terrible enemies, the skeezers, transformed her into a golden pig." "good gracious!" cried dorothy; "is your wife really a golden pig?" "she is. the skeezers did it and so i have declared war on them. in revenge for making my wife a pig i intend to ruin their magic island and make the skeezers the slaves of the flatheads!" the su-dic was very angry now; his eyes flashed and his face took on a wicked and fierce expression. but ozma said to him, very sweetly and in a friendly voice: "i am sorry to hear this. will you please tell me more about your troubles with the skeezers? then perhaps i can help you." she was only a girl, but there was dignity in her pose and speech which impressed the su-dic. "if you are really princess ozma of oz," the flathead said, "you are one of that band of fairies who, under queen lurline, made all oz a fairyland. i have heard that lurline left one of her own fairies to rule oz, and gave the fairy the name of ozma." "if you knew this why did you not come to me at the emerald city and tender me your loyalty and obedience?" asked the ruler of oz. "well, i only learned the fact lately, and i've been too busy to leave home," he explained, looking at the floor instead of into ozma's eyes. she knew he had spoken a falsehood, but only said: "why did you quarrel with the skeezers?" "it was this way," began the su-dic, glad to change the subject. "we flatheads love fish, and as we have no fish on this mountain we would sometimes go to the lake of the skeezers to catch fish. this made the skeezers angry, for they declared the fish in their lake belonged to them and were under their protection and they forbade us to catch them. that was very mean and unfriendly in the skeezers, you must admit, and when we paid no attention to their orders they set a guard on the shore of the lake to prevent our fishing. "now, my wife, rora flathead, having four cans of brains, had become a wonderful witch, and fish being brain food, she loved to eat fish better than any one of us. so she vowed she would destroy every fish in the lake, unless the skeezers let us catch what we wanted. they defied us, so rora prepared a kettleful of magic poison and went down to the lake one night to dump it all in the water and poison the fish. it was a clever idea, quite worthy of my dear wife, but the skeezer queen--a young lady named coo-ee-oh--hid on the bank of the lake and taking rora unawares, transformed her into a golden pig. the poison was spilled on the ground and wicked queen coo-ee-oh, not content with her cruel transformation, even took away my wife's four cans of brains, so she is now a common grunting pig without even brains enough to know her own name." "then," said ozma thoughtfully, "the queen of the skeezers must be a sorceress." "yes," said the su-dic, "but she doesn't know much magic, after all. she is not as powerful as rora flathead was, nor half as powerful as i am now, as queen coo-ee-oh will discover when we fight our great battle and destroy her." "the golden pig can't be a witch any more, of course," observed dorothy. "no; even had queen coo-ee-oh left her the four cans of brains, poor rora, in a pig's shape, couldn't do any witchcraft. a witch has to use her fingers, and a pig has only cloven hoofs." "it seems a sad story," was ozma's comment, "and all the trouble arose because the flatheads wanted fish that did not belong to them." "as for that," said the su-dic, again angry, "i made a law that any of my people could catch fish in the lake of the skeezers, whenever they wanted to. so the trouble was through the skeezers defying my law." "you can only make laws to govern your own people," asserted ozma sternly. "i, alone, am empowered to make laws that must be obeyed by all the peoples of oz." "pooh!" cried the su-dic scornfully. "you can't make _me_ obey your laws, i assure you. i know the extent of your powers, princess ozma of oz, and i know that i am more powerful than you are. to prove it i shall keep you and your companion prisoners in this mountain until after we have fought and conquered the skeezers. then, if you promise to be good, i may let you go home again." dorothy was amazed by this effrontery and defiance of the beautiful girl ruler of oz, whom all until now had obeyed without question. but ozma, still unruffled and dignified, looked at the su-dic and said: "you did not mean that. you are angry and speak unwisely, without reflection. i came here from my palace in the emerald city to prevent war and to make peace between you and the skeezers. i do not approve of queen coo-ee-oh's action in transforming your wife rora into a pig, nor do i approve of rora's cruel attempt to poison the fishes in the lake. no one has the right to work magic in my dominions without my consent, so the flatheads and the skeezers have both broken my laws--which must be obeyed." "if you want to make peace," said the su-dic, "make the skeezers restore my wife to her proper form and give back her four cans of brains. also make them agree to allow us to catch fish in their lake." "no," returned ozma, "i will not do that, for it would be unjust. i will have the golden pig again transformed into your wife rora, and give her one can of brains, but the other three cans must be restored to those she robbed. neither may you catch fish in the lake of the skeezers, for it is their lake and the fish belong to them. this arrangement is just and honorable, and you must agree to it." "never!" cried the su-dic. just then a pig came running into the room, uttering dismal grunts. it was made of solid gold, with joints at the bends of the legs and in the neck and jaws. the golden pig's eyes were rubies, and its teeth were polished ivory. "there!" said the su-dic, "gaze on the evil work of queen coo-ee-oh, and then say if you can prevent my making war on the skeezers. that grunting beast was once my wife--the most beautiful flathead on our mountain and a skillful witch. now look at her!" "fight the skeezers, fight the skeezers, fight the skeezers!" grunted the golden pig. "i _will_ fight the skeezers," exclaimed the flathead chief, "and if a dozen ozmas of oz forbade me i would fight just the same." "not if i can prevent it!" asserted ozma. "you can't prevent it. but since you threaten me, i'll have you confined in the bronze prison until the war is over," said the su-dic. he whistled and four stout flatheads, armed with axes and spears, entered the room and saluted him. turning to the men he said: "take these two girls, bind them with wire ropes and cast them into the bronze prison.". the four men bowed low and one of them asked: "where are the two girls, most noble su-dic?" the su-dic turned to where ozma and dorothy had stood but they had vanished! chapter the magic isle ozma, seeing it was useless to argue with the supreme dictator of the flatheads, had been considering how best to escape from his power. she realized that his sorcery might be difficult to overcome, and when he threatened to cast dorothy and her into a bronze prison she slipped her hand into her bosom and grasped her silver wand. with the other hand she grasped the hand of dorothy, but these motions were so natural that the su-dic did not notice them. then when he turned to meet his four soldiers, ozma instantly rendered both herself and dorothy invisible and swiftly led her companion around the group of flatheads and out of the room. as they reached the entry and descended the stone steps, ozma whispered: "let us run, dear! we are invisible, so no one will see us." dorothy understood and she was a good runner. ozma had marked the place where the grand stairway that led to the plain was located, so they made directly for it. some people were in the paths but these they dodged around. one or two flatheads heard the pattering of footsteps of the girls on the stone pavement and stopped with bewildered looks to gaze around them, but no one interfered with the invisible fugitives. the su-dic had lost no time in starting the chase. he and his men ran so fast that they might have overtaken the girls before they reached the stairway had not the golden pig suddenly run across their path. the su-dic tripped over the pig and fell flat, and his four men tripped over him and tumbled in a heap. before they could scramble up and reach the mouth of the passage it was too late to stop the two girls. there was a guard on each side of the stairway, but of course they did not see ozma and dorothy as they sped past and descended the steps. then they had to go up five steps and down another ten, and so on, in the same manner in which they had climbed to the top of the mountain. ozma lighted their way with her wand and they kept on without relaxing their speed until they reached the bottom. then they ran to the right and turned the corner of the invisible wall just as the su-dic and his followers rushed out of the arched entrance and looked around in an attempt to discover the fugitives. ozma now knew they were safe, so she told dorothy to stop and both of them sat down on the grass until they could breathe freely and become rested from their mad flight. as for the su-dic, he realized he was foiled and soon turned and climbed his stairs again. he was very angry--angry with ozma and angry with himself--because, now that he took time to think, he remembered that he knew very well the art of making people invisible, and visible again, and if he had only thought of it in time he could have used his magic knowledge to make the girls visible and so have captured them easily. however, it was now too late for regrets and he determined to make preparations at once to march all his forces against the skeezers. "what shall we do next?" asked dorothy, when they were rested. "let us find the lake of the skeezers," replied ozma. "from what that dreadful su-dic said i imagine the skeezers are good people and worthy of our friendship, and if we go to them we may help them to defeat the flatheads." "i s'pose we can't stop the war now," remarked dorothy reflectively, as they walked toward the row of palm trees. "no; the su-dic is determined to fight the skeezers, so all we can do is to warn them of their danger and help them as much as possible." "of course you'll punish the flatheads," said dorothy. "well, i do not think the flathead people are as much to blame as their supreme dictator," was the answer. "if he is removed from power and his unlawful magic taken from him, the people will probably be good and respect the laws of the land of oz, and live at peace with all their neighbors in the future." "i hope so," said dorothy with a sigh of doubt. the palms were not far from the mountain and the girls reached them after a brisk walk. the huge trees were set close together, in three rows, and had been planted so as to keep people from passing them, but the flatheads had cut a passage through this barrier and ozma found the path and led dorothy to the other side. beyond the palms they discovered a very beautiful scene. bordered by a green lawn was a great lake fully a mile from shore to shore, the waters of which were exquisitely blue and sparkling, with little wavelets breaking its smooth surface where the breezes touched it. in the center of this lake appeared a lovely island, not of great extent but almost entirely covered by a huge round building with glass walls and a high glass dome which glittered brilliantly in the sunshine. between the glass building and the edge of the island was no grass, flowers or shrubbery, but only an expanse of highly polished white marble. there were no boats on either shore and no signs of life could be seen anywhere on the island. "well," said dorothy, gazing wistfully at the island, "we've found the lake of the skeezers and their magic isle. i guess the skeezers are in that big glass palace, but we can't get at 'em." chapter queen coo-ee-oh princess ozma considered the situation gravely. then she tied her handkerchief to her wand and, standing at the water's edge, waved the handkerchief like a flag, as a signal. for a time they could observe no response. "i don't see what good that will do," said dorothy. "even if the skeezers are on that island and see us, and know we're friends, they haven't any boats to come and get us." but the skeezers didn't need boats, as the girls soon discovered. for on a sudden an opening appeared at the base of the palace and from the opening came a slender shaft of steel, reaching out slowly but steadily across the water in the direction of the place where they stood. to the girls this steel arrangement looked like a triangle, with the base nearest the water. it came toward them in the form of an arch, stretching out from the palace wall until its end reached the bank and rested there, while the other end still remained on the island. then they saw that it was a bridge, consisting of a steel footway just broad enough to walk on, and two slender guide rails, one on either side, which were connected with the footway by steel bars. the bridge looked rather frail and dorothy feared it would not bear their weight, but ozma at once called, "come on!" and started to walk across, holding fast to the rail on either side. so dorothy summoned her courage and followed after. before ozma had taken three steps she halted and so forced dorothy to halt, for the bridge was again moving and returning to the island. "we need not walk after all," said ozma. so they stood still in their places and let the steel bridge draw them onward. indeed, the bridge drew them well into the glass-domed building which covered the island, and soon they found themselves standing in a marble room where two handsomely dressed young men stood on a platform to receive them. ozma at once stepped from the end of the bridge to the marble platform, followed by dorothy, and then the bridge disappeared with a slight clang of steel and a marble slab covered the opening from which it had emerged. the two young men bowed profoundly to ozma, and one of them said: "queen coo-ee-oh bids you welcome, o strangers. her majesty is waiting to receive you in her palace." "lead on," replied ozma with dignity. but instead of "leading on," the platform of marble began to rise, carrying them upward through a square hole above which just fitted it. a moment later they found themselves within the great glass dome that covered almost all of the island. within this dome was a little village, with houses, streets, gardens and parks. the houses were of colored marbles, prettily designed, with many stained-glass windows, and the streets and gardens seemed well cared for. exactly under the center of the lofty dome was a small park filled with brilliant flowers, with an elaborate fountain, and facing this park stood a building larger and more imposing than the others. toward this building the young men escorted ozma and dorothy. on the streets and in the doorways or open windows of the houses were men, women and children, all richly dressed. these were much like other people in different parts of the land of oz, except that instead of seeming merry and contented they all wore expressions of much solemnity or of nervous irritation. they had beautiful homes, splendid clothes, and ample food, but dorothy at once decided something was wrong with their lives and that they were not happy. she said nothing, however, but looked curiously at the skeezers. at the entrance of the palace ozma and dorothy were met by two other young men, in uniform and armed with queer weapons that seemed about halfway between pistols and guns, but were like neither. their conductors bowed and left them, and the two in uniforms led the girls into the palace. in a beautiful throne room, surrounded by a dozen or more young men and women, sat the queen of the skeezers, coo-ee-oh. she was a girl who looked older than ozma or dorothy--fifteen or sixteen, at least--and although she was elaborately dressed as if she were going to a ball she was too thin and plain of feature to be pretty. but evidently queen coo-ee-oh did not realize this fact, for her air and manner betrayed her as proud and haughty and with a high regard for her own importance. dorothy at once decided she was "snippy" and that she would not like queen coo-ee-oh as a companion. the queen's hair was as black as her skin was white and her eyes were black, too. the eyes, as she calmly examined ozma and dorothy, had a suspicious and unfriendly look in them, but she said quietly: "i know who you are, for i have consulted my magic oracle, which told me that one calls herself princess ozma, the ruler of all the land of oz, and the other is princess dorothy of oz, who came from a country called kansas. i know nothing of the land of oz, and i know nothing of kansas." "why, _this_ is the land of oz!" cried dorothy. "it's a _part_ of the land of oz, anyhow, whether you know it or not." "oh, in-deed!" answered queen coo-ee-oh, scornfully. "i suppose you will claim next that this princess ozma, ruling the land of oz, rules me!" "of course," returned dorothy. "there's no doubt of it." the queen turned to ozma. "do you dare make such a claim?" she asked. by this time ozma had made up her mind as to the character of this haughty and disdainful creature, whose self-pride evidently led her to believe herself superior to all others. "i did not come here to quarrel with your majesty," said the girl ruler of oz, quietly. "what and who i am is well established, and my authority comes from the fairy queen lurline, of whose band i was a member when lurline made all oz a fairyland. there are several countries and several different peoples in this broad land, each of which has its separate rulers, kings, emperors and queens. but all these render obedience to my laws and acknowledge me as the supreme ruler." "if other kings and queens are fools that does not interest me in the least," replied coo-ee-oh, disdainfully. "in the land of the skeezers i alone am supreme. you are impudent to think i would defer to you--or to anyone else." "let us not speak of this now, please," answered ozma. "your island is in danger, for a powerful foe is preparing to destroy it." "pah! the flatheads. i do not fear them." "their supreme dictator is a sorcerer." "my magic is greater than his. let the flatheads come! they will never return to their barren mountain-top. i will see to that." ozma did not like this attitude, for it meant that the skeezers were eager to fight the flatheads, and ozma's object in coming here was to prevent fighting and induce the two quarrelsome neighbors to make peace. she was also greatly disappointed in coo-ee-oh, for the reports of su-dic had led her to imagine the queen more just and honorable than were the flatheads. indeed ozma reflected that the girl might be better at heart than her self-pride and overbearing manner indicated, and in any event it would be wise not to antagonize her but to try to win her friendship. "i do not like wars, your majesty," said ozma. "in the emerald city, where i rule thousands of people, and in the countries near to the emerald city, where thousands more acknowledge my rule, there is no army at all, because there is no quarreling and no need to fight. if differences arise between my people, they come to me and i judge the cases and award justice to all. so, when i learned there might be war between two faraway people of oz, i came here to settle the dispute and adjust the quarrel." "no one asked you to come," declared queen coo-ee-oh. "it is _my_ business to settle this dispute, not yours. you say my island is a part of the land of oz, which you rule, but that is all nonsense, for i've never heard of the land of oz, nor of you. you say you are a fairy, and that fairies gave you command over me. i don't believe it! what i _do_ believe is that you are an impostor and have come here to stir up trouble among my people, who are already becoming difficult to manage. you two girls may even be spies of the vile flatheads, for all i know, and may be trying to trick me. but understand this," she added, proudly rising from her jeweled throne to confront them, "i have magic powers greater than any fairy possesses, and greater than any flathead possesses. i am a krumbic witch--the only krumbic witch in the world--and i fear the magic of no other creature that exists! you say you rule thousands. i rule one hundred and one skeezers. but every one of them trembles at my word. now that ozma of oz and princess dorothy are here, i shall rule one hundred and three subjects, for you also shall bow before my power. more than that, in ruling you i also rule the thousands you say you rule." dorothy was very indignant at this speech. "i've got a pink kitten that sometimes talks like that," she said, "but after i give her a good whipping she doesn't think she's so high and mighty after all. if you only knew who ozma is you'd be scared to death to talk to her like that!" queen coo-ee-oh gave the girl a supercilious look. then she turned again to ozma. "i happen to know," said she, "that the flatheads intend to attack us tomorrow, but we are ready for them. until the battle is over, i shall keep you two strangers prisoners on my island, from which there is no chance for you to escape." she turned and looked around the band of courtiers who stood silently around her throne. "lady aurex," she continued, singling out one of the young women, "take these children to your house and care for them, giving them food and lodging. you may allow them to wander anywhere under the great dome, for they are harmless. after i have attended to the flatheads i will consider what next to do with these foolish girls." she resumed her seat and the lady aurex bowed low and said in a humble manner: "i obey your majesty's commands." then to ozma and dorothy she added, "follow me," and turned to leave the throne room. dorothy looked to see what ozma would do. to her surprise and a little to her disappointment ozma turned and followed lady aurex. so dorothy trailed after them, but not without giving a parting, haughty look toward queen coo-ee-oh, who had her face turned the other way and did not see the disapproving look. chapter lady aurex lady aurex led ozma and dorothy along a street to a pretty marble house near to one edge of the great glass dome that covered the village. she did not speak to the girls until she had ushered them into a pleasant room, comfortably furnished, nor did any of the solemn people they met on the street venture to speak. when they were seated lady aurex asked if they were hungry, and finding they were summoned a maid and ordered food to be brought. this lady aurex looked to be about twenty years old, although in the land of oz where people have never changed in appearance since the fairies made it a fairyland--where no one grows old or dies--it is always difficult to say how many years anyone has lived. she had a pleasant, attractive face, even though it was solemn and sad as the faces of all skeezers seemed to be, and her costume was rich and elaborate, as became a lady in waiting upon the queen. ozma had observed lady aurex closely and now asked her in a gentle tone: "do you, also, believe me to be an impostor?" "i dare not say," replied lady aurex in a low tone. "why are you afraid to speak freely?" inquired ozma. "the queen punishes us if we make remarks that she does not like." "are we not alone then, in this house?" "the queen can hear everything that is spoken on this island--even the slightest whisper," declared lady aurex. "she is a wonderful witch, as she has told you, and it is folly to criticise her or disobey her commands." ozma looked into her eyes and saw that she would like to say more if she dared. so she drew from her bosom her silver wand, and having muttered a magic phrase in a strange tongue, she left the room and walked slowly around the outside of the house, making a complete circle and waving her wand in mystic curves as she walked. lady aurex watched her curiously and, when ozma had again entered the room and seated herself, she asked: "what have you done?" "i've enchanted this house in such a manner that queen coo-ee-oh, with all her witchcraft, cannot hear one word we speak within the magic circle i have made," replied ozma. "we may now speak freely and as loudly as we wish, without fear of the queen's anger." lady aurex brightened at this. "can i trust you?" she asked. "ev'rybody trusts ozma," exclaimed dorothy. "she is true and honest, and your wicked queen will be sorry she insulted the powerful ruler of all the land of oz." "the queen does not know me yet," said ozma, "but i want you to know me, lady aurex, and i want you to tell me why you, and all the skeezers, are unhappy. do not fear coo-ee-oh's anger, for she cannot hear a word we say, i assure you." lady aurex was thoughtful a moment; then she said: "i shall trust you, princess ozma, for i believe you are what you say you are--our supreme ruler. if you knew the dreadful punishments our queen inflicts upon us, you would not wonder we are so unhappy. the skeezers are not bad people; they do not care to quarrel and fight, even with their enemies the flatheads; but they are so cowed and fearful of coo-ee-oh that they obey her slightest word, rather than suffer her anger." "hasn't she any heart, then?" asked dorothy. "she never displays mercy. she loves no one but herself," asserted lady aurex, but she trembled as she said it, as if afraid even yet of her terrible queen. "that's pretty bad," said dorothy, shaking her head gravely. "i see you've a lot to do here, ozma, in this forsaken corner of the land of oz. first place, you've got to take the magic away from queen coo-ee-oh, and from that awful su-dic, too. _my_ idea is that neither of them is fit to rule anybody, 'cause they're cruel and hateful. so you'll have to give the skeezers and flatheads new rulers and teach all their people that they're part of the land of oz and must obey, above all, the lawful ruler, ozma of oz. then, when you've done that, we can go back home again." ozma smiled at her little friend's earnest counsel, but lady aurex said in an anxious tone: "i am surprised that you suggest these reforms while you are yet prisoners on this island and in coo-ee-oh's power. that these things should be done, there is no doubt, but just now a dreadful war is likely to break out, and frightful things may happen to us all. our queen has such conceit that she thinks she can overcome the su-dic and his people, but it is said su-dic's magic is very powerful, although not as great as that possessed by his wife rora, before coo-ee-oh transformed her into a golden pig." "i don't blame her very much for doing that," remarked dorothy, "for the flatheads were wicked to try to catch your beautiful fish and the witch rora wanted to poison all the fishes in the lake." "do you know the reason?" asked the lady aurex. "i don't s'pose there _was_ any reason, 'cept just wickedness," replied dorothy. "tell us the reason," said ozma earnestly. "well, your majesty, once--a long time ago--the flatheads and the skeezers were friendly. they visited our island and we visited their mountain, and everything was pleasant between the two peoples. at that time the flatheads were ruled by three adepts in sorcery, beautiful girls who were not flatheads, but had wandered to the flat mountain and made their home there. these three adepts used their magic only for good, and the mountain people gladly made them their rulers. they taught the flatheads how to use their canned brains and how to work metals into clothing that would never wear out, and many other things that added to their happiness and content. "coo-ee-oh was our queen then, as now, but she knew no magic and so had nothing to be proud of. but the three adepts were very kind to coo-ee-oh. they built for us this wonderful dome of glass and our houses of marble and taught us to make beautiful clothing and many other things. coo-ee-oh pretended to be very grateful for these favors, but it seems that all the time she was jealous of the three adepts and secretly tried to discover their arts of magic. in this she was more clever than anyone suspected. she invited the three adepts to a banquet one day, and while they were feasting coo-ee-oh stole their charms and magical instruments and transformed them into three fishes--a gold fish, a silver fish and a bronze fish. while the poor fishes were gasping and flopping helplessly on the floor of the banquet room one of them said reproachfully: 'you will be punished for this, coo-ee-oh, for if one of us dies or is destroyed, you will become shrivelled and helpless, and all your stolen magic will depart from you.' frightened by this threat, coo-ee-oh at once caught up the three fish and ran with them to the shore of the lake, where she cast them into the water. this revived the three adepts and they swam away and disappeared. "i, myself, witnessed this shocking scene," continued lady aurex, "and so did many other skeezers. the news was carried to the flatheads, who then turned from friends to enemies. the su-dic and his wife rora were the only ones on the mountain who were glad the three adepts had been lost to them, and they at once became rulers of the flatheads and stole their canned brains from others to make themselves the more powerful. some of the adepts' magic tools had been left on the mountain, and these rora seized and by the use of them she became a witch. "the result of coo-ee-oh's treachery was to make both the skeezers and the flatheads miserable instead of happy. not only were the su-dic and his wife cruel to their people, but our queen at once became proud and arrogant and treated us very unkindly. all the skeezers knew she had stolen her magic powers and so she hated us and made us humble ourselves before her and obey her slightest word. if we disobeyed, or did not please her, or if we talked about her when we were in our own homes she would have us dragged to the whipping post in her palace and lashed with knotted cords. that is why we fear her so greatly." this story filled ozma's heart with sorrow and dorothy's heart with indignation. "i now understand," said ozma, "why the fishes in the lake have brought about war between the skeezers and the flatheads." "yes," lady aurex answered, "now that you know the story it is easy to understand. the su-dic and his wife came to our lake hoping to catch the silver fish, or gold fish, or bronze fish--any one of them _would_ do--and by destroying it deprive coo-ee-oh of her magic. then they could easily conquer her. also they had another reason for wanting to catch the fish--they feared that in some way the three adepts might regain their proper forms and then they would be sure to return to the mountain and punish rora and the su-dic. that was why rora finally tried to poison all the fishes in the lake, at the time coo-ee-oh transformed her into a golden pig. of course this attempt to destroy the fishes frightened the queen, for her safety lies in keeping the three fishes alive." "i s'pose coo-ee-oh will fight the flatheads with all her might," observed dorothy. "and with all her magic," added ozma, thoughtfully. "i do not see how the flatheads can get to this island to hurt us," said lady aurex. "they have bows and arrows, and i guess they mean to shoot the arrows at your big dome, and break all the glass in it," suggested dorothy. but lady aurex shook her head with a smile. "they cannot do that," she replied. "why not?" "i dare not tell you why, but if the flatheads come to-morrow morning you will yourselves see the reason." "i do not think they will attempt to harm the island," ozma declared. "i believe they will first attempt to destroy the fishes, by poison or some other means. if they succeed in that, the conquest of the island will not be difficult." "they have no boats," said lady aurex, "and coo-ee-oh, who has long expected this war, has been preparing for it in many astonishing ways. i almost wish the flatheads would conquer us, for then we would be free from our dreadful queen; but i do not wish to see the three transformed fishes destroyed, for in them lies our only hope of future happiness." "ozma will take care of you, whatever happens," dorothy assured her. but the lady aurex, not knowing the extent of ozma's power--which was, in fact, not so great as dorothy imagined--could not take much comfort in this promise. it was evident there would be exciting times on the morrow, if the flatheads really attacked the skeezers of the magic isle. chapter under water when night fell all the interior of the great dome, streets and houses, became lighted with brilliant incandescent lamps, which rendered it bright as day. dorothy thought the island must look beautiful by night from the outer shore of the lake. there was revelry and feasting in the queen's palace, and the music of the royal band could be plainly heard in lady aurex's house, where ozma and dorothy remained with their hostess and keeper. they were prisoners, but treated with much consideration. lady aurex gave them a nice supper and when they wished to retire showed them to a pretty room with comfortable beds and wished them a good night and pleasant dreams. "what do you think of all this, ozma?" dorothy anxiously inquired when they were alone. "i am glad we came," was the reply, "for although there may be mischief done to-morrow, it was necessary i should know about these people, whose leaders are wild and lawless and oppress their subjects with injustice and cruelties. my task, therefore, is to liberate the skeezers and the flatheads and secure for them freedom and happiness. i have no doubt i can accomplish this in time." "just now, though, we're in a bad fix," asserted dorothy. "if queen coo-ee-oh conquers to-morrow, she won't be nice to us, and if the su-dic conquers, he'll be worse." "do not worry, dear," said ozma, "i do not think we are in danger, whatever happens, and the result of our adventure is sure to be good." dorothy was not worrying, especially. she had confidence in her friend, the fairy princess of oz, and she enjoyed the excitement of the events in which she was taking part. so she crept into bed and fell asleep as easily as if she had been in her own cosy room in ozma's palace. a sort of grating, grinding sound awakened her. the whole island seemed to tremble and sway, as it might do in an earthquake. dorothy sat up in bed, rubbing her eyes to get the sleep out of them, and then found it was daybreak. ozma was hurriedly dressing herself. "what is it?" asked dorothy, jumping out of bed. "i'm not sure," answered ozma "but it feels as if the island is sinking." as soon as possible they finished dressing, while the creaking and swaying continued. then they rushed into the living room of the house and found lady aurex, fully dressed, awaiting them. "do not be alarmed," said their hostess. "coo-ee-oh has decided to submerge the island, that is all. but it proves the flatheads are coming to attack us." "what do you mean by sub-sub-merging the island?" asked dorothy. "come here and see," was the reply. lady aurex led them to a window which faced the side of the great dome which covered all the village, and they could see that the island was indeed sinking, for the water of the lake was already half way up the side of the dome. through the glass could be seen swimming fishes, and tall stalks of swaying seaweeds, for the water was clear as crystal and through it they could distinguish even the farther shore of the lake. "the flatheads are not here yet," said lady aurex. "they will come soon, but not until all of this dome is under the surface of the water." "won't the dome leak?" dorothy inquired anxiously. "no, indeed." "was the island ever sub-sub-sunk before?" "oh, yes; on several occasions. but coo-ee-oh doesn't care to do that often, for it requires a lot of hard work to operate the machinery. the dome was built so that the island could disappear. i think," she continued, "that our queen fears the flatheads will attack the island and try to break the glass of the dome." "well, if we're under water, they can't fight us, and we can't fight them," asserted dorothy. "they could kill the fishes, however," said ozma gravely. "we have ways to fight, also, even though our island is under water," claimed lady aurex. "i cannot tell you all our secrets, but this island is full of surprises. also our queen's magic is astonishing." "did she steal it all from the three adepts in sorcery that are now fishes?" "she stole the knowledge and the magic tools, but she has used them as the three adepts never would have done." by this time the top of the dome was quite under water and suddenly the island stopped sinking and became stationary. "see!" cried lady aurex, pointing to the shore. "the flatheads have come." on the bank, which was now far above their heads, a crowd of dark figures could be seen. "now let us see what coo-ee-oh will do to oppose them," continued lady aurex, in a voice that betrayed her excitement. * * * * * the flatheads, pushing their way through the line of palm trees, had reached the shore of the lake just as the top of the island's dome disappeared beneath the surface. the water now flowed from shore to shore, but through the clear water the dome was still visible and the houses of the skeezers could be dimly seen through the panes of glass. "good!" exclaimed the su-dic, who had armed all his followers and had brought with him two copper vessels, which he carefully set down upon the ground beside him. "if coo-ee-oh wants to hide instead of fighting our job will be easy, for in one of these copper vessels i have enough poison to kill every fish in the lake." "kill them, then, while we have time, and then we can go home again," advised one of the chief officers. "not yet," objected the su-dic. "the queen of the skeezers has defied me, and i want to get her into my power, as well as to destroy her magic. she transformed my poor wife into a golden pig, and i must have revenge for that, whatever else we do." "look out!" suddenly exclaimed the officers, pointing into the lake; "something's going to happen." from the submerged dome a door opened and something black shot swiftly out into the water. the door instantly closed behind it and the dark object cleaved its way through the water, without rising to the surface, directly toward the place where the flatheads were standing. * * * * * "what is that?" dorothy asked the lady aurex. "that is one of the queen's submarines," was the reply. "it is all enclosed, and can move under water. coo-ee-oh has several of these boats which are kept in little rooms in the basement under our village. when the island is submerged, the queen uses these boats to reach the shore, and i believe she now intends to fight the flatheads with them." the su-dic and his people knew nothing of coo-ee-oh's submarines, so they watched with surprise as the under-water boat approached them. when it was quite near the shore it rose to the surface and the top parted and fell back, disclosing a boat full of armed skeezers. at the head was the queen, standing up in the bow and holding in one hand a coil of magic rope that gleamed like silver. the boat halted and coo-ee-oh drew back her arm to throw the silver rope toward the su-dic, who was now but a few feet from her. but the wily flathead leader quickly realized his danger and before the queen could throw the rope he caught up one of the copper vessels and dashed its contents full in her face! chapter the conquest of the skeezers queen coo-ee-oh dropped the rope, tottered and fell headlong into the water, sinking beneath the surface, while the skeezers in the submarine were too bewildered to assist her and only stared at the ripples in the water where she had disappeared. a moment later there arose to the surface a beautiful white swan. this swan was of large size, very gracefully formed, and scattered all over its white feathers were tiny diamonds, so thickly placed that as the rays of the morning sun fell upon them the entire body of the swan glistened like one brilliant diamond. the head of the diamond swan had a bill of polished gold and its eyes were two sparkling amethysts. "hooray!" cried the su-dic, dancing up and down with wicked glee. "my poor wife, rora, is avenged at last. you made her a golden pig, coo-ee-oh, and now i have made you a diamond swan. float on your lake forever, if you like, for your web feet can do no more magic and you are as powerless as the pig you made of my wife!" "villain! scoundrel!" croaked the diamond swan. "you will be punished for this. oh, what a fool i was to let you enchant me!" "a fool you were, and a fool you are!" laughed the su-dic, dancing madly in his delight. and then he carelessly tipped over the other copper vessel with his heel and its contents spilled on the sands and were lost to the last drop. the su-dic stopped short and looked at the overturned vessel with a rueful countenance. "that's too bad--too bad!" he exclaimed sorrowfully. "i've lost all the poison i had to kill the fishes with, and i can't make any more because only my wife knew the secret of it, and she is now a foolish pig and has forgotten all her magic." "very well," said the diamond swan scornfully, as she floated upon the water and swam gracefully here and there. "i'm glad to see you are foiled. your punishment is just beginning, for although you have enchanted me and taken away my powers of sorcery you have still the three magic fishes to deal with, and they'll destroy you in time, mark my words." the su-dic stared at the swan a moment. then he yelled to his men: "shoot her! shoot the saucy bird!" they let fly some arrows at the diamond swan, but she dove under the water and the missiles fell harmless. when coo-ee-oh rose to the surface she was far from the shore and she swiftly swam across the lake to where no arrows or spears could reach her. the su-dic rubbed his chin and thought what to do next. near by floated the submarine in which the queen had come, but the skeezers who were in it were puzzled what to do with themselves. perhaps they were not sorry their cruel mistress had been transformed into a diamond swan, but the transformation had left them quite helpless. the under-water boat was not operated by machinery, but by certain mystic words uttered by coo-ee-oh. they didn't know how to submerge it, or how to make the water-tight shield cover them again, or how to make the boat go back to the castle, or make it enter the little basement room where it was usually kept. as a matter of fact, they were now shut out of their village under the great dome and could not get back again. so one of the men called to the supreme dictator of the flatheads, saying: "please make us prisoners and take us to your mountain, and feed and keep us, for we have nowhere to go." then the su-dic laughed and answered: "not so. i can't be bothered by caring for a lot of stupid skeezers. stay where you are, or go wherever you please, so long as you keep away from our mountain." he turned to his men and added: "we have conquered queen coo-ee-oh and made her a helpless swan. the skeezers are under water and may stay there. so, having won the war, let us go home again and make merry and feast, having after many years proved the flatheads to be greater and more powerful than the skeezers." so the flatheads marched away and passed through the row of palms and went back to their mountain, where the su-dic and a few of his officers feasted and all the others were forced to wait on them. "i'm sorry we couldn't have roast pig," said the su-dic, "but as the only pig we have is made of gold, we can't eat her. also the golden pig happens to be my wife, and even were she not gold i am sure she would be too tough to eat." chapter the diamond swan when the flatheads had gone away the diamond swan swam back to the boat and one of the young skeezers named ervic said to her eagerly: "how can we get back to the island, your majesty?" "am i not beautiful?" asked coo-ee-oh, arching her neck gracefully and spreading her diamond-sprinkled wings. "i can see my reflection in the water, and i'm sure there is no bird nor beast, nor human as magnificent as i am!" "how shall we get back to the island, your majesty?" pleaded ervic. "when my fame spreads throughout the land, people will travel from all parts of this lake to look upon my loveliness," said coo-ee-oh, shaking her feathers to make the diamonds glitter more brilliantly. "but, your majesty, we must go home and we do not know how to get there," ervic persisted. "my eyes," remarked the diamond swan, "are wonderfully blue and bright and will charm all beholders." "tell us how to make the boat go--how to get back into the island," begged ervic and the others cried just as earnestly: "tell us, coo-ee-oh; tell us!" "i don't know," replied the queen in a careless tone. "you are a magic-worker, a sorceress, a witch!" "i was, of course, when i was a girl," she said, bending her head over the clear water to catch her reflection in it; "but now i've forgotten all such foolish things as magic. swans are lovelier than girls, especially when they're sprinkled with diamonds. don't you think so?" and she gracefully swam away, without seeming to care whether they answered or not. ervic and his companions were in despair. they saw plainly that coo-ee-oh could not or would not help them. the former queen had no further thought for her island, her people, or her wonderful magic; she was only intent on admiring her own beauty. "truly," said ervic, in a gloomy voice, "the flatheads have conquered us!" * * * * * some of these events had been witnessed by ozma and dorothy and lady aurex, who had left the house and gone close to the glass of the dome, in order to see what was going on. many of the skeezers had also crowded against the dome, wondering what would happen next. although their vision was to an extent blurred by the water and the necessity of looking upward at an angle, they had observed the main points of the drama enacted above. they saw queen coo-ee-oh's submarine come to the surface and open; they saw the queen standing erect to throw her magic rope; they saw her sudden transformation into a diamond swan, and a cry of amazement went up from the skeezers inside the dome. "good!" exclaimed dorothy. "i hate that old su-dic, but i'm glad coo-ee-oh is punished." "this is a dreadful misfortune!" cried lady aurex, pressing her hands upon her heart. "yes," agreed ozma, nodding her head thoughtfully; "coo-ee-oh's misfortune will prove a terrible blow to her people." "what do you mean by that?" asked dorothy in surprise. "seems to _me_ the skeezers are in luck to lose their cruel queen." "if that were all you would be right," responded lady aurex; "and if the island were above water it would not be so serious. but here we all are, at the bottom of the lake, and fast prisoners in this dome." "can't you raise the island?" inquired dorothy. "no. only coo-ee-oh knew how to do that," was the answer. "we can try," insisted dorothy. "if it can be made to go down, it can be made to come up. the machinery is still here, i suppose. "yes; but the machinery works by magic, and coo-ee-oh would never share her secret power with any one of us." dorothy's face grew grave; but she was thinking. "ozma knows a lot of magic," she said. "but not that kind of magic," ozma replied. "can't you learn how, by looking at the machinery?" "i'm afraid not, my dear. it isn't fairy magic at all; it is witchcraft." "well," said dorothy, turning to lady aurex, "you say there are other sub-sub-sinking boats. we can get in one of those, and shoot out to the top of the water, like coo-ee-oh did, and so escape. and then we can help to rescue all the skeezers down here." "no one knows how to work the under-water boats but the queen," declared lady aurex. "isn't there any door or window in this dome that we could open?" "no; and, if there were, the water would rush in to flood the dome, and we could not get out." "the skeezers," said ozma, "could not drown; they only get wet and soggy and in that condition they would be very uncomfortable and unhappy. but _you_ are a mortal girl, dorothy, and if your magic belt protected you from death you would have to lie forever at the bottom of the lake." "no, i'd rather die quickly," asserted the little girl. "but there are doors in the basement that open--to let out the bridges and the boats--and that would not flood the dome, you know." "those doors open by a magic word, and only coo-ee-oh knows the word that must be uttered," said lady aurex. "dear me!" exclaimed dorothy, "that dreadful queen's witchcraft upsets all my plans to escape. i guess i'll give it up, ozma, and let _you_ save us." ozma smiled, but her smile was not so cheerful as usual. the princess of oz found herself confronted with a serious problem, and although she had no thought of despairing she realized that the skeezers and their island, as well as dorothy and herself, were in grave trouble and that unless she could find a means to save them they would be lost to the land of oz for all future time. "in such a dilemma," said she, musingly, "nothing is gained by haste. careful thought may aid us, and so may the course of events. the unexpected is always likely to happen, and cheerful patience is better than reckless action." "all right," returned dorothy; "take your time, ozma; there's no hurry. how about some breakfast, lady aurex?" their hostess led them back to the house, where she ordered her trembling servants to prepare and serve breakfast. all the skeezers were frightened and anxious over the transformation of their queen into a swan. coo-ee-oh was feared and hated, but they had depended on her magic to conquer the flatheads and she was the only one who could raise their island to the surface of the lake again. before breakfast was over several of the leading skeezers came to aurex to ask her advice and to question princess ozma, of whom they knew nothing except that she claimed to be a fairy and the ruler of all the land, including the lake of the skeezers. "if what you told queen coo-ee-oh was the truth," they said to her, "you are our lawful mistress, and we may depend on you to get us out of our difficulties." "i will try to do that," ozma graciously assured them, "but you must remember that the powers of fairies are granted them to bring comfort and happiness to all who appeal to them. on the contrary, such magic as coo-ee-oh knew and practiced is unlawful witchcraft and her arts are such as no fairy would condescend to use. however, it is sometimes necessary to consider evil in order to accomplish good, and perhaps by studying coo-ee-oh's tools and charms of witchcraft i may be able to save us. do you promise to accept me as your ruler and to obey my commands?" they promised willingly. "then," continued ozma, "i will go to coo-ee-oh's palace and take possession of it. perhaps what i find there will be of use to me. in the meantime tell all the skeezers to fear nothing, but have patience. let them return to their homes and perform their daily tasks as usual. coo-ee-oh's loss may not prove a misfortune, but rather a blessing." this speech cheered the skeezers amazingly. really, they had no one now to depend upon but ozma, and in spite of their dangerous position their hearts were lightened by the transformation and absence of their cruel queen. they got out their brass band and a grand procession escorted ozma and dorothy to the palace, where all of coo-ee-oh's former servants were eager to wait upon them. ozma invited lady aurex to stay at the palace also, for she knew all about the skeezers and their island and had also been a favorite of the former queen, so her advice and information were sure to prove valuable. ozma was somewhat disappointed in what she found in the palace. one room of coo-ee-oh's private suite was entirely devoted to the practice of witchcraft, and here were countless queer instruments and jars of ointments and bottles of potions labeled with queer names, and strange machines that ozma could not guess the use of, and pickled toads and snails and lizards, and a shelf of books that were written in blood, but in a language which the ruler of oz did not know. "i do not see," said ozma to dorothy, who accompanied her in her search, "how coo-ee-oh knew the use of the magic tools she stole from the three adept witches. moreover, from all reports these adepts practiced only good witchcraft, such as would be helpful to their people, while coo-ee-oh performed only evil." "perhaps she turned the good things to evil uses?" suggested dorothy. "yes, and with the knowledge she gained coo-ee-oh doubtless invented many evil things quite unknown to the good adepts, who are now fishes," added ozma. "it is unfortunate for us that the queen kept her secrets so closely guarded, for no one but herself could use any of these strange things gathered in this room." "couldn't we capture the diamond swan and make her tell the secrets?" asked dorothy. "no; even were we able to capture her, coo-ee-oh now has forgotten all the magic she ever knew. but until we ourselves escape from this dome we could not capture the swan, and were we to escape we would have no use for coo-ee-oh's magic." "that's a fact," admitted dorothy. "but--say, ozma, here's a good idea! couldn't we capture the three fishes--the gold and silver and bronze ones, and couldn't you transform 'em back to their own shapes, and then couldn't the three adepts get us out of here?" "you are not very practical, dorothy dear. it would be as hard for us to capture the three fishes, from among all the other fishes in the lake, as to capture the swan." "but if we could, it would be more help to us," persisted the little girl. "that is true," answered ozma, smiling at her friend's eagerness. "you find a way to catch the fish, and i'll promise when they are caught to restore them to their proper forms." "i know you think i can't do it," replied dorothy, "but i'm going to try." she left the palace and went to a place where she could look through a clear pane of the glass dome into the surrounding water. immediately she became interested in the queer sights that met her view. the lake of the skeezers was inhabited by fishes of many kinds and many sizes. the water was so transparent that the girl could see for a long distance and the fishes came so close to the glass of the dome that sometimes they actually touched it. on the white sands at the bottom of the lake were star-fish, lobsters, crabs and many shell fish of strange shapes and with shells of gorgeous hues. the water foliage was of brilliant colors and to dorothy it resembled a splendid garden. but the fishes were the most interesting of all. some were big and lazy, floating slowly along or lying at rest with just their fins waving. many with big round eyes looked full at the girl as she watched them and dorothy wondered if they could hear her through the glass if she spoke to them. in oz, where all the animals and birds can talk, many fishes are able to talk also, but usually they are more stupid than birds and animals because they think slowly and haven't much to talk about. in the lake of the skeezers the fish of smaller size were more active than the big ones and darted quickly in and out among the swaying weeds, as if they had important business and were in a hurry. it was among the smaller varieties that dorothy hoped to spy the gold and silver and bronze fishes. she had an idea the three would keep together, being companions now as they were in their natural forms, but such a multitude of fishes constantly passed, the scene shifting every moment, that she was not sure she would notice them even if they appeared in view. her eyes couldn't look in all directions and the fishes she sought might be on the other side of the dome, or far away in the lake. "p'raps, because they were afraid of coo-ee-oh, they've hid themselves somewhere, and don't know their enemy has been transformed," she reflected. she watched the fishes for a long time, until she became hungry and went back to the palace for lunch. but she was not discouraged. "anything new, ozma?" she asked. "no, dear. did you discover the three fishes?" "not yet. but there isn't anything better for me to do, ozma, so i guess i'll go back and watch again." chapter the alarm bell glinda, the good, in her palace in the quadling country, had many things to occupy her mind, for not only did she look after the weaving and embroidery of her bevy of maids, and assist all those who came to her to implore her help--beasts and birds as well as people--but she was a close student of the arts of sorcery and spent much time in her magical laboratory, where she strove to find a remedy for every evil and to perfect her skill in magic. nevertheless, she did not forget to look in the great book of records each day to see if any mention was made of the visit of ozma and dorothy to the enchanted mountain of the flatheads and the magic isle of the skeezers. the records told her that ozma had arrived at the mountain, that she had escaped, with her companion, and gone to the island of the skeezers, and that queen coo-ee-oh had submerged the island so that it was entirely under water. then came the statement that the flatheads had come to the lake to poison the fishes and that their supreme dictator had transformed queen coo-ee-oh into a swan. no other details were given in the great book and so glinda did not know that since coo-ee-oh had forgotten her magic none of the skeezers knew how to raise the island to the surface again. so glinda was not worried about ozma and dorothy until one morning, while she sat with her maids, there came a sudden clang of the great alarm bell. this was so unusual that every maid gave a start and even the sorceress for a moment could not think what the alarm meant. then she remembered the ring she had given dorothy when she left the palace to start on her venture. in giving the ring glinda had warned the little girl not to use its magic powers unless she and ozma were in real danger, but then she was to turn it on her finger once to the right and once to the left and glinda's alarm bell would ring. so the sorceress now knew that danger threatened her beloved ruler and princess dorothy, and she hurried to her magic room to seek information as to what sort of danger it was. the answer to her question was not very satisfactory, for it was only: "ozma and dorothy are prisoners in the great dome of the isle of the skeezers, and the dome is under the water of the lake." "hasn't ozma the power to raise the island to the surface?" inquired glinda. "no," was the reply, and the record refused to say more except that queen coo-ee-oh, who alone could command the island to rise, had been transformed by the flathead su-dic into a diamond swan. then glinda consulted the past records of the skeezers in the great book. after diligent search she discovered that coo-ee-oh was a powerful sorceress, who had gained most of her power by treacherously transforming the adepts of magic, who were visiting her, into three fishes--gold, silver and bronze--after which she had them cast into the lake. glinda reflected earnestly on this information and decided that someone must go to ozma's assistance. while there was no great need of haste, because ozma and dorothy could live in a submerged dome a long time, it was evident they could not get out until someone was able to raise the island. the sorceress looked through all her recipes and books of sorcery, but could find no magic that would raise a sunken island. such a thing had never before been required in sorcery. then glinda made a little island, covered by a glass dome, and sunk it in a pond near her castle, and experimented in magical ways to bring it to the surface. she made several such experiments, but all were failures. it seemed a simple thing to do, yet she could not do it. nevertheless, the wise sorceress did not despair of finding a way to liberate her friends. finally she concluded that the best thing to do was to go to the skeezer country and examine the lake. while there she was more likely to discover a solution to the problem that bothered her, and to work out a plan for the rescue of ozma and dorothy. so glinda summoned her storks and her aerial chariot, and telling her maids she was going on a journey and might not soon return, she entered the chariot and was carried swiftly to the emerald city. in princess ozma's palace the scarecrow was now acting as ruler of the land of oz. there wasn't much for him to do, because all the affairs of state moved so smoothly, but he was there in case anything unforeseen should happen. glinda found the scarecrow playing croquet with trot and betsy bobbin, two little girls who lived at the palace under ozma's protection and were great friends of dorothy and much loved by all the oz people. "something's happened!" cried trot, as the chariot of the sorceress descended near them. "glinda never comes here 'cept something's gone wrong." "i hope no harm has come to ozma, or dorothy," said betsy anxiously, as the lovely sorceress stepped down from her chariot. glinda approached the scarecrow and told him of the dilemma of ozma and dorothy and she added: "we must save them, somehow, scarecrow." "of course," replied the scarecrow, stumbling over a wicket and falling flat on his painted face. the girls picked him up and patted his straw stuffing into shape, and he continued, as if nothing had occurred: "but you'll have to tell me what to do, for i never have raised a sunken island in all my life." "we must have a council of state as soon as possible," proposed the sorceress. "please send messengers to summon all of ozma's counsellors to this palace. then we can decide what is best to be done." the scarecrow lost no time in doing this. fortunately most of the royal counsellors were in the emerald city or near to it, so they all met in the throne room of the palace that same evening. chapter ozma's counsellors no ruler ever had such a queer assortment of advisers as the princess ozma had gathered about her throne. indeed, in no other country could such amazing people exist. but ozma loved them for their peculiarities and could trust every one of them. first there was the tin woodman. every bit of him was tin, brightly polished. all his joints were kept well oiled and moved smoothly. he carried a gleaming axe to prove he was a woodman, but seldom had cause to use it because he lived in a magnificent tin castle in the winkie country of oz and was the emperor of all the winkies. the tin woodman's name was nick chopper. he had a very good mind, but his heart was not of much account, so he was very careful to do nothing unkind or to hurt anyone's feelings. another counsellor was scraps, the patchwork girl of oz, who was made of a gaudy patchwork quilt, cut into shape and stuffed with cotton. this patchwork girl was very intelligent, but so full of fun and mad pranks that a lot of more stupid folks thought she must be crazy. scraps was jolly under all conditions, however grave they might be, but her laughter and good spirits were of value in cheering others and in her seemingly careless remarks much wisdom could often be found. then there was the shaggy man--shaggy from head to foot, hair and whiskers, clothes and shoes--but very kind and gentle and one of ozma's most loyal supporters. tik-tok was there, a copper man with machinery inside him, so cleverly constructed that he moved, spoke and thought by three separate clock-works. tik-tok was very reliable because he always did exactly what he was wound up to do, but his machinery was liable to run down at times and then he was quite helpless until wound up again. a different sort of person was jack pumpkinhead, one of ozma's oldest friends and her companion on many adventures. jack's body was very crude and awkward, being formed of limbs of trees of different sizes, jointed with wooden pegs. but it was a substantial body and not likely to break or wear out, and when it was dressed the clothes covered much of its roughness. the head of jack pumpkinhead was, as you have guessed, a ripe pumpkin, with the eyes, nose and mouth carved upon one side. the pumpkin was stuck on jack's wooden neck and was liable to get turned sidewise or backward and then he would have to straighten it with his wooden hands. the worst thing about this sort of a head was that it did not keep well and was sure to spoil sooner or later. so jack's main business was to grow a field of fine pumpkins each year, and always before his old head spoiled he would select a fresh pumpkin from the field and carve the features on it very neatly, and have it ready to replace the old head whenever it became necessary. he didn't always carve it the same way, so his friends never knew exactly what sort of an expression they would find on his face. but there was no mistaking him, because he was the only pumpkin-headed man alive in the land of oz. a one-legged sailor-man was a member of ozma's council. his name was cap'n bill and he had come to the land of oz with trot, and had been made welcome on account of his cleverness, honesty and good-nature. he wore a wooden leg to replace the one he had lost and was a great friend of all the children in oz because he could whittle all sorts of toys out of wood with his big jack-knife. professor h. m. wogglebug, t. e., was another member of the council. the "h. m." meant highly magnified, for the professor was once a little bug, who became magnified to the size of a man and always remained so. the "t. e." meant that he was thoroughly educated. he was at the head of princess ozma's royal athletic college, and so that the students would not have to study and so lose much time that could be devoted to athletic sports, such as football, baseball and the like, professor wogglebug had invented the famous educational pills. if one of the college students took a geography pill after breakfast, he knew his geography lesson in an instant; if he took a spelling pill he at once knew his spelling lesson, and an arithmetic pill enabled the student to do any kind of sum without having to think about it. these useful pills made the college very popular and taught the boys and girls of oz their lessons in the easiest possible way. in spite of this, professor wogglebug was not a favorite outside his college, for he was very conceited and admired himself so much and displayed his cleverness and learning so constantly, that no one cared to associate with him. ozma found him of value in her councils, nevertheless. perhaps the most splendidly dressed of all those present was a great frog as large as a man, called the frogman, who was noted for his wise sayings. he had come to the emerald city from the yip country of oz and was a guest of honor. his long-tailed coat was of velvet, his vest of satin and his trousers of finest silk. there were diamond buckles on his shoes and he carried a gold-headed cane and a high silk hat. all of the bright colors were represented in his rich attire, so it tired one's eyes to look at him for long, until one became used to his splendor. the best farmer in all oz was uncle henry, who was dorothy's own uncle, and who now lived near the emerald city with his wife aunt em. uncle henry taught the oz people how to grow the finest vegetables and fruits and grains and was of much use to ozma in keeping the royal storehouses well filled. he, too, was a counsellor. the reason i mention the little wizard of oz last is because he was the most important man in the land of oz. he wasn't a big man in size, but he was a big man in power and intelligence and second only to glinda the good in all the mystic arts of magic. glinda had taught him, and the wizard and the sorceress were the only ones in oz permitted by law to practice wizardry and sorcery, which they applied only to good uses and for the benefit of the people. the wizard wasn't exactly handsome but he was pleasant to look at. his bald head was as shiny as if it had been varnished; there was always a merry twinkle in his eyes and he was as spry as a schoolboy. dorothy says the reason the wizard is not as powerful as glinda is because glinda didn't teach him all she knows, but what the wizard knows he knows very well and so he performs some very remarkable magic. the ten i have mentioned assembled, with the scarecrow and glinda, in ozma's throne room, right after dinner that evening, and the sorceress told them all she knew of the plight of ozma and dorothy. "of course we must rescue them," she continued, "and the sooner they are rescued the better pleased they will be; but what we must now determine is how they can be saved. that is why i have called you together in council." "the easiest way," remarked the shaggy man, "is to raise the sunken island of the skeezers to the top of the water again." "tell me how?" said glinda. "i don't know how, your highness, for i have never raised a sunken island." "we might all get under it and lift," suggested professor wogglebug. "how can we get under it when it rests on the bottom of the lake?" asked the sorceress. "couldn't we throw a rope around it and pull it ashore?" inquired jack pumpkinhead. "why not pump the water out of the lake?" suggested the patchwork girl with a laugh. "do be sensible!" pleaded glinda. "this is a serious matter, and we must give it serious thought." "how big is the lake and how big is the island?" was the frogman's question. "none of us can tell, for we have not been there." "in that case," said the scarecrow, "it appears to me we ought to go to the skeezer country and examine it carefully." "quite right," agreed the tin woodman. "we-will-have-to-go-there-any-how," remarked tik-tok in his jerky machine voice. "the question is which of us shall go, and how many of us?" said the wizard. "i shall go of course," declared the scarecrow. "and i," said scraps. "it is my duty to ozma to go," asserted the tin woodman. "i could not stay away, knowing our loved princess is in danger," said the wizard. "we all feel like that," uncle henry said. finally one and all present decided to go to the skeezer country, with glinda and the little wizard to lead them. magic must meet magic in order to conquer it, so these two skillful magic-workers were necessary to insure the success of the expedition. they were all ready to start at a moment's notice, for none had any affairs of importance to attend to. jack was wearing a newly made pumpkin-head and the scarecrow had recently been stuffed with fresh straw. tik-tok's machinery was in good running order and the tin woodman always was well oiled. "it is quite a long journey," said glinda, "and while i might travel quickly to the skeezer country by means of my stork chariot the rest of you will be obliged to walk. so, as we must keep together, i will send my chariot back to my castle and we will plan to leave the emerald city at sunrise to-morrow." chapter the great sorceress betsy and trot, when they heard of the rescue expedition, begged the wizard to permit them to join it and he consented. the glass cat, overhearing the conversation, wanted to go also and to this the wizard made no objection. this glass cat was one of the real curiosities of oz. it had been made and brought to life by a clever magician named dr. pipt, who was not now permitted to work magic and was an ordinary citizen of the emerald city. the cat was of transparent glass, through which one could plainly see its ruby heart beating and its pink brains whirling around in the top of the head. the glass cat's eyes were emeralds; its fluffy tail was of spun glass and very beautiful. the ruby heart, while pretty to look at, was hard and cold and the glass cat's disposition was not pleasant at all times. it scorned to catch mice, did not eat, and was extremely lazy. if you complimented the remarkable cat on her beauty, she would be very friendly, for she loved admiration above everything. the pink brains were always working and their owner was indeed more intelligent than most common cats. three other additions to the rescue party were made the next morning, just as they were setting out upon their journey. the first was a little boy called button bright, because he had no other name that anyone could remember. he was a fine, manly little fellow, well mannered and good humored, who had only one bad fault. he was continually getting lost. to be sure, button bright got found as often as he got lost, but when he was missing his friends could not help being anxious about him. "some day," predicted the patchwork girl, "he won't be found, and that will be the last of him." but that didn't worry button bright, who was so careless that he did not seem to be able to break the habit of getting lost. the second addition to the party was a munchkin boy of about button bright's age, named ojo. he was often called "ojo the lucky," because good fortune followed him wherever he went. he and button bright were close friends, although of such different natures, and trot and betsy were fond of both. the third and last to join the expedition was an enormous lion, one of ozma's regular guardians and the most important and intelligent beast in all oz. he called himself the cowardly lion, saying that every little danger scared him so badly that his heart thumped against his ribs, but all who knew him knew that the cowardly lion's fears were coupled with bravery and that however much he might be frightened he summoned courage to meet every danger he encountered. often he had saved dorothy and ozma in times of peril, but afterward he moaned and trembled and wept because he had been so scared. "if ozma needs help, i'm going to help her," said the great beast. "also, i suspect the rest of you may need me on the journey--especially trot and betsy--for you may pass through a dangerous part of the country. i know that wild gillikin country pretty well. its forests harbor many ferocious beasts." they were glad the cowardly lion was to join them, and in good spirits the entire party formed a procession and marched out of the emerald city amid the shouts of the people, who wished them success and a safe return with their beloved ruler. they followed a different route from that taken by ozma and dorothy, for they went through the winkie country and up north toward oogaboo. but before they got there they swerved to the left and entered the great gillikin forest, the nearest thing to a wilderness in all oz. even the cowardly lion had to admit that certain parts of this forest were unknown to him, although he had often wandered among the trees, and the scarecrow and tin woodman, who were great travelers, never had been there at all. the forest was only reached after a tedious tramp, for some of the rescue expedition were quite awkward on their feet. the patchwork girl was as light as a feather and very spry; the tin woodman covered the ground as easily as uncle henry and the wizard; but tik-tok moved slowly and the slightest obstruction in the road would halt him until the others cleared it away. then, too, tik-tok's machinery kept running down, so betsy and trot took turns in winding it up. the scarecrow was more clumsy but less bother, for although he often stumbled and fell he could scramble up again and a little patting of his straw-stuffed body would put him in good shape again. another awkward one was jack pumpkinhead, for walking would jar his head around on his neck and then he would be likely to go in the wrong direction. but the frogman took jack's arm and then he followed the path more easily. cap'n bill's wooden leg didn't prevent him from keeping up with the others and the old sailor could walk as far as any of them. when they entered the forest the cowardly lion took the lead. there was no path here for men, but many beasts had made paths of their own which only the eyes of the lion, practiced in woodcraft, could discern. so he stalked ahead and wound his way in and out, the others following in single file, glinda being next to the lion. there are dangers in the forest, of course, but as the huge lion headed the party he kept the wild denizens of the wilderness from bothering the travelers. once, to be sure, an enormous leopard sprang upon the glass cat and caught her in his powerful jaws, but he broke several of his teeth and with howls of pain and dismay dropped his prey and vanished among the trees. "are you hurt?" trot anxiously inquired of the glass cat. "how silly!" exclaimed the creature in an irritated tone of voice; "nothing can hurt glass, and i'm too solid to break easily. but i'm annoyed at that leopard's impudence. he has no respect for beauty or intelligence. if he had noticed my pink brains work, i'm sure he would have realized i'm too important to be grabbed in a wild beast's jaws." "never mind," said trot consolingly; "i'm sure he won't do it again." they were almost in the center of the forest when ojo, the munchkin boy, suddenly said: "why, where's button bright?" they halted and looked around them. button bright was not with the party. "dear me," remarked betsy, "i expect he's lost again!" "when did you see him last, ojo?" inquired glinda. "it was some time ago," replied ojo. "he was trailing along at the end and throwing twigs at the squirrels in the trees. then i went to talk to betsy and trot, and just now i noticed he was gone." "this is too bad," declared the wizard, "for it is sure to delay our journey. we must find button bright before we go any farther, for this forest is full of ferocious beasts that would not hesitate to tear the boy to pieces." "but what shall we do?" asked the scarecrow. "if any of us leaves the party to search for button bright he or she might fall a victim to the beasts, and if the lion leaves us we will have no protector. "the glass cat could go," suggested the frogman. "the beasts can do her no harm, as we have discovered." the wizard turned to glinda. "cannot your sorcery discover where button bright is?" he asked. "i think so," replied the sorceress. she called to uncle henry, who had been carrying her wicker box, to bring it to her, and when he obeyed she opened it and drew out a small round mirror. on the surface of the glass she dusted a white powder and then wiped it away with her handkerchief and looked in the mirror. it reflected a part of the forest, and there, beneath a wide-spreading tree, button bright was lying asleep. on one side of him crouched a tiger, ready to spring; on the other side was a big gray wolf, its bared fangs glistening in a wicked way. "goodness me!" cried trot, looking over glinda's shoulder. "they'll catch and kill him sure." everyone crowded around for a glimpse at the magic mirror. "pretty bad--pretty bad!" said the scarecrow sorrowfully. "comes of getting lost!" said cap'n bill, sighing. "guess he's a goner!" said the frogman, wiping his eyes on his purple silk handkerchief. "but where is he? can't we save him?" asked ojo the lucky. "if we knew where he is we could probably save him," replied the little wizard, "but that tree looks so much like all the other trees, that we can't tell whether it's far away or near by." "look at glinda!" exclaimed betsy. glinda, having handed the mirror to the wizard, had stepped aside and was making strange passes with her outstretched arms and reciting in low, sweet tones a mystical incantation. most of them watched the sorceress with anxious eyes, despair giving way to the hope that she might be able to save their friend. the wizard, however, watched the scene in the mirror, while over his shoulders peered trot, the scarecrow and the shaggy man. what they saw was more strange than glinda's actions. the tiger started to spring on the sleeping boy, but suddenly lost its power to move and lay flat upon the ground. the gray wolf seemed unable to lift its feet from the ground. it pulled first at one leg and then at another, and finding itself strangely confined to the spot began to bark and snarl angrily. they couldn't hear the barkings and snarls, but they could see the creature's mouth open and its thick lips move. button bright, however, being but a few feet away from the wolf, heard its cries of rage, which wakened him from his untroubled sleep. the boy sat up and looked first at the tiger and then at the wolf. his face showed that for a moment he was quite frightened, but he soon saw that the beasts were unable to approach him and so he got upon his feet and examined them curiously, with a mischievous smile upon his face. then he deliberately kicked the tiger's head with his foot and catching up a fallen branch of a tree he went to the wolf and gave it a good whacking. both the beasts were furious at such treatment but could not resent it. button bright now threw down the stick and with his hands in his pockets wandered carelessly away. "now," said glinda, "let the glass cat run and find him. he is in that direction," pointing the way, "but how far off i do not know. make haste and lead him back to us as quickly as you can." the glass cat did not obey everyone's orders, but she really feared the great sorceress, so as soon as the words were spoken the crystal animal darted away and was quickly lost to sight. the wizard handed the mirror back to glinda, for the woodland scene had now faded from the glass. then those who cared to rest sat down to await button bright's coming. it was not long before he appeared through the trees and as he rejoined his friends he said in a peevish tone: "don't ever send that glass cat to find me again. she was very impolite and, if we didn't all know that she had no manners, i'd say she insulted me." glinda turned upon the boy sternly. "you have caused all of us much anxiety and annoyance," said she. "only my magic saved you from destruction. i forbid you to get lost again." "of course," he answered. "it won't be _my_ fault if i get lost again; but it wasn't my fault _this_ time." chapter the enchanted fishes i must now tell you what happened to ervic and the three other skeezers who were left floating in the iron boat after queen coo-ee-oh had been transformed into a diamond swan by the magic of the flathead su-dic. the four skeezers were all young men and their leader was ervic. coo-ee-oh had taken them with her in the boat to assist her if she captured the flathead chief, as she hoped to do by means of her silver rope. they knew nothing about the witchcraft that moved the submarine and so, when left floating upon the lake, were at a loss what to do. the submarine could not be submerged by them or made to return to the sunken island. there were neither oars nor sails in the boat, which was not anchored but drifted quietly upon the surface of the lake. the diamond swan had no further thought or care for her people. she had sailed over to the other side of the lake and all the calls and pleadings of ervic and his companions were unheeded by the vain bird. as there was nothing else for them to do, they sat quietly in their boat and waited as patiently as they could for someone to come to their aid. the flatheads had refused to help them and had gone back to their mountain. all the skeezers were imprisoned in the great dome and could not help even themselves. when evening came, they saw the diamond swan, still keeping to the opposite shore of the lake, walk out of the water to the sands, shake her diamond-sprinkled feathers, and then disappear among the bushes to seek a resting place for the night. "i'm hungry," said ervic. "i'm cold," said another skeezer. "i'm tired," said a third. "i'm afraid," said the last one of them. but it did them no good to complain. night fell and the moon rose and cast a silvery sheen over the surface of the water. "go to sleep," said ervic to his companions. "i'll stay awake and watch, for we may be rescued in some unexpected way." so the other three laid themselves down in the bottom of the boat and were soon fast asleep. ervic watched. he rested himself by leaning over the bow of the boat, his face near to the moonlit water, and thought dreamily of the day's surprising events and wondered what would happen to the prisoners in the great dome. suddenly a tiny goldfish popped its head above the surface of the lake, not more than a foot from his eyes. a silverfish then raised its head beside that of the goldfish, and a moment later a bronzefish lifted its head beside the others. the three fish, all in a row, looked earnestly with their round, bright eyes into the astonished eyes of ervic the skeezer. "we are the three adepts whom queen coo-ee-oh betrayed and wickedly transformed," said the goldfish, its voice low and soft but distinctly heard in the stillness of the night. "i know of our queen's treacherous deed," replied ervic, "and i am sorry for your misfortune. have you been in the lake ever since?" "yes," was the reply. "i--i hope you are well--and comfortable," stammered ervic, not knowing what else to say. "we knew that some day coo-ee-oh would meet with the fate she so richly deserves," declared the bronzefish. "we have waited and watched for this time. now if you will promise to help us and will be faithful and true, you can aid us in regaining our natural forms, and save yourself and all your people from the dangers that now threaten you." "well," said ervic, "you can depend on my doing the best i can. but i'm no witch, nor magician, you must know." "all we ask is that you obey our instructions," returned the silverfish. "we know that you are honest and that you served coo-ee-oh only because you were obliged to in order to escape her anger. do as we command and all will be well." "i promise!" exclaimed the young man. "tell me what i am to do first." "you will find in the bottom of your boat the silver cord which dropped from coo-ee-oh's hand when she was transformed," said the goldfish. "tie one end of that cord to the bow of your boat and drop the other end to us in the water. together we will pull your boat to the shore." ervic much doubted that the three small fishes could move so heavy a boat, but he did as he was told and the fishes all seized their end of the silver cord in their mouths and headed toward the nearest shore, which was the very place where the flatheads had stood when they conquered queen coo-ee-oh. at first the boat did not move at all, although the fishes pulled with all their strength. but presently the strain began to tell. very slowly the boat crept toward the shore, gaining more speed at every moment. a couple of yards away from the sandy beach the fishes dropped the cord from their mouths and swam to one side, while the iron boat, being now under way, continued to move until its prow grated upon the sands. ervic leaned over the side and said to the fishes: "what next?" "you will find upon the sand," said the silverfish, "a copper kettle, which the su-dic forgot when he went away. cleanse it thoroughly in the water of the lake, for it has had poison in it. when it is cleaned, fill it with fresh water and hold it over the side of the boat, so that we three may swim into the kettle. we will then instruct you further." "do you wish me to catch you, then?" asked ervic in surprise. "yes," was the reply. so ervic jumped out of the boat and found the copper kettle. carrying it a little way down the beach, he washed it well, scrubbing away every drop of the poison it had contained with sand from the shore. then he went back to the boat. ervic's comrades were still sound asleep and knew nothing of the three fishes or what strange happenings were taking place about them. ervic dipped the kettle in the lake, holding fast to the handle until it was under water. the gold and silver and bronze fishes promptly swam into the kettle. the young skeezer then lifted it, poured out a little of the water so it would not spill over the edge, and said to the fishes: "what next?" "carry the kettle to the shore. take one hundred steps to the east, along the edge of the lake, and then you will see a path leading through the meadows, up hill and down dale. follow the path until you come to a cottage which is painted a purple color with white trimmings. when you stop at the gate of this cottage we will tell you what to do next. be careful, above all, not to stumble and spill the water from the kettle, or you would destroy us and all you have done would be in vain." the goldfish issued these commands and ervic promised to be careful and started to obey. he left his sleeping comrades in the boat, stepping cautiously over their bodies, and on reaching the shore took exactly one hundred steps to the east. then he looked for the path and the moonlight was so bright that he easily discovered it, although it was hidden from view by tall weeds until one came full upon it. this path was very narrow and did not seem to be much used, but it was quite distinct and ervic had no difficulty in following it. he walked through a broad meadow, covered with tall grass and weeds, up a hill and down into a valley and then up another hill and down again. it seemed to ervic that he had walked miles and miles. indeed the moon sank low and day was beginning to dawn when finally he discovered by the roadside a pretty little cottage, painted purple with white trimmings. it was a lonely place--no other buildings were anywhere about and the ground was not tilled at all. no farmer lived here, that was certain. who would care to dwell in such an isolated place? but ervic did not bother his head long with such questions. he went up to the gate that led to the cottage, set the copper kettle carefully down and bending over it asked: "what next?" chapter under the great dome when glinda the good and her followers of the rescue expedition came in sight of the enchanted mountain of the flatheads, it was away to the left of them, for the route they had taken through the great forest was some distance from that followed by ozma and dorothy. they halted awhile to decide whether they should call upon the supreme dictator first, or go on to the lake of the skeezers. "if we go to the mountain," said the wizard, "we may get into trouble with that wicked su-dic, and then we would be delayed in rescuing ozma and dorothy. so i think our best plan will be to go to the skeezer country, raise the sunken island and save our friends and the imprisoned skeezers. afterward we can visit the mountain and punish the cruel magician of the flatheads." "that is sensible," approved the shaggy man. "i quite agree with you." the others, too, seemed to think the wizard's plan the best, and glinda herself commended it, so on they marched toward the line of palm trees that hid the skeezers' lake from view. pretty soon they came to the palms. these were set closely together, the branches, which came quite to the ground, being so tightly interlaced that even the glass cat could scarcely find a place to squeeze through. the path which the flatheads used was some distance away. "here's a job for the tin woodman," said the scarecrow. so the tin woodman, who was always glad to be of use, set to work with his sharp, gleaming axe, which he always carried, and in a surprisingly short time had chopped away enough branches to permit them all to pass easily through the trees. now the clear waters of the beautiful lake were before them and by looking closely they could see the outlines of the great dome of the sunken island, far from shore and directly in the center of the lake. of course every eye was at first fixed upon this dome, where ozma and dorothy and the skeezers were still fast prisoners. but soon their attention was caught by a more brilliant sight, for here was the diamond swan swimming just before them, its long neck arched proudly, the amethyst eyes gleaming and all the diamond-sprinkled feathers glistening splendidly under the rays of the sun. "that," said glinda, "is the transformation of queen coo-ee-oh, the haughty and wicked witch who betrayed the three adepts at magic and treated her people like slaves." "she's wonderfully beautiful now," remarked the frogman. "it doesn't seem like much of a punishment," said trot. "the flathead su-dic ought to have made her a toad." "i am sure coo-ee-oh is punished," said glinda, "for she has lost all her magic power and her grand palace and can no longer misrule the poor skeezers." "let us call to her, and hear what she has to say," proposed the wizard. so glinda beckoned the diamond swan, which swam gracefully to a position near them. before anyone could speak coo-ee-oh called to them in a rasping voice--for the voice of a swan is always harsh and unpleasant--and said with much pride: "admire me, strangers! admire the lovely coo-ee-oh, the handsomest creature in all oz. admire me!" "handsome is as handsome does," replied the scarecrow. "are your deeds lovely, coo-ee-oh?" "deeds? what deeds can a swan do but swim around and give pleasure to all beholders?" said the sparkling bird. "have you forgotten your former life? have you forgotten your magic and witchcraft?" inquired the wizard. "magic--witchcraft? pshaw, who cares for such silly things?" retorted coo-ee-oh. "as for my past life, it seems like an unpleasant dream. i wouldn't go back to it if i could. don't you admire my beauty, strangers?" "tell us, coo-ee-oh," said glinda earnestly, "if you can recall enough of your witchcraft to enable us to raise the sunken island to the surface of the lake. tell us that and i'll give you a string of pearls to wear around your neck and add to your beauty." "nothing can add to my beauty, for i'm the most beautiful creature anywhere in the whole world." "but how can we raise the island?" "i don't know and i don't care. if ever i knew i've forgotten, and i'm glad of it," was the response. "just watch me circle around and see me glitter!" "it's no use," said button bright; "the old swan is too much in love with herself to think of anything else." "that's a fact," agreed betsy with a sigh; "but we've got to get ozma and dorothy out of that lake, somehow or other." "and we must do it in our own way," added the scarecrow. "but how?" asked uncle henry in a grave voice, for he could not bear to think of his dear niece dorothy being out there under water; "how shall we do it?" "leave that to glinda," advised the wizard, realizing he was helpless to do it himself. "if it were just an ordinary sunken island," said the powerful sorceress, "there would be several ways by which i might bring it to the surface again. but this is a magic isle, and by some curious art of witchcraft, unknown to any but queen coo-ee-oh, it obeys certain commands of magic and will not respond to any other. i do not despair in the least, but it will require some deep study to solve this difficult problem. if the swan could only remember the witchcraft that she invented and knew as a woman, i could force her to tell me the secret, but all her former knowledge is now forgotten." "it seems to me," said the wizard after a brief silence had followed glinda's speech, "that there are three fishes in this lake that used to be adepts at magic and from whom coo-ee-oh stole much of her knowledge. if we could find those fishes and return them to their former shapes, they could doubtless tell us what to do to bring the sunken island to the surface." "i have thought of those fishes," replied glinda, "but among so many fishes as this lake contains how are we to single them out?" you will understand, of course, that had glinda been at home in her castle, where the great book of records was, she would have known that ervic the skeezer already had taken the gold and silver and bronze fishes from the lake. but that act had been recorded in the book after glinda had set out on this journey, so it was all unknown to her. "i think i see a boat yonder on the shore," said ojo the munchkin boy, pointing to a place around the edge of the lake. "if we could get that boat and row all over the lake, calling to the magic fishes, we might be able to find them." "let us go to the boat," said the wizard. they walked around the lake to where the boat was stranded upon the beach, but found it empty. it was a mere shell of blackened steel, with a collapsible roof that, when in position, made the submarine water-tight, but at present the roof rested in slots on either side of the magic craft. there were no oars or sails, no machinery to make the boat go, and although glinda promptly realized it was meant to be operated by witchcraft, she was not acquainted with that sort of magic. "however," said she, "the boat is merely a boat, and i believe i can make it obey a command of sorcery, as well as it did the command of witchcraft. after i have given a little thought to the matter, the boat will take us wherever we desire to go." "not all of us," returned the wizard, "for it won't hold so many. but, most noble sorceress, provided you can make the boat go, of what use will it be to us?" "can't we use it to catch the three fishes?" asked button bright. "it will not be necessary to use the boat for that purpose," replied glinda. "wherever in the lake the enchanted fishes may be, they will answer to my call. what i am trying to discover is how the boat came to be on this shore, while the island on which it belongs is under water yonder. did coo-ee-oh come here in the boat to meet the flatheads before the island was sunk, or afterward?" no one could answer that question, of course; but while they pondered the matter three young men advanced from the line of trees, and rather timidly bowed to the strangers. "who are you, and where did you come from!" inquired the wizard. "we are skeezers," answered one of them, "and our home is on the magic isle of the lake. we ran away when we saw you coming, and hid behind the trees, but as you are strangers and seem to be friendly we decided to meet you, for we are in great trouble and need assistance." "if you belong on the island, why are you here?" demanded glinda. so they told her all the story: how the queen had defied the flatheads and submerged the whole island so that her enemies could not get to it or destroy it; how, when the flatheads came to the shore, coo-ee-oh had commanded them, together with their friend ervic, to go with her in the submarine to conquer the su-dic, and how the boat had shot out from the basement of the sunken isle, obeying a magic word, and risen to the surface, where it opened and floated upon the water. then followed the account of how the su-dic had transformed coo-ee-oh into a swan, after which she had forgotten all the witchcraft she ever knew. the young men told how in the night when they were asleep, their comrade ervic had mysteriously disappeared, while the boat in some strange manner had floated to the shore and stranded upon the beach. that was all they knew. they had searched in vain for three days for ervic. as their island was under water and they could not get back to it, the three skeezers had no place to go, and so had waited patiently beside their boat for something to happen. being questioned by glinda and the wizard, they told all they knew about ozma and dorothy and declared the two girls were still in the village under the great dome. they were quite safe and would be well cared for by lady aurex, now that the queen who opposed them was out of the way. when they had gleaned all the information they could from these skeezers, the wizard said to glinda: "if you find you can make this boat obey your sorcery, you could have it return to the island, submerge itself, and enter the door in the basement from which it came. but i cannot see that our going to the sunken island would enable our friends to escape. we would only join them as prisoners." "not so, friend wizard," replied glinda. "if the boat would obey my commands to enter the basement door, it would also obey my commands to come out again, and i could bring ozma and dorothy back with me." "and leave all of our people still imprisoned?" asked one of the skeezers reproachfully. "by making several trips in the boat, glinda could fetch all your people to the shore," replied the wizard. "but what could they do then?" inquired another skeezer. "they would have no homes and no place to go, and would be at the mercy of their enemies, the flatheads." "that is true," said glinda the good. "and as these people are ozma's subjects, i think she would refuse to escape with dorothy and leave the others behind, or to abandon the island which is the lawful home of the skeezers. i believe the best plan will be to summon the three fishes and learn from them how to raise the island." the little wizard seemed to think that this was rather a forlorn hope. "how will you summon them," he asked the lovely sorceress, "and how can they hear you?" "that is something we must consider carefully," responded stately glinda, with a serene smile. "i think i can find a way." all of ozma's counsellors applauded this sentiment, for they knew well the powers of the sorceress. "very well," agreed the wizard. "summon them, most noble glinda." chapter the cleverness of ervic we must now return to ervic the skeezer, who, when he had set down the copper kettle containing the three fishes at the gate of the lonely cottage, had asked, "what next?" the goldfish stuck its head above the water in the kettle and said in its small but distinct voice: "you are to lift the latch, open the door, and walk boldly into the cottage. do not be afraid of anything you see, for however you seem to be threatened with dangers, nothing can harm you. the cottage is the home of a powerful yookoohoo, named reera the red, who assumes all sorts of forms, sometimes changing her form several times in a day, according to her fancy. what her real form may be we do not know. this strange creature cannot be bribed with treasure, or coaxed through friendship, or won by pity. she has never assisted anyone, or done wrong to anyone, that we know of. all her wonderful powers are used for her own selfish amusement. she will order you out of the house but you must refuse to go. remain and watch reera closely and try to see what she uses to accomplish her transformations. if you can discover the secret whisper it to us and we will then tell you what to do next." "that sounds easy," returned ervic, who had listened carefully. "but are you sure she will not hurt me, or try to transform me?" "she may change your form," replied the goldfish, "but do not worry if that happens, for we can break that enchantment easily. you may be sure that nothing will harm you, so you must not be frightened at anything you see or hear." now ervic was as brave as any ordinary young man, and he knew the fishes who spoke to him were truthful and to be relied upon, nevertheless he experienced a strange sinking of the heart as he picked up the kettle and approached the door of the cottage. his hand trembled as he raised the latch, but he was resolved to obey his instructions. he pushed the door open, took three strides into the middle of the one room the cottage contained, and then stood still and looked around him. the sights that met his gaze were enough to frighten anyone who had not been properly warned. on the floor just before ervic lay a great crocodile, its red eyes gleaming wickedly and its wide open mouth displaying rows of sharp teeth. horned toads hopped about; each of the four upper corners of the room was festooned with a thick cobweb, in the center of which sat a spider as big around as a washbasin, and armed with pincher-like claws; a red-and-green lizard was stretched at full length on the window-sill and black rats darted in and out of the holes they had gnawed in the floor of the cottage. but the most startling thing was a huge gray ape which sat upon a bench and knitted. it wore a lace cap, such as old ladies wear, and a little apron of lace, but no other clothing. its eyes were bright and looked as if coals were burning in them. the ape moved as naturally as an ordinary person might, and on ervic's entrance stopped knitting and raised its head to look at him. "get out!" cried a sharp voice, seeming to come from the ape's mouth. ervic saw another bench, empty, just beyond him, so he stepped over the crocodile, sat down upon the bench and carefully placed the kettle beside him. "get out!" again cried the voice. ervic shook his head. "no," said he, "i'm going to stay." the spiders left their four corners, dropped to the floor and made a rush toward the young skeezer, circling around his legs with their pinchers extended. ervic paid no attention to them. an enormous black rat ran up ervic's body, passed around his shoulders and uttered piercing squeals in his ears, but he did not wince. the green-and-red lizard, coming from the window-sill, approached ervic and began spitting a flaming fluid at him, but ervic merely stared at the creature and its flame did not touch him. the crocodile raised its tail and, swinging around, swept ervic off the bench with a powerful blow. but the skeezer managed to save the kettle from upsetting and he got up, shook off the horned toads that were crawling over him and resumed his seat on the bench. all the creatures, after this first attack, remained motionless, as if awaiting orders. the old gray ape knitted on, not looking toward ervic now, and the young skeezer stolidly kept his seat. he expected something else to happen, but nothing did. a full hour passed and ervic was growing nervous. "what do you want?" the ape asked at last. "nothing," said ervic. "you may have that!" retorted the ape, and at this all the strange creatures in the room broke into a chorus of cackling laughter. another long wait. "do you know who i am?" questioned the ape. "you must be reera the red--the yookoohoo," ervic answered. "knowing so much, you must also know that i do not like strangers. your presence here in my home annoys me. do you not fear my anger?" "no," said the young man. "do you intend to obey me, and leave this house?" "no," replied ervic, just as quietly as the yookoohoo had spoken. the ape knitted for a long time before resuming the conversation. "curiosity," it said, "has led to many a man's undoing. i suppose in some way you have learned that i do tricks of magic, and so through curiosity you have come here. you may have been told that i do not injure anyone, so you are bold enough to disobey my commands to go away. you imagine that you may witness some of the rites of witchcraft, and that they may amuse you. have i spoken truly?" "well," remarked ervic, who had been pondering on the strange circumstances of his coming here, "you are right in some ways, but not in others. i am told that you work magic only for your own amusement. that seems to me very selfish. few people understand magic. i'm told that you are the only real yookoohoo in all oz. why don't you amuse others as well as yourself?" "what right have you to question my actions?" "none at all." "and you say you are not here to demand any favors of me?" "for myself i want nothing from you." "you are wise in that. i never grant favors." "that doesn't worry me," declared ervic. "but you are curious? you hope to witness some of my magic transformations?" "if you wish to perform any magic, go ahead," said ervic. "it may interest me and it may not. if you'd rather go on with your knitting, it's all the same to me. i am in no hurry at all." this may have puzzled red reera, but the face beneath the lace cap could show no expression, being covered with hair. perhaps in all her career the yookoohoo had never been visited by anyone who, like this young man, asked for nothing, expected nothing, and had no reason for coming except curiosity. this attitude practically disarmed the witch and she began to regard the skeezer in a more friendly way. she knitted for some time, seemingly in deep thought, and then she arose and walked to a big cupboard that stood against the wall of the room. when the cupboard door was opened ervic could see a lot of drawers inside, and into one of these drawers--the second from the bottom--reera thrust a hairy hand. until now ervic could see over the bent form of the ape, but suddenly the form, with its back to him, seemed to straighten up and blot out the cupboard of drawers. the ape had changed to the form of a woman, dressed in the pretty gillikin costume, and when she turned around he saw that it was a young woman, whose face was quite attractive. "do you like me better this way?" reera inquired with a smile. "you _look_ better," he said calmly, "but i'm not sure i _like_ you any better." she laughed, saying: "during the heat of the day i like to be an ape, for an ape doesn't wear any clothes to speak of. but if one has gentlemen callers it is proper to dress up." ervic noticed her right hand was closed, as if she held something in it. she shut the cupboard door, bent over the crocodile and in a moment the creature had changed to a red wolf. it was not pretty even now, and the wolf crouched beside its mistress as a dog might have done. its teeth looked as dangerous as had those of the crocodile. next the yookoohoo went about touching all the lizards and toads, and at her touch they became kittens. the rats she changed into chipmunks. now the only horrid creatures remaining were the four great spiders, which hid themselves behind their thick webs. "there!" reera cried, "now my cottage presents a more comfortable appearance. i love the toads and lizards and rats, because most people hate them, but i would tire of them if they always remained the same. sometimes i change their forms a dozen times a day." "you are clever," said ervic. "i did not hear you utter any incantations or magic words. all you did was to touch the creatures." "oh, do you think so?" she replied. "well, touch them yourself, if you like, and see if you can change their forms." "no," said the skeezer, "i don't understand magic and if i did i would not try to imitate your skill. you are a wonderful yookoohoo, while i am only a common skeezer." this confession seemed to please reera, who liked to have her witchcraft appreciated. "will you go away now?" she asked. "i prefer to be alone." "i prefer to stay here," said ervic. "in another person's home, where you are not wanted?" "yes." "is not your curiosity yet satisfied?" demanded reera, with a smile. "i don't know. is there anything else you can do?" "many things. but why should i exhibit my powers to a stranger?" "i can think of no reason at all," he replied. she looked at him curiously. "you want no power for yourself, you say, and you're too stupid to be able to steal my secrets. this isn't a pretty cottage, while outside are sunshine, broad prairies and beautiful wildflowers. yet you insist on sitting on that bench and annoying me with your unwelcome presence. what have you in that kettle?" "three fishes," he answered readily. "where did you get them?" "i caught them in the lake of the skeezers." "what do you intend to do with the fishes?" "i shall carry them to the home of a friend of mine who has three children. the children will love to have the fishes for pets." she came over to the bench and looked into the kettle, where the three fishes were swimming quietly in the water. "they're pretty," said reera. "let me transform them into something else." "no," objected the skeezer. "i love to transform things; it's so interesting. and i've never transformed any fishes in all my life." "let them alone," said ervic. "what shapes would you prefer them to have? i can make them turtles, or cute little sea-horses; or i could make them piglets, or rabbits, or guinea-pigs; or, if you like i can make chickens of them, or eagles, or bluejays." "let them alone!" repeated ervic. "you're not a very pleasant visitor," laughed red reera. "people accuse _me_ of being cross and crabbed and unsociable, and they are quite right. if you had come here pleading and begging for favors, and half afraid of my yookoohoo magic, i'd have abused you until you ran away; but you're quite different from that. _you're_ the unsociable and crabbed and disagreeable one, and so i like you, and bear with your grumpiness. it's time for my midday meal; are you hungry?" "no," said ervic, although he really desired food. "well, i am," reera declared and clapped her hands together. instantly a table appeared, spread with linen and bearing dishes of various foods, some smoking hot. there were two plates laid, one at each end of the table, and as soon as reera seated herself all her creatures gathered around her, as if they were accustomed to be fed when she ate. the wolf squatted at her right hand and the kittens and chipmunks gathered at her left. "come, stranger, sit down and eat," she called cheerfully, "and while we're eating let us decide into what forms we shall change your fishes." "they're all right as they are," asserted ervic, drawing up his bench to the table. "the fishes are beauties--one gold, one silver and one bronze. nothing that has life is more lovely than a beautiful fish." "what! am _i_ not more lovely?" reera asked, smiling at his serious face. "i don't object to you--for a yookoohoo, you know," he said, helping himself to the food and eating with good appetite. "and don't you consider a beautiful girl more lovely than a fish, however pretty the fish may be?" "well," replied ervic, after a period of thought, "that might be. if you transformed my three fish into three girls--girls who would be adepts at magic, you know they might please me as well as the fish do. you won't do that of course, because you can't, with all your skill. and, should you be able to do so, i fear my troubles would be more than i could bear. they would not consent to be my slaves--especially if they were adepts at magic--and so they would command _me_ to obey _them_. no, mistress reera, let us not transform the fishes at all." the skeezer had put his case with remarkable cleverness. he realized that if he appeared anxious for such a transformation the yookoohoo would not perform it, yet he had skillfully suggested that they be made adepts at magic. chapter red reera the yookoohoo after the meal was over and reera had fed her pets, including the four monster spiders which had come down from their webs to secure their share, she made the table disappear from the floor of the cottage. "i wish you'd consent to my transforming your fishes," she said, as she took up her knitting again. the skeezer made no reply. he thought it unwise to hurry matters. all during the afternoon they sat silent. once reera went to her cupboard and after thrusting her hand into the same drawer as before, touched the wolf and transformed it into a bird with gorgeous colored feathers. this bird was larger than a parrot and of a somewhat different form, but ervic had never seen one like it before. "sing!" said reera to the bird, which had perched itself on a big wooden peg--as if it had been in the cottage before and knew just what to do. and the bird sang jolly, rollicking songs with words to them--just as a person who had been carefully trained might do. the songs were entertaining and ervic enjoyed listening to them. in an hour or so the bird stopped singing, tucked its head under its wing and went to sleep. reera continued knitting but seemed thoughtful. now ervic had marked this cupboard drawer well and had concluded that reera took something from it which enabled her to perform her transformations. he thought that if he managed to remain in the cottage, and reera fell asleep, he could slyly open the cupboard, take a portion of whatever was in the drawer, and by dropping it into the copper kettle transform the three fishes into their natural shapes. indeed, he had firmly resolved to carry out this plan when the yookoohoo put down her knitting and walked toward the door. "i'm going out for a few minutes," said she; "do you wish to go with me, or will you remain here?" ervic did not answer but sat quietly on his bench. so reera went out and closed the cottage door. as soon as she was gone, ervic rose and tiptoed to the cupboard. "take care! take care!" cried several voices, coming from the kittens and chipmunks. "if you touch anything we'll tell the yookoohoo!" ervic hesitated a moment but, remembering that he need not consider reera's anger if he succeeded in transforming the fishes, he was about to open the cupboard when he was arrested by the voices of the fishes, which stuck their heads above the water in the kettle and called out: "come here, ervic!" so he went back to the kettle and bent over it. "let the cupboard alone," said the goldfish to him earnestly. "you could not succeed by getting that magic powder, for only the yookoohoo knows how to use it. the best way is to allow her to transform us into three girls, for then we will have our natural shapes and be able to perform all the arts of magic we have learned and well understand. you are acting wisely and in the most effective manner. we did not know you were so intelligent, or that reera could be so easily deceived by you. continue as you have begun and try to persuade her to transform us. but insist that we be given the forms of girls." the goldfish ducked its head down just as reera re-entered the cottage. she saw ervic bent over the kettle, so she came and joined him. "can your fishes talk?" she asked. "sometimes," he replied, "for all fishes in the land of oz know how to speak. just now they were asking me for some bread. they are hungry." "well, they can have some bread," said reera. "but it is nearly supper-time, and if you would allow me to transform your fishes into girls they could join us at the table and have plenty of food much nicer than crumbs. why not let me transform them?" "well," said ervic, as if hesitating, "ask the fishes. if they consent, why--why, then, i'll think it over." reera bent over the kettle and asked: "can you hear me, little fishes?" all three popped their heads above water. "we can hear you," said the bronzefish. "i want to give you other forms, such as rabbits, or turtles or girls, or something; but your master, the surly skeezer, does not wish me to. however, he has agreed to the plan if you will consent." "we'd like to be girls," said the silverfish. "no, no!" exclaimed ervic. "if you promise to make us three beautiful girls, we will consent," said the goldfish. "no, no!" exclaimed ervic again. "also make us adepts at magic," added the bronzefish. "i don't know exactly what that means," replied reera musingly, "but as no adept at magic is as powerful as yookoohoo, i'll add that to the transformation." "we won't try to harm you, or to interfere with your magic in any way," promised the goldfish. "on the contrary, we will be your friends." "will you agree to go away and leave me alone in my cottage, whenever i command you to do so?" asked reera. "we promise that," cried the three fishes. "don't do it! don't consent to the transformation," urged ervic. "they have already consented," said the yookoohoo, laughing in his face, "and you have promised me to abide by their decision. so, friend skeezer, i shall perform the transformation whether you like it or not." ervic seated himself on the bench again, a deep scowl on his face but joy in his heart. reera moved over to the cupboard, took something from the drawer and returned to the copper kettle. she was clutching something tightly in her right hand, but with her left she reached within the kettle, took out the three fishes and laid them carefully on the floor, where they gasped in distress at being out of water. reera did not keep them in misery more than a few seconds, for she touched each one with her right hand and instantly the fishes were transformed into three tall and slender young women, with fine, intelligent faces and clothed in handsome, clinging gowns. the one who had been a goldfish had beautiful golden hair and blue eyes and was exceedingly fair of skin; the one who had been a bronzefish had dark brown hair and clear gray eyes and her complexion matched these lovely features. the one who had been a silverfish had snow-white hair of the finest texture and deep brown eyes. the hair contrasted exquisitely with her pink cheeks and ruby-red lips, nor did it make her look a day older than her two companions. as soon as they secured these girlish shapes, all three bowed low to the yookoohoo and said: "we thank you, reera." then they bowed to the skeezer and said: "we thank you, ervic." "very good!" cried the yookoohoo, examining her work with critical approval. "you are much better and more interesting than fishes, and this ungracious skeezer would scarcely allow me to do the transformations. you surely have nothing to thank _him_ for. but now let us dine in honor of the occasion." she clapped her hands together and again a table loaded with food appeared in the cottage. it was a longer table, this time, and places were set for the three adepts as well as for reera and ervic. "sit down, friends, and eat your fill," said the yookoohoo, but instead of seating herself at the head of the table she went to the cupboard, saying to the adepts: "your beauty and grace, my fair friends, quite outshine my own. so that i may appear properly at the banquet table i intend, in honor of this occasion, to take upon myself my natural shape." scarcely had she finished this speech when reera transformed herself into a young woman fully as lovely as the three adepts. she was not quite so tall as they, but her form was more rounded and more handsomely clothed, with a wonderful jeweled girdle and a necklace of shining pearls. her hair was a bright auburn red, and her eyes large and dark. "do you claim this is your natural form?" asked ervic of the yookoohoo. "yes," she replied. "this is the only form i am really entitled to wear. but i seldom assume it because there is no one here to admire or appreciate it and i get tired admiring it myself." "i see now why you are named reera the red," remarked ervic. "it is on account of my red hair," she explained smiling. "i do not care for red hair myself, which is one reason i usually wear other forms." "it is beautiful," asserted the young man; and then remembering the other women present he added: "but, of course, all women should not have red hair, because that would make it too common. gold and silver and brown hair are equally handsome." the smiles that he saw interchanged between the four filled the poor skeezer with embarrassment, so he fell silent and attended to eating his supper, leaving the others to do the talking. the three adepts frankly told reera who they were, how they became fishes and how they had planned secretly to induce the yookoohoo to transform them. they admitted that they had feared, had they asked her to help, that she would have refused them. "you were quite right," returned the yookoohoo. "i make it my rule never to perform magic to assist others, for if i did there would always be crowds at my cottage demanding help and i hate crowds and want to be left alone. "however, now that you are restored to your proper shapes, i do not regret my action and i hope you will be of use in saving the skeezer people by raising their island to the surface of the lake, where it really belongs. but you must promise me that after you go away you will never come here again, nor tell anyone what i have done for you." the three adepts and ervic thanked the yookoohoo warmly. they promised to remember her wish that they should not come to her cottage again and so, with a good-bye, took their departure. chapter a puzzling problem glinda the good, having decided to try her sorcery upon the abandoned submarine, so that it would obey her commands, asked all of her party, including the skeezers, to withdraw from the shore of the lake to the line of palm trees. she kept with her only the little wizard of oz, who was her pupil and knew how to assist her in her magic rites. when they two were alone beside the stranded boat, glinda said to the wizard: "i shall first try my magic recipe no. , which is intended to make inanimate objects move at my command. have you a skeropythrope with you?" "yes, i always carry one in my bag," replied the wizard. he opened his black bag of magic tools and took out a brightly polished skeropythrope, which he handed to the sorceress. glinda had also brought a small wicker bag, containing various requirements of sorcery, and from this she took a parcel of powder and a vial of liquid. she poured the liquid into the skeropythrope and added the powder. at once the skeropythrope began to sputter and emit sparks of a violet color, which spread in all directions. the sorceress instantly stepped into the middle of the boat and held the instrument so that the sparks fell all around her and covered every bit of the blackened steel boat. at the same time glinda crooned a weird incantation in the language of sorcery, her voice sounding low and musical. after a little the violet sparks ceased, and those that had fallen upon the boat had disappeared and left no mark upon its surface. the ceremony was ended and glinda returned the skeropythrope to the wizard, who put it away in his black bag. "that ought to do the business all right," he said confidently. "let us make a trial and see," she replied. so they both entered the boat and seated themselves. speaking in a tone of command the sorceress said to the boat: "carry us across the lake, to the farther shore." at once the boat backed off the sandy beach, turned its prow and moved swiftly over the water. "very good--very good indeed!" cried the wizard, when the boat slowed up at the shore opposite from that whence they had departed. "even coo-ee-oh, with all her witchcraft, could do no better." the sorceress now said to the boat: "close up, submerge and carry us to the basement door of the sunken island--the door from which you emerged at the command of queen coo-ee-oh." the boat obeyed. as it sank into the water the top sections rose from the sides and joined together over the heads of glinda and the wizard, who were thus enclosed in a water-proof chamber. there were four glass windows in this covering, one on each side and one on either end, so that the passengers could see exactly where they were going. moving under water more slowly than on the surface, the submarine gradually approached the island and halted with its bow pressed against the huge marble door in the basement under the dome. this door was tightly closed and it was evident to both glinda and the wizard that it would not open to admit the under-water boat unless a magic word was spoken by them or someone from within the basement of the island. but what was this magic word? neither of them knew. "i'm afraid," said the wizard regretfully, "that we can't get in, after all. unless your sorcery can discover the word to open the marble door." "that is probably some word only known to coo-ee-oh," replied the sorceress. "i may be able to discover what it is, but that will require time. let us go back again to our companions." "it seems a shame, after we have made the boat obey us, to be balked by just a marble door," grumbled the wizard. at glinda's command the boat rose until it was on a level with the glass dome that covered the skeezer village, when the sorceress made it slowly circle all around the great dome. many faces were pressed against the glass from the inside, eagerly watching the submarine, and in one place were dorothy and ozma, who quickly recognized glinda and the wizard through the glass windows of the boat. glinda saw them, too, and held the boat close to the dome while the friends exchanged greetings in pantomime. their voices, unfortunately, could not be heard through the dome and the water and the side of the boat. the wizard tried to make the girls understand, through signs, that he and glinda had come to their rescue, and ozma and dorothy understood this from the very fact that the sorceress and the wizard had appeared. the two girl prisoners were smiling and in safety, and knowing this glinda felt she could take all the time necessary in order to effect their final rescue. as nothing more could be done just then, glinda ordered the boat to return to shore, and it obeyed readily. first it ascended to the surface of the water, then the roof parted and fell into the slots at the side of the boat, and then the magic craft quickly made the shore and beached itself on the sands at the very spot from which it had departed at glinda's command. all the oz people and the skeezers at once ran to the boat to ask if they had reached the island, and whether they had seen ozma and dorothy. the wizard told them of the obstacle they had met in the way of a marble door, and how glinda would now undertake to find a magic way to conquer the door. realizing that it would require several days to succeed in reaching the island, raising it and liberating their friends and the skeezer people, glinda now prepared a camp half way between the lake shore and the palm trees. the wizard's wizardry made a number of tents appear and the sorcery of the sorceress furnished these tents all complete, with beds, chairs, tables, rugs, lamps and even books with which to pass idle hours. all the tents had the royal banner of oz flying from the centerpoles and one big tent, not now occupied, had ozma's own banner moving in the breeze. betsy and trot had a tent to themselves, and button bright and ojo had another. the scarecrow and the tin woodman paired together in one tent and so did jack pumpkinhead and the shaggy man, cap'n bill and uncle henry, tik-tok and professor wogglebug. glinda had the most splendid tent of all, except that reserved for ozma, while the wizard had a little one of his own. whenever it was meal time, tables loaded with food magically appeared in the tents of those who were in the habit of eating, and these complete arrangements made the rescue party just as comfortable as they would have been in their own homes. far into the night glinda sat in her tent studying a roll of mystic scrolls in search of a word that would open the basement door of the island and admit her to the great dome. she also made many magical experiments, hoping to discover something that would aid her. yet the morning found the powerful sorceress still unsuccessful. glinda's art could have opened any ordinary door, you may be sure, but you must realize that this marble door of the island had been commanded not to open save in obedience to one magic word, and therefore all other magic words could have no effect upon it. the magic word that guarded the door had probably been invented by coo-ee-oh, who had now forgotten it. the only way, then, to gain entrance to the sunken island was to break the charm that held the door fast shut. if this could be done no magic would be required to open it. the next day the sorceress and the wizard again entered the boat and made it submerge and go to the marble door, which they tried in various ways to open, but without success. "we shall have to abandon this attempt, i think," said glinda. "the easiest way to raise the island would be for us to gain admittance to the dome and then descend to the basement and see in what manner coo-ee-oh made the entire island sink or rise at her command. it naturally occurred to me that the easiest way to gain admittance would be by having the boat take us into the basement through the marble door from which coo-ee-oh launched it. but there must be other ways to get inside the dome and join ozma and dorothy, and such ways we must find by study and the proper use of our powers of magic." "it won't be easy," declared the wizard, "for we must not forget that ozma herself understands considerable magic, and has doubtless tried to raise the island or find other means of escape from it and failed." "that is true," returned glinda, "but ozma's magic is fairy magic, while you are a wizard and i am a sorceress. in this way the three of us have a great variety of magic to work with, and if we should all fail it will be because the island is raised and lowered by a magic power none of us is acquainted with. my idea therefore is to seek--by such magic as we possess--to accomplish our object in another way." they made the circle of the dome again in their boat, and once more saw ozma and dorothy through their windows and exchanged signals with the two imprisoned girls. ozma realized that her friends were doing all in their power to rescue her and smiled an encouragement to their efforts. dorothy seemed a little anxious but was trying to be as brave as her companion. after the boat had returned to the camp and glinda was seated in her tent, working out various ways by which ozma and dorothy could be rescued, the wizard stood on the shore dreamily eying the outlines of the great dome which showed beneath the clear water, when he raised his eyes and saw a group of strange people approaching from around the lake. three were young women of stately presence, very beautifully dressed, who moved with remarkable grace. they were followed at a little distance by a good-looking young skeezer. the wizard saw at a glance that these people might be very important, so he advanced to meet them. the three maidens received him graciously and the one with the golden hair said: "i believe you are the famous wizard of oz, of whom i have often heard. we are seeking glinda, the sorceress, and perhaps you can lead us to her." "i can, and will, right gladly," answered the wizard. "follow me, please." the little wizard was puzzled as to the identity of the three lovely visitors but he gave no sign that might embarrass them. he understood they did not wish to be questioned, and so he made no remarks as he led the way to glinda's tent. with a courtly bow the wizard ushered the three visitors into the gracious presence of glinda, the good. chapter the three adepts the sorceress looked up from her work as the three maidens entered, and something in their appearance and manner led her to rise and bow to them in her most dignified manner. the three knelt an instant before the great sorceress and then stood upright and waited for her to speak. "whoever you may be," said glinda, "i bid you welcome." "my name is audah," said one. "my name is aurah," said another. "my name is aujah," said the third. glinda had never heard these names before, but looking closely at the three she asked: "are you witches or workers in magic?" "some of the secret arts we have gleaned from nature," replied the brownhaired maiden modestly, "but we do not place our skill beside that of the great sorceress, glinda the good." "i suppose you are aware it is unlawful to practice magic in the land of oz, without the permission of our ruler, princess ozma?" "no, we were not aware of that," was the reply. "we have heard of ozma, who is the appointed ruler of all this great fairyland, but her laws have not reached us, as yet." glinda studied the strange maidens thoughtfully; then she said to them: "princess ozma is even now imprisoned in the skeezer village, for the whole island with its great dome, was sunk to the bottom of the lake by the witchcraft of coo-ee-oh, whom the flathead su-dic transformed into a silly swan. i am seeking some way to overcome coo-ee-oh's magic and raise the isle to the surface again. can you help me do this?" the maidens exchanged glances, and the white-haired one replied "we do not know; but we will try to assist you." "it seems," continued glinda musingly, "that coo-ee-oh derived most of her witchcraft from three adepts at magic, who at one time ruled the flatheads. while the adepts were being entertained by coo-ee-oh at a banquet in her palace, she cruelly betrayed them and after transforming them into fishes cast them into the lake. "if i could find these three fishes and return them to their natural shapes--they might know what magic coo-ee-oh used to sink the island. i was about to go to the shore and call these fishes to me when you arrived. so, if you will join me, we will try to find them." the maidens exchanged smiles now, and the golden-haired one, audah, said to glinda: "it will not be necessary to go to the lake. we are the three fishes." "indeed!" cried glinda. "then you are the three adepts at magic, restored to your proper forms?" "we are the three adepts," admitted aujah. "then," said glinda, "my task is half accomplished. but who destroyed the transformation that made you fishes?" "we have promised not to tell," answered aurah; "but this young skeezer was largely responsible for our release; he is brave and clever, and we owe him our gratitude." glinda looked at ervic, who stood modestly behind the adepts, hat in hand. "he shall be properly rewarded," she declared, "for in helping you he has helped us all, and perhaps saved his people from being imprisoned forever in the sunken isle." the sorceress now asked her guests to seat themselves and a long talk followed, in which the wizard of oz shared. "we are quite certain," said aurah, "that if we could get inside the dome we could discover coo-ee-oh's secrets, for in all her work, after we became fishes, she used the formulas and incantations and arts that she stole from us. she may have added to these things, but they were the foundation of all her work." "what means do you suggest for our getting into the dome?" inquired glinda. the three adepts hesitated to reply, for they had not yet considered what could be done to reach the inside of the great dome. while they were in deep thought, and glinda and the wizard were quietly awaiting their suggestions, into the tent rushed trot and betsy, dragging between them the patchwork girl. "oh, glinda," cried trot, "scraps has thought of a way to rescue ozma and dorothy and all of the skeezers." the three adepts could not avoid laughing merrily, for not only were they amused by the queer form of the patchwork girl, but trot's enthusiastic speech struck them as really funny. if the great sorceress and the famous wizard and the three talented adepts at magic were unable as yet to solve the important problem of the sunken isle, there was little chance for a patched girl stuffed with cotton to succeed. but glinda, smiling indulgently at the earnest faces turned toward her, patted the children's heads and said: "scraps is very clever. tell us what she has thought of, my dear." "well," said trot, "scraps says that if you could dry up all the water in the lake the island would be on dry land, an' everyone could come and go whenever they liked." glinda smiled again, but the wizard said to the girls: "if we should dry up the lake, what would become of all the beautiful fishes that now live in the water?" "dear me! that's so," admitted betsy, crestfallen; "we never thought of that, did we trot?" "couldn't you transform 'em into polliwogs?" asked scraps, turning a somersault and then standing on one leg. "you could give them a little, teeny pond to swim in, and they'd be just as happy as they are as fishes." "no indeed!" replied the wizard, severely. "it is wicked to transform any living creatures without their consent, and the lake is the home of the fishes and belongs to them." "all right," said scraps, making a face at him; "i don't care." "it's too bad," sighed trot, "for i thought we'd struck a splendid idea." "so you did," declared glinda, her face now grave and thoughtful. "there is something in the patchwork girl's idea that may be of real value to us." "i think so, too," agreed the golden-haired adept. "the top of the great dome is only a few feet below the surface of the water. if we could reduce the level of the lake until the dome sticks a little above the water, we could remove some of the glass and let ourselves down into the village by means of ropes." "and there would be plenty of water left for the fishes to swim in," added the white-haired maiden. "if we succeed in raising the island we could fill up the lake again," suggested the brown-haired adept. "i believe," said the wizard, rubbing his hands together in delight, "that the patchwork girl, has shown us the way to success." the girls were looking curiously at the three beautiful adepts, wondering who they were, so glinda introduced them to trot and betsy and scraps, and then sent the children away while she considered how to carry the new idea into effect. not much could be done that night, so the wizard prepared another tent for the adepts, and in the evening glinda held a reception and invited all her followers to meet the new arrivals. the adepts were greatly astonished at the extraordinary personages presented to them, and marveled that jack pumpkinhead and the scarecrow and the tin woodman and tik-tok could really live and think and talk just like other people. they were especially pleased with the lively patchwork girl and loved to watch her antics. it was quite a pleasant party, for glinda served some dainty refreshments to those who could eat, and the scarecrow recited some poems, and the cowardly lion sang a song in his deep bass voice. the only thing that marred their joy was the thought that their beloved ozma and dear little dorothy were yet confined in the great dome of the sunken island. chapter the sunken island as soon as they had breakfasted the next morning, glinda and the wizard and the three adepts went down to the shore of the lake and formed a line with their faces toward the submerged island. all the others came to watch them, but stood at a respectful distance in the background. at the right of the sorceress stood audah and aurah, while at the left stood the wizard and aujah. together they stretched their arms over the water's edge and in unison the five chanted a rhythmic incantation. this chant they repeated again and again, swaying their arms gently from side to side, and in a few minutes the watchers behind them noticed that the lake had begun to recede from the shore. before long the highest point of the dome appeared above the water. gradually the water fell, making the dome appear to rise. when it was three or four feet above the surface glinda gave the signal to stop, for their work had been accomplished. the blackened submarine was now entirely out of water, but uncle henry and cap'n bill managed to push it into the lake. glinda, the wizard, ervic and the adepts got into the boat, taking with them a coil of strong rope, and at the command of the sorceress the craft cleaved its way through the water toward the part of the dome which was now visible. "there's still plenty of water for the fish to swim in," observed the wizard as they rode along. "they might like more but i'm sure they can get along until we have raised the island and can fill up the lake again." the boat touched gently on the sloping glass of the dome, and the wizard took some tools from his black bag and quickly removed one large pane of glass, thus making a hole large enough for their bodies to pass through. stout frames of steel supported the glass of the dome, and around one of these frames the wizard tied the end of a rope. "i'll go down first," said he, "for while i'm not as spry as cap'n bill i'm sure i can manage it easily. are you sure the rope is long enough to reach the bottom?" "quite sure," replied the sorceress. so the wizard let down the rope and climbing through the opening lowered himself down, hand over hand, clinging to the rope with his legs and feet. below in the streets of the village were gathered all the skeezers, men, women and children, and you may be sure that ozma and dorothy, with lady aurex, were filled with joy that their friends were at last coming to their rescue. the queen's palace, now occupied by ozma, was directly in the center of the dome, so that when the rope was let down the end of it came just in front of the palace entrance. several skeezers held fast to the rope's end to steady it and the wizard reached the ground in safety. he hugged first ozma and then dorothy, while all the skeezers cheered as loud as they could. the wizard now discovered that the rope was long enough to reach from the top of the dome to the ground when doubled, so he tied a chair to one end of the rope and called to glinda to sit in the chair while he and some of the skeezers lowered her to the pavement. in this way the sorceress reached the ground quite comfortably and the three adepts and ervic soon followed her. the skeezers quickly recognized the three adepts at magic, whom they had learned to respect before their wicked queen betrayed them, and welcomed them as friends. all the inhabitants of the village had been greatly frightened by their imprisonment under water, but now realized that an attempt was to be made to rescue them. glinda, the wizard and the adepts followed ozma and dorothy into the palace, and they asked lady aurex and ervic to join them. after ozma had told of her adventures in trying to prevent war between the flatheads and the skeezers, and glinda had told all about the rescue expedition and the restoration of the three adepts by the help of ervic, a serious consultation was held as to how the island could be made to rise. "i've tried every way in my power," said ozma, "but coo-ee-oh used a very unusual sort of magic which i do not understand. she seems to have prepared her witchcraft in such a way that a spoken word is necessary to accomplish her designs, and these spoken words are known only to herself." "that is a method we taught her," declared aurah the adept. "i can do no more, glinda," continued ozma, "so i wish you would try what your sorcery can accomplish." "first, then," said glinda, "let us visit the basement of the island, which i am told is underneath the village." a flight of marble stairs led from one of coo-ee-oh's private rooms down to the basement, but when the party arrived all were puzzled by what they saw. in the center of a broad, low room, stood a mass of great cog-wheels, chains and pulleys, all interlocked and seeming to form a huge machine; but there was no engine or other motive power to make the wheels turn. "this, i suppose, is the means by which the island is lowered or raised," said ozma, "but the magic word which is needed to move the machinery is unknown to us." the three adepts were carefully examining the mass of wheels, and soon the golden-haired one said: "these wheels do not control the island at all. on the contrary, one set of them is used to open the doors of the little rooms where the submarines are kept, as may be seen from the chains and pulleys used. each boat is kept in a little room with two doors, one to the basement room where we are now and the other letting into the lake. "when coo-ee-oh used the boat in which she attacked the flatheads, she first commanded the basement door to open and with her followers she got into the boat and made the top close over them. then the basement door being closed, the outer door was slowly opened, letting the water fill the room to float the boat, which then left the island, keeping under water." "but how could she expect to get back again?" asked the wizard. "why the boat would enter the room filled with water and after the outer door was closed a word of command started a pump which pumped all the water from the room. then the boat would open and coo-ee-oh could enter the basement." "i see," said the wizard. "it is a clever contrivance, but won't work unless one knows the magic words." "another part of this machinery," explained the white-haired adept, "is used to extend the bridge from the island to the mainland. the steel bridge is in a room much like that in which the boats are kept, and at coo-ee-oh's command it would reach out, joint by joint, until its far end touched the shore of the lake. the same magic command would make the bridge return to its former position. of course the bridge could not be used unless the island was on the surface of the water." "but how do you suppose coo-ee-oh managed to sink the island, and make it rise again?" inquired glinda. this the adepts could not yet explain. as nothing more could be learned from the basement they mounted the steps to the queen's private suite again, and ozma showed them to a special room where coo-ee-oh kept her magical instruments and performed all her arts of witchcraft. chapter the magic words many interesting things were to be seen in the room of magic, including much that had been stolen from the adepts when they were transformed to fishes, but they had to admit that coo-ee-oh had a rare genius for mechanics, and had used her knowledge in inventing a lot of mechanical apparatus that ordinary witches, wizards and sorcerers could not understand. they all carefully inspected this room, taking care to examine every article they came across. "the island," said glinda thoughtfully, "rests on a base of solid marble. when it is submerged, as it is now, the base of the island is upon the bottom of the lake. what puzzles me is how such a great weight can be lifted and suspended in the water, even by magic." "i now remember," returned aujah, "that one of the arts we taught coo-ee-oh was the way to expand steel, and i think that explains how the island is raised and lowered. i noticed in the basement a big steel pillar that passed through the floor and extended upward to this palace. perhaps the end of it is concealed in this very room. if the lower end of the steel pillar is firmly embedded in the bottom of the lake, coo-ee-oh could utter a magic word that would make the pillar expand, and so lift the entire island to the level of the water." "i've found the end of the steel pillar. it's just here," announced the wizard, pointing to one side of the room where a great basin of polished steel seemed to have been set upon the floor. they all gathered around, and ozma said: "yes, i am quite sure that is the upper end of the pillar that supports the island. i noticed it when i first came here. it has been hollowed out, you see, and something has been burned in the basin, for the fire has left its marks. i wondered what was under the great basin and got several of the skeezers to come up here and try to lift it for me. they were strong men, but could not move it at all." "it seems to me," said audah the adept, "that we have discovered the manner in which coo-ee-oh raised the island. she would burn some sort of magic powder in the basin, utter the magic word, and the pillar would lengthen out and lift the island with it." "what's this?" asked dorothy, who had been searching around with the others, and now noticed a slight hollow in the wall, near to where the steel basin stood. as she spoke dorothy pushed her thumb into the hollow and instantly a small drawer popped out from the wall. the three adepts, glinda and the wizard sprang forward and peered into the drawer. it was half filled with a grayish powder, the tiny grains of which constantly moved as if impelled by some living force. "it may be some kind of radium," said the wizard. "no," replied glinda, "it is more wonderful than even radium, for i recognize it as a rare mineral powder called gaulau by the sorcerers. i wonder how coo-ee-oh discovered it and where she obtained it." "there is no doubt," said aujah the adept, "that this is the magic powder coo-ee-oh burned in the basin. if only we knew the magic word, i am quite sure we could raise the island." "how can we discover the magic word?" asked ozma, turning to glinda as she spoke. "that we must now seriously consider," answered the sorceress. so all of them sat down in the room of magic and began to think. it was so still that after a while dorothy grew nervous. the little girl never could keep silent for long, and at the risk of displeasing her magic-working friends she suddenly said: "well, coo-ee-oh used just three magic words, one to make the bridge work, and one to make the submarines go out of their holes, and one to raise and lower the island. three words. and coo-ee-oh's name is made up of just three words. one is 'coo,' and one is 'ee,' and one is 'oh.'" the wizard frowned but glinda looked wonderingly at the young girl and ozma cried out: "a good thought, dorothy dear! you may have solved our problem." "i believe it is worth a trial," agreed glinda. "it would be quite natural for coo-ee-oh to divide her name into three magic syllables, and dorothy's suggestion seems like an inspiration." the three adepts also approved the trial but the brown-haired one said: "we must be careful not to use the wrong word, and send the bridge out under water. the main thing, if dorothy's idea is correct, is to hit upon the one word that moves the island." "let us experiment," suggested the wizard. in the drawer with the moving gray powder was a tiny golden cup, which they thought was used for measuring. glinda filled this cup with the powder and carefully poured it into the shallow basin, which was the top of the great steel pillar supporting the island. then aurah the adept lighted a taper and touched it to the powder, which instantly glowed fiery red and tumbled about the basin with astonishing energy. while the grains of powder still glowed red the sorceress bent over it and said in a voice of command: "coo!" they waited motionless to see what would happen. there was a grating noise and a whirl of machinery, but the island did not move a particle. dorothy rushed to the window, which overlooked the glass side of the dome. "the boats!" she exclaimed. "the boats are all loose an' sailing under water." "we've made a mistake," said the wizard gloomily. "but it's one which shows we are on the right track," declared aujah the adept. "we know now that coo-ee-oh used the syllables of her name for the magic words." "if 'coo' sends out the boats, it is probable that 'ee' works the bridge," suggested ozma. "so the last part of the name may raise the island." "let us try that next then," proposed the wizard. he scraped the embers of the burned powder out of the basin and glinda again filled the golden cup from the drawer and placed it on top the steel pillar. aurah lighted it with her taper and ozma bent over the basin and murmured the long drawn syllable: "oh-h-h!" instantly the island trembled and with a weird groaning noise it moved upward--slowly, very slowly, but with a steady motion, while all the company stood by in awed silence. it was a wonderful thing, even to those skilled in the arts of magic, wizardry and sorcery, to realize that a single word could raise that great, heavy island, with its immense glass dome. "why, we're way _above_ the lake now!" exclaimed dorothy from the window, when at last the island ceased to move. "that is because we lowered the level of the water," explained glinda. they could hear the skeezers cheering lustily in the streets of the village as they realized that they were saved. "come," said ozma eagerly, "let us go down and join the people." "not just yet," returned glinda, a happy smile upon her lovely face, for she was overjoyed at their success. "first let us extend the bridge to the mainland, where our friends from the emerald city are waiting." it didn't take long to put more powder in the basin, light it and utter the syllable "ee!" the result was that a door in the basement opened and the steel bridge moved out, extended itself joint by joint, and finally rested its far end on the shore of the lake just in front of the encampment. "now," said glinda, "we can go up and receive the congratulations of the skeezers and of our friends of the rescue expedition." across the water, on the shore of the lake, the patchwork girl was waving them a welcome. chapter glinda's triumph of course all those who had joined glinda's expedition at once crossed the bridge to the island, where they were warmly welcomed by the skeezers. before all the concourse of people princess ozma made a speech from a porch of the palace and demanded that they recognize her as their lawful ruler and promise to obey the laws of the land of oz. in return she agreed to protect them from all future harm and declared they would no longer be subjected to cruelty and abuse. this pleased the skeezers greatly, and when ozma told them they might elect a queen to rule over them, who in turn would be subject to ozma of oz, they voted for lady aurex, and that same day the ceremony of crowning the new queen was held and aurex was installed as mistress of the palace. for her prime minister the queen selected ervic, for the three adepts had told of his good judgment, faithfulness and cleverness, and all the skeezers approved the appointment. glinda, the wizard and the adepts stood on the bridge and recited an incantation that quite filled the lake with water again, and the scarecrow and the patchwork girl climbed to the top of the great dome and replaced the pane of glass that had been removed to allow glinda and her followers to enter. when evening came ozma ordered a great feast prepared, to which every skeezer was invited. the village was beautifully decorated and brilliantly lighted and there was music and dancing until a late hour to celebrate the liberation of the people. for the skeezers had been freed, not only from the water of the lake but from the cruelty of their former queen. as the people from the emerald city prepared the next morning to depart queen aurex said to ozma: "there is only one thing i now fear for my people, and that is the enmity of the terrible su-dic of the flatheads. he is liable to come here at any time and try to annoy us, and my skeezers are peaceful folks and unable to fight the wild and wilful flatheads." "do not worry," returned ozma, reassuringly. "we intend to stop on our way at the flatheads' enchanted mountain and punish the su-dic for his misdeeds." that satisfied aurex and when ozma and her followers trooped over the bridge to the shore, having taken leave of their friends, all the skeezers cheered them and waved their hats and handkerchiefs, and the band played and the departure was indeed a ceremony long to be remembered. the three adepts at magic, who had formerly ruled the flatheads wisely and considerately, went with princess ozma and her people, for they had promised ozma to stay on the mountain and again see that the laws were enforced. glinda had been told all about the curious flatheads and she had consulted with the wizard and formed a plan to render them more intelligent and agreeable. when the party reached the mountain ozma and dorothy showed them how to pass around the invisible wall--which had been built by the flatheads after the adepts were transformed--and how to gain the up-and-down stairway that led to the mountain top. the su-dic had watched the approach of the party from the edge of the mountain and was frightened when he saw that the three adepts had recovered their natural forms and were coming back to their former home. he realized that his power would soon be gone and yet he determined to fight to the last. he called all the flatheads together and armed them, and told them to arrest all who came up the stairway and hurl them over the edge of the mountain to the plain below. but although they feared the supreme dictator, who had threatened to punish them if they did not obey his commands, as soon as they saw the three adepts they threw down their arms and begged their former rulers to protect them. the three adepts assured the excited flatheads that they had nothing to fear. seeing that his people had rebelled the su-dic ran away and tried to hide, but the adepts found him and had him cast into a prison, all his cans of brains being taken away from him. after this easy conquest of the su-dic, glinda told the adepts of her plan, which had already been approved by ozma of oz, and they joyfully agreed to it. so, during the next few days, the great sorceress transformed, in a way, every flathead on the mountain. taking them one at a time, she had the can of brains that belonged to each one opened and the contents spread on the flat head, after which, by means of her arts of sorcery, she caused the head to grow over the brains--in the manner most people wear them--and they were thus rendered as intelligent and good looking as any of the other inhabitants of the land of oz. when all had been treated in this manner there were no more flatheads at all, and the adepts decided to name their people mountaineers. one good result of glinda's sorcery was that no one could now be deprived of the brains that belonged to him and each person had exactly the share he was entitled to. even the su-dic was given his portion of brains and his flat head made round, like the others, but he was deprived of all power to work further mischief, and with the adepts constantly watching him he would be forced to become obedient and humble. the golden pig, which ran grunting about the streets, with no brains at all, was disenchanted by glinda, and in her woman's form was given brains and a round head. this wife of the su-dic had once been even more wicked than her evil husband, but she had now forgotten all her wickedness and was likely to be a good woman thereafter. these things being accomplished in a satisfactory manner, princess ozma and her people bade farewell to the three adepts and departed for the emerald city, well pleased with their interesting adventures. they returned by the road over which ozma and dorothy had come, stopping to get the sawhorse and the red wagon where they had left them. "i'm very glad i went to see these peoples," said princess ozma, "for i not only prevented any further warfare between them, but they have been freed from the rule of the su-dic and coo-ee-oh and are now happy and loyal subjects of the land of oz. which proves that it is always wise to do one's duty, however unpleasant that duty may seem to be." transcriber's note archaic and inconsistent spelling, punctuation, and syntax retained. gutenberg. castes and tribes of southern india by edgar thurston, c.i.e., superintendent, madras government museum; correspondant Étranger, société d'anthropologie de paris; socio corrispondante, societa, romana di anthropologia. assisted by k. rangachari, m.a., of the madras government museum. volume vii--t to z government press, madras . castes and tribes of southern india. volume vii. t tabelu (tortoise).--a sept of aiyarakulu, and section of gazula kapu and koppala velama. taccha kurup.--barbers who shave malabar kammalans. tacchan.--the name of the carpenter sub-division of kammalans, and further returned, at the census, , as an occupational sub-division by some paraiyans. taccha karaiyan has been recorded as a name for some members of the karaiyan fishing caste. the tacchasastram, or science of carpentry, prescribes in minute details the rules of construction. tacchanadan muppan.--recorded, in the madras census reports, and , as a sub-division of kuricchans, and of kurumbas of the nilgiris. tadan.--see dasari. tagara.--a section of poroja. takru.--a class of muhammadan pilots and sailors in the laccadive islands. (see mappilla.) talaivan (a chief).--a title of the maravans. jadi or jati talaivan is the name of the hereditary chief of the paravas of tinnevelly, who, at times of pearl fisheries, receives a fixed share of the 'oysters.' talamala.--a sub-division of kanikar. talayari.--the talayari (talai, head) or chief watchman, or uddari (saviour of the village), is a kind of undepartmental village policeman, who is generally known as the talari. among other duties, he has to follow on the track of stolen cattle, to act as a guard over persons confined in the village choultry (lock-up), to attend upon the head of the village during the trial of petty cases, to serve processes, and distrain goods. in big villages there are two or three talayaris, in which case one is a paraiyan, who officiates in the paraiya quarter. in parts of the telugu country, the mutrachas, who are the village watchmen, are known as talarivallu, or watchman people, and, in like manner, the bedars are called talarivandlu in the kurnool and bellary districts. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the tanjore district ( ), that "from the earliest years of the british occupation of the country, fees were paid to the talaiyari or village watchman. he was probably survival of a state of society in which kavalgars did not exist, and his duties were, it seems, to look after the villagers' fields and threshing floors. at any rate, he continued in existence even after the abolition of the kaval system (see maravan), and was declared by the early police regulation (xi of ) to be part of the regular police establishment. practically he did little real police duty, and in , when the mufassal police was reorganised, all claims to the services of the talaiyari as a servant of the state were formally abandoned, the inspector-general of police having reported that any attempt to utilise the talaiyari body would be fruitless and unpopular. talaiyaris still continue to be employed and paid by the ryots (cultivators) as the private guardians of their crops and harvested grain. recently, however, the district was brought into line with the rest of the presidency by the creation of a new force of talaiyaris, who now perform the police duties assigned to such persons elsewhere. they are provided with lathis (sticks) and badges, and are a useful auxiliary to the police." tali.--"the tali," bishop caldwell writes, [ ] "is the hindu sign of marriage, answering to the ring of european christendom. i have known a clergyman refuse to perform a marriage with a tali, and insist upon a ring being used instead. a little consideration will show that the scrupulous conscience can find no rest for itself even in the ring; for, if the ring is more christian than the tali, it is only because its use among christians is more ancient. every one knows that the ring has a pagan origin, and that, for this reason, it is rejected by quakers." "the custom," wagner informs us, [ ] "of wearing the wedding ring on the fourth finger of the left hand had unquestionably a pagan origin. both the greeks and the romans called the fourth left-hand finger the medicated finger, and used it to stir up mixtures and potions, out of the belief that it contained a vein, which communicated directly with the heart, and therefore nothing noxious could come in contact with it, without giving instant warning to that vital organ." the marriage badge, as it occurs in southern india, is, broadly speaking, of two types. the one in use among the tamil castes is oblong in shape, with a single or double indentation at the base, and rounded at the top. the corresponding bottu or sathamanam of the telugu and canarese castes is a flat or cup-shaped disc. the tali in use among various malayalam castes at the tali-kettu ceremony is a long cylinder. tali-kettu kalyanam (tali-tying marriage).--a ceremony gone through by nayar girls, and girls of some other malayalam castes, in childhood. of those who gave evidence before the malabar marriage commission, some thought the tali-kettu was a marriage, some not. others called it a mock marriage, a formal marriage, a sham marriage, fictitious marriage, a marriage sacrament, the preliminary part of marriage, a meaningless ceremony, an empty form, a ridiculous farce, an incongruous custom, a waste of money, and a device for becoming involved in debt. "while," the report states, "a small minority of strict conservatives still maintain that the tali-kettu is a real marriage intended to confer on the bridegroom a right to cohabit with the bride, an immense majority describe it as a fictitious marriage, the origin of which they are at a loss to explain. and another large section tender the explanation accepted by our president (sir t. muttusami aiyar), that in some way or other it is an essential caste observance preliminary to the formation of sexual relations." in summing up the evidence collected by him, mr. lewis moore states [ ] that it seems to be proved beyond all reasonable doubt that "from the sixteenth century at all events, and up to the early portion of the nineteenth century, the relations between the sexes in families governed by marumakkathayam (inheritance in the female line) were of as loose a description as it is possible to imagine. the tali-kettu kalyanam, brought about by the brahmans, brought about no improvement, and indeed, in all probability, made matters much worse by giving a quasi-religious sanction to a fictitious marriage, which bears an unpleasant resemblance to the sham marriage ceremonies performed among certain inferior castes elsewhere as a cloak for prostitution (see deva-dasi). as years passed, some time about the opening of the nineteenth century, the kerala mahatmyam and keralolpathi were concocted, probably by nambudris, and false and pernicious doctrines as to the obligations laid on the nayars by divine law to administer to the lust of the nambudris were disseminated abroad. the better classes among the nayars revolted against the degrading system thus established, and a custom sprang up, especially in north malabar, of making sambandham a more or less formal contract, approved and sanctioned by the karnavan (senior male) of the tarwad [ ] to which the lady belonged, and celebrated with elaborate ceremony under the pudamuri (female cloth cutting) form. that there was nothing analogous to the pudamuri prevalent in malabar from a.d. to may, i think, be fairly presumed from the absence of all allusion to it in the works of the various european writers." according to act iv, madras, , sambandham means an alliance between a man and woman, by reason of which they, in accordance with the custom of the community to which they belong, or either of them belongs, cohabit or intend to cohabit as husband and wife. tambala.--the tambalas are summed up, in the madras census report, , as "telugu-speaking temple priests. their social position differs in different localities. they are regarded as brahmans in godavari, kistna and nellore, and as sudras in the other telugu districts." it is noted, in the census report, that the tambalas are described by c. p. brown as a class of beggars, who worship siva, and who beat drums; secular priests, etc. these men are generally sudras, but wear the sacred thread. "it is said that, during his peregrinations in the north, sankaracharya appointed tamil brahmans to perform temple services in all the saiva shrines. hence the telugu people, in the midst of whom the tamilians lived, called them the tambalas (tamils). they are not now, however, regarded as brahmans, whatever their original position may have been. they will eat only with brahmans. most of them are saivites, and a few are lingayats. the smarta brahmans officiate as their priests at birth, marriage, and death ceremonies. they do not eat animal food, and all their religious rites are more or less like those of brahmans. their usual titles are aiya and appa." tamban.--one of the divisions of kshatriyas in travancore. (see tirumalpad.) tambi (younger brother).--a term of affection in the tamil country, used especially when a younger person is being addressed. it is also recorded as an honorific title of nayars in travancore, and a suffix to the names of nayar sons of travancore sovereigns. tambiran.--the name for pandaram managers of temples, e.g., at tiruvadudurai in tanjore and mailam in south arcot. tamburan.--for the following note on the rajahs or tamburans, i am indebted to the travancore census report, . "they form an endogamous community of kshatriyas, and live as seven families in travancore. they are distinguished by the localities in which they reside, viz., mavelikkara, ennaikkat, kartikapalli, mariappalli, tiruvalla, praikkara, and aranmula. they are all related by blood, the connection between some of them being very close. like the koiltampurans, all the members of their community observe birth and death pollution with reference to each other. their original home is kolattunat in north malabar, and their immigration into travancore, where the reigning family is of the kolattunat stock, was contemporaneous, in the main, with the invasion of malabar by tippu sultan. the first family that came into the country from kolattunat was the putuppalli kovilakam in the th century m.e. (malabar era). the travancore royal family then stood in need of adoption. the then rajah arranged through a koiltampuran of tattarikkovilakam to bring from kolattunat two princesses for adoption, as his negotiations with the then kolattiri were fruitless. the puttuppali kovilakam members thus settled themselves at kartikapalli, the last of whom died in m.e. the next family that migrated was cheriyakovilakam, between and m.e. they also came for adoption. but their right was disputed by another house, pallikkovilakam. they then settled themselves at aranmula. the third series of migrations were during the invasion of malabar by tippu in m.e. all the rajahs living there at the time came over to travancore, of whom, however, many returned home after a time. the rajahs, like the koiltampurans, belong to the yajurveda section of dvijas, but follow the sutra laid down by baudhayana. their gotra is that of bhargava, i.e., parasurama, indicating in a manner that these are kshatriyas who were accepted by parasurama, the uncompromising brahmin of the hindu puranas. they have all the brahminical samskaras, only the brahmin priest does most of them on their behalf. chaulam, or tuft ceremony, is performed along with upanayanam. the samavartanam, or termination of the pupil stage, is celebrated on the fourth day of the thread investiture. instruction in arms is then given to the kshatriya boy, and is supposed to be kept up until the requisite skill has been obtained. the tali-tying (mangalya dharanam or pallikkettu of a raja lady) is done by a koiltampuran, who thereafter lives with her as her married husband. the kanyakadanam, or giving away of the bride, is performed by the priest who attends also to the other sastraic rites. the males take sudra consorts. if the first husband leaves by death or otherwise, another koiltampuran may be accepted. this is not called marriage, but kuttirikkuka (living together). at sradhas (memorial services), the karta, or performer of the ceremony, throws a flower as a mark of spiritual homage at the feet of the brahmins who are invited to represent the manes, and greets them in the conventional form (namaskara). the priest does the other ceremonies. after the invited brahmins have been duly entertained, oblations of cooked rice are offered to the ancestors by the karta himself. they are to repeat the gayatri ten times at each sandhya prayer, together with the panchakshara and the ashtakshara mantras. their caste government is in the hands of the nambutiri vaidikas. their family priests belong to the class of malayala pottis, known as tiruveli pottis. besides the ordinary names prevalent among koiltampurans, names such as martanda varma, aditya varma, and udaya varma are also met with. pet names, such as kungaru, kungappan, kungoman, kungunni, unni and ampu are common. in the travancore royal house, the first female member always takes the name of lakshmi and the second that of parvati. tamoli.--a few members of this north india caste of betel-leaf sellers have been returned at times of census. i am unable to discover in what district they occur. tambuli or tamuli is recorded as a caste of betel-leaf sellers in bengal, and tamboli as a caste carrying on a similar occupation in the bombay presidency. tanamanadu.--a sub-division of valaiyan. tanda.--the word literally refers to a settlement or encampment of the lambadis, by some of whom it is, at times of census, returned as a tribal synonym. tandan.--it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "in walluvanad and palghat (in malabar) tandan is a distinct caste. the ceremonies observed by tandans are, in general outline, the same as those of the southern tiyyans, but the two do not intermarry, each claiming superiority over the other. there is a custom which prohibits the tandan females of walluvanad from crossing a channel which separates that taluk from mankara on the palghat side." the tandans of malabar are described by mr. f. fawcett as a people allied to the izhuvans, who observe the custom of fraternal polyandry, which the izhuvans abhor. for the following note on the tandans of travancore, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. the castemen are known as uralis to the south of varkallay, and tandans to the north of it. in some places to the east of kottarakaray, they were popularly termed mutalpattukar, or those who receive the first perquisite for assistance rendered to carpenters. in the days when there were no saws, the rough instruments of the tandan served their purpose. hence some members of the caste were called tacchan (carpenter). tandan is derived from the sanskrit dandanam or punishment, as, in ancient times, men of this caste were employed to carry out the punishments that were inflicted by the authorities upon offenders. for the execution of such punishments, the tandans were provided with swords, choppers and knives. as they were also told off to guard the villages (ur) of which they happened to be inhabitants, they acquired the title of urali. in some places, tandans are also called velans. males and females have respectively the title muppan and muppatti, meaning an elder. in addressing members of higher castes, the tandans call themselves kuzhiyan, or dwellers in pits. the tandans are said to have once belonged to the same caste as the izhuvans, but to have fallen away from that position. they must, in times gone by, have joined the military service of the various states in malabar. they were, in some places, given rent-free lands, called urali parambu, in return for the duties they were expected to perform. with the return of peaceful times, their occupation changed, and the climbing of palm trees, to extract the juice thereof, became their most important calling. they are also largely engaged in the manufacture of ropes. many families still receive the mutalpattu, or allowance from the carpenters. the tandans are divided into four endogamous sections, called ilanji, puvar, irunelli, and pilakkuti. the ornaments of the women are, besides the minnu, wreaths of red and red and black beads. nowadays the gold gnattu of the nayars is also worn. tattooing is popular. even males have a crescent and a dot tattooed on the forehead, the corresponding mark in females being a line from the nasal pit upwards. among the devices tattooed on the arms are the conch shell, lotus, snake, discus, etc. in their food and drink the tandans resemble the iluvans. the priests of the tandans are called tanda kuruppus, and they are also the caste barbers. the chief deity of the tandans is bhadrakali, at whose shrines at mandaikkad, cranganore, and sarkkaray, offerings are regularly made. at the last place, a tandan is the priest. the chief days for the worship of this deity are bharani asterism in march and pattamudayam in april. november is a particularly religious month, and the day on which the kartikay star falls is exclusively devoted to worship. the first sunday in january is another religious occasion, and on that day cooked food is offered to the rising sun. this is called pogala. maruta, or the spirit of smallpox, receives special worship. if a member of the caste dies of this disease, a small shed is erected in his memory either at his home or near the local bhadrakali shrine, and offerings of sweetmeats and toddy are made to him on the th of makaram (january-february). chitragupta, the accountant of yama, the god of death, is worshipped on the full-moon day in april-may. ancestor worship is performed on the new-moon day in july. a girl's tali-tying ceremony, which is called kazhuttukettu, takes place when she is between seven and twelve years old. the bridegroom is a relative called machchampi. the kuruppu receives a money present of / fanams for every tali tied in his presence. though more than one girl may go through the ceremony in the same pandal (booth), each should have a separate bridegroom. the relations between the bride and bridegroom are dissolved by the father of the former paying the latter sixteen rasi fanams. the daughter of a man's paternal aunt or maternal uncle may be claimed as murappen or lawful bride. the sambandham, or actual marriage, takes place after a girl has reached puberty. a family is regarded as out-caste, if she has not previously gone through the tali-tying ceremony. only the eldest member of a family is cremated, the rest being buried. death pollution lasts for ten days. the anniversary of a death is celebrated at the sea-shore, where cooked food, mixed with gingelly (sesamum) is offered to the departed, and thrown into the sea. tandan.--the tandan is the hereditary headman of a tiyan tara (village), and is a tiyan by caste. he is appointed by the senior rani of the zamorin's family, or by some local raja in territories outside the jurisdiction of the zamorin. the tandan is the principal person in the decision of caste disputes. he is expected to assist at the tali-tying, puberty, marriage and pregnancy ceremonies of members of the caste. his formal permission is required before the carpenter can cut down the areca palm, with which the shed in which the tali is tied is constructed. in cases of divorce, his functions are important. when a new house is built, a house-warming ceremony takes place, at which the tandan officiates. fowls are sacrificed, and the right leg is the tandan's perquisite. he is a man of importance, not only in many affairs within his own caste, but also in those of other castes. thus, when a nayar dies, it is the tandan's duty to get the body burnt. he controls the washerman and barber of the tara, and can withdraw their services when they are most needed. he officiates, moreover, at marriages of the artisan classes. tangalan.--a sub-division of paraiyan. the word indicates one who may not stand near, in reference to their belonging to the polluting classes. tangedu.--tangedu or tangedla (cassia auriculata) has been recorded as an exogamous sept of kapu and padma sale. the bark of this shrub is one of the most valuable indian tanning agents, and is, like myrabolams (terminalia fruits), used in the manufacture of indigenous dyes. tantuvayan (thread-wearer).--an occupational name used by various weaving castes. tapodhanlu.--the name, meaning those who believe in self-mortification as wealth, adopted by some telugu mendicants. tarakan.--see muttan. tartharol.--the name, recorded by dr. w. h. r. rivers, [ ] of a division of the todas. tartal is also given by various writers as a division of this tribe. tarwad.--defined by mr. wigram [ ] as a marumakkathayam family, consisting of all the descendants in the female line of one common female ancestor. tassan.--a malayalam synonym for the telugu dasari. tattan.--the goldsmith section of the tamil and malayalam kammalans. teivaliol.--the name, recorded by dr. w. h. r. rivers, [ ] of a division of the todas. telaga.--"the telagas," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are a telugu caste of cultivators, who were formerly soldiers in the armies of the hindu sovereigns of telingana. this may perhaps account for the name, for it is easy to see that the telugu soldiers might come to be regarded as the telugus or telagas par excellence. the sub-divisions returned under this name show that there has been some confusion between the telagas proper, and persons who are members of other telugu castes. the telagas are vaishnavites, and have brahmans for their priests. their customs closely resemble those of the kapus. they eat flesh, but are not allowed to drink liquor. they are usually farmers now, but many still serve as soldiers, though their further recruitment has recently been stopped. their common titles are naidu and dora." in a note on the telagas and vantaris (strong men), it is suggested that they should be classed with the kapus, of which caste they are an offshoot for the following reasons:--"( ) members of the three classes admit that this is so; ( ) a collation of the intiperulu or septs shows that the same names recur among the three classes; ( ) all three interdine, and intermarriage between them is not rare. a poor telaga or vantari often gives his daughter in marriage to a rich kapu. the telagas and vantaris are highly brahmanised, and will have a brahman for their guru, and get themselves branded at his hands. a kapu is generally content with a satani or jangam. though they do not differ in their marriage and funeral rites from the kapus, they usually marry their girls before puberty, and widow remarriage and divorce are disallowed. a kapu is invariably a cultivator; a vantari was in olden days a sepoy, and, as such, owned inam (rent-free) lands. even now he has a prejudice against ploughing jirayati (ordinarily assessed) lands, which a kapu has no objection to do. similarly, a telaga takes pride in taking service under a zamindar, but, unlike the vantari, he will plough any land. kapu women will fetch their own water, and carry meals to the fields for their fathers and husbands. the women of the other classes affect the gosha system, and the men carry their own food, and fetch water for domestic purposes, or, if well-to-do, employ kapus for these services. it may be added that rich kapus often exhibit a tendency to pass as telagas." telikula.--the telikulas are summed up, in the madras census report, , as "a telugu oil-presser caste, which should not be confused with tellakula, a synonym for tsakala, or with telli, a caste of oriya oil-pressers." telikula is a synonym for the ganiga or gandla caste of oil-pressers, derived from the oil (gingelly: sesamum indicum), whereas the names ganiga and gandla refer to the oil-mill. in the northern circars, the name telikula is used in preference to ganiga or gandla, and the oil-pressers in that part of the country are known as telikula-vandlu. the telikulas are onteddu, i.e., use a single bullock for working the oil-mill, whereas, among the ganigas, there are both onteddu and rendeddu sections, which employ one and two bullocks respectively. tellakula (white clan).--recorded, in the census report, , as a synonym for tsakala. according to the rev. j. cain, [ ] the tellakulas are telugu washermen (tsakalas), who, in consequence of having obtained employment as peons in government offices, feel themselves to be superior to other members of their caste. telli.--the tellis are the oil-pressers of the oriya country, whose caste name is derived from telo, oil. they are apparently divided into three endogamous sections, named holodia, bolodia, and khadi. the original occupation of the holodias is said to have been the cultivation and sale of turmeric. they may not carry turmeric and other articles for sale on the back of bullocks, and consequently use carts as a medium of transport thereof. and it is further contrary to their caste rules even to assist in loading or unloading packs carried by bullocks. the bolodias receive their name from the fact that they carry produce in the form of oil-seeds, etc., on pack bullocks, bolodo being oriya for bullock. the khadis are mainly engaged in expressing various oils in oil-mills, and this occupation is also carried on by some members of the other sections. all tellis seem to belong to one gotra, called karthikeswara. the caste title is sahu. in social position the tellis, unlike the tamil vaniyans (oil-pressers), are on a par with the agricultural castes, and are one of the panchapatako, or five castes from which individuals are selected to decide serious issues which arise among the badhoyis. the headman of the tellis is called behara, and he is assisted by a bhollobaya, and in some places apparently by another officer called pento. it is considered by the tellis as a breach of caste rules to sail in a boat or ship. if a cow dies with a rope round its neck, or on the spot where it is tethered, the family which owned it is under pollution until purification has been effected by means of a pilgrimage, or by bathing in a sacred river. the holodias will not rear male calves at their houses, and do not castrate their bulls. male calves are disposed of by sale as speedily as possible. those holodias who are illiterate make the mark (nisani) of a ball of turmeric paste as a substitute for their autograph on documents. in like manner, the nisanis of the bolodias and khadis respectively are the leather belt of a bullock and curved pole of the oil-mill. among nisanis used by other oriya castes, the following may be noted:-- korono (writer caste), style. ravulo (temple servants), trident. bavuri (basket-makers and earth-diggers), sickle. dhoba (washermen) fork used for collecting firewood. brahman, ring of dharba grass, such as is worn on ceremonial occasions. in their marriage ceremonies, the tellis observe the standard oriya type, with a few variations. on the day before the wedding, two young married women carry two new pots painted white on their heads. to support the pots thereon, a single cloth, with the two ends rolled up to form a head-pad, must be used. the two women, accompanied by another married woman carrying a new winnowing basket, and mokkuto (forehead chaplet), proceed, to the accompaniment of the music of a chank shell and pipes, to a temple, whereat they worship. on their way home, the two girls, according to the custom of other oriyas castes, go to seven houses, at each of which water is poured into their pots. during the marriage ceremony, after the ends of the cloths of the bride and bridegroom have been tied together, they exchange myrabolams (terminalia fruits) and areca nuts. until the close of the ceremonies, they may not plunge into a tank (pond) or river, and, in bathing, may not wet the head. most of the tellis are paramarthos, and follow the chaitanya form of vaishnavism, but some are smartas, and all worship takuranis (village deities). telugu.--telugu or telaga is used as a linguistic term indicating a person who speaks that language. it has, at recent times of census, been returned as a sub-division of various classes, e.g., agasa, balija, banajiga, bedar, bestha, devanga, holeya, kumbara, rachewar, tsakala, and uppara. further, telugu vellala appears as a synonym of velama, and telugu chetti as a synonym of saluppan. ten (honey).--ten or jen has been recorded as a sub-division or exogamous sept of jungle kurumbas and holeyas. some irulas style themselves ten padaiyachi or ten vanniyan, padaiyachi and vanniyan being a title and synonym of the pallis. tendisai (southern country).--recorded as a division of vellalas in the madura and coimbatore districts. tene (millet: setaria italica).--an exogamous sept of holeya. tengina (cocoanut palm).--the name of a section of halepaiks, who tap the cocoanut for extracting toddy. tennam.--tennam (cocoanut) or tennanjanar (cocoanut tappers) is recorded as the occupational name of shanan. tenkayala (cocoanut) occurs as an exogamous sept of yanadi, and the equivalent tennang as a tree or kothu of kondaiyamkotti maravans. tennilainadu.--a territorial sub-division of kallan. terkattiyar (southerner).--a term applied to kallan, maravan, agamudaiyan, and other immigrants into the tanjore district. at mayavaram, for example, it is applied to kallans, agamudaiyans, and valaiyans. tertal.--a division of toda. teruvan.--a synonym of the malabar chaliyans, who are so called because, unlike most of the west coast castes, they live in streets (teru). tevadiyal (servant of god).--the tamil name for deva-dasis. tevan (god) occurs as a title of maravans. teyyambadi.--a section of ambalavasis or temple servants in malabar, the members of which dance and sing in bhagavati temples, and perform a song called nagapattu (song in honour of serpents) in private houses, which is supposed to be effective in procuring offspring. [ ] thadla.--thadla or thalla, meaning rope, is an exogamous sept of devanga and karna sale. thakur.--about a hundred members of this caste are returned, in the madras census report, , as belonging to a bombay caste of genealogists and cultivators. it is recorded, in the bombay gazetteer, that "inferior in rank to marathas, the thakurs are idle and of unclean habits. though some of them till and twist woollen threads for blankets, they live chiefly by begging and ballad singing. at times they perform plays representing events mentioned in the purans and ramayan, and showing wooden puppets moved by strings." thalakokala (female cloths).--an exogamous sept of devanga. thalam (palmyra palm).--an exogamous sept or illam of kanikar. thamballa (sword bean: canavalia ensiformis).--an exogamous sept of tsakalas, members of which will not eat the bean. thamburi.--a class of people in mysore, who are muhammadans, dress like lambadis, but do not intermarry with them. (see lambadi.) thanda pulayan.--for the following note, i am indebted to mr. l. k. ananthakrishna aiyar. [ ] the thanda pulayans constitute a small division of the pulayans, who dwell in south malabar and cochin. the name is given to them because of the garment worn by the females, made of the leaves of a sedge, called thanda (apparently scirpus articulatus), which are cut into lengths, woven at one end, and tied round the waist so that they hang down below the knees. the following story is told with regard to the origin of this costume. a certain high-caste man, who owned lands in those parts, chanced to sow seeds, and plant vegetables. he was surprised to find that not a trace of what he sowed or planted was to be seen on the following day. with a view to clearing up the mystery, he kept a close watch during the night, and saw certain human beings, stark naked, come out of a hole. they were pursued, and a man and a woman were caught. impressed with a sense of shame at their wretched condition, the high-caste man threw his upper garment to the male, but, having nothing to give as a covering for the woman, threw some thanda leaves over her. the thanda pulayans are also called kuzhi pulayans, as they were found emerging from a pit (kuzhi). the leafy garment is said to be fast going out of fashion, as mappillas, and others who own the pulayans, compel them to wear cotton cloths. according to the rev. w. j. richards, a division of the pulayans, who are called kanna pulayans, and found near alleppey, wear rather better, and more artistically made aprons. [ ] the following legend is current regarding the origin of the thanda pulayans. in the south, the pulayans are divided into the eastern and western sections. the former were the slaves of duryodhana, and the latter were attached to the pandus. these formed the two rival parties in the war of the mahabaratha, and the defeat of duryodhana was the cause of their degradation. the thanda pulayans appear to have been the slaves of the soil till , when they were emancipated. even now, their condition has not undergone much material improvement. though they are left more to themselves, they still work for farmers or landlords for a daily wage of paddy (unhusked rice). if they run away, they are brought back, and punished. there is a custom that, when a farmer or landlord wants a few pulayans to work in the fields, he obtains their services on payment of fifteen to twenty rupees to them, or to their master. when a pulayan's services are thus obtained, he works for his new master for two edangalis of paddy a day. they can obtain their liberation on the return of the purchase-money, which they can never hope to earn. having no property which they can claim as their own, and conscious perhaps that their lot will be the same wherever they go, they remain cheerful and contented, drudging on from day to day, and have no inclination to emigrate to places where they can get higher wages. the cherumars of palghat, on the contrary, enjoy more freedom. many go to the wynad, and some to the kolar gold-fields, where they receive a good money-wage. the thanda pulayans work, as has been said, for some landlord, who allows them small bits of land. the trees thereon belong to the master, but they are allowed to enjoy their produce during their residence there. when not required by the master, they can work where they like. they have to work for him for six months, and sometimes throughout the year. they have little to do after the crop has been garnered. they work in the rice-fields, pumping water, erecting bunds (mud embankments), weeding, transplanting, and reaping. men, women, and children may be seen working together. after a day's hard work, in the sun or rain, they receive their wages, which they take to the nearest shop, called mattupitica (exchange shop), where they receive salt, chillies, etc., in exchange for a portion of the paddy, of which the remainder is cooked. the master's field must be guarded at night against the encroachment of cattle, and the depredations of thieves and wild beasts. they keep awake by shouting aloud, singing in a dull monotone, or beating a drum. given a drink of toddy, the pulayans will work for any length of time. it is not uncommon to see them thrashed for slight offences. if a man is thrashed with a thanda garment, he is so much disgraced in the eyes of his fellow men, that he is not admitted into their society. some improve their condition by becoming converts to christianity. others believe that the spirits of the departed would be displeased, if they became christians. the thanda pulayan community is divided into exogamous illams, and marriage between members of the same illam is forbidden. their habitations are called matams, which are miserable huts, supported on wooden posts, sometimes in the middle of a paddy field, with walls of reeds, bamboo mats or mud, and thatched with grass or cocoanut leaves. a few earthen pots, bamboo vessels, and cocoanut shells constitute their property. they are denied admission to the markets, and must stand at a distance to make their purchases or sales. pulayan girls are married either before or after attaining puberty, but there is special ceremony, which is performed for every girl during her seventh or eighth year. this is called thanda kalyanam, or thanda marriage. it consists in having the girl dressed at an auspicious hour in the leafy garment by a woman, generally a relative, or, in her absence, by one selected for the purpose. the relations and friends are entertained at a feast of curry and rice, fish from the backwater, and toddy. prior to this ceremony, the girl is destitute of clothing, except for a strip of areca bark. at the marriage ceremony, the tali (marriage badge) is made of a piece of a conch shell (turbinella rapa), which is tied on the bride's neck at an auspicious hour. she is taken before her landlord, who gives her some paddy, and all the cocoanuts on the tree, beneath which she happens to kneel. when the time has come for her to be taken to the hut of the bridegroom, one of her uncles, taking her by the hand, gives her into the charge of one of her husband's uncles. on the third morning, her paternal and maternal uncles visit her at the hut of the bridegroom, by whom they are entertained. they then return, with the bride and bridegroom, to the home of the former, where the newly-married couple stay for three days. to ascertain whether a marriage will be a happy one, a conch shell is spun round. if it falls to the north, it predicts good fortune; if to the east or west, the omens are favourable; if to the south, very unfavourable. the thanda pulayans follow the makkathayam law of inheritance (from father to son). they have their tribal assemblies, the members of which meet together on important occasions, as when a woman is charged with adultery, or when there is a theft case among them. all the members are more or less of equal status, and no superior is recognised. they swear by the sun, raising their hands, and saying "by the sun i did not." other oaths are "may my eyes perish" or "may my head be cut off by lightning." every kind of sickness is attributed to the influence of some demon, with whom a magician can communicate, and discover a means of liberation. the magician, when called in professionally, lights a fire, and seats himself beside it. he then sings, mutters some mantrams (prayers), and makes a discordant noise on his iron plate (kokkara). the man or woman, who is possessed by the demon, begins to make unconscious movements, and is made to speak the truth. the demon, receiving offerings of fowls, sheep, etc., sets him or her free. a form of ceremonial, called urasikotukkuka, is sometimes performed. at a place far distant from the hut, a leaf, on which the blood of a fowl has been made to fall, is spread on the ground. on a smaller leaf, chunam (lime) and turmeric are placed. the person who first sets eyes on these becomes possessed by the demon, and sets free the individual who was previously under its influence. in the event of sickness, the sorcerer is invited to the hut. he arrives in the evening, and is entertained with food, toddy, and betel. he then takes a tender cocoanut, flower of the areca palm, and some powdered rice, which he covers over with a palm leaf. the sick person is placed in front thereof, and a circle is drawn round him. outside the circle, an iron stylus is stuck in the ground. the demon is supposed to be confined within the circle, and makes the patient cry out "i am in pai (influence of the ghost) and he is beating me," etc. with the promise of a fowl or sheep, or offerings thereof on the spot, the demon is persuaded to take its departure. sometimes, when the sorcerer visits a house of sickness, a rice-pan containing three betel leaves, areca nuts, paddy, tulsi (ocimum sanctum), sacred ashes, conch and cowry (cypræa moneta) shells, is placed in the yard. the sorcerer sits in front of the pan, and begins to worship the demon, holding the shells in his hands, and turning to the four points of the compass. he then observes the omens, and, taking his iron plate, strikes it, while he chants the names of terrible demons, mullva, karinkali, aiyinar, and villi, and utters incantations. this is varied by dancing, to the music of the iron plate, sometimes from evening till noon on the following day. the sick person works himself up into the belief that he has committed some great sin, and proceeds to make confession, when a small money fine is inflicted, which is spent on toddy for those who are assembled. the thanda pulayans practice maranakriyas, or sacrifices to certain demons, to help them in bringing about the death of an enemy or other person. sometimes affliction is supposed to be brought about by the enmity of those who have got incantations written on a palm leaf, and buried in the ground near a house by the side of a well. a sorcerer is called in to counteract the evil charm, which he digs up, and destroys. when a member of the tribe has died an unnatural death, a man, with a fowl and sword in his hands, places another man in a pit which has been dug, and walks thrice round it with a torch. after an hour or two, the man is taken out of the pit, and goes to a distance, where certain ceremonies are performed. the thanda pulayans worship the gods of brahmanical temples at a distance of nearly a quarter of a mile. a stone is set up in the ground, on which they place tender cocoanuts and a few puttans (cochin coins). a temple servant takes these to the priest, who sends in return some sandal paste, holy water, and flowers. they worship, as has been already hinted, demons, and also the spirits of their ancestors, by which small brass figures of males and females representing the pretas (ghosts) are supposed to be possessed. they worship, among others, kandakarnan, kodunkali, bhairavan, and arukola pretas, who are lodged in small huts, and represented by stones. in the month of may, they celebrate a festival, which lasts for several days. chrysanthemum and thumba (apparently leucas aspera) flowers are used in the performance of worship, and paddy, beaten rice, tender cocoanuts, toddy, etc., are offered up. there is a good deal of singing, drum-beating and devil-dancing by men and women, who on this occasion indulge liberally in toddy. the pandavas, whom they call anju thamburakkal, are favourite deities. they devise various plans for warding off the evil influence of demons. some, for example, wear rolls of palm leaf, with incantations written on them, round their necks. others hang baskets in the rice fields, containing peace offerings to the gods, and pray for the protection of the crop. wherever there is a dense forest, matan and kali are supposed to dwell, and are worshipped. from the end of november to april, which is the slack season, the thanda pulayans go about dancing from hut to hut, and collecting money to purchase fowls, etc., for offerings. club-dancing is their favourite amusement, and is often indulged in at night by the light of a blazing fire. the dancers, club in hand, go round in concentric circles, keeping time to the songs which they sing, striking each other's clubs, now bending to ward off a blow on the legs, or rising to protect the head. the dead are buried, and lighted torches are set up all round the grave, on to which the relations of the dead person throw three handfuls of rice. near it, squares are made in rice flour, in each of which a leaf with rice flour and paddy, and a lighted torch or wick is placed. the chief mourner, who should be the son or nephew, carrying a pot of water, goes several times round the grave, and breaks the pot over the spot where the head rests. a few grains of rice are placed at the four corners of the grave, and a pebble is laid on it, with mantrams to keep off jackals, and to prevent the spirit from molesting people. every morning the chief mourner goes to the grave, and makes offerings of boiled rice, gingelly (sesamum indicum) seeds, and karuka grass. on the fourteenth day, he has an oil-bath, and, on the following day, the pulayans of the village (kara) have a feast, with singing and beating of drums. on the sixteenth day, which is pulakuli or day of purification, the chief mourner makes offerings of rice balls, the guests are fed, and make a present of small coin to the songster who has entertained them. similar offerings of rice balls are made to the spirit of the deceased person on the new-moon day in the month of kartigam. during the period of pollution, the chief mourner has to cook his own food. the spirits of deceased ancestors are called chavar (the dead), and are said to manifest themselves in dreams, especially to near relations, who speak in the morning of what they have seen during the night. they even say that they have held conversation with the deceased. the rev. w. j. richards informs us that he once saw "a little temple, about the size of a large rabbit-hutch, in which was a plank for the spirits of the deceased ancestors to come and rest upon. the spirits are supposed to fish in the backwaters, and the phosphorescence, sometimes seen on the surface of the water, is taken as an indication of their presence." [ ] the thanda pulayans will not eat with the ulladans or parayans, but stand at a distance of ninety feet from brahmans and other high-caste people. they are short of stature and dark-skinned. like the cherumans, the women adorn their ears, necks, arms and fingers with masses of cheap jewellery. thappata (drum).--an exogamous sept of odde. thathan (a vaishnavite mendicant).--the equivalent of the telugu dasari. thatichettu (palmyra palm).--an exogamous sept of karna sale and odde. thavadadari.--the name of a section of the valluvans (priests of the paraiyans), who wear a necklace of tulsi beads (thavadam, necklace, dhari, wearer). the tulsi or basil (ocimum sanctum) is a very sacred plant with hindus, and bead necklaces or rosaries are made from its woody stem. thelu (scorpion).--thelu and thela are recorded as exogamous septs of padma sale and madiga. the canarese equivalent chelu occurs as a sept of kuruba. thenige buvva.--a sub-division of madigas, who offer food (buvva) to the god in a dish or tray (thenige) at marriages. thikka (simpleton).--a sub-division of kuruba. thippa (rubbish heap).--an exogamous sept of karna sale. thogamalai korava.--recorded [ ] as a synonym of a thief class in the southern districts of the madras presidency. in a recent note on the koravas, mr. f. fawcett writes that "a fact to be noted is that people such as the members of the well-known thogamalai gang, who are always called koravas by the police, are not koravas at all. they are simply a criminal community, into which outsiders are admitted, who give their women in marriage outside the caste, and who adopt children of other castes." thogaru (bitter).--an exogamous sept of musu kamma. thoka (tail).--an exogamous sept of yerukala. thonda (cephalendra indica).--an exogamous sept of musu kamma, and gotra of janappans, members of which abstain from using the fruit or leaves of the thonda plant. thumma (babul: acacia arabica).--an exogamous sept of mala and padma sale. the bark, pods, and leaves of the babul tree are used by tanners in the preparation of hides and skins, or as a dye. thumu (iron measure for measuring grain).--an exogamous sept of mutracha. thupa (ghi, clarified butter).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. thurpu (eastern).--a sub-division of yerukala and yanadi. thuta (hole).--an exogamous sept of devanga. tigala.--tigala is summed up, in the madras census report, , as "a canarese synonym for the tamil palli; applied also by the canarese people to any tamil sudras of the lower castes." in parts of the mysore country, the tamil language is called tigalu, and the canarese madhva brahmans speak of tamil smarta brahmans as tigalaru. some of the tigalas, who have settled in mysore, have forgotten their mother-tongue, and speak only canarese, while others, e.g., those who live round about bangalore, still speak tamil. in their type of cranium they occupy a position intermediate between the dolichocephalic pallis and the sub-brachy cephalic canarese classes. the difference in the type of cranium of the tigalas and tamil pallis is clearly brought by the following tabular statements of their cephalic indices:-- a. tigala-- * * ***** **** * * ***** **** ***** *** *** **** * ** b. palli-- * ** * * * **** ***** ******* **** ******** * * * ** * the tigalas are kitchen and market gardeners, and cultivate the betel vine. they apparently have three divisions, called ulli (garlic or onions), ele (leaf), and arava (tamil). among the ulli tigalas, several sub-divisions, and septs or budas named after deities or prominent members of the caste, exist, e.g.:-- i. lakkamma-- tota devaru (garden god). dodda devaru (big or chief god). dodda narasayya. dodda nanjappa. ii. ellamma-- narasayya. muddanna. iii. sidde devaru. the tigalas have a headman, whose office is hereditary, and who is assisted by a caste servant called mudre. council meetings are usually held at a fixed spot, called goni mara katte or mudre goni mara katte, because those summoned by the mudre assemble beneath a goni (ficus mysorensis) tree, round which a stone platform is erected. the tree and platform being sacred, no one may go there on wearing shoes or sandals. the members of council sit on a woollen blanket spread before the tree. like the pallis or vanniyans, the tigalas call themselves agni vanni, and claim to be descended from the fire-born hero agni banniraya. in connection with the tigalas who have settled in the bombay presidency, it is noted [ ] that "they are a branch of the mysore tigalas, who are tamil palli emigrants from the madras presidency, and, like the palli, claim a kshatriya origin." the tigalas possess a manuscript, said to be a copy of a sasana at conjeeveram (kanchi), from which the following extracts are taken. "this is a kanchi sasana published by aswaththa narayanswami, who was induced to do so by the god varadaraja of conjeeveram. this sasana is written to acquaint the descendants of the mahapurusha agni banniraya with the origin, doings, and gotra of their ancestor banniraya. this banniraya sprang from fire, and so is much beloved by vishnu the many-armed, the many-eyed, and the bearer of the chank and chakram, and who is no other than narayana, the lord of all the worlds great and small, and the originator of the vedas and vedanta.... all those who see or worship this sasana relating to agni banniraya, who obtained boons from the trimurthis, devatas, and rishis, and who is the ancestor of the tigalas, will be prosperous, and have plenty of grain and children. those who speak lightly of this caste will become subject to the curses of banniraya, trimurthis, rishis, and devas. the glory of this sasana is great, and is as follows:--the keeping and worshipping of this purana will enable the tigalas of the karnataka country to obtain the merit of surapadavi (the state of devas), merit of doing puja to a thousand lingams, a lakh of cow gifts, and a hundred kannikadanams (gifts of virgins for marriage)." the sasana is said to have been brought to the canarese country because of a quarrel between the pallis and the tigalas at the time of a tigala marriage. the tigalas were prevented from bringing the various biruthus (insignia), and displaying them. the sasana was brought by the tigalas, at an expenditure of rs. , which sum was subsequently recovered from the pallis. tigala occurs further as the name of a sub-division of holeya. tikke (gem).--a gotra of kurni. ti (fire) kollan.--a sub-division of kollan. tinda (polluting).--a sub-division of kanisan. tinda kuruppu, meaning a teacher who cannot approach, is a synonym of the kavutiyan barber caste. tiperum (ti, fire).--a sub-division of kollan blacksmiths. tiragati gantlavallu (wandering bell hunters).--stated, in the manual of the vizagapatam district, to repair hand-mills, catch antelopes, and sell the skins thereof. in hunting, they use lights and bells. tirlasetti (the name of a balija chetti).--an exogamous sept of yanadi. tirumalpad.--tirumalpad has been summed up as "one of the four divisions of kshatriyas in travancore. the term, in its literal sense, conveys the idea of those who wait before kings. in mediæval times the tirumalpads were commanders of armies." by mr. wigram [ ] tirumalpad is defined as a member of a royal family. in the madras census report, , it is stated that "there are two tirumalpads, one a samanta, and the other a so-called kshatriya. the former observes customs and manners exactly similar to eradis and nedungadis. in fact, these are all more or less interchangeable terms, members of the same family calling themselves indifferently eradi or tirumalpad. the kshatriya tirumalpad wears the sacred thread, and the rites he performs are similar to those of brahmans, whose dress he has also adopted. he has, however, like nayars, tali-kettu and sambandham separately. his females take nambudiri consorts by preference, but may have husbands of their own caste. their inheritance is in the female line, as among nayars and samantas. generally the females of this caste furnish wives to nambudiris. the touch of these females does not pollute a nambudiri as does that of nayars and samantas, and, what is more, nambudiris may eat their food. the females are called nambashtadiri." for the following note on tampans and tirumalpads, i am indebted to the travancore census report, . "the tampans and tirumalpats come under the category of malabar kshatriyas.the word tampan is a contraction of tampuran, and at one time denoted a ruling people. when they were divested of that authority by the ilayetattu svarupam, they are said to have fallen from the status of tampurans to tampans. their chief seat is the vaikam taluk. the tirumalpats do not seem to have ruled at all. the word tirumulpatu indicates those that wait before kings. there is an old sanskrit verse, which describes eight classes of kshatriyas as occupying kerala from very early times, namely ( ) bhupala or maha raja, such as those of travancore and cochin, ( ) rajaka or rajas, such as those of mavelikara and kotungallur, ( ) kosi or koiltampuran, ( ) puravan or tampan, ( ) sripurogama or tirumulpat, ( ) bhandari or pantarattil, ( ) audvahika or tirumalpat, ( ) cheta or samanta. from this list it may be seen that two classes of tirumulpats are mentioned, namely, sripurogamas who are the waiters at the raja's palace, and the audvahikas who perform udvaha or wedding ceremony for certain castes. both these, however, are identical people, though varying in their traditional occupations. the chief seats of the tirumulpats are shertallay and tiruvalla." the tampans and tirumulpats are, for all purposes of castes, identical with other malabar kshatriyas. every tampan in travancore is related to every other tampan, and all are included within one circle of death and birth pollution. their manners and customs, too, are exactly like those of other kshatriyas. they are invested with the sacred thread at the sixteenth year of age, and recite the gayatri (hymn) ten times thrice a day. the nambutiri is the family priest, and (death) pollution lasts for eleven days. the kettukalyanam, or tali-tying ceremony, may be performed between the seventh and the fourteenth year of age. the tali is tied by the aryappattar, while the namputiris recite the vedic hymns. their consorts are usually namputiris, and sometimes east coast brahmans. like all the malabar kshatriyas, they follow the marumakkathayam system of inheritance (through the female line). tampans and tirumulpats are often the personal attendants of the travancore maharajas, whom they serve with characteristic fidelity and devotion.the tirumulpats further perform the tali-tying ceremony of the nayar aristocracy. the names of the tirumulpats and tampans are the same as those of other classes of kshatriyas. the title varma is uniformly added to their names. a few families among these, who once had ruling authority, have the titular suffix bhandarattil, which is corrupted into pantarattil. the tampans call themselves in documents koviladhikarikal, as they once had authority in kovils or palaces. tiruman (holy deer).--an exogamous section of kallan. tirumudi (holy knot).--recorded, in the madras census report, , as "bricklayers, whose women are usually prostitutes; found chiefly in salem and coimbatore. they are either vettuvans or kaikolans. kaikolan women, when they are dedicated to the temple, are supposed to be united in wedlock with the deity. tiruvalluvan.--a sub-division of valluvan. tiruvalluvar, the author of the kural, is said to have belonged to the valluva caste. tiru-vilakku-nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps).--a name assumed by vaniyans (oil-pressers). tiyadi.--a synonym of the tiyattunni section of ambalavasis (see unni). tiyan.--the tiyans, and izhuvans or iluvans, are the malayalam toddy-drawing castes of malabar, cochin, and travancore. the following note, except where otherwise indicated, is taken from an account of the tiyans of malabar by mr. f. fawcett. the tiyans in malabar number, according to the census returns, , , or · per cent. of the total population. the corresponding figures for the izhuvans are , , or · per cent. the tiyans have been summed up [ ] as the middle class of the west coast, who cultivate the ground, take service as domestics, and follow trades and professions--anything but soldiering, of which they have an utter abhorrence. the marumakkatayam system (inheritance through the female line), which obtains in north malabar, has favoured temporary connections between european men and tiyan women, the children belonging to the mother's tarvad. children bred under these conditions, european influence continuing, are often as fair as europeans. it is recorded, in the report of the malabar marriage commission, , that "in the early days of british rule, the tiyan women incurred no social disgrace by consorting with europeans, and, up to the last generation, if the sudra girl could boast of her brahman lover, the tiyan girl could show more substantial benefits from her alliance with a white man of the ruling race. happily, the progress of education, and the growth of a wholesome public opinion, have made shameful the position of a european's concubine; and both races have thus been saved from a mode of life equally demoralising to each." on this point, mr. l. k. anantha krishna iyer writes as follows. [ ] "it is true that there is an elevation both physically and mentally in the progeny of such a parentage. on making enquiries about this, i learn from a respectable and educated tiyan gentleman that this union is looked upon with contempt by the respectable class of people, and by the orthodox community. i am further informed that such women and children, with their families, are under a ban, and that respectable tiya gentlemen who have married the daughters of european parentage are not allowed to enjoy the privileges of the caste. there are, i hear, several such instances in calicut, tellicherry, and cannanore. women of respectable families do not enter into such connection with europeans." it is commonly supposed that the tiyans and izhuvans came from ceylon. it is recorded, in the south canara manual, that "it is well known that both before and after the christian era there were invasions and occupations of the northern part of ceylon by the races then inhabiting southern india, and malabar tradition tells us that some of these dravidians migrated again from iram or ceylon northwards to travancore and other parts of the west coast of india, bringing with them the cocoanut or southern tree (tengina mara), and being known as tivars (islanders) or iravars, which names have since been altered to tiyars and ilavars. dr. caldwell derives iram from the sanskrit simhala through the pali sihala by the omission of the initial s." it is noted by bishop caldwell [ ] that there are traces of a common origin of the iluvans and shanars, shanar (or shener), for instance, being a title of honour amongst the travancore ilavars. and it is further recorded [ ] that there is a tradition that the shanars came originally from ceylon. the izhuvans are supposed to derive their caste name from izha dwipa (island) or simhala dwipa (both denoting ceylon). in a tamil puranic work, quoted by mr. anantha krishna iyer, mention is made of a king illa of ceylon, who went to chidambaram in the tamil country of southern india, where a religious discussion took place between the buddhist priests and the saivite devotee manickavachakar in the presence of king illa, with the result that he was converted to the saivite faith. from him the iluvans are said to be descended. the tiyans are always styled izhuvan in documents concerning land, in which the zamorin, or some brahman or nayar grandee, appears as landlord. the tiyans look down on the izhuvans, and repudiate the relationship. yet they cannot but submit to be called izhuvan in their documents, for their nayar or brahman landlord will not let them have the land to cultivate, unless they do so. it is a custom of the country for a man of a superior caste to pretend complete ignorance of the caste of an individual lower in the social scale. thus, in the wynad, where there are several jungle tribes, one is accustomed to hear a man of superior caste pretending that he does not know a paniyan from a kurumba, and deliberately miscalling one or the other, saying "this paniyan," when he knows perfectly well that he is a kurumba. it is quite possible, therefore, that, though tiyans are written down as izhuvans, the two were not supposed to be identical. state regulations keep the izhuvans of cochin and travancore in a position of marked social inferiority, and in malabar they are altogether unlettered and uncultured. on the other hand, the tiyans of malabar provide magistrates, sub-judges, and other officials to serve his majesty's government. it may be noted that, in , a tiya lady matriculate was entertained as a clerk in the tellicherry post-office. a divagation must be made, to bring the reader to a comprehension of the custom surrounding mattu, a word signifying change, i.e., change of cloth, which is of sufficient importance to demand explanation. when a man or woman is outcasted, the washerwoman (or man) and the barber of the community (and no other is available) are prohibited from performing their important parts in the ceremonies connected with birth, death, and menstruation. a person who is in a condition of impurity is under the same conditions; he or she is temporarily outcasted. this applies to nambutiris and nayars, as well as to the tiyans. now the washerwoman is invariably of the tiyan caste. there are mannans, whose hereditary occupation is washing clothes for nambutiris and nayars, but, for the most part, the washerwoman who washes for the nayar lady is of the tiyan caste. a woman is under pollution after giving birth to a child, after the death of a member of her tarvad, and during menstruation. and the pollution must be removed at the end of the prescribed period, or she remains an outcaste--a very serious thing for her. the impurity is removed by receiving a clean cloth from the washerwoman, and giving in exchange her own cloth to be washed. this is mattu, and, be it noted, the cloth which gives mattu is one belonging to the washerwoman, not to the person to be purified. the washerwoman gives her own cloth to effect the purification. theoretically, the tiyan has the power to give or withhold mattu, and thus keep any one out of caste in a state of impurity; but it is a privilege which is seldom if ever exercised. yet it is one which he admittedly holds, and is thus in a position to exercise considerable control over the nambutiri and nayar communities. it is odd that it is not a soiled cloth washed and returned to the person which gives purification, but one of the washerwoman's own cloths. so the mattu may have a deeper meaning than lies in mere change of cloth, dressing in a clean one, and giving the soiled one to a person of inferior caste to wash. this mattu is second in importance to no custom. it must be done on the last day of pollution after birth and death ceremonies, and menstruation, or the person concerned remains outcasted. it is noteworthy that the izhuvans know nothing of mattu. an izhuvan will eat rice cooked by a tiyan, but a tiyan will not eat rice cooked by an izhuvan--a circumstance pointing to the inferiority of the izhuvan. a nayar, as well as a tiyan, will partake of almost any form of food or drink, which is prepared even by a mappilla (malabar muhammadan), who is deemed inferior to both. but the line is drawn at rice, which must be prepared by one of equal caste or class, or by a superior. an izhuvan, partaking of rice at a tiyan's house, must eat it in a verandah; he cannot do so in the house, as that would be defilement to the tiyan. not only must the izhuvan eat the rice in the verandah, but he must wash the plates, and clean up the place where he has eaten. again, an izhuvan could have no objection to drinking from a tiyan's well. further, there is practically no mixture in the distribution of tiyans and izhuvans. where there are izhuvans there are no tiyans, and vice versâ. [in a photograph of a group of izhuvan females of palghat eating their meal, which was sent to me, they are all in a kneeling posture, with the buttocks supported on the heels. they are said to assume the same attitude when engaged in grinding and winnowing grain, and other occupations, with a resultant thickening of the skin over the knees.] differences, which might well come under the heading marriage, may be considered here, for the purpose of comparison between the tiyans and izhuvans. during the preliminaries to the marriage ceremony among the tiyans, the date of the marriage having been fixed in the presence of the representatives of the bride and bridegroom, the following formula is repeated by the tandan or headman of the bride's party. translated as accurately as possible, it runs thus. "the tara and changati of both sides having met and consulted; the astrologer having fixed an auspicious day after examining the star and porutham; permission having been obtained from the tara, the relations, the illam and kulam, the father, uncle, and the brothers, and from the eight and four (twelve illams) and the six and four (ten kiriyams); the conji and adayalam ceremonies and the four tazhus having been performed, let me perform the kanjikudi ceremony for the marriage of ... the son of ... with ... daughter of ... in the presence of muperium." this formula, with slight variations here and there, is repeated at every tiyan marriage in south malabar. it is a solemn declaration, giving validity to the union, although, in the way that custom and ritual survive long after their original significance has been forgotten, the meaning of many of the terms used is altogether unknown. what, for instance, is the meaning of muperium? no one can tell. but a few of the terms are explainable. tara. the tara was the smallest unit in the ancient government system, which, for want of a better term, we may style feudal. it was not exactly a village, for the people lived apart. each tara had its nayar chieftain, and also its tiyan chief or tandan, its astrologer, its washerman, its goldsmith, and other useful people, each serving the community for the sake of small advantages. each tara was its own world. changati (friend). the friends of both parties which negotiated the marriage. porutham (agreement). examination of the horoscopes of the boy and girl makes it possible to ascertain whether there is agreement between the two, and the union will be propitious. illam. here intended to mean the father's family. kulam. the name, derived from kula a branch, here denotes the mother's family. twelve illams, ten kiriyams. the word illam, now used exclusively for the residence of a nambutiri, is supposed to have been used in days of old for the house of a person of any caste. and this supposition is said to find support in the way that a tiyan coming from the south is often greeted in south canara. thus, a malabar tiyan, travelling to the celebrated temple at gokarnam in south canara, is at once asked "what is your illam and kiriyam?" he has heard these terms used in the foregoing formula during his own or another's marriage ceremony, but attached no meaning to them. to the man of south canara they have genuine meaning. one should be able to answer the question satisfactorily, and thus give a proper account of himself. if he cannot, he gets neither food nor water from the south canara tiyan. this also holds good, to some extent, in the case of a southern tiyan visiting the northern parts of the cherakal taluk of malabar. the ten illams of south malabar are as follows:-- tala kodan. nellika (phyllanthus emblica). paraka or varaka. ala. ten kudi or tenan kudi. padayan kudi. kannan. varakat. kytat inferior. puzhampayi or bavu the illams of north malabar are said to be-- nellika. pullanhi. vangeri. koyikkalan. padayam kudi. tenan kudi. manan kudi. vilakkan kudi. marriage is strictly forbidden between two persons belonging to the same illam. the bride and bridegroom must belong to different illams. in fact, the illams are exogamous. members of some of the illams were allowed certain privileges and dignities. thus, the men of the varakat illam (varaka tiyans) were in the old days permitted to travel in a mancheel (a hammock-cot slung on a pole). they were allowed this privilege of higher caste people, which was prohibited to the tiyans of other illams. but, should one of them, when travelling in a mancheel, happen to see a rajah or a nayar, he was obliged to hang one of his legs out of it in token of submission. the varaka tiyans were further allowed to wear gold jewels on the neck, to don silken cloths, to fasten a sword round the waist, and to carry a shield. the sword was made of thin pliable steel, and worn round the waist like a belt, the point being fastened to the hilt through a small hole near the point. a man, intending to damage another, might make an apparently friendly call on him, his body loosely covered with a cloth, and to all appearances unarmed. in less than a second, he could unfasten the sword round his waist, and cut the other down. the well-known mannanar belonged to the varakat illam. those who know malabar will recall to mind the benevolent but strange institution which he initiated. he provided a comfortable home for nambutiri women who were thrown out of caste, and thus in the ordinary course of events doomed to every misery and degradation to be found in life. on being outcasted, the funeral ceremonies of nambutiri women were performed by her own people, and she became dead to them. she went to the mannanar, and her birth ceremonies were performed, so that she might begin life anew in a state of purity. if, on arrival, she entered by the left door, she was his wife, if by the front door, his sister. it is said that, when their chief, mannanar of the aramana, is destitute of heirs, the tiyans of kolattanad go in procession to the kurumattur nambutiri (the chief of the peringallur brahmans) and demand a brahman virgin to be adopted as sister of mannanar, who follows the marumakkatayam rule of succession. this demand, it is said, used to be granted by the nambutiris assembling at a meeting, and selecting a maiden to be given to the tiyans. kiriyam is said to be a corrupt form of the sanskrit word griham (house), but this seems rather fanciful. there are said to have been about two kiriyams for each village. the names of only three are known to me, viz., karumana, kaita, and kampathi. there is a village called karumana, near the temple of lakshmipuram in south canara. karumana is applied as a term to signify a tiyan during the ordinary devil-dancing in temples, when an oracular utterance is delivered. the oracle always addresses the tiyan as "my karumana," not as "my tiyan." the only other use of the word is in karumana acharam (the customs of the tiyans). other outward and visible differences between tiyan and izhuvan marriages are these. the south malabar tiyan bridegroom, dressed as if for a wrestling match, with his cloth tied tight about his loins, carries a sword and shield, and is escorted by two companions similarly equipped, dancing their way along. the izhuvan does not carry a sword under any circumstances. the chief feature of his wedding ceremony is a singing match. this, called the vatil-tura-pattu, or open the door song, assumes the form of a contest between the parties of the bridegroom and bride. the story of krishna and his wife rukmini is supposed to be alluded to. we have seen it all under slightly different colour at conjeeveram. krishna asks rukmini to open the door, and admit him. she refuses, thinking he has been gallivanting with some other lady. he beseeches; she refuses. he explains, and at length she yields. the song is more or less extempore, and each side must be ready with an immediate answer. the side which is reduced to the extremity of having no answer is beaten and under ignominy. i pass on to the subject of personal adornment of the tiyans:-- (a) north malabar, males-- . a horizontal dab made with white ashes on either side of the forehead and chest, and on the outside of each shoulder. . two gold ear-rings (kadakkan) in each ear. a silver chain hanging from the sheath of his knife, and fastened with a boss. two tambak (copper, brass and silver) rings on the ring finger of the left hand. . a gold kadakkan in each ear, and an iron ring on the ring finger of the left hand. . a thorn in each ear (another was similarly ornamented). not married. . a gold ear-ring in each ear. an iron ring on the little finger of the left hand. two silver rings, in which is set a piece of hair from an elephant's tail, on the little finger of the right hand. a few individuals wore brass rings, and some had ear-rings, in which a red stone was set. amulets were worn by some in little cylindrical cases on a string, to protect the wearer against enemies, the evil eye, or devils. one man wore a silver girdle, to which an amulet in a case was fastened, underneath his cloth, so that it was not in view to the public. one individual only is noted as having been tattooed, with a circular mark just above his glabella. the arms of a good many, and the abdomen of a few, bore cicatrices from branding, apparently for the purpose of making them strong and relieving pains. (b) south malabar, males. in the country parts, the waist cloth is always worn above the knee. about a third of the individuals examined wore ear-rings. the ears of all were pierced. those who were without ear-rings had no scruples about wearing them, but were too poor to buy them. . blue spot tattooed over the glabella. . silver amulet-case, containing fifteen gold fanams, at the waist. he said that he kept the coins in the receptacle for security, but i think it was for good luck. . ear-ring (kadakkan) in each ear. a copper amulet-case, containing a yantram to keep off devils, at the waist. . four silver amulet-cases, containing yantrams on a copper sheet for curing some ailment, at the waist. . two gold kadakkans in each ear. a white spot over the glabella. (c) north malabar, females. in olden days, the women used to wear coloured and striped cloths round the waist, and hanging to the knees. the breast was not covered. the body above the waist was not allowed to be covered, except during the period of death pollution. nowadays, white is generally the colour to be seen, and the body is seldom covered above the waist--never one may say, except (and then only sometimes) in the towns. the izhuvan women in malabar always wear blue cloths: just one cloth rolled tightly round the waist, and hanging to the knees. of late, they have taken to wearing also a blue cloth drawn tight over the breast. ornaments. the thodu, which is now sometimes worn by tiyan women, is not a tiyan ornament. the ear-rings, called kathila and ananthod, are the tiyan ornaments, and look like strings of gold beads with pendants. discs of white metal or lead are used to stretch and keep open the dilated lobes of the ears, in which gold ornaments are worn when necessary or possible. venetian sequins, real or imitation, known in malabar as amada, are largely used for neck ornaments. there is a malabar proverb that one need not look for an insect's burrow in amada, meaning that you cannot find anything vile in a worthy person. turning now to the subject of marriage. in the ordinary course of things, a marriage would not be made between a tiyan girl of south malabar and a tiyan man of north malabar, for the reason that the children of such a marriage would inherit no property from the family of either parent. the husband would have no share in the property of his family, which devolves through the women; nor would the wife have any share in that of her family, which is passed on through the men. so there would be nothing for the children. but, on the other hand, marriage between a girl of the north and a man of the south is a different thing. the children would inherit from both parents. as a rule, tiyans of the north marry in the north, and those of the south in the south. it was generally admitted that it was formerly the custom among the tiyans in south malabar for several brothers--in fact all of them--to share one wife. two existing instances of this custom were recorded. the arrangement of a marriage, and the ceremonial which will now be described, though pertaining strictly to the calicut taluk of south malabar, are sufficiently representative of a tiyan marriage anywhere. there is, however, this difference, that, in north malabar, where inheritance through females obtains, and the wife invariably resides in her own tarwad or family home, there is never any stipulation concerning a girl's dowry. in south malabar, where inheritance is through the males, and where the wife lives in her husband's house, the dowry in money, jewels, or furniture, is as a rule settled beforehand, and must be handed over on the wedding day. in the calicut taluk, we find an exception to this general rule of south malabar, where the subject of the dowry is not usually mentioned. in north malabar, gifts of jewels are made in proportion as the bride's people are wealthy and generous. what is given is in the way of a gift, and forms no feature in the marital agreement. the first step to be taken in connection with marriage is examination of the horoscopes of the boy and girl, in order to ascertain whether their union will be one of happiness or the reverse. while this is being done by the panikkar (malabar astrologer), the following persons should be present:-- (a) on the part of the bridegroom-- . tandan, or chief of the tara. . father, or other elder in the family. . uncle, i.e., the mother's brother. in malabar the word uncle means maternal uncle. . sisters' husbands. . four or more friends or companions. . any number of relations and friends. (b) on the part of the bride-- . tandan of her tara. . father,or other guardian. . uncle. . four or more friends. . the astrologer of her tara. . friends and relations. the ceremony must be performed at the house of the girl's family. her father's consent is necessary, but his presence is not essential at this or the two subsequent ceremonies in connection with the marriage. the tandan, it may be noted, is the caste governmental head in all matters affecting his own caste and the artisans. he is a tiyan, and his office, which is authorised by the local rajah, or rather by his senior rani, is hereditary. in exceptional cases, however, the hereditary right may be interrupted by the rani appointing some one else. the tandan of the tara is required to assist at every ceremony connected with marriage, at the ceremony when a girl attains puberty, at that of tying the tali, and at the fifth and seventh months of pregnancy. his formal permission is required before the carpenter can cut down the areca palm, with which the little shed in which the tali is tied is constructed. in cases of divorce, his functions are important. when a new house is built, there must be a house-warming ceremony, at which the tandan officiates. fowls are sacrificed, and the right leg is the tandan's perquisite. he is a man of importance, not only in many affairs within his own caste, but also in those of other castes. thus, when a nayar dies, it is the tandan's duty to get the body burnt. he controls the washerman and barber of the tara, and can withdraw their services when they are most needed. he officiates, moreover, at marriages of the artisan class--carpenters, braziers, goldsmiths and blacksmiths. a group of taras forms what is called a desam, the koyma or "sovereignty" of which is represented by a nayar tarwad. it is through the head or karnavan (really the chieftain) of this tarwad that the tandan approaches the raja in matters of appeal, and the like. the tandan is to some extent under his guidance and control, but he must provide the tandan with a body-guard of two nayars on occasions of marriages. in the old days, it may be mentioned, the tandans of the taras within the rule of the zamorin were always appointed by his senior rani. the term tandan must not be confounded with the tandars, a people of the palghat taluk, who appear to be allied to the izhuvans. these tandars observe the custom of paternal polyandry, while the izhuvans abhor it. the procedure observed in the examination of horoscopes is as follows. the tandan of the bride's tara gives a grass or palmyra palm leaf mat to the astrologer to sit on, and supplies mats or seats for the bridegroom's party. the common sleeping mat of wild pine leaves, or a wooden stool, must, on no account, be given for the astrologer to sit on. it may be day or night when the ceremony takes place, but, whatever the hour may be, a lamp having five, seven, nine, or eleven cotton wicks, must be burning in front of the astrologer. the tandan's wife puts it in its place. then the boy's uncle hands over the boy's horoscope to his tandan, who passes it on to the girl's tandan. the girl's father hands her horoscope to their tandan, who, when he has received them both, passes them on to the astrologer. the two horoscopes should agree on twenty-one points--a requirement which might prove awkward, were it not that a balance in favour of beneficent influences is generally allowed to admit of the marriage taking place. in the case of agreement, the boy's uncle, through his tandan, then pays two fanams [ ] (eight annas)--one for each horoscope--to the astrologer. when there is disagreement, the girl's uncle pays the money. the horoscopes (which have been privately examined beforehand to make sure of no disagreement) are returned to their respective owners. after the examination of the horoscope, there is a feast with plenty of sweetmeats. the next item is the conjee (rice gruel) ceremony, at which the following should be present:-- (a) on the part of the boy-- . father, his brother, or some one representing him. . husbands of all married sisters. . uncle. . tandan of his tara. . neighbours and friends. (b) on the part of the girl-- . uncle. . relations of married sisters. . relations of married brothers. . tandan of her tara. . astrologer of her tara. . relations and friends. the horoscopes are again formally examined by the astrologer, who announces that their agreement augurs a happy wedded life. the boy's uncle pays him two fanams. the girl's uncle takes the two horoscopes, which have just been tied together, from the astrologer, and hands them to the tandan of the girl's tara, who passes them on to the tandan of the boy's tara. they are handed by him to the boy's uncle. the astrologer then writes on a palmyra leaf a note for each party to the marriage, stating the auspicious day and hour for the final ceremony, the hour at which the bride should leave her house, and the hour for her arrival at the house of the bridegroom. the following programme is then gone through. in the verandah, facing east, before the front door, is spread an ordinary sleeping mat, over it a grass mat, and over that a plain white cloth which has been washed and is not a new one. on the floor close by, the following articles are placed:-- a lamp, having an odd number of cotton wicks, which is kept lighted whatever the hour of day it may be; a measure, called nazhi, made of jak tree (artocarpus integrifolia) wood, filled to overflowing with rice, and placed on a flat bell-metal plate (talika); a plain white cloth, washed but not new, neatly folded, and placed on the metal plate to the right (south) of the rice; a small bell-metal vessel (kindi), having no handle, filled with water. the lamp is placed on the south side of the mat, the plate next to it (to the north), and the kindi at a little distance to the left (the north). the people who sit on the mat always face the east. the mat having been spread, the various articles just mentioned are brought from the central room of the house by three women, who set them in their places. the tandan's wife carries the lamp, the eldest woman of the house the bell-metal plate, and some other woman the kindi. the tandan of the boy's tara, the boy's sister's husband, and a friend then sit on the mat covered with a cloth. if the boy has two brothers-in-law, both sit on the mat, to the exclusion of the friend. the senior woman of the house then hands three plates of rice conjee to the tandan of the girl's tara, who places them in front of the three persons seated on the mat. to the right of each plate, a little jaggery (unrefined sugar) is placed on a piece of plantain leaf. each of those seated takes about a spoonful of conjee in his right hand. the tandan repeats the formula, which has already been given, and asks "may the conjee be drunk"? he answers his question by drinking some of the conjee, and eating a little jaggery. all three then partake of the conjee and jaggery, after which they rise from the mat, and the plates and mat are removed. the place is cleaned, and the mats are again put down, while betel is distributed. the two tandans then sit on the mat. the girl's tandan picks up a bundle of about twenty-five betel leaves, and gives half to the boy's tandan. the tandans exchange betel leaves, each giving the other four. the boy's tandan then folds four fanams (one rupee) in four betel leaves, which he hands to the girl's tandan, saying "may the conjee ceremony be performed"? the tandans again exchange betel leaves as before, and distribute them to all the castemen present, beginning with the uncles of the boy and girl. the proceedings in the verandah are now over. the next part of the ceremony takes place in the middle room of the house, where the mats, lamp, and other articles are arranged as before. the two tandans sit on the mat with the boy on the right and the girl on the left, facing east. the boy's uncle stands in front of the tandans, facing west, and the girl's uncle behind them, facing east. the boy's father gives to the boy's uncle two new plain white cloths, with twenty-one fanams (rs. - ) placed on them. when presenting them, he says "let the adayalam be performed" three times, and the girl's uncle says thrice "let me receive the adayalam." the tandans again exchange betel leaves, and distribute them among the castemen. then follows a feast, and more betel. the date of the wedding has now to be fixed. they congregate in the middle room once more, and the tandans sit on the mat. the girl's tandan shares a bundle of betel leaves with the boy's tandan, who, taking therefrom four leaves, places two rupees on them, and gives them to the girl's tandan. the boy's party supplies this money, which is a perquisite of the tandan. when handing over the leaves and the coins, the boy's tandan says "on ... (naming a date) ... and ... (the bride and bridegroom), and friends, and four women will come. then you must give us the girl, and you must prepare the food for that day." the other tandan replies "if you bring six cloths and forty-two fanams (rs. - ) as kanam, and two fanams for the muchenan (the girl's father's sister's son), the girl will be sent to you." the cloths should be of a kind called enna kacha, each four cubits in length, but they are not now procurable. kanam is a term used in land tenures, for which there is no precise equivalent in english. it is a kind of mortgage paid by a tenant to a landlord. the former is liable to eviction by the latter, when he obtains better terms for his land from another tenant--a condition of modern growth breeding much mischief and bad blood. but, when a tenant is evicted, he is entitled, according to law, to the value of certain improvements on the land, including eight annas for each tree which he has planted. the kanam is paid by the boy's sister or sisters. his tandan addresses his brother-in-law or brothers-in-law in the words "on ... (mentioning a date), you must come early in the day, with rs. - as kanam," and gives him or them four betel leaves. those assembled then disperse. the boy's people may not go to the girl's house before the day appointed for the marriage. the next item in connection with a marriage is the issue of invitations to the wedding. the senior women of the boy's house, and the tandan, invite a few friends to assemble at the house of the bridegroom. the mat, lamp, and other articles are placed in the middle room. the bridegroom (manavalan) sits on the mat, with a friend on either side of him. he has previously bathed, and horizontal daubs of sandal paste have been placed on his forehead, breast, and arms. he wears a new cloth, which has not been washed. his tandan has adorned him with a gold bracelet on his right wrist, a knife with a gold or silver handle at the waist, and a gold or silver waist-belt or girdle over the loin-cloth. the bracelet must have an ornamental pattern, as plain bracelets are not worn by men. the girdle is in the form of a chain. besides these things, he must wear ear-rings, and he should have rings on his fingers. his sister who pays the kanam dresses in the same style, but her cloths may be of silk, white without a pattern in the border, and she wears gold bracelets on both wrists. all enjoy a good meal, and then set out, and visit first the house of the tandan. he and his wife walk in front, followed by the boy's elder sisters, if he has any. then comes the bridegroom with a friend before and behind him, with a few women bringing up the rear. at the tandan's house there is another meal, and then three, five, or seven houses are visited, and invitation to the wedding given in person. the proceedings for the day are then over, and, after three days, the brother-in-law, uncle, and all others receive invitations. on the occasion of the marriage ceremony, the barber first shaves the bridegroom's head, leaving the usual forelock on the crown, which is never cut. he performs the operation in a little shed to the east of the house, and a plantain leaf is placed so that the hair may fall on it. as a rule, the barber sits in front of the person whose hair he is shaving, while the latter, sitting cross-legged on the ground, bends forward. but, on this occasion, the bridegroom sits on a low wooden stool. close by are a lamp and a measure of rice on a plantain leaf. the barber also shaves the two friends of the bridegroom (changathis), and receives a fanam and the rice for his trouble. the three youths then bathe, smear themselves with sandal paste, and proceed to dress. the bridegroom must wear round the loins a white cloth, new and unwashed. round the top of the loin cloth he wears a narrow waist-band (kacha) of silk, from to cubits in length, with the ends hanging in front and behind. over the shoulders is thrown a silk lace handkerchief. he puts in his ears gold ear-rings, round the neck a necklace called chakra (wheel) mala, [ ] on the right wrist a gold bracelet, gold rings on the fingers, a gold or silver chain round the loins, and a gold or silver-handled knife with a sheath of the same metal. the two companions are dressed in much the same way, but they wear neither necklace nor bracelet. the women wear as many ornaments as they please. sisters of the bridegroom must wear bracelets on both wrists, a necklace, and a silk cloth (virali) on the shoulders. the bracelet worn by men is called vala, and must be made of one piece of metal. those worn by women are called kadakam, and must be made in two pieces. when all are ready, mats, and other things are once more placed in the middle room, and the bridegroom and his two companions sit on the mats. they at once rise, and proceed to the little shed which has been erected in the front yard, and again seat themselves on the mats, which, with the other articles, have been brought thither from the middle room. then the tandan gives betel to the bridegroom and his two companions, who must chew it. the tandan's wife, the elder woman of the house, and the bridegroom's sisters sprinkle rice on their heads. the tandan gives a sword to the bridegroom and each of his companions. the procession then starts. in front walk two nayars supplied by the koyma of the desam (represented by the nayar landlord). then come the tandan and a few elders, followed by the tandan's wife and some of the elder women, the bridegroom with his two companions, his sisters, and finally the general crowd. as the procession moves slowly on, there is much dancing, and swinging of swords and shields. at the bride's house, the party is received by the wife of the tandan of the tara holding a lighted lamp, the oldest woman of the family with a plate containing a measure of rice and a folded cloth, and another woman, who may be a friend, with a kindi of water. they sprinkle a little rice on the heads of the party as they enter the yard. the bridegroom sits on a mat, close to which the lamp and other articles are set. the bride's tandan takes charge of the swords, betel is distributed, and a hearty meal partaken of. the six cloths, which the bridegroom is required to bring are in reality three double cloths, one of which is for the use of the bride. it is the privilege of the bridegroom's sisters and the tandan's wife to dress her. her waist-cloth is tied in a peculiar way for the occasion, and she is enveloped from head to foot in a silken cloth, leaving only the eyes visible. the bridegroom, after his arrival at the bride's house, has to put on a peculiar turban of conical shape, made of a stiff towel-like material, tied round with a silk handkerchief. the bridegroom's sister leads the bride to the little shed (pandal) in the yard, and seats her behind the bridegroom. the kanam, and the remaining four cloths are then given by the bridegroom's sister to the bride's mother, and they, having tied a silk handkerchief across the body like a brahman's thread, stand behind the bridegroom, the mother to the right and the sister to the left. the latter says three times "let the kanam be given," and hands it to the bride's mother, who, as she receives it, says thrice "let me receive the kanam." the mother at once hands it over to her husband, or the senior male member of the family. the tandan then places plantain leaves, for use as plates, before the bridegroom and his two companions, and, facing the bridegroom, holds a vessel of cooked rice in front of him. the bride's mother, standing behind him, serves out thrice some rice out of the pot on to the leaf in front of the bridegroom, and the tandan does the same for his two companions. the bride's mother then mixes some plantains, pappadams (large thin biscuits), sugar, and ghi (clarified butter) with the rice on the bridegroom's leaf-plate, and offers the food to him three times. she will not, however, allow him to taste it. it is taken from his lips, and removed by the washerwomen. the bridegroom's sister has the same play with the bride. the rice, which has thus been made a feature of the ceremony, is called ayini. a few days prior to the marriage, two small bundles of betel leaves, each containing areca nuts, half a dozen tobacco leaves, and two fanams are given by the bridegroom to the nayar chieftain of the desam as his fee for furnishing an escort. in return for these offerings, he gives a new cloth to the bridegroom. three measures of raw rice, ten or twelve pappadams, plantains, a cocoanut, and some dry uncooked curry-stuff are given by the bridegroom to each of the nayars provided as escort on the eve of the marriage. when they arrive on the scene on the wedding day, they are given some beaten rice, rice cakes, cocoanuts, plantains, and a drink of arrack (spirit). when the bride's parents and relations come for the vathil ceremony, the same escort is provided, and the same presents are given. just as the bridegroom and all are ready to leave, the bride's father's sister's son called the machunan, steps forward, and demands two fanams from the bridegroom's party in return for permission to take away the bride. he gets his money, and the party starts for the bridegroom's house, after rice has been sprinkled over the heads of the contracting couple, the sisters of the bridegroom leading the bride. the swords, which have been returned by the tandan, are again used in flourishing and dancing en route. it is a prevalent custom throughout southern india that a girl's father's sister's son has the first right to her hand in marriage. this obtains not only among the dravidian peoples, but also among brahmans. the malayalam word for son-in-law (marumakan) means nephew. if a stranger should marry a girl, he also is called nephew. but the unmarried nephew, having the first admitted right to the girl, must be paid eight annas, or two fanams, before he will allow her to be taken away. the argument is said to be as follows. a sister pays forty-two fanams as kanam for her brother's wife. when the product, i.e., a daughter, is transferred to a stranger, the son claims compensation on his mother's investment at the same rate as that at which a cocoanut tree is valued--eight annas. at all events, the nephew has the first right to a girl, and must be compensated before she can be taken away by another. at the bridegroom's house, the party is received by the wife of the tandan and the lady of the house. following the bride should come her parents and other relations, two nayars representing the chieftain, and the tandan of his tara. the formalities with mats and rice are gone through as before. rice is sprinkled over the heads, the tandan receives the swords, and all sit in the shed. the ayini rice ceremony is repeated for the bride by the bridegroom's mother and sisters. the happy pair then proceed to the inner room of the house, where sweetmeats are served to them. then is observed, as a rule, the asaram or gift ceremony. relations are expected to give fanams (rs. - ), but the poorest of them are allowed to reduce the gift to fanams (rs. - ), and the others give according to their means. these gifts are supposed to be repaid with interest. the tandan sees that a regular account of all the gifts is made out, and handed over to the bridegroom, and receives eight annas for his trouble. the accountant who prepares the accounts, and the person who tests the genuineness of the coins, each receives a bundle of betel leaves, four areca nuts, and two tobacco leaves. betel leaves, areca nuts, and tobacco, are also given to each giver of gifts. after this, there is the vatil or house ceremony. two large bundles of betel leaves are prepared, each of which contains a thousand or fifteen hundred leaves, and with them are placed forty or fifty tobacco leaves, and seventy to a hundred areca nuts. the bride's tandan pays two or four rupees as vatil kanam to the tandan of the bridegroom, who hands the money to the bridegroom's father. the bridegroom then places one bundle of betel leaves, with half the tobacco and areca nuts, before the bride's father, and the other before her mother, and they are distributed by the tandan of the girl's tara and his wife among the men and women who are present. sweetmeats are then distributed, and the marriage ceremony is concluded. a formal visit must be made subsequently by the women of the bride's house to the bridegroom's, and is returned by the bride and bridegroom. the first visit is paid by a party consisting of the bride's mother, her uncle's and brother's wives, the wife of the tandan, and other relations. they are expected to bring with them plenty of sweetmeats and bread for general distribution. when the return visit is made by the bride and bridegroom, the sister of the latter, and other relations and friends, should accompany them, and they should take with them a lot of betel leaves, areca nuts, tobacco, and sweetmeats. this exchange of visits does not, however, complete those which are de rigueur. for, at the next onam and vishu festivals, the newly married couple should visit the house of the bride's family. onam is the beginning of the first harvest, and vishu the agricultural new year. on these occasions, the bridegroom takes with him the inevitable betel leaves, and presents a new cloth to the parents of the bride and every one else in the house. when the annual tiruvathira festival takes place between the betrothal and marriage ceremonies, the bridegroom is expected to send to the temple, through his tandan and one of his own relations, a quantity of ripe and unripe plantains. the ceremonies which have been described differ considerably from those of the tiyans of north malabar, where the marumakkatayam law of inheritance obtains. these are very simple affairs. in the calicut taluk, a man can marry only one wife at a time. but, when a wife is barren, a leper, or suffering from incurable disease, her husband may, with her formal permission, marry another wife. a bride may be of any age. where there is no stipulation as to dowry, it is a point of honour to give the girl as many jewels as the bridegroom can afford. widows may remarry. divorce is admissible, when the grounds for it are sufficient. and, when we find that incompatibility of temper is among these, it is safe to say that it is fairly easy of accomplishment. no specific reason need, in fact, be assigned. when it is the man who wishes to get rid of his wife, he must pay her all her expenses towards the marriage, as assessed by persons of the caste who fill the rôle of mediators. he has to give up jewels received from his wife's family, and must, in some cases, pay the discarded wife something on account of her loss of virginity--a circumstance, which might make it difficult for her to obtain another husband. if the wife wishes to get rid of her husband, she must pay up all his expenses towards the marriage. the party found to be in the wrong must pay a fee of five to twenty rupees to the tandan and all present, the relations excepted. the amount is distributed then and there. the procedure to be adopted in effecting divorce is as follows. the tandans of both sides, uncles and relations, and sometimes the fathers, assemble at the house of the wife, the tandan, or one of the relations. to the left of a burning lamp are placed two small wooden stools. on one of these are laid a small towel with four fanams (one rupee) tied up in a corner of it, and another towel with a little rice and four fanams tied up in it. close by is the other stool, on which the wife's uncle stretches a single thread taken from his own cloth. the husband carries this stool to the gate, and says three times to the wife's brother, father, or uncle--"your sister's (daughter's or niece's) matrimonial connection is severed." he then blows away the thread, throws the stool down, and departs for ever. this little ceremony cannot be performed at the husband's house, as it would involve perpetual banishment from his own house. the coins in the cloths go to the tandans. it is the uncle who gives these cloths, because it was he who received the two cloths at the conjee ceremony. a marriage cannot be dissolved unless both parties agree. a girl is under pollution for four days from the commencement of the first menstrual period. during this time she must keep to the north side of the house, where she sleeps on a grass mat of a particular kind, in a room festooned with garlands of young cocoanut leaves. round the mat is a narrow ridge made of paddy (unhusked rice), rice, and flowers of the cocoanut and areca palms. a lamp is kept burning, near which are placed the various articles already described in connection with marriage. another girl keeps her company and sleeps with her, but she must not touch any other person, tree or plant. she further must not see the sky, and woe betide her if she catches sight of a crow or cat. her diet must be strictly vegetarian, without salt, tamarinds, or chillies. she is armed against evil spirits with an iron knife carried on her person, or placed on the mat. on the first day, she is seated on a wooden stool in the yard to the east of the house. the fresh spathe of a cocoanut is cut in front of her. the bunch of blossoms is placed in a copper pot painted with perpendicular lines of chunam (lime), and a horizontal line at the top and bottom. the spathe of an areca palm is similarly treated, and, if the contents of both spathes are plentiful, it is regarded as a good augury of fertility. the wife of the girl's uncle, or, if she is married, her husband's sister pours some gingelly (sesamum) oil over her head, on the top of which a gold fanam has been placed. failing such relations, the wife of the tandan officiates. the operation is repeated by two other women, relatives if possible. the oil is poured from a little cup made from a leaf of the jak tree (artocarpus integrifolia), flows over the forehead, and is received with the fanam in a dish. it is a good omen if the coin falls with the obverse upwards. rice is cooked with jaggery, and given to the girl. the other women partake thereof, and then have a feast by themselves. the anointing with oil is the only bath the girl has until the fourth day. on the third day, she is not allowed to eat rice in any form, but she may partake of any other grain in the form of cakes. her uncle's wife, husband's sister, and other relations, give her presents of cakes and bread. during the night, the mattu, or cloth-changing ceremony, takes place. first of all, the washerman comes along with the washerwoman, carrying two washed cloths. in the front yard of the house a lamp with an odd number of wicks is burning. in a bamboo basket are a small measure (edangali) of paddy heaped up on a plantain leaf, a measure of rice on another leaf, two separate quarter measures thereof, a piece of turmeric, a little straw, a piece of coir (cocoanut fibre), and a cocoanut. as soon as he enters, the washerman, using the straw and coir skilfully, makes a bundle of the contents of the basket, and places it near the lamp, which is standing on a wooden stool. a cocoanut is cut in half, and placed, half on each side, by the stool. thereon is set a flat bell-metal dish, containing a little rice and seven rolls of betel leaves and areca nuts. the washerwoman, having received the mattu from the woman, places it on his head and proceeds to sing a song, at the conclusion of which he says solemnly three times "let me place the mattu." he then places the cloths on the bundle, which is on the stool. the girl's uncle's wife, and four other women, have by this time emerged from the middle room of the house, carrying a lighted lamp, a plate with a measure of rice, and a kindi as before. the uncle's wife, having covered her breast with a silk cloth, and wearing all her ornaments, leads the other four women as they walk thrice round the mattu. she then places a fanam (or a four-anna piece) on the mattu, lifts the stool, bundle and all, with one hand on the mattu and the other below the stool, and leads the procession of the women, with the lamp and other articles, to the room where the girl has been sleeping. she deposits her burden near the spot where the girl has laid her head. a general feast then takes place, and the washerman appropriates the fanam, and the paddy and rice spread in the yard. so ends the third day of these strange observances. on the fourth day, the girl bathes in a neighbouring pool, with some ceremonial. before she leaves the house, the washerman fixes in the ground a branch of a certain tree, to the top and bottom of which he ties the two ends of a long line of thin coir rope or yarn. this is supposed to represent the bow of kama, the indian cupid. he erects a miniature temple-like structure of young cocoanut leaves, with the stems of young plantains near it, by the side of the pool. close to it, he places a burning lamp, and a small quantity of rice and paddy, each on a separate plantain leaf. near them he sets a cocoanut, which has been blackened with charcoal, on some rice spread on a plantain leaf, a cocoanut reddened with turmeric and chunam on raw rice, and another on a leaf, containing fried paddy. [ ] he further deposits a few plantains, and two other cocoanuts. before the girl leaves the house, clad in one of the cloths brought on the previous night, she is well rubbed all over with oil, and the four or six women [ ] who accompany her are similarly treated. leading the way, they are followed by a number of women to the pool, where the girl and her companions bathe. after the bath, they stand by the side of the pool, facing east and holding lighted cotton-wicks in their hands, and go round the miniature temple three times, throwing the wicks into it. the washerman again breaks out into song, accompanying himself by striking a bell-metal plate with a stick. when he has finished, and gone through a little more business on his own account, the girl's husband or brother (if she is unmarried) appears on the scene. he holds aloft the coir string, under the lower end of which a cocoanut has been placed on the ground. the girl passes three times forwards and backwards without touching it. two cotton wicks, lighted at both ends, are laid on the cocoanut, and the girl should cut the wicks and the cocoanut through, completely severing them, with one blow of a strong knife or chopper. if she is successful, the omen is considered good. the girl, with her party, then bathes a second time. as she comes out of the water, she kicks out backwards like a mule, and sends the stem with the single cocoanut attached flying into the water with her right foot. the second mattu cloth is then brought, and she is clad in it. then she is full dressed and ornamented and led back to the house with a silk canopy over her head. she is taken to the middle room, and cakes and rice are given to her to eat. a feast is then held. the girl has so far been purified as regards most affairs of life, but she cannot touch any cooking-vessel until she has undergone yet another ceremony. this takes place on the seventh or ninth day after the first appearance of the menses. every day until then the girl is rubbed with gingelly oil and turmeric. three ordinary earthenware cooking-pots are piled, one above the other, in the kitchen. the uppermost pot contains cooked rice, the middle one rice boiled with jaggery, and the lowest curry. the pots must be new, and are marked with perpendicular daubs of chunam. seated on a low wooden stool to the west of the pots, the girl, facing the east, touches each pot with a knife. when the first of all these menstruation ceremonies has taken place at the house of the girl's husband, her mother brings some cakes on this last day. if it has been performed at her father's house, her husband's sister should bring the cakes. they are distributed among all present, and a small meal is partaken of. all the expenses of the first, and seventh or ninth day ceremonies, are borne by the people of the house, who may be those of the family of the girl's father or husband. the expenses of the ceremonial of the fourth day are defrayed by the girl's husband if they have been performed at her father's house, and vice versâ. the young wife has an easy time of it until the fifth month of her pregnancy, when she must again submit to becoming the subject for ceremonial. then takes place the belikala, for the purpose of appeasing some of the many malignant spirits, who are unceasing in their attempts to destroy infants in the womb. this consists for the most part of offerings, which are repeated in the seventh month. they are performed by members of the mannan (washerman) and panan (exorcists and devil-dancers) castes. at the commencement thereof, there is a feast. a structure, in shape something like a muhammadan taboot, [ ] about five feet in height, is erected in the front yard of the house. it is made of stems of young plantain trees, and festooned with leaves of young cocoanut palms. the floor of the little edifice, and the ground outside it to the west, are strewn with charcoal made from paddy husk, on which are made magic squares of white rice flour, intermingled with red, green, and yellow, each colour being compounded with specified substances. the squares are not always the same, but are prepared for each occasion, so as to suit the particular spirit which is to be invoked and appeased. the pregnant woman, with six female companions, leaves the middle room of the house, carrying the usual lamp and other articles, and they walk seven times round the edifice. before completing the last round, each throws into it a burning wick. they then stand to the west of it, facing east, and sit down. the mannans invoke the spirit in song, accompanied by the clang of metal plates beaten with sticks. drums must not be used. the music and weird devil-dancing go on more or less all night, and by morning some of the most nervous of the women, overcome by the spirit, go into fits. the fees for the devil-dancing are paid by the pregnant woman's father. last of all, a live cock is held against the forehead of the woman, mantrams (magical formulæ) are repeated, and rice is thrown over her head. if she should have a fit, the head of the cock is cut off, and the blood offered to the demon spirit. if, however, she does not suffer from undue excitement, the cock is simply removed alive. she is left in peace for the next two months, when she goes to her father's house, at which there is more devil-dancing at another belikala ceremony. the fees are paid by the woman's husband. they vary from five to thirty-two rupees, according to the cost of the edifice which is erected, and the quality of the dancing. the invocation of some of the devils requires specially trained dancers who must be paid high fees. on the morning following the dance, the tamarind juice drinking ceremony takes place at the house of the woman's father. the fees in connection with this are debited to the husband. taking advantage of an auspicious moment, the husband and two companions bathe in the early morning, and make a neat toilette, the husband wearing a necklace. they then go to the nearest tamarind, and pluck three small leafy twigs, which they bring to the house. the husband's sister pounds the leaves in a mortar in a little shed or pandal in the front yard. the juice is then strained through a new double cloth eight cubits in length by the husband's sisters. if he has no sisters, this should be done by his and his wife's mothers. rice conjee is then prepared with water, in which the tamarind juice has been mixed. the husband, and his two companions, sit under the pandal, where the usual lamp and other articles have been placed, with the wife behind him. her brother then feeds him thrice with the conjee from a small gold spoon. the husband's sister feeds the wife in like manner. one of the three twigs is planted by the husband in the front yard, and his wife waters it every day until the child is born. in the ninth month, the husband's sister presents his wife with a couple of pounds of cummin seed and jaggery. the woman who brings this little gift should be given some cakes and sweetmeats. during pregnancy, a woman always wears an amulet concealed within a cylindrical tube on her neck, to protect her against malignant spirits. the young wife's child is born at her father's house, where she is under the care of her mother. when the child is born, the brother of the newly made mother goes out into the yard, and strikes the ground three times with the stem of a dry cocoanut palm leaf. if the child is a boy, he emits a long drawn out ku-u-u-u in high falsetto as he does so. it is then the duty of the brother and the midwife to go and inform the father of the event. the midwife receives from him her fee, and a present of a cloth, and other presents from his sisters. if the child is a boy, the brother receives a cloth, and, if a girl, a cloth and a bell-metal plate. the event of the birth of a child carries with it, as in the case of death, pollution to every one in the house. this is partially removed by ceremonies on the third day, and wholly by further ceremonies on the ninth or eleventh day, whichever happens to be the more auspicious--a tuesday for example. any one coming to the house before the first ceremonies have taken place must bathe and wash his or her cloth to remove the pollution. any one visiting the house after the first, but before the second ceremony, need not bathe, but cannot eat any food in the house. the men of the household can get no rice at home until after the second ceremony has been performed, and they are consequently compelled to board elsewhere for the time being. a washerwoman carries out the purification rites, assisted by a barber woman. first of all, the floors of all the rooms are smeared with cow-dung. all clothes in use are given to the washerwoman. the women rub their bodies all over with oil, and the washerwoman brings mattu for them. the barber woman sprinkles a mixture of cow's milk and karuka grass leaves over the women, who then go to a pool and bathe. when the milk is about to be sprinkled, the usual lamp, rice on a metal plate, and kindi of water are produced. the barber woman takes the rice and one fanam, and receives also some cocoanut and gingelly (sesamum) oil. much the same things are given to the washerwoman. the second ceremony is just like the first, but, even after its completion, the women of the house cannot touch any cooking-vessels until after the fifteenth day. the ceremony of touching the cooking pots, as at the time of the first menstrual period, is then performed. these three purificatory ceremonies must be performed after every birth. on the twenty-seventh or fortieth day after the birth of a child, the mother and the infant are taken back to the husband's house, and cow's milk is for the first time given to the child. this event, which has all the solemnity of a regular function, takes place in the middle room, where the lamp, mat and other articles have been arranged. the child's paternal grandfather, father's elder brother, or other senior man administers the milk, which has been boiled. a gold bracelet is dipped in it, and the drops of milk are made to fall into the child's mouth. as this is being done, the celebrant whispers in the child's right ear the name which will be formally given to it in the sixth month. the eldest son is always named after the paternal grandfather, and the second after the father. in like manner, the eldest girl is named after its own mother. relations and friends take this opportunity to make presents of bracelets and other articles to the infant. a feast is then held. after the ceremony is over, the parents of the child's mother have to send about half a bag of rice flour mixed with jaggery to her husband's house. for the first six months of its life, a child's food consists of nature's fount and cow's milk. it is then, before the sixth month is over, given boiled rice for the first time. the ceremony takes place either in the middle room of its father's house, or at a temple. the child's grandfather, or the eldest male member of the family, sits on a mat, and takes the child in his lap. with a gold ring he applies honey three times to its mouth, and then gives it a little rice three times. female relations who are present follow his example, giving the child first honey, and then rice. several women, with the lighted lamp and other articles, carry the child into the yard, to show it the sky. they go round a cocoanut tree, and stand before the front door, facing west. an elder among the women of the house stands at the front door, calls out the name of the child three times, and asks it to come inside. the relations give little presents of ornaments, and there is a feast. it will be observed that even a child's life is not entirely free from ceremonial. when it has grown up, it undergoes more of it, and, when it has lived its course on earth, is the subject of still more ceremonial long after it is dead. all these affairs involve some expenditure, but the one which literally runs away with money is marriage. the others are not extravagances, nor are they as costly as might be implied from the continual feasting of a large number of people. we must not think of these feasts as of a banquet at the carlton, but as simple affairs, at which simple people are content with simple though pleasing fare. when a child is provided by nature with teeth, it is the subject of a little ceremony, during which it is expected to disclose its natural propensities. the usual mat and other articles are arranged, and there are in addition a large flat bell-metal plate containing a rice cake, a knife, a palmyra leaf grantham (book), a cocoanut, and a gold ornament. the child is let loose, and allowed to pick out anything from the plate. if it takes the cake, it will be greedy; if the knife, brave; if the book, learned; if the cocoanut, a landlord; and, if the gold ornament, rich. a child's head is shaved in the third or fifth year. the barber, who performs the operation, is allowed to take away the rice which, with the lamp, is at hand. he also receives a fanam and a new cloth. the people of the child's mother bring rice cakes. the last day of the dasara festival in the fifth year of a child's life is that on which instruction in the alphabet begins. a teacher, who has been selected with care, or a lucky person holds the child's right hand, and makes it trace the fifty-one letters of the malayalam alphabet on raw rice spread on a plate. the fore-finger, which is the one used in offering water to the souls of the dead and in other parts of the death ceremonies, must not be used for tracing the letters, but is placed above the middle finger, merely to steady it. for the same reason, a doctor, when making up a pill, will not use the fore-finger. when, later on, the child goes to the village school, the fifty-one letters are written one by one on its tongue with a gold style, if one is available. as each letter is formed, the child has to repeat the sound of it. the lobes of both a child's ears are bored with a golden pin or a thorn. the helix of the ear is not bored for the purpose of inserting ornaments in it, but is sometimes bored as a remedy for disease, e.g., hernia. everywhere else in southern india, it is common for people of almost every class to have the helix of the left ear bored. the tali-tying ceremony must be performed before a girl attains puberty. the tiyan tali is usually of gold, and worth about half-a-crown. it is not the one which is worn in every day life, but the one which is used in the ceremony about to be described. throughout southern india, the tali is the ordinary symbol of marriage among hindus, and it is even worn by syrian christians. in malabar, and the native states of cochin and travancore, it is a symbol of marriage, with which a girl is ceremoniously adorned, as a rule before she is affianced. the ceremony occupies three days, on the last of which the tali is tied. on the first day, a shed or pandal is erected in the front yard. within it a similar structure is prepared with the leaves of an areca palm, which has been cut down at an auspicious moment, and with the formal sanction of the tandan of the tara. this inner pandal is tastefully decorated with pictures and flowers. it is important to note that this little pandal must not be begun until the first day of the ceremony. on this day, the carpenter of the tara brings a low wooden seat, rather long and narrow, made from the pala tree (alstonia scholaris), which must be cut at an auspicious moment, for which he receives one fanam. this seat is called mana. [ ] a grass mat is spread in the middle room of the house, with a white cloth over it, on which the mana is placed. a lamp, vessel of water, and the usual paraphernalia are arranged on the ground to the south close by. when these preliminaries have been completed, the girl is brought by the uncle's wife to the pandal, and seated on a stool. in front of her, a lamp, and other things which are a feature in all ceremonials, and a measure of paddy are placed on the ground, a gold fanam is put on her head, and over it gingelly oil is poured. as the coin falls from the forehead, it is caught in a cup. it is important which side falls uppermost. the girl is then taken to a pool for bathing, and returns to the pandal. she is conducted to the middle room of the house in procession, with a silk canopy over her head and women carrying lamps, etc. she is confined in this room, which is decorated in the manner described when speaking of the menstruation ceremony, until the third day. she sleeps on a mat, surrounded by a little ridge of rice and paddy, cocoanut and areca palm flowers, and near her head is a copper pot marked with vertical daubs of white. the blacksmith of the tara brings a little stick, called charathkot, with an iron blade at one end, which is supposed to represent an arrow of kama. this the girl keeps constantly at her side, and carries in her hand when compelled by nature to leave the room. while confined in the room, she is not allowed to eat fish, flesh, or salt, or see any animals, especially a cat, dog, or crow. on the third day, the tali is prepared on the spot by the village goldsmith. the girl's uncle gives him the gold, which he melts, and works at in the pandal at an auspicious moment. the paddy and rice, which, with the lamp and vessel of water, have been in evidence during the operations, are given to the goldsmith, with a fanam for his labour. a weaver brings two new cloths, of a particular kind called mantra-kodi, for which the girl's uncle pays. one is worn by the girl, and the mana is covered with the other. the girl is taken to bathe, and, after the bath, is richly dressed and ornamented, and brought in procession, with a canopy over her head, to the house, where she is conducted to the inner room. the mana is then placed, with the cloth near it, on a grass mat in the inner pandal. the uncle's wife sits on the mat, and the uncle lifts the girl, carries her three times round the pandal, and deposits her in his wife's lap. the astrologer, who is present, indicates the moment when the tali should be tied. the girl's father gives him a fanam, and receives from him a little rice, called muhurtham (auspicious time). when the psychological moment has arrived he sprinkles the rice on the girl's head, saying "it is time." the tali is then tied round the girl's neck by the uncle's wife. at the upper end of the tali is a ring, through which the thread passes. the thread which is used for the purpose is drawn from the cloth with which the mana has been covered. [it is odd that there are some families of nayars, who are not allowed to use a tali with a ring to receive the string, and are therefore obliged to make a hole in the tali itself.] as soon as the tali has been tied on the girl's neck, a number of boys burst into song, praising ganapathi (the elephant god), and descriptive of the marriage of king nala and damayanti, or of sri krishna and rukmani. every one joins in, and the song ends with shouts and hurrahs. a mock feeding ceremony is then carried out. three plantain leaves are spread in front of the girl in the pandal, and rice, plantains, and pappadams are spread thereon. the uncle's wife offers some of each to the girl three times, but does not allow her to touch it with her lips. the girl is then taken to a temple, to invoke the god's blessing. the description which has just been given is that of the ceremony which is performed, if the girl has not been affianced. if a husband has been arranged for her, it is he who ties the tali, and his sister takes the place of the uncle's wife. otherwise the ceremony is the same, with this difference, however, that, when the husband ties the tali, there can be no divorce, and the girl cannot remarry in the event of his death. in north, as in south malabar, the tali-tying ceremony is always performed before puberty, and occupies four days. this is the orthodox procedure. the girl wears a cloth provided by the washerwoman. she is taken from the middle room of the house to the yard, and there seated on a plank of pala wood. placed in front of her are a small measure of rice and paddy, a washed white cloth, and a small bell-metal vessel (kindi) on a bell-metal plate. the barber pours cocoanut water on her head, on which a silver and copper coin have been placed. one of her relations then pours water from a vessel containing some raw rice over her head, using two halves of a cocoanut as a spout. the girl is then taken back to the middle room, where she remains for three days. there is a feast in the evening. on the fourth day, a pandal is erected in the front yard, and decorated. the girl is taken to bathe at a neighbouring pool, preceded by women carrying a lamp, a kindi of water, and other things which have been already described. during her absence, the barber performs puja to ganapathi in the pandal. after bathing, she cuts a cocoanut in half, and returns in procession, with a silk canopy over her head, amid music and singing, and enters the middle room of the house. the barber woman ties a gold ornament (netti pattam) on her forehead, which she marks with sandal paste, and blackens her eyes with eye-salve. the uncle's wife, preceded by women bearing a lamp and other articles, carries the mana, covered with cloth, from the middle room to the pandal. she walks three times round the pandal, and places the mana on a grass mat, over which has been spread some paddy and some rice where the girl will put her foot. the women who have carried the lamp, etc., return to the room, and escort the girl to the pandal. she walks thrice round it, and takes her seat on the mana. the barber hands her a little rice, which she throws on the lighted lamp, and articles which have been used in the puja to ganapathi, and on the post supporting the south-west corner of the pandal. this post should be of pala wood, or have a twig of that tree tied to it. more rice is handed to the girl, and she throws it to the cardinal points of the compass, to the earth, and to the sky. a small earthen pot containing rice, a cocoanut, betel, and areca nuts, is placed near the girl. into this a variety of articles, each tied up separately in a piece of plantain leaf, are placed. these consist of a gold coin, a silver coin, salt, rice, paddy, turmeric, charcoal, and pieces of an old cadjan leaf from the thatch of the house. the mouth of the pot is then covered over with a plantain leaf tied with string. the girl sprinkles rice three times over the pot, makes a hole in the leaf, and picks out one of the articles, which is examined as an augur of her destiny. betel leaves and areca nuts are then passed twice round her head, and thrown away. she next twists off a cocoanut from a bunch hanging at a corner of the pandal. then follows the presentation of cloths called mantra-kodi. these must be new, and of a particular kind. each of her relations throws one of these cloths over the girl's head. half of them (perhaps ten or twelve) go to the barber, who, at this point, pours cocoanut water from the leaf of a banyan tree on her head, on which a silver and copper coin have been placed. the astrologer is then asked whether it is time to tie the tali, and replies three times in the affirmative. the barber woman hands the tali strung on a thread to the girl's uncle's wife, who ties it round the girl's neck. the barber woman then pours water on the girl's hands. three times the water is flung upwards, and then to the east, west, south, and north. a cotton wick, steeped in oil, is then twisted round a piece of bamboo, and stuck on a young cocoanut. the girl is asked if she sees the sun, looks at the lighted wick, and says that she does. she is then taken to a cocoanut tree, preceded by the lamp, etc. she walks three times round the tree, and pours water over the root. the ceremony is now concluded, and the girl is marched back to the middle room. a variation of the tali-tying ceremony, as performed in chavakad on the coast between calicut and cochin, may be briefly described, because it possesses some interesting features. it is always done by the intended husband, or some one representing him. seven days prior to the beginning of the ceremony, the carpenter of the tara, with the permission of the tandan (here called avakasi), cuts down an areca palm, and fixes part of it as the south-east post of the booth, at which the tali will be tied. on the sixth day, the girl is formally installed in the middle room of the house. the carpenter brings a mana of pala wood, the cost of which is paid by the father, and does puja to it. the bridegroom's party arrive. a lamp is lighted in the booth, which is at this time partly, but not entirely, made ready. near the lamp are placed a measure of paddy, half a measure (nazhi) of rice, a looking-glass, a kindi of water, and a wooden cheppu (a rude vessel with a sliding cover). the wives of the tandan and uncle, together with some other women, bring the girl, and seat her on the mana. the uncle's wife parts her hair, and places a gold fanam on her crown. the tandan's wife then pours a little oil on it over a leaf of the jak tree three times. the other women do the same. the girl is then taken to a pool, and bathed. before her return, the mana should be placed ready for her in the middle room of the house. in the evening there is a feast. on the day but one following, the tali is tied. the last post of the booth is put up, and it is completed and decorated on the tali-tying day. a lamp, looking-glass, and other things are put in it. a grass mat is spread on the floor, and a kambli (blanket) and a whitewashed cloth are placed over it. on either side of it is placed a pillow. the bridegroom and his party wait in an adjoining house, for they must not appear on the scene until the psychological moment arrives. the tandan of the bridegroom's tara, with a few friends, comes first, and hands over two cloths and ten rupees eight annas to the bride's tandan. the girl is dressed in one of these cloths, and led to the booth, the bridegroom's sister holding her by the hand. she sits on the mana, which has been brought, and placed on the cloth, by her uncle. the bridegroom comes in procession, carried on his uncle's shoulders. the girl is still a child, and he is only a few years her senior. his uncle puts him down on the right side of the girl, after walking thrice round the booth. the girl's uncle's wife sits close to her, on the other side, on the mana. her father asks the astrologer three times if it is the proper time to tie the tali, and is answered thrice in the affirmative. then the boy bridegroom ties the tali on the girl's neck. the boy and girl sing out a chorus in praise of ganapathi, and end up with three loud shouts and hurrahs. then the boy seats himself on the ground, outside the pillow. the girl is taken inside the house, and, after a general feast, is brought back, and seated on the mana, and rice and flowers are sprinkled. no money is paid to the uncle's son, as at calicut. the boy bridegroom pays eight annas to his sister for leading the bride by the hand. when the marriage has been done by proxy, the boy bridegroom is selected from a tarwad into which the girl might marry. he stays at the girl's house for three days, and, on the fourth day, the boy and girl are taken to a temple. a formal divorce is effected, and the boy is taken away. it will not be worth while to attempt a description of the marriage ceremony of the tiyans of north malabar, because there is none, or next to none. there the tiyans and all classes, including even the muhammadan mappillas, follow the rule of marumakkatayam, or inheritance through females from uncle to nephew. the children have no right to their father's property. either party may annul the marital union at will, without awarding any compensation; and, as its infraction is easy and simple, so is its institution. nor is there any rigid inquiry as to the antecedents of either party. it is an affair of mutual arrangement, attended with little formality. proceeding to the girl's house, accompanied by a few friends, the intending husband takes with him a couple of cloths, one for the girl, and the other for her mother. in parts of north malabar, the tiyan women wear an ornament called chittu (ring) in a hole bored in the top of the helix of each ear. the holes are bored in childhood, but the chittu is not worn until the girl forms a marital union with a man. the chittus are made on the spot at the time, in the marriage pandal erected for the occasion, the girl's uncle providing the gold. they are never removed during life, except in cases of dire distress. "to sell chittu" is equivalent to having become a pauper. it is supposed that, in olden days, the marriage ceremonies lasted over seven days, and were subsequently reduced to seven meals, or three and a half days, and then to one day. now the bridegroom remains the first night at the bride's house, and then takes her to his home. before they leave, a cocoanut, the outer husk of which has been removed, is placed on a stool of pala wood, and one of the bridegroom's party must smash it with his fist. some of the more orthodox in north malabar observe the formality of examining horoscopes, and a ceremony equivalent to the conjee-drinking ceremony which has been described, called achara kaliana, and the payment of kanam in the shape of forty-one fanams, instead of forty-two as in south malabar. in connection with fanams it may be noted that the old gold fanam is reckoned as worth four annas, whereas five silver or velli fanams make a rupee. everywhere in rural malabar, calculations are made in terms of velli fanams thus:-- pice ( / of an anna) = velli. vellis = rupee. bazaar men, and those who sell their small stock at the weekly markets all about the country, arrange their prices in vellis. when the death of a tiyan is expected, all the relations draw near, and await the fateful moment. the person who is about to die is laid on the floor of the middle room, for it is inauspicious to die on a cot. we will suppose that the dying man is a parent and a landlord. each of the sons and daughters gives him a little conjee water, just before he passes away. at the moment of death, all the women bawl out in lamentations, giving the alarm of death. the cheruman serfs in the fields join in the chorus, and yell out an unintelligible formula of their own. absent relations are all formally invited. from the houses of the son's wife and daughter's husband are sent quantities of jak fruits, unripe plantains, and cocoanuts, as death gifts. one half of the husks of the cocoanuts is removed, and the other half left on the shell. after the cremation or burial, these articles are distributed among those present by the tandan, who receives an extra share for his trouble. when life is extinct, the body is placed with the head to the south, and the thumbs and big toes are tied together. it is then taken out into the yard, washed, bathed in oil, dressed in a new cloth, and brought back to the middle room. a cocoanut is cut in two, and the two halves, with a lighted wick on each, are placed at the head and foot. the house-owner spreads a cotton cloth over the corpse, and all the relations, and friends, do the same. any one who wishes to place a silk cloth on the corpse may do so, but he must cover it with a cotton cloth. the body is then removed for burial or cremation, and placed near the grave or funeral pyre. it is the rural rule that elderly persons and karnavans of tarwads are cremated, and others buried. the barber, whose function it is to perform the purificatory rites, now removes, and retains as his perquisite, all the cloths, except the last three covering the corpse. as it is being borne away to the place of burial or cremation, water mixed with cow-dung is sprinkled behind it in the yard. the eldest son, who succeeds to the property and is responsible for the funeral ceremonies, then tears crosswise a piece of the cloth which has been placed over the corpse by the people of the house, and ties it round his forehead. he holds one end of the cloth while the barber holds the other, and tears off the piece. the barber then cuts three holes in the remainder of this cloth covering the body, over the mouth, navel, and pubes. a little water and rice are poured over a gold fanam through the slit over the mouth. all who observe the death pollution, i.e., sons, grandsons, nephews, younger brothers and cousins, offer water and rice in the same manner, and walk three times round the grave or pyre. the barber then breaks a pot of water over the grave. no other ceremonial is observed on this day, on which, and during the night, rice must not be eaten. if the body has been cremated, a watch is kept at the burning ground for five days by panans, who beat drums all night to scare away the evil spirits which haunt such spots. early on the second day, all who are under pollution are shaved. the operation is attended with some ceremonial, and, before it is commenced, a lighted lamp, a measure of rice and paddy on a plantain leaf must be at hand. the paddy and rice are a perquisite of the barber. those who have been shaved bathe, and then follows the crow-feeding ceremony. rice is boiled in a bell-metal vessel over a hearth prepared with three young cocoanuts. the eldest son, who tore the cloth of succession from the corpse, makes the rice into two little balls, places them on a plantain leaf, and offers them to the spirit of the departed by pouring libations of water on them over a blade of karuka grass. men and women who are under pollution then do the same. the rice balls are eaten by crows. this little ceremony is performed daily until the eleventh or thirteenth day, when the period of death pollution comes to an end. if the eleventh day happens to fall on a tuesday or friday, or on any inauspicious day, the period is extended to the thirteenth day. when the period of death pollution is partly in one month, and partly in another, another death in the house within the year is expected. preceding the sanchayanam, which occupies the fifth day, there is the lamp-watching on the previous night. in the south-east corner of the middle room, a little paddy is heaped up, and on it is placed a bell-metal plate with an iron lamp having five or seven lighted wicks on it. under the lamp is a little cow-dung, and close to it is a bunch of cocoanut flowers. the lamp must be kept burning until it is extinguished on the following day. in the case of the death of a male, his niece watches the lamp, and in that of a female her daughter, lying near it on a grass mat. the sanchayanam is the first stage in the removal of death pollution, and, until it is over, all who come to the house suffer from pollution, and cannot enter their own house or partake of any food without bathing previously. when the body has been cremated, the fragments of calcined bones are collected from the ashes, and carried in procession to the sea, or, if this is far away, into a river. the members of the family under pollution then rub their bodies all over with oil, and the barber sprinkles a mixture of cow's milk over their heads, using a blade of karuka grass as a spout. they then bathe, and the eldest son alone observe mattu. the crow-feeding ceremony follows, and, when this is over, the three cocoanuts which were used as a hearth are thrown away. a large bell-metal vessel filled with water is now placed in the front yard before the door of the house. the barber carries the still burning lamp from the middle room, and sets it on the ground near the pot of water. the women who are under pollution come from the middle room, each carrying a lighted wick, walk thrice round the pot, and throw the wicks into the water. the woman who has watched the lamp puts four annas into the pot, and the others deposit a few pies therein. the eldest son now lights a wick from the iron lamp which is about to be extinguished, and with it lights a lamp in the middle room. the barber then dips the iron lamp in the water, and picks out the money as his perquisite. the water is poured on the roots of a cocoanut tree. the bell-metal vessel becomes the property of the woman who watched the lamp, but she cannot take it away until she leaves the house after the pula-kuli ceremony. when the lamp has been extinguished, a woman, hired for the occasion, is seated on a cocoanut leaf in the front yard. the tandan pours oil on her head three times, and she receives a little betel and two annas. she rises, and leaves the place without turning back, taking the pollution with her. betel is then distributed. those who provided the death gifts on the day of the death must on this day bring with them a bag of rice, and about four rupees in money. they have also to give eight annas to the barber. a folded handkerchief is first presented to the barber, who formally returns it, and receives instead of it the eight annas. before the people disperse, the day of the pula-kuli is settled. pula-kuli, or washing away the pollution, is the final ceremony for putting off the unpleasant consequences of a death in a family. first of all, the members thereof rub themselves all over with oil, and are sprinkled by the barber with cow's milk and gingelly oil. they then bathe. the barber outlines the figure of a man or woman, according to the sex of the deceased, with rice flour and turmeric powder, the head to the south, in the middle room of the house. the figure is covered with two plantain leaves, on each of which a little rice and paddy are heaped. over all is spread a new cloth, with a basket containing three measures of paddy upon it. the eldest son (the heir) sits facing the south, and with a nazhi measures out the paddy, which he casts to the south, east, and west--not the north. he repeats the performance, using the fingers of the left hand closed so as to form a cup as a measure. then, closing the first and fourth fingers firmly with the thumb, using the left hand, he measures some paddy in the same manner with the two extended fingers. rice is treated in the same way. a nazhi of paddy, with a lighted wick over it, is then placed in a basket. the eldest son takes the nazhi in his left hand, passes it behind his body, and, receiving it with his right hand, replaces it in the basket. the wick is extinguished by sprinkling it with water three times. at the head of the figure on the floor is placed a clean cloth--the washerman's mattu. it is folded, and within the folds are three nazhis of rice. on the top of it a cocoanut is placed. in the four corners a piece of charcoal, a little salt, a few chillies, and a gold fanam are tied. the eldest son, who is always the protagonist in all the ceremonies after death, lifts the cloth with all its contents, places it on his head, and touches with it his forehead, ears, each side and loins, knees and toes. he does this three times. the plantain leaves are then removed from the figure. a little turmeric powder is taken from the outline, and rubbed on the forehead of the eldest son. he then bows thrice to the figure, crossing his legs and arms so that the right hand holds the left ear, and the left the right ear, and touches the ground with the elbow-joints. it is no joke to do this. all this time, the eldest son wears round his forehead the strip torn from the cloth which covered the corpse. there is nothing more to be done in the middle room for the present, and the eldest son goes out into the yard, and cooks the rice for the final feed to the crows. three nazhis of this rice must be pounded and prepared for cooking by the woman who watched the lamp on the fourth night after death. having cooked the rice, the eldest son brings it into the middle room, and mixes it with some unrefined sugar, plantains and pappadams, making two balls, one large and one small. each of these he places on a plantain leaf. then some puja is done to them, and offerings of rice are made over a gold fanam. the balls are given to the crows in the yard, or, in some cases, taken to the sea or a river, and cast into the water. when this course is adopted, various articles must be kept ready ere the return of the party. these comprise a new pot containing water, a branch of areca blossoms, mango leaves, a kindi containing a gold fanam or gold ring, a little salt and rice, each tied up in a piece of cloth, and a few chillies. the mouth of the pot is covered with a plantain leaf, and secured. there are also two stools, made of pala and mango wood. the eldest son sits on one of these, and places his feet on the other, so that he does not touch the ground. the water in the pot is sprinkled with mango leaves by the barber to the north, south, east and west, and on the head of the son. the remainder of the water is then poured over his head. the barber then sprinkles him with cocoanut water, this time using areca blossoms, and makes him sip a little thereof. the barber makes a hole in the plantain leaf, and picks out the contents. the eldest son bathes, and after the bath there is a presentation of gifts. the barber, sitting in the verandah beside the son, first gives to each person under pollution a little salt and raw rice, which they eat. he then gives them a little betel leaf and a small piece of areca nut, and receives in return a quarter of an anna. the eldest son chews the betel which he has received, and spits into a spittoon held by the barber, whose property it becomes. then to the barber, who has been presented with a new mat to sit on and new cloth to wear before he seats himself in the verandah, are given an ear-ring such as is worn by tiyan women, a silk cloth, a white cotton cloth, and a few annas. if the deceased has been cremated he is given six fanams, and, if buried, five fanams as the fee for his priestly offices. on an occasion of this kind, several barbers, male and female, turn up in the hope of receiving presents. all who help during the various stages of the ceremonial are treated in much the same way, but the senior barber alone receives the officiating fee. it is odd that the barbers of the four surrounding villages are entitled to receive gifts of new cloths and money. those under death pollution are forbidden to eat fish or flesh, chew betel, or partake of jaggery. the restriction is removed on the pula-kuli day. the last act for their removal is as follows. the barber is required to eat some jaggery, and drink some conjee. after this, the eldest son, the tandan, and a neighbour, sit on a mat spread in the middle of the house, and formally partake of conjee and jaggery. the pula-kuli is then over. it is a sacred duty to a deceased person who was one of importance, for example the head of a family, to have a silver image of him made, and arrange for it being deposited in some temple, where it will receive its share of puja (worship), and offerings of food and water. the new-moon day of the months karkitakam (july-august), tulam (october-november), and kumbham (february-march) is generally selected for doing this. the temples at tirunelli in wynad and tirunavayi, which are among the oldest in malabar, were generally the resting-places of these images, but now some of the well-to-do deposit them much further afield, even at benares and ramesvaram. a silver image is presented to the local siva temple, where, for a consideration, puja is done every new-moon day. on each of these days, mantrams are supposed to be repeated a thousand times. when the image has been the object of these mantrams sixteen thousand times, it is supposed to have become eligible for final deposit in a temple. it is this image which rests in the temple at tirunavayi, or elsewhere. an annual sradh ceremony is performed for the sake of the spirit of the deceased, at which crows are fed in the manner already described, and relations are fed. on the night of this day, some sweetmeats or cakes, such as the deceased was fond of during life, are offered to the spirit. a lamp is placed on a stool, and lighted in the middle room of the house, with a kindi of water and a young cocoanut near it. the cakes or sweetmeats are placed in front of the stool. children sprinkle rice over it, and the door is shut for a quarter of an hour. the individual who feeds the crows should partake of only one meal, without fish or flesh, on the previous day. another ceremony, which is necessary for the repose of the dead, is called badha-velichatu-variethal, or bringing out the spirit. it cannot be performed until at least a year after death, for during that period the spirit is in a sort of purgatory. after that, it may be invoked, and it will answer questions. the ceremony resembles the nelikala pregnancy ceremony. the performers are panans or washermen. some little girls are seated in front of a booth in the yard. the celebrant of the rite sings, invoking the spirit of the deceased. late at night, one of the girls becomes possessed by the spirit, and, it is said, talks and acts just like the deceased, calling the children, relations and friends by name, talking of the past, and giving commands for the future conduct of the living members of the family. after this, the spirit is severed from earthly trammels, and attains heavenly bliss. the wood used for the purpose of cremation is that of a mango tree, which must be cut down after the death. a little sandalwood and cuscus (grass) roots are sometimes added to the pyre. in these days, when the important and interesting features of ceremonial are fast disappearing, it is not surprising that dried cakes of cow-dung are superseding the mango wood. among other ceremonies, there is one called kutti puja, which is performed when a newly built house is taken charge of. vastu purusha is the name of the supreme being which, lying on its back with its head to the north-east and legs to the south-west, supports the earth. or rather the earth is but a small portion of this vast body. forests are its tiny hairs, oceans its blood-vessels, and the wind its breath. in this body are fifty-three deities, who are liable to disturbance when the surface of the earth is dug, when trees are felled, foundations laid, and a house built. these angry beings must be propitiated, or there will be untimely deaths, poverty, and sickness among the inmates. the ceremony is performed in the following manner. a square with fifty-three columns is made with rice flour in the middle room of the house, and each column is filled with yellow, red, and black powder. a plantain leaf is placed over it, and a few measures of paddy are set on the top of the leaf. on this is placed another leaf, with various kinds of grain, plantains, cocoanuts, and jaggery on it. the carpenter, who is the architect and builder of the house, then performs puja with flowers, incense and lights, and the troublesome imp-spirit gulikan is propitiated with toddy and arrack, and a fowl which is decapitated for him. then all the workmen--carpenters, masons, and coolies--walk thrice round the house, breaking cocoanuts on the walls and doors, and howling in order to drive away all evil spirits which may by chance be lurking about the place. after this, they are all fed until they cry out "we are satisfied, and want no more." they are given cloths and other presents, and the chief feature of the ceremony takes place. this is the formal handing over of the house by the carpenter. he hands it over to a third person, and never directly to the owner. it is not always easy to find a third person who is willing to undertake the responsibility, and who is at the same time suitable for the gulikan who is dispossessed of the house, and pursues him henceforth, following him who first receives charge of the house. he should be a man who brings luck, cheerful and contented, having a family, and not labouring under any disorder or sickness of body. there is, or was a few years ago, an old nayar living not far from calicut, who was much sought after to fulfil the functions of third person on these occasions, and all the houses he received prospered. the third person is generally a poor man, who is bribed with presents of cloths, money and rice, to undertake the job. he wears one of the new cloths during the ceremony. when the carpenter's ceremonies have been completed, this man is taken to the middle room of the house, and made to stand facing the door, with each foot on a plantain leaf. pieces of the thatch are tied to the four corners of his cloth. he shuts the door, opens it, and shuts it again. the carpenter calls from without, asking him whether he has taken charge of the house. he replies evasively "have the carpenters and workmen received all their wages? if they have, i take charge of the house." the carpenter does not answer the question, for, if he did so, the mischief would be transferred to him through the house-owner. so he says "i did not ask you about my wages. have you taken charge of the house?" the man inside answers as before, adding "otherwise not." the carpenter again says "i did not ask you about my wages. answer me straight. have you, or have you not taken charge of the house?" the man inside replies "i have taken charge of the house," and opens the door. taking in his hands the plantain leaves on which he stood, he runs away as fast as he can without looking back. this he must not do on any account. the people pelt him with plantains, and hoot at him as he runs, and water mingled with cow-dung is sprinkled in his path. after all this, cow's milk is boiled with a little rice in the house, of which every one partakes, and the owner assumes charge of his house. in the pre-british days, a few of the well-to-do families of tiyans lived in houses of the kind called nalapura (four houses), having an open quadrangle in the centre. but, for the most part, the tiyans--slaves of the nayars and nambutiris--lived in a one-roomed thatched hut. nowadays, the kala pura usually consists of two rooms, east and west. toddy-drawing, and every thing connected with the manufacture and sale of arrack (country liquor) and unrefined sugar, form the orthodox occupation of the tiyan. but members of the community are to be found in all classes of society, and in practically all professions and walks of life. it is interesting to find that the head of a tiyan family in north malabar bears the title cherayi panikar, conferred on the family in the old days by a former zamorin. a title of this kind was given only to one specially proficient in arms. even in those days there were tiyan physicians, bone-setters, astrologers, diviners, and sorcerers. it is easy to identify the toddy-tapper by the indurated skin of the palms, fingers, inner side of the forearms, and the instep. the business of toddy-tapping involves expert climbing, while carrying a considerable paraphernalia, with no adventitious aid other than can be got out of a soft grummet of coir to keep the feet near together, while the hands, with the arms extended, grasp the palm tree. the profession is rarely adopted before the age of eighteen, but i have seen a man who said he began when he was twelve years old. it is very hard work. a tapper can work about fifteen trees, each of which he has to climb three times a day. in the northern districts of the madras presidency, among the telugu population, the toddy-drawers use a ladder about eight or nine feet in length, which is placed against the tree, to avoid climbing a third or a fourth of it. while in the act of climbing up or down, they make use of a wide band, which is passed round the body at the small of the back, and round the tree. this band is easily fastened with a toggle and eye. the back is protected by a piece of thick soft leather. it gives great assistance in climbing, which it makes easy. all over the southernmost portion of the peninsula, among the shanans and tiyans, the ladder and waist-band are unknown. they climb up and down with their hands and arms, using only the grummet on the feet. the tiyan toddy-tapper's equipment consists of a short-handled hatchet, about seven inches square, of thin iron, sheathed in a wooden case, and fastened to a waist-belt composed of several strings of coir yarn, to which is hung a small pot of gummy substance obtained by bruising the leaves of the aichil plant. a vessel holding a couple of gallons, made out of the spathe of the areca palm, is used for bringing down the toddy. tucked into the waist-belt is a bone loaded with lead at either end, which is used for tapping the palm to bring out the juice. a man once refused to sell at any price one of these bones--the femur of a sambar (cervus unicolor), which had such virtue that, according to its owner, it would fetch palm juice out of any tree. the garb of the tapper at work consists of a short cloth round the loins, and (always during the rains, and often at other times) a head-covering somewhat pointed in shape, made of the leaves of the cocoanut palm placed together as in a clinker-built boat, or of a rounded shape, made out of the spathe of the areca palm. the toddy-tapper should go through the show of reverence by touching the cocoanut tree with the right hand, and then applying his hand to the forehead, every time he prepares to climb a tree. in connection with toddy-drawing, the following note occurs in the gazetteer of malabar. "the tapper and the toddy shopkeeper are generally partners, the former renting the trees, paying the tree-tax, and selling the toddy at fixed prices to the latter. sometimes the shopkeeper pays both rent and tax, and the tapper is his servant paid by the bottle. the trees are rented half yearly, and the rent varies between re. and re. - - per tree. they are fit for tapping as soon as they come into bearing, but four years later and in the succeeding decade are most productive. they are seldom tapped for more than six months in the year, and the process, though it shortens the life of the tree, improves the yield of nuts in the rest of the year. the tapper's outfit is neither costly nor elaborate. a knife in a wooden case, a bone weighted with lead (the leg bone of a sambhur for choice), a few pots, and two small rings of rope with which to climb complete the tale. operations begin when the spathe is still enclosed by its sheath. once a day the spathe is gently bruised on either side with the bone, and on the third and following days a thin slice is cut off the end twice a day. on the fifteenth day drawing begins, and the bruising ceases. sheath and spathe are swathed for the greater part of their length in a thick covering of leaves or fibre; the ends are still cut off twice or three times a day, but, after each operation, are smeared with a paste made of leaves and water with the object, it is said, of keeping the sap from oozing through the wound and rotting the spathe. the leaves used for this purpose are those of the éechal or vetti tree, which are said to be one and the same (aporosa lindleyana); but in british cochin, where the tree does not grow, backwater mud is utilised. round the space between the end of the sheath and the thick covering of leaves a single leaf is bound, and through this the sap bleeds into a pot fastened below. the pot is emptied once a day in the morning. the yield of sap varies with the quality of the tree and the season of the year. in the hot months the trees give on an average about a bottle a day, in the monsoon and succeeding months as much as three bottles. in the gardens along the backwaters, south of chettuvayi, messrs. parry & co. consider that in a good year they should get a daily average of three bottles or half a gallon of toddy per tree. a bottle of toddy sells for three or four pies." in connection with the coir industry, it is noted, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "the husks of the cocoanuts are buried in pits as near as possible to the waterline of rivers, backwaters and creeks, and are left to soak for six months, a year, or even eighteen months--the longer the better. the colour of the yarn, and thereby the quality, depends very much on the water in which the husks are steeped. it should be running water, and, if possible, fresh water. if the water be salt, the yarn may at first be almost white, but in a damp climate it soon becomes discoloured and blotchy. as soon as the husks are taken out of the pits, the fibre is beaten out with short sticks by tiyattis (tiyan females) and women of the vettuvan caste. it is dried in the sun for twelve hours, and is then ready for sale to native merchants at calicut and cochin, who in their turn deal with the european firms. the fibre is twisted into yarn by tiyattis and other women, and in that form the greater part of the coir made in malabar is exported from cochin to all parts of the world, but chiefly to the united kingdom and germany." it has been said that "in north malabar the preparation of coir is a regular cottage industry of the most typical kind. throughout the year, wherever one goes, one hears the noise of the women hammering out the fibre, and sees them taking, in the evening, that part of it which they have rolled into yarn to the nearest little wayside shop, to be exchanged for salt, chillies, paddy, etc. but, in the north of the district, nothing of the kind goes on, and the coir is commonly used as fuel." it has been already stated that marumakkatayam, or inheritance through nephews, is the invariable rule in north malabar, being followed even by the muhammadan mappillas. in south malabar, where the tiyans do not observe marumakkatayam, the property devolves through the sons. all sons share alike. daughters have no share. the practice of polyandry, which still exists in malabar among the tiyans (and other classes), and which was probably once general, tends to prevent dispersion of the family property. although theoretically all sons share the property of their father, it is the eldest son who succeeds to possession and management of the tarwad property. the others are entitled to maintenance only, so long as they remain in the same tarwad house. it is the same among the izhuvans. beef, as in the case of all hindus, is forbidden as an article of diet. the staple food is rice with fish curry. the common beverage is conjee, but this is being supplanted by tea, coffee, lemonade, and soda-water. a loin-cloth, which should not reach to the knees, with a madras handkerchief on the shoulders, is the orthodox dress of the males, and a double loin-cloth that of females. women were not allowed to wear anything above the waist, except when under death pollution. any colour might be worn, but white and blue are most common. a ring, composed of hollow gold beads, called mani-kathila, is the proper ornament for a tiyan woman's ear. twenty or thirty, with a pendant in the middle, might be worn. gold or silver bracelets could be worn. hollow silver bracelets were worn by girls until the birth of their first child. but times have changed, and nowadays tiyan women wear the ornaments which, strictly speaking, appertain to nayar and brahman women. their mode of tying the hair, and even their dress, which is inclined to follow the fashion of the christians, has changed. in olden days, a tiyan woman could wear an ornament appropriate for a nayar on a special occasion, but only with the permission of the nayar landlord, obtained through the tandan, on payment of a fee. in north malabar a good round oath is upon perumal iswaran, the god of the shrine at kotiyur. in south malabar it is common to swear by kodungallur bhagavati, or by guruvayur appan, local deities. the tandan is the principal person in the tara, to decide all caste disputes. in south malabar, he is, as a rule, appointed by the senior rani of the zamorin. a fee of anything up to fanams (rs. - - ) must be paid to this lady, when she appoints a tandan. when there is a problem of any special difficulty, it is referred to her for decision. in territories other than those within the power of the zamorin, the local raja appoints the tandan, and gives the final decision in special cases. as we have seen, the tiyan is always to some extent subordinate to a nayar overlord, but he is not bound to any particular one. he can go where he likes, and reside anywhere, and is not bound to any particular chief, as is the nayar. it is noted by general e. f. burton, [ ] in connection with bygone days, that "such was the insolent pride of caste that the next (and very respectable) class of hindus, the teers, were not allowed to come near the nairs, under penalty of being cut down by the sword, always naked and ready." in connection with the religion of the tiyans, i may commence with an old tradition, which is no doubt from a brahmanic source. once upon a time there were seven heavenly damsels, who used to bathe every day before dawn in a lake situated in a forest. siva found this out, and appeared as a fire on the bank, at which the girls warmed themselves. having thus lured them, the god made all of them mothers. seven beautiful boys were born, and siva presented them to parvati, who treated them as if they were her own sons. they were taken to mount kailasa, and employed in preparing toddy for the mysterious and wonderful sakti worship. daily they brought the toddy at the moment when it was required for the golden pot. parvati embraced the boys all at once, and they became one. on a certain day, this boy sent the sacred toddy in charge of a brahman, who became curious to know the virtues of the mysterious liquid. as he rested on a river bank thinking about it, he drank a little, and filled the vessel up with water. then he reached kailasa too late for the daily worship. siva was angry, and ordered the saunika boy (parvati's name for him) to be brought before him. but the boy had been told what had happened, and cut off the head of the brahman, who had confessed to him. seeing the boy coming along carrying a brahman's head, siva was astonished, and commanded him to approach nearer. the boy explained that it was not a heinous crime to cut off the head of one who had prevented the sakti worship. siva said that the killing of a brahman was the worst of crimes, and put the perpetrator out of caste. he would not listen to the boy, who replied that whoever prevented sakti worship was a chandala, and condemned him. the boy asked for death at siva's hands. the request pleased the god, who forgave him. the boy had to remain out of caste, but was initiated into the mysteries of sakti worship as the surest means of salvation, and to him was given the exclusive privilege of performing sakti worship with liquor. he was commanded to follow, and imitate the brahmans in everything, except in the matter of repeating the sacred mantrams. by tantrams (signs with the hands) he eventually obtained the merit of making puja with mantrams. he was the first tiyan. it is pretty safe to say that all the ideas of the tiyans connected with pure hinduism--the hinduism of the vedas--and of tradition, of which we see very little in southern india, and which in malabar is more perverted in confused ideas than perhaps elsewhere, those relating to re-birth, karma, pilgrimages to benares and distant temples are borrowed from the brahmans. in the ceremonies which have been described, notably in those connected with marriage and death, we have seen the expression of many hindu ideas. not so is all that relates to offerings to the dead. that is the common property of all the children of men. a main feature in the religion of the tiyan is that it is largely connected with sakti worship. some brahmans indulge therein, but they are unable, like the tiyans, to use arrack in connection with it, and are obliged to use, instead of this requisite, milk or honey. siva, not exactly a vedic entity, and sakti, are supposed to be the two primordial and eternal principles in nature. sakti is, perhaps, more properly the vital energy, and sakti worship the worship of the life principle in nature. we are not considering the abstract meaning of the term sakti; nor are we now thinking of the siva of monier williams or max müller. we are in malabar, where the hinduism of the vedas is in almost hopeless confusion, and mingled with animism and nearly every other kind of primitive religious idea. it is not therefore at all an easy task to represent in words anything like a rational conception of what the religion of the tiyan really is. the poor and ignorant follow, in a blind ignorant way, hinduism as they know it and feel it. their hinduism is very largely imbued with the lower cult, which, with a tinge of hinduism, varied in extent here and there, is really the religion of the people at large all over southern india. the tiyans have a large share of it. to the actions of evil and other spirits are attributable most, if not all of the ills and joys of life. the higher hinduism is far above them. nevertheless, we find among them the worship of the obscure and mysterious sakti, which, unfortunately, is practiced in secret. nobody seems to be in the least proud of having anything to do with it. in fact, they are rather ashamed to say anything about it. those who, so to speak, go in for it are obliged to undergo preliminary purificatory ceremonies, before the great mystery can be communicated to them. the mantram, which is whispered by the guru (religious preceptor) in the ear of the devotee is said to be "brahma aham, vishnu aham, bhairavu aham" (i am brahma, i am vishnu, i am bhairavan). it is believed that each individual is a spark of the divinity. having in him the potentiality of the supreme being, he can develop, and attain godhood. there is no distinction of caste in sakti worship. the devotees may belong to the highest or to the lowest castes, though i doubt very much whether the nambutiri brahmans indulge in it. the novices, of whatever caste, eat and drink together during the period of puja. men and women participate in the secret rites. a solemn oath is taken that the mystery of sakti will not be revealed, except with the permission of the guru, or on the death-bed. the spirit of the goddess (for sakti is thought of as the female principle) must be withdrawn from the body of the sakti worshipper when he is at the point of death. a lamp is lighted beside him. a few leaves of the tulsi plant (ocimum sanctum), a little rice, and a lighted wick are given to the dying man. holding these things, he makes three passes over his body from head to foot, and, as it were, transfers the spirit to the next man, at the same time communicating his wishes about continuing the worship, and so on. when a man dies before this separation or transfer has been accomplished, a brahman must be called in, who, with a silver image representing the deceased, makes symbolic transference of the sakti spirit. it must be done somehow, or the soul of the deceased cannot attain salvation. it is said that, like many other things in this land, sakti worship has undergone degeneration, that such lofty ideas and feelings as may have once pervaded it have more or less disappeared, and that the residue is not very edifying. be this as it may, in every tara there is a bhagavati temple for tiyans, where tiyans officiate as priests. the komaram (oracle) of the bhagavati temple is clothed in red, and embellished with red sandal paste mixed with turmeric. bhagavati is always associated with various jungle spirits or gods, whose komarams always wear black. there is no daily worship in tiyan temples, with the exception of a few in the neighbourhood of cannanore. but there is an annual celebration of puja during the mannalam (forty day) period, commencing on the first of the month vrischikam ( th november). lamps are lighted, and worship is begun on this day, and continued for forty days. at its conclusion, the jungle gods retire to the jungle until the next year. a death in the family of a komaram involves, i believe, some postponement of the rites. the period is supposed to be first part of the functional activity of the earth, which ends somewhere about the st of june. it is during this period that sakti worship is carried on. the temple of subramania at palni in the madura district is a favourite objective for tiyan pilgrims. the subject of pilgrimages to this temple has been touched on in my note on the nayars (see nayar). the bhagavati temple at kodungallur in cochin territory on the coast is another favourite place of pilgrimage among the tiyans. all classes of people, with the exception of brahmans, undertake this pilgrimage. everyone under a vow, proceeding to the festival, which takes place in february or march, carries with him a cock, which is beheaded at the shrine. under the perumals, pilgrimage to kodungallur was somewhat compulsory. this temple was a fruitful source of revenue to the state, for not only the tiyans, but the fisherman and artisan castes had their own temple in every tara in the land, and the muppan--the komaram--of each temple was under an obligation to contribute yearly gifts to the temple at kodungallur. rent for the temple lands was set at a nominal figure--a mere pepper-corn rent as acknowledgment of sovereign right. rent might not be paid in times of trouble, but the gifts eked out of superstition were unfailing. it is not surprising, therefore, that learning and advancement among the inferior castes did not receive much encouragement from the rulers of those days. the temple of kotiyur in north malabar is also a shrine to which tiyans make pilgrimage. indeed, it may be said that they follow hinduism generally in rather a low form, and that sakti worship is perhaps more peculiarly theirs than others', owing to their being able to use arrack, a product of the palm, and therefore of their own particular métier. the highest merit in sakti can be reached only through arrack. the sakti goddess, bhagavati, the tiyans look upon as their own guardian spirit. as instancing the mixture and confusion of religious ideas in malabar, it may be mentioned that mappillas have been known to indulge in sakti worship, and tiyans to have made vows, and given offerings at mappilla mosques and christian churches. vows to the well-known mosque at mambram are made by people of almost every caste. it is not uncommon to present the first fruit of a jak tree, or the milk of a cow when it brings forth its first calf, to the local tangal or mappilla priest. in many, perhaps in most tiyan houses, offerings are made annually to a bygone personage named kunnath nayar, and to his friend and disciple kunhi rayan, a mappilla. it is probable that they excelled in witchcraft and magic, but, according to the story, the nayar worshipped the kite until he obtained command and control over all the snakes in the land. the offerings are made in order to prevent accidents from snakes. the snake god will also give children to the family, and promote domestic prosperity. men without offspring worship him. leprosy and the death of a child are believed to be the consequence of killing a snake. there are mappilla devotees of kunnath nayar and kunhi rayan, who exhibit snakes in a box, and collect alms. there is a snake mosque near manarghat, at the foot of the nilgiri hills, which has its annual festival. the alms are collected ostensibly for this mosque. an interesting story, which is the legendary account of the exodus of the artisans from malabar, and their return with the tiyans, is narrated by the panans. there were, in olden times, five recognised classes, which includes the asaris (carpenters), musaris (workers in bell-metal), thattans (goldsmiths), and perin-kollans (blacksmiths). the fifth class is unknown. when an individual of the artisan classes dies, the panan of the tara must bring a death gift to the house, which consists of cocoanuts and jak fruits or plantains. the panan places the gift in the yard and repeats a long formula, which he has learnt by heart. it is very likely that he knows little or nothing of its meaning. but he reels it off, and at its conclusion the gifts are accepted. the same formula is also always repeated among the carpenters, goldsmiths, and blacksmiths during wedding and tali-tying ceremonies. it relates how the artisans deserted the land of cheraman perumal, and sought an asylum in the country of the izhuvans with the island king, and how the perumal sent the panan to bring them back. every one knows this old story, and believes it firmly. it must be learnt by heart, and the panan gives it in the yard when a member of the artisan classes dies. the story is to the following effect. during the four yugams, kreta, treta, dwapara, and kali, many kings reigned over the earth. parasu raman destroyed the kshatriya kings on twenty-one occasions, and was obliged to make atonement in expiatory ceremonies. he worshipped varuna, the ocean god, and recovered from the sea a hundred and sixty kathams of land, consisting of kolanad (?), venad (travancore), kanya kumari (cape comorin), cheranad, and malayalam up to changala vazhi beyond the anaimalai hills. cheraman perumal was the ruler of this land, in which were the four castes. his capital was at tiruvanja kolam. one day, veluthedan [ ] chiraman was washing the perumal's cloths in a tank. he beat the cloths on a stone which was flat on the ground, and held one of the cloths in his hand. a girl of the carpenter caste, ayyesvari by name, was just then going to the tank to bathe after her monthly period. she called out "ho! kammal. [ ] that is not the way to wash cloths. put a small stone under one end of your washing stone, so as to make it slope a little. then hold both ends of the cloth in your hand, and beat the middle of the cloth on the stone." the veluthedan did so, and found that he washed better, and the cloths were whiter. the perumal asked him "were you not washing the cloths before? who washed them to-day?" to which the veluthedan replied "oh! tamburan (chief or lord), a carpenter girl instructed your slave to-day how to wash cloths properly. may perumal be pleased to order the girl to be given to your slave as his wife." perumal then said "to whatever caste she may belong, you may take her by force, and will not lose your caste." having received the king's permission, veluthedan chiraman concealed himself near the carpenter's house, and, when the girl opened the door to sweep the yard at dawn, he seized her, and carried her off to his house. carpenter sankaran of tiruvanja kalam went to the perumal, and complained that veluthedan kammal had carried away his daughter, and disgraced him. he asked the perumal whether he would give him an armed guard to rescue her. to which the perumal replied "i will not help either party with armed men. you must fight it out among yourselves." then the five classes of artisans consulted one another, and made common cause. the panans, perin malayans, and chen (red) koravans joined the artisans. the ven thachans, velans, paravans, vettuvans, kanisan panikars, and the pandi pulluvans of vellalanad joined the other side. there was war for twelve years. in the end, the artisans were defeated. they said among themselves "we have been defeated by the fourteenth caste of veluthedan nayar, who carried away our daughter. let us leave this country." so , families, with the women and children, tied up their mats, and left cheraman perumal's country, and went to izhuva land, which was beyond it. they went before the izhuva king (island king), and told him their story. now cheraman perumal used to be shaved every fifteen days. when the barber (velakathalavan) was sent for, he came without his knife (razor), as his wife had buried it. he said "oh! tamburan, have mercy on your slave. your slave's knife was given to the blacksmith to be mended, and he took it away with him. he gave me this piece of iron, saying "if you want the knife made ready for use, you must come to the izhuva land for it, and we will mend it on our return." so perumal had to go without shaving, and his hair grew like a rishi's. as there were neither carpenters nor smiths to make implements, agriculture was almost at a standstill; and, as there were no goldsmiths, the tali-tying ceremonies could not be performed. nor could the rice-giving ceremony be done, for want of the "neck-rings." then cheraman perumal obtained advice, and resolved to send the mannan (washerman of the tiyans), who was included in the fourteenth caste, and the panan, who belonged to the eleventh caste. the perumal gave to each of them a thousand fanams, and told them to go to the izhuva country, and bring back the kammalans (artisans). they wandered over various countries, stopping wherever they found a house. the panan, being clever, was able to live by his wits, and spent no money of his own. the mannan, on the contrary, spent all his money. they passed ramapuri, and reached trichivampuri. then the mannan asked the panan for a loan, which was refused. on friday at noon, the mannan left the panan, saying "the panan is no companion for the mannan." he returned to the perumal and reported his failure, and the panan's refusal to lend him money. the panan went on, crossing rivers, canals, and ferries, and at last reached the izhuva king's country. he entered the reception hall. at that moment, the king's goldsmith, who had just finished making a golden crown for him, had put it on his own head, to test its suitability for wearing. the panan thought he was the king, and made obeisance to him. the kammalans recognised him. he discovered his mistake too late, for he had addressed the goldsmith as tamburan. so, to this day, the panans, when addressing goldsmiths, say tamburan. the panan told the kammalans of his mission, but they refused to return unless full reparation was made for the abduction of the carpenter girl, and certain social disabilities were removed. the , families of kammalans asked the izhuva king his advice, and he said that they should not go away. so the kammalans sent the panan back, and gave him the following presents, in order to demonstrate to the perumal that they were in comfortable circumstances:-- gold valam-piri (a sort of string worn over the right shoulder); silver edam-piri (a similar sort of string worn on the left shoulder); gold netti-pattam (to be tied on the forehead); gold bracelet; gold ornament for the hair. the kammalans sent word to the perumal that they would not return, unless they were given a girl in place of the carpenter's daughter, who had been abducted, and certain privileges were granted to them. at the same time, they promised the panan that they would share their privileges with him, if he was successful. so the panan returned, and appeared before the perumal, who asked him where the kammalans were. the panan removed his gold cap, and put it under his arm, and replied that they were prosperous, and not anxious to return. saying so, he placed before the perumal the rich presents given by the kammalans, and told the king that they would not return, unless they were given a girl and certain concessions. the perumal told the panan to go back, and invite the kammalans to return on their own terms. he said they would catch the first girl they met on the way to his palace, and all their demands were granted. the panan arrived again in the izhuva country, and told the kammalans what the perumal had said. they went to the izhuva king, and obtained his permission to return to their own country. then they caught an izhuva boy, and confined him. the king asked them why they did so. they replied that they had lived for twelve years [ ] as his subjects, and would never recognise any other king, so they wanted the izhuva boy to represent him. the king consented. when they started, the boy began to cry. a nasrani, [ ] by name thomma (thomas), was taken to accompany and protect the boy. the kammalans travelled to their own country, and appeared before cheraman perumal. on the way, they found a girl of the variar caste plucking flowers, and caught her by the hand. all the five classes claimed her. at last it was resolved to unite her with the izhuva boy, their tandan, who represented their king, and treat her as their sister. cheraman perumal confirmed his promise, and granted the following privileges to the kammalans:-- . to make ceilings for their houses. . to make upstairs houses to live in. . to put up single staircases, consisting of one pole, in which notches are cut, or pegs are stuck alternately, for the feet. . to have a gate-house. . to perform the tali-tying ceremonies of their girls in a booth having four posts or supports; to place within it, on a stool, a looking-glass with a handle, and the ramayana; and to place a silk cloth on the girl's head. . to do arpu at the conclusion of the tali-tying ceremony (vel! arpu! is yelled out by the boys). . to cook rice in copper vessels on occasions of marriage and other ceremonies, and to serve sugar and pappadams at their feasts. . to hold the umbrella and taza (a sort of umbrella), which are carried in front of processions. . to clap hands, and dance. . to keep milch-cows for their own use. permission was further granted for the kammalans to wear the following ornaments. . netti-pattam, worn on the forehead during the tali-tying ceremony. . ananthovi, a ear ornament named after anandan, the endless, the serpent on which vishnu reposes. the serpent is sometimes represented with its tail in its mouth, forming a circle, an endless figure. ananthovi is the central pendant of the ear-ring worn by tiyan women among their kathila (ordinary gold ear-rings). it resembles a serpent in form. it is worn by men of the tiyan and artisan castes on special occasions. . waist zone or girdle. . bracelets. . anklet with two knobs, formed of two pieces screwed together. . puli-mothiram, or tiger's claws mounted in gold, worn by children. . podippu, a knot of cotton-thread at the end of the string on which coins are hung as ornaments. . kalanchi, a gold knob above the podippu, which represents a flower. . necklace. . edakam and madkam-tali, neck ornaments, in one of which are set twenty-one stones. . cotton thread above the gold thread on the neck. the perumal conferred like privileges upon the family (tiruvarankath) of the panan who brought back the kammalans. he wore all his ornaments, and made his obeisance to the perumal. he had, however, taken off his gold cap. the perumal said "what you have removed, let it be removed." so he lost the privilege of wearing a gold cap. the perumal blessed the kammalans, and they returned to their villages. they made a separate house for the izhuva boy and the variar girl, and maintained them. the izhuva boy, who was the first tiyan to come to malabar, brought with him the cocoanut, and retained the right to cultivate and use it. to this day, the people of the serf castes--cherumans, kanakans, and the like--use the word varian when addressing tiyans, in reference to their descent from the variar girl. the orthodox number of classes of kammalans is five. but the artisans do not admit the workers in leather as of their guild, and say there are only four classes. according to them, the fifth class was composed of the copper-smiths, who did not return to malabar with the others, but remained in izhuva land. nevertheless, they always speak of themselves as the aiyen kudi or five-house kammalans. there is a variant of the legend of the exodus, told by the asaris (carpenters), which is worth narrating. their version of the story is repeated among themselves, and not by the panan, at every marriage and tali-tying ceremony. they identify the village of the perumal's washerman as kanipayyur. this is the name of a nambutiri's illam in the ponani taluk of malabar. the nambutiri is, it may be mentioned, considered to be the highest extant authority in architecture. disputed points relating to this subject are referred to him, and his decision is final, and accepted by all carpenters and house-builders. the washerman's stone is said to have been lying flat in the water. the girl ayyesvari was also of kanipayyur, and was carried off as in the former story. but there was no request for an armed guard to rescue her. the perumal was, instead, asked to make the washerman marry her, and thus avoid disgrace. he consented to do so, and all the , families of the five classes of kammalans assembled for the wedding. an immense booth, supported on granite pillars, was erected. the washerman and his party were fed sumptuously. but the booth had been so constructed that it could be made to collapse instantaneously. so the kammalans went quietly outside, and, at a given signal, the booth collapsed, and crushed to death the washerman and his friends. after this, the kammalans fled, and remained one year, eight months and eleven days in the izhuva country. negotiations were carried on through the izhuva king, and the kammalans returned under his guarantee that their demands would be complied with. the izhuva king sent his own men and the nasrani to the capital of the perumal. the story of the exodus and the return was inscribed on granite stone with solemn rites, and in the presence of witnesses. this was buried at the northern gate of the tiruvanchakulam temple on friday, the eighth of the month of kanni. it was resolved that, in any case of doubt, the stone should be unearthed. and it was only after all this had been done that the izhuva king's envoy returned to him. then the kammalans came back to malabar. according to the carpenters, the copper-smiths did not return. they say that eighteen families of asaris remained behind. some of these returned long afterwards, but they were not allowed to rejoin the caste. they are known as puzhi tachan, or sand carpenters, and patinettanmar, or the eighteen people. there are four families of this class now living at or near parpangadi. they are carpenters, but the asaris treat them as outcastes. there is yet another variant of the story of the exodus, which is obviously of recent manufacture, for a pattar brahman is brought in, and gives cunning advice. we know that the pattars are comparatively new comers in malabar. the tiyans have recently been summed up as follows. [ ] "the tiyas have always been characterised by their persevering and enterprising habits. a large percentage of them are engaged in various agricultural pursuits, and some of the most profitable industries of malabar have from time out of mind been in their hands. they are exclusively engaged in making toddy and distilling arrack. many of them are professional weavers, the malabar mundu being a common kind of cloth made by them. the various industries connected with cocoanut cultivation are also successfully carried on by the tiyas. for example, the manufacture of jaggery (crude sugar) is an industry in which a considerable number of the tiyas are profitably engaged. the preparation of coir from cocoanut fibre is one of their hereditary occupations, and this is done almost wholly by their women at home. they are very skilful in the manufacture of coir matting and allied industries. commercial pursuits are also common among them. apart from their agricultural and industrial inclinations, the tiyas give evidence of a literary taste, which is commendable in a people who are living under conditions which are anything but conducive to literary life. they have among them good sanskrit scholars, whose contributions have enriched the malayalam literature; physicians well versed in hindu systems of medicine; and well-known astrologers, who are also clever mathematicians. in british malabar, they have made considerable progress in education. in recent years, there has been gaining ground among the tiyas a movement, which has for its object the social and material improvement of the community. their leaders have very rightly given a prominent place to industry in their schemes of progress and reform. organisations for the purpose of educating the members of the community on the importance of increased industrial efforts have been formed. the success which has attended the industrial exhibition conducted by the members of the community at quilon, in , has induced them to make it a permanent annual event. some of their young men have been sent to japan to study certain industries, and, on their return, they hope to resuscitate the dying local industries, and to enter into fresh fields of industry awaiting development. factories for the manufacture of coir matting and allied articles have been established by the tiyas in some parts of travancore and cochin." in , the foundation stone of a tiya temple at tellicherry was laid with great ceremony. in the following year, a very successful industrial exhibition was held at cannanore under the auspices of the sri narayan dharma paripalana yogam. still more recently, it was resolved to collect subscriptions for the establishment of a hostel for the use of tiya youths who come from other places to tellicherry for educational purposes. tiyoro.--the tiyoros are described, in the madras census report, , as "oriya fishermen, who also make lotus-leaf platters. they have four endogamous sections, viz., torai, ghodai, artia, and kulodondia." it has been suggested that the caste name is a corruption of the sanskrit tivara, a hunter. (see risley, tribes and castes of bengal, tiyar.) toda.--quite recently, my friend dr. w. h. rivers, as the result of a prolonged stay on the nilgiris, has published [ ] an exhaustive account of the sociology and religion of this exceptionally interesting tribe, numbering, according to the latest census returns, individuals, which inhabits the nilgiri plateau. i shall, therefore, content myself with recording the rambling notes made by myself during occasional visits to ootacamund and paikara, supplemented by extracts from the book just referred to, and the writings of harkness and other pioneers of the nilgiris. the todas maintain a large-horned race of semi-domesticated buffaloes, on whose milk and its products (butter and ney) [ ] they still depend largely, though to a less extent than in bygone days before the establishment of the ootacamund bazar, for existence. it has been said that "a toda's worldly wealth is judged by the number of buffaloes he owns. witness the story in connection with the recent visit to india of his royal highness the prince of wales. a clergyman, who has done mission work among the todas, generally illustrates bible tales through the medium of a magic-lantern. one chilly afternoon, the todas declined to come out of their huts. thinking they required humouring like children, the reverend gentleman threw on the screen a picture of the prince of wales, explaining the object of his tour, and, thinking to impress the todas, added 'the prince is exceedingly wealthy, and is bringing out a retinue of two hundred people.' 'yes, yes,' said an old man, wagging his head sagely, 'but how many buffaloes is he bringing?'" the todas lead for the most part a simple pastoral life. but i have met with more than one man who had served, or who was still serving government in the modest capacity of a forest guard, and i have heard of others who had been employed, not with conspicuous success, on planters' estates. the todas consider it beneath their dignity to cultivate land. a former collector of the nilgiris granted them some acres of land for the cultivation of potatoes, but they leased the land to the badagas, and the privilege was cancelled. in connection with the todas' objection to work, it is recorded that when, on one occasion, a mistake about the ownership of some buffaloes committed an old toda to jail, it was found impossible to induce him to work with the convicts, and the authorities, unwilling to resort to hard remedies, were compelled to save appearances by making him an overseer. the daily life of a toda woman has been summed up as lounging about the mad or mand (toda settlement), buttering and curling her hair, and cooking. the women have been described as free from the ungracious and menial-like timidity of the generality of the sex in the plains. when europeans (who are greeted as swami or god) come to a mand, the women crawl out of their huts, and chant a monotonous song, all the time clamouring for tips (inam). even the children are so trained that they clamour for money till it is forthcoming. as a rule, the todas have no objection to europeans entering into their huts, but on more than one occasion i have been politely asked to take my boots off before crawling in on the stomach, so as not to desecrate the dwelling-place. writing in , dr. j. shortt makes a sweeping statement that "most of the women have been debauched by europeans, who, it is sad to observe, have introduced diseases to which these innocent tribes were once strangers, and which are slowly but no less surely sapping their once hardy and vigorous constitutions. the effects of intemperance and disease (syphilis) combined are becoming more and more apparent in the shaken and decrepit appearance which at the present day these tribes possess." fact it undoubtedly is, and proved both by hospital and naked-eye evidence, that syphilis has been introduced among the todas by contact with the outside world, and they attribute the stunted growth of some members of the rising generation, as compared with the splendid physique of the lusty veterans, to the results thereof. it is an oft-repeated statement that the women show an absence of any sense of decency in exposing their naked persons in the presence of strangers. in connection with the question of the morality of the toda women, dr. rivers writes that "the low sexual morality of the todas is not limited in its scope to the relations within the toda community. conflicting views are held by those who know the nilgiri hills as to the relations of the todas with the other inhabitants, and especially with the train of natives which the european immigration to the hills has brought in its wake. the general opinion on the hills is that, in this respect, the morality of the todas is as low as it well could be, but it is a question whether this opinion is not too much based on the behaviour of the inhabitants of one or two villages [e.g., the one commonly known as school or sylk's mand] near the european settlements, and i think it is probable that the larger part of the todas remain more uncontaminated than is generally supposed." i came across one toda who, with several other members of the tribe, was selected on account of fine physique for exhibition at barnum's show in europe, america and australia some years ago, and still retained a smattering of english, talking fondly of 'shumbu' (the elephant jumbo). for some time after his return to his hill abode, a tall white hat was the admiration of his fellow tribesmen. to this man finger-prints came as no novelty, since his impressions were recorded both in england and america. writing in , [ ] colonel w. ross king stated that the todas had just so much knowledge of the speech of their vassals as is demanded by the most ordinary requirements. at the present day, a few write, and many converse fluently in tamil. the nilgiri c.m.s. tamil mission has extended its sphere of work to the todas, and i cannot resist the temptation to narrate a toda version of the story of dives and lazarus. the english say that once upon a time a rich man and a poor man died. at the funeral of the rich man, there was a great tamasha (spectacle), and many buffaloes were sacrificed. but, for the funeral of the poor man, neither music nor buffaloes were provided. the english believe that in the next world the poor man was as well off as the rich man; so that, when any one dies, it is of no use spending money on the funeral ceremonies. two mission schools have been established, one at ootacamund, the other near paikara. at the latter i have seen a number of children of both sexes reading elementary tamil and english, and doing simple arithmetic. a few years ago a toda boy was baptised at tinnevelly, and remained there for instruction. it was hoped that he would return to the hills as an evangelist among his people. [ ] in , five young toda women were baptised at the c.m.s. mission chapel, ootacamund. "they were clothed in white, with a white cloth over their heads, such as the native christians wear. a number of christian badagas had assembled to witness the ceremony, and join in the service." the typical toda man is above medium height, well proportioned and stalwart, with leptorhine nose, regular features, and perfect teeth. the nose is, as noted by dr. rivers, sometimes distinctly rounded in profile. an attempt has been made to connect the todas with the lost tribes; and, amid a crowd of them collected together at a funeral, there is no difficulty in picking out individuals, whose features would find for them a ready place as actors on the ober ammergau stage, either in leading or subordinate parts. the principal characteristic, which at once distinguishes the toda from the other tribes of the nilgiris, is the development of the pilous (hairy) system. the following is a typical case, extracted from my notes. beard luxuriant, hair of head parted in middle, and hanging in curls over forehead and back of neck. hair thickly developed on chest and abdomen, with median strip of dense hairs on the latter. hair thick over upper and lower ends of shoulder-blades, thinner over rest of back; well developed on extensor surface of upper arms, and both surfaces of forearms; very thick on extensor surfaces of the latter. hair abundant on both surfaces of legs; thickest on outer side of thighs and round knee-cap. dense beard-like mass of hair beneath gluteal region (buttocks). superciliary brow ridges very prominent. eyebrows united across middle line by thick tuft of hairs. a dense growth of long straight hairs directed outwards on helix of both ears, bearing a striking resemblance to the hairy development on the helix of the south indian bonnet monkey (macacus sinicus). the profuse hairy development is by some todas attributed to their drinking "too much milk." nearly all the men have one or more raised cicatrices, forming nodulous growths (keloids) on the right shoulder.these scars are produced by burning the skin with red-hot sticks of litsæa wightiana (the sacred fire-stick). the todas believe that the branding enables them to milk the buffaloes with perfect ease, or as dr. rivers puts it, that it cures the pain caused by the fatigue of milking. "the marks," he says, "are made when a boy is about twelve years old, at which age he begins to milk the buffaloes." about the fifth month of a woman's first pregnancy, on the new-moon day, she goes through a ceremony, in which she brands herself, or is branded by another woman, by means of a rag rolled up, dipped in oil and lighted, with a dot on the carpo-metacarpal joint of each thumb and on each wrist. the women are lighter in colour than the men, and the colour of the body has been aptly described as of a café-au-lait tint. the skin of the female children and young adults is often of a warm copper hue. some of the young women, with their raven-black hair dressed in glossy ringlets, and bright glistening eyes, are distinctly good-looking, but both good looks and complexion are short-lived, and the women speedily degenerate into uncomely hags. as in maori land, so in toda land, one finds a race of superb men coupled to hideous women, and, with the exception of the young girls, the fair sex is the male sex. both men and women cover their bodies with a white mantle with blue and red lines, called putkuli, which is purchased in the ootacamund bazar, and is sometimes decorated with embroidery worked by the toda women. the odour of the person of the todas, caused by the rancid butter which they apply to the mantle as a preservative reagent, or with which they anoint their bodies, is quite characteristic. with a view to testing his sense of smell, long after our return from paikara, i blindfolded a friend who had accompanied me thither, and presented before his nose a cloth, which he at once recognised as having something to do with the todas. in former times, a badaga could be at once picked out from the other tribes of the nilgiri plateau by his wearing a turban. at the present day, some toda elders and important members of the community (e.g., monegars or headmen) have adopted this form of head-gear. the men who were engaged as guides by dr. rivers and myself donned the turban in honour of their appointment. toda females are tattooed after they have reached puberty. i have seen several multiparæ, in whom the absence of tattoo marks was explained either on the ground that they were too poor to afford the expense of the operation, or that they were always suckling or pregnant--conditions, they said, in which the operation would not be free from danger. the dots and circles, of which the simple devices are made up, [ ] are marked out with lamp-black made into a paste with water, and the pattern is pricked in by a toda woman with the spines of berberis aristata. the system of tattooing and decoration of females with ornaments is summed up in the following cases:-- . aged . has one child. tattooed with three dots on back of left hand. wears silver necklet ornamented with arcot two-anna pieces; thread and silver armlets ornamented with cowry (cypræa moneta) shells on right upper arm; thread armlet ornamented with cowries on left forearm; brass ring on left ring finger; silver rings on right middle and ring fingers. lobes of ears pierced. ear-rings removed owing to grandmother's death. . aged . tattooed with a single dot on chin; rings and dots on chest, outer side of upper arms, back of left hand, below calves, above ankles, and across dorsum of feet. wears thread armlet ornamented with young cowries on right forearm; thread armlet and two heavy ornamental brass armlets on left upper arm; ornamental brass bangle and glass bead bracelet on left wrist; brass ring on left little finger; two steel rings on left ring finger; bead necklet ornamented with cowries. . aged . tattooed like the preceding, with the addition of an elaborate device of rings and dots on the back. . aged . linen bound round elbow joint, to prevent chafing of heavy brass armlets. cicatrices of sores in front of elbow joint, produced by armlets. . aged . has one child. tattooed only below calves, and above ankles. the following are the more important physical measurements of the toda men, whom i have examined:-- av. max. min. cm. cm. cm. stature . . . cephalic length . . . do. breadth . . . do. index . . . nasal height . . . do. breadth . . . do. index . . . allowing that the cephalic index is a good criterion of racial or tribal purity, the following analysis of the toda indices is very striking:-- ** ******* *********** ******* ************** [ ] ********************* ********* ****** * * * * a thing of exceeding joy to the todas was my salter's hand-dynamometer, the fame of which spread from mand to mand, and which was circulated among the crowd at funerals. great was the disgust of the assembled males, on a certain day, when the record of hand-grip for the morning ( lbs.) was carried off by a big-boned female, who became the unlovely heroine of the moment. the largest english feminine hand-grip, recorded in my laboratory note-book, is only lbs. one toda man, of fine physique, not satisfied with his grip of lbs., went into training, and fed himself up for a few days. thus prepared, he returned to accomplish lbs., the result of more skilful manipulation of the machine rather than of a liberal dietary of butter-milk. the routine toda dietary is said to be made up of the following articles, to which must be added strong drinks purchased at the toddy shops:-- (a) rice boiled in whey. (b) rice and jaggery (crude sugar) boiled in water. (c) broth or curry made of vegetables purchased in the bazar, wild vegetables and pot-herbs, which, together with ground orchids, the todas may often be seen rooting up with a sharp-pointed digging-stick on the hill-sides. the todas scornfully deny the use of aphrodisiacs, but both men and women admit that they take salep misri boiled in milk, to make them strong. salep misri is made from the tubers (testicles de chiens) of various species of eulophia and habenaria belonging to the natural order orchideæ. the indigenous edible plants and pot-herbs include the following:-- ( ) cnicus wallichii (thistle).--the roots and flower-stalks are stripped of their bark, and made into soup or curry. ( ) girardinia heterophylla (nilgiri nettle).--the tender leafy shoots of vigorously growing plants are gathered, crushed by beating with a stick to destroy the stinging hairs, and made into soup or curry. the fibre of this plant, which is cultivated near the mands, is used for stitching the putkuli, with steel needles purchased in the bazar in lieu of the more primitive form. in the preparation of the fibre, the bark is thrown into a pot of boiling water, to which ashes have been added. after a few hours' boiling, the bark is taken out and the fibre extracted. ( ) tender shoots of bamboos eaten in the form of curry. ( ) alternanthera sessilis. pot-herbs. stellaria media. amarantus spinosus. amarantus polygonoides. the following list of plants, of which the fruits are eaten by the todas, has been brought together by mr. k. rangachari:-- eugenia arnottiana.--the dark purple juice of the fruit of this tree is used by toda women for painting beauty spots on their faces. rubus ellipticus. wild raspberry. rubus molucanus. rubus lasiocarpus. fragaria nilgerrensis, wild strawberry. elæagnus latifolia. said by dr. mason to make excellent tarts and jellies. gaultheria fragrantissima. rhodomyrtus tomentosa, hill gooseberry. loranthus neelgherrensis. parasitic on trees. loranthus loniceroides. elæocarpus oblongus. elæocarpus munronii. berberis aristata. barberry. berberis nepalensis. solanum nigrum. vaccinium leschenaultii. vaccinium nilgherrense. toddalia aculeata. ceropegia pusilla. to which may be added mushrooms. a list containing the botanical and toda names of trees, shrubs, etc., used by the todas in their ordinary life, or in their ceremonial, is given by dr. rivers. [ ] fire is, in these advanced days, obtained by the todas in their dwelling huts for domestic purposes from matches. the men who came to be operated on with my measuring instruments had no hesitation in asking for a match, and lighting the cheroots which were distributed amongst them, before they left the paikara bungalow dining-room. within the precincts of the dairy temple the use of matches is forbidden, and fire is kindled with the aid of two dry sticks of litsæa wightiana. of these one, terminating in a blunt convex extremity, is about ' '' long; the other, with a hemispherical cavity scooped out close to one end, about / '' in length. a little nick or slot is cut on the edge of the shorter stick, and connected with the hole in which the spindle stick is made to revolve. "in this slot the dust collects, and, remaining in an undisturbed heap, seemingly acts as a muffle to retain the friction-heat until it reaches a sufficiently high temperature, when the wood-powder becomes incandescent." [ ] into the cavity in the short stick the end of the longer stick fits, so as to allow of easy play. the smaller stick is placed on the ground, and held tight by firm pressure of the great toe, applied to the end furthest from the cavity, into which a little finely powdered charcoal is inserted. the larger stick is then twisted vigorously, "like a chocolate muller" (tylor) between the palms of the hands by two men, turn and turn about, until the charcoal begins to glow. fire, thus made, is said to be used at the sacred dairy (ti), the dairy houses of ordinary mands, and at the cremation of males. in an account of a toda green funeral, [ ] mr. walhouse notes that "when the pile was completed, fire was obtained by rubbing two dry sticks together. this was done mysteriously and apart, for such a mode of obtaining fire is looked upon as something secret and sacred." at the funeral of a female, i provided a box of tändstickors for lighting the pyre. a fire-stick, which was in current use in a dairy, was polluted and rendered useless by the touch of my brahman assistant! it is recorded by harkness [ ] that a brahman was not only refused admission to a toda dairy, but actually driven away by some boys, who rushed out of it when they heard him approach. it is noted by dr. rivers that "several kinds of wood are used for the fire-sticks, the toda names of these being kiaz or keadj (litsæa wightiana), mors (michelia nilagirica), parskuti (elæagnus latifolia), and main (cinnamomum wightii)." he states further that, "whenever fire is made for a sacred purpose, the fire-sticks must be of the wood which the todas call kiaz or keadj, except in the tesherot ceremony (qualifying ceremony for the office of palol) in which the wood of muli is used. at the niroditi ceremony (ordination ceremony of a dairyman), "the assistant makes fire by friction, and lights a fire of mulli wood, at which the candidate warms himself." it is also recorded by dr. rivers that "in some toda villages, a stone is kept, called tutmûkal, which was used at one time for making fire by striking it with a piece of iron." the abode of the todas is called a mad or mand (village or hamlet), which is composed of huts, dairy temple, and cattle-pen, and has been so well described by dr. shortt, [ ] that i cannot do better than quote his account. "each mand," he says, "usually comprises about five buildings or huts, three of which are used as dwellings, one as a dairy, and the other for sheltering the calves at night. these huts form a peculiar kind of oval pent-shaped [half-barrel-shaped] construction, usually feet high, feet long, and feet broad. the entrance or doorway measures inches in height and inches in width, and is not provided with any door or gate; but the entrance is closed by means of a solid slab or plank of wood from to inches thick, and of sufficient dimensions to entirely block up the entrance. this sliding door is inside the hut, and so arranged and fixed on two stout stakes buried in the earth, and standing to the height of / to feet, as to be easily moved to and fro. there are no other openings or outlets of any kind, either for the escape of smoke, or for the free ingress and egress of atmospheric air. the doorway itself is of such small dimensions that, to effect an entrance, one has to go down on all fours, and even then much wriggling is necessary before an entrance is effected. the houses are neat in appearance, and are built of bamboos closely laid together, fastened with rattan, and covered with thatch, which renders them water-tight. each building has an end walling before and behind, composed of solid blocks of wood, and the sides are covered in by the pent-roofing, which slopes down to the ground. the front wall or planking contains the entrance or doorway. the inside of a hut is from to feet square, and is sufficiently high in the middle to admit of a tall man moving about with comfort. on one side there is a raised platform or pial formed of clay, about two feet high, and covered with sambar (deer) or buffalo skins, or sometimes with a mat. this platform is used as a sleeping place. on the opposite side is a fire place, and a slight elevation, on which the cooking utensils are placed. in this part of the building, faggots of firewood are seen piled up from floor to roof, and secured in their place by loops of rattan. here also the rice-pounder or pestle is fixed. the mortar is formed by a hole dug in the ground, to inches deep, and hardened by constant use. the other household goods consist of three or four brass dishes or plates, several bamboo measures, and sometimes a hatchet. each hut or dwelling is surrounded by an enclosure or wall formed of loose stones piled up two or three feet high [with openings too narrow to permit of a buffalo entering through it]. the dairy is sometimes a building slightly larger than the others, and usually contains two compartments separated by a centre planking. one part of the dairy is a store-house for ghee, milk and curds, contained in separate vessels. the outer apartment forms the dwelling place of the dairy priest. the doorways of the dairy are smaller than those of the dwelling huts. the flooring of the dairy is level, and at one end there is a fire-place. two or three milk pails or pots are all that it usually contains. the dairy is usually situated at some little distance from the habitations. the huts where the calves are kept are simple buildings, somewhat like the dwelling huts. in the vicinity of the mands are the cattle-pens or tuels[tu], which are circular enclosures surrounded by a loose stone wall, with a single entrance guarded by powerful stakes. in these, the herds of buffaloes are kept at night. each mand possesses a herd of these animals." it is noted by dr. rivers that "in the immediate neighbourhood of a village there are usually well-worn paths, by which the village is approached, and some of these paths or kalvol receive special names. some may not be traversed by women. within the village there are also certain recognised paths, of which two are specially important. one, the punetkalvol, is the path by which the dairy man goes from his dairy to milk or tend the buffaloes; the other is the majvatitthkalvol, the path which the women must use when going to the dairy to receive butter-milk (maj) from the dairy man. women are not allowed to go to the dairy or to other places connected with it, except at appointed times, when they receive buttermilk." in addition to the dairies which in form resemble the dwelling-huts, the todas keep up as dairy-temples certain curious conical edifices, of which there are said to be four on the nilgiri plateau, viz., at the muttanad mand, near kotagiri, near sholur, and at mudimand. the last was out of repair a few years ago, but was, i was informed, going to be rebuilt shortly. it is suggested by dr. rivers as probable that in many cases a dairy, originally of the conical form, has been rebuilt in the same form as the dwelling-hut, owing to the difficulty and extra labour of reconstruction in the older shape. the edifice at the muttanad mand (or nodrs), at the top of the sigur ghat, is known to members of the ootacamund hunt as the toda cathedral. it has a circular stone base and a tall conical thatched roof crowned with a large flat stone, and is surrounded by a circular stone wall. to penetrate within the sacred edifice was forbidden, but we were informed that it contained milking vessels, dairy apparatus, and a swami in the guise of a copper bell (mani). the dairyman is known as the varzhal or wursol. in front of the cattle-pen of the neighbouring mand, i noticed a grass-covered mound, which, i was told, is sacred. the mound contains nothing buried within it, but the bodies of the dead are placed near it, and earth from the mound is placed on the corpse before it is removed to the burning-ground. at "dry funerals" the buffalo is said to be slain near the mound. it has been suggested by colonel marshall [ ] that the "boa or boath [poh.] is not a true toda building, but may be the bethel of some tribe contemporaneous with, and cognate to the todas, which, taking refuge, like them, on these hills, died out in their presence." despite the hypothesis of dr. rivers that the todas are derived from one or more of the races of malabar, their origin is buried among the secrets of the past. so too is the history of the ancient builders of cairns and barrows on the nilgiri plateau, which were explored by mr. breeks when commissioner of the nilgiris. [ ] the bulk of the breeks' collection is now preserved in the madras museum, and includes a large series of articles in pottery, quite unlike anything known from other parts of southern india. concerning this series, mr. r. bruce foote writes as follows. [ ] "the most striking objects are tall jars, many-storied cylinders, of varying diameter with round or conical bases, fashioned to rest upon pottery ring-stands, or to be stuck into soft soil, like the amphoræ of classical times. these jars were surmounted by domed lids. on these lids stood or sat figures of the most varied kind of men, or animals, much more rarely of inanimate objects, but all modelled in the rudest and most grotesque style. grotesque and downright ugly as are these figures, yet those representing men and women are extremely interesting from the light they throw upon the stage of civilization their makers had attained to, for they illustrate the fashion of the garments as also of the ornaments they wore, and of the arms or implements carried by them. the animals they had domesticated, those they chased, and others that they probably worshipped, are all indicated. many figures of their domestic animals, especially their buffaloes and sheep, are decorated with garlands and bells, and show much ornamentation, which seems to indicate that they were painted over, a custom which yet prevails in many parts." among the most interesting figures are those of heavily bearded men riding on horses, and big-horned buffaloes which might have been modelled from the toda buffaloes of to-day, and, like these, at funerals and migration ceremonies, bear a bell round the neck. two forms of toda dairy have so far been noticed. but there remains a third kind, called the ti mand, concerning which dr. rivers writes as follows. "the ti is the name of an institution, which comprises a herd of buffaloes, with a number of dairies and grazing districts, tended by a dairy-man priest called palol, with an assistant called kaltmokh. each dairy, with its accompanying buildings and pasturage, is called a ti mad, or ti village. the buffaloes belonging to a ti are of two kinds, distinguished as persiner and punir. the former are the sacred buffaloes, and the elaborate ceremonial of the ti dairy is concerned with their milk. the punir correspond in some respects to the putiir of the ordinary village dairy, and their milk and its products are largely for the personal use and profit of the palol, and are not treated with any special ceremony. during the whole time he holds office, the palol may not visit his home or any other ordinary village, though he may visit another ti village. any business with the outside world is done either through the kaltmokh, or with people who come to visit him at the ti. if the palol has to cross a river, he may not pass by a bridge, but must use a ford, and it appears that he may only use certain fords. the palol must be celibate, and, if married, he must leave his wife, who is in most cases also the wife of his brother or brothers." i visited the ti mand near paikara by appointment, and, on arrival near the mand, found the two palols, well-built men aged about thirty and fifty, clad in black cloths, and two kaltmokhs, youths aged about eight and ten, naked save for a loin-cloth, seated on the ground, awaiting our arrival. as a mark of respect to the palols, the three todas who accompanied me arranged their putkulis so that the right arm was laid bare, and one of them, who was wearing a turban, removed it. a long palaver ensued in consequence of the palols demanding ten rupees to cover the expenses of the purificatory ceremonies, which, they maintained, would be necessary if i desecrated the mand by photographing it. eventually, however, under promise of a far smaller sum, the dwelling-hut was photographed, with palols, kaltmokhs, and a domestic cat seated in front of it. in connection with the palol being forbidden to cross a river by a bridge, it may be noted that the river which flows past the paikara bungalow is regarded as sacred by the todas, and, for fear of mishap from arousing the wrath of the river god, a pregnant toda woman will not venture to cross it. the todas will not use the river water for any purpose, and they do not touch it unless they have to ford it. they then walk through it, and, on reaching the opposite bank, bow their heads. even when they walk over the paikara bridge, they take their hand out of the putkuli as a mark of respect. concerning the origin of the paikara river, a grotesque legend was narrated to us. many years ago, the story goes, two todas, uncle and nephew, went out to gather honey. after walking for a few miles they separated, and proceeded in different directions. the uncle was unsuccessful in the search, but the more fortunate nephew secured two kandis (bamboo measures) of honey. this, with a view to keeping it all for himself, he secreted in a crevice among the rocks, with the exception of a very small quantity, which he made his uncle believe was the entire product of his search. on the following day, the nephew went alone to the spot where the honey was hidden, and found, to his disappointment, that the honey was leaking through the bottom of the bamboo measures, which were transformed into two snakes. terrified at the sight thereof, he ran away, but the snakes pursued him (may be they were hamadryads, which have the reputation of pursuing human beings). after running a few minutes, he espied a hare (lepus nigricollis) running across his course, and, by a skilful manoeuvre, threw his body-cloth over it. mistaking it for a man, the snakes followed in pursuit of the hare, which, being very fleet of foot, managed to reach the sun, which became obscured by the hoods of the reptiles. this fully accounts for the solar eclipse. the honey, which leaked out of the vessels, became converted into the paikara river. in connection with the migrations of the herds of buffaloes, dr. rivers writes as follows. "at certain seasons of the year, it is customary that the buffaloes both of the village and the ti should migrate from one place to another. sometimes the village buffaloes are accompanied by all the inhabitants of the village; sometimes the buffaloes are only accompanied by their dairy-man and one or more male assistants. there are two chief reasons for these movements of the buffaloes, of which the most urgent is the necessity for new grazing-places.... the other chief reason for the migrations is that certain villages and dairies, formerly important and still sacred, are visited for ceremonial purposes, or out of respect to ancient custom." for the following note on a buffalo migration which he came across, i am indebted to mr. h. c. wilson. "during the annual migration of buffaloes to the kundahs, and when they were approaching the bridle-path leading from avalanche to sispara, i witnessed an interesting custom. the toda family had come to a halt on the far side of the path; the females seated themselves on the grass, and awaited the passing of the sacred herd. this herd, which had travelled by a recognised route across country, has to cross the bridle-path some two or three hundred yards above the avalanche-sispara sign-post. both the ordinary and sacred herd were on the move together. the former passed up the sispara path, while the latter crossed in a line, and proceeded slightly down the hill, eventually crossing the stream and up through the sholas over the steep hills on the opposite side of the valley. as soon as the sacred herd had crossed the bridle-path, the toda men, having put down all their household utensils, went to where the women and girls were sitting, and carried them, one by one, over the place where the buffaloes had passed, depositing them on the path above. one of the men told me that the females are not allowed to walk over the track covered by the sacred herd, and have to be carried whenever it is necessary to cross it. this herd has a recognised tract when migrating, and is led by the old buffaloes, who appear to know the exact way." the tenure under which lands are held by the todas is summed up as follows by mr. r. s. benson in his report on the revenue settlement of the nilgiris, . "the earliest settlers, and notably mr. sullivan, strongly advocated the claim of the todas to the absolute proprietary right to the plateau [as lords of the soil]; but another school, led by mr. lushington, has strongly combated these views, and apparently regarded the todas as merely occupiers under the ryotwari system in force generally in the presidency. from the earliest times the todas have received from the cultivating badagas an offering or tribute, called gudu or basket of grain, partly in compensation for the land taken up by the latter for cultivation, and so rendered unfit for grazing purposes, but chiefly as an offering to secure the favour, or avert the displeasure of the todas, who, like the kurumbas (q.v.), are believed by the badagas to have necromantic powers over their health and that of their herds. the european settlers also bought land in ootacamund from them, and to this day the government pays them the sum of rs. per mensem, as compensation for interference with the enjoyment of their pastoral rights in and about ootacamund. their position was, however, always a matter of dispute, until it was finally laid down in the despatch of the court of directors, dated st january, . it was then decided that the todas possessed nothing more than a prescriptive right to enjoy the privilege of pasturing their herds, on payment of a small tax, on the state lands. the court desired that they should be secured from interference by settlers in the enjoyment of their mands, and of their spots appropriated to religious rites. accordingly pattas were issued, granting to each mand three bullahs ( . acres) of land. in mr. grant obtained permission to make a fresh allotment of nine bullahs ( . acres) to each mand on the express condition that the land should be used for pasturage only, and that no right to sell the land or the wood on it should be thereby conveyed. it may be added that the so-called toda lands are now regarded as the inalienable common property of the toda community, and unauthorised alienation is checked by the imposition of a penal rate of assessment (g.o., th april ). up to the date of this order, however, alienations by sale or lease were of frequent occurrence. it remains to be seen whether the present orders and subordinate staff will be more adequate than those that went before to check the practices referred to." with the view of protecting the toda lands, government took up the management of these lands in , and framed rules, under the forest act, for their management, the rights of the todas over them being in no way affected by the rules of which the following is an abstract:-- . no person shall fell, girdle, mark, lop, uproot, or burn, or strip off the bark or leaves from, or otherwise damage any tree growing on the said lands, or remove the timber, or collect the natural produce of such trees or lands, or quarry or collect stone, lime, gravel, earth or manure upon such lands, or break up such lands for cultivation, or erect buildings of any description, or cattle kraals; and no person or persons, other than the todas named in the patta concerned, shall graze cattle, sheep, or goats upon such lands, unless he is authorised so to do by the collector of nilgiris, or some person empowered by him. . the collector may select any of the said lands to be placed under special fire protection. . no person shall hunt, beat for game, or shoot in such lands without a license from the collector. . no person shall at any time set nets, traps, or snares for game on such lands. . all todas in the nilgiri district shall, in respect of their own patta lands, be exempt from the operation of the above rules, and shall be at liberty to graze their own buffaloes, to remove fuel and grass for their domestic requirements, and to collect honey or wax upon such lands. they shall likewise be entitled to, and shall receive free permits for building or repairing their mands and temples. . the collector shall have power to issue annual permits for the cultivation of grass land only in toda pattas by todas themselves, free of charge, or otherwise as government may, from time to time, direct; but no toda shall be at liberty to permit any person, except a toda, to cultivate, or assist in the cultivation of such lands. in , the todas petitioned government against the prohibition by the local forest authorities of the burning of grass on the downs, issued on the ground of danger to the sholas (wooded ravines or groves). this yearly burning of the grass was claimed by the todas to improve it, and they maintained that their cattle were deteriorating for want of good fodder. government ruled that the grass on the plateau has been burnt by the inhabitants at pleasure for many years without any appreciable damage to forest growth, and the practice should not be disturbed. concerning the social organisation of the todas, mr. breeks states that they are "divided into two classes, which cannot intermarry, viz., dêvalyâl and tarserzhâl. the first class consists of peiki class, corresponding in some respects to brahmans; the second of the four remaining classes the pekkan, kuttan, kenna, and todi. a peiki woman may not go to the village of the tarserzhâl, although the women of the latter may visit peikis." the class names given by mr. breeks were readily recognised by the todas whom i interviewed, but they gave terthal (comprising superior peikis) and tarthal as the names of the divisions. they told me that, when a terthal woman visits her friends at a tarthal mand, she is not allowed to enter the mand, but must stop at a distance from it. todas as a rule cook their rice in butter-milk, but, when a terthal woman pays a visit to tarthal mand, rice is cooked for her in water. when a tarthal woman visits at a terthal mand, she is permitted to enter into the mand, and food is cooked for her in buttermilk. the restrictions which are imposed on terthal women are said to be due to the fact that on one occasion a terthal woman, on a visit at a tarthal mand, folded up a cloth, and placed it under her putkuli as if it was a baby. when food was served, she asked for some for the child, and on receiving it, exhibited the cloth. the tarthals, not appreciating the mild joke, accordingly agreed to degrade all terthal women. according to dr. rivers, "the fundamental feature of the social organisation is the division of the community into two perfectly distinct groups, the tartharol and the teivaliol [=dêvalyâl of breeks]. there is a certain amount of specialisation of function, certain grades of the priesthood being filled only by members of the teivaliol. the tartharol and teivaliol are two endogamous divisions of the toda people. each of these primary divisions is sub-divided into a number of secondary divisions [clans]. these are exogamous. each class possesses a group of villages, and takes its name from the chief of these villages, etudmad. the tartharol are divided into twelve clans, the teivaliol into six clans or madol." when a girl has reached the age of puberty, she goes through an initiatory ceremony, in which a toda man of strong physique takes part. one of these splendid specimens of human muscularity was introduced to me on the occasion of a phonograph recital at the paikara bungalow. concerning the system of polyandry as carried out by the todas, dr. rivers writes as follows. "the todas have long been noted as a polyandrous people, and the institution of polyandry is still in full working order among them. when the girl becomes the wife of a boy, it is usually understood that she becomes also the wife of his brothers. in nearly every case at the present time, and in recent generations, the husbands of a woman are own brothers. in a few cases, though not brothers, they are of the same clan. very rarely do they belong to different clans. one of the most interesting features of toda polyandry is the method by which it is arranged who shall be regarded as the father of a child. for all social and legal purposes, the father of a child is the man who performs a certain ceremony about the seventh month of pregnancy, in which an imitation bow and arrow are given to the woman. when the husbands are own brothers, the eldest brother usually gives the bow and arrow, and is the father of the child, though, so long as the brothers live together, the other brothers are also regarded as fathers. it is in the cases in which the husbands are not own brothers that the ceremony becomes of real social importance. in these cases, it is arranged that one of the husbands shall give the bow and arrow, and this man is the father, not only of the child born shortly afterwards, but also of all succeeding children, till another husband performs the essential ceremony. fatherhood is determined so essentially by this ceremony that a man who has been dead for several years is regarded as the father of any children born by his widow, if no other man has given the bow and arrow. there is no doubt that, in former times, the polyandry of the todas was associated with female infanticide, and it is probable that the latter custom still exists to some extent, though strenuously denied. there is reason to believe that women are now more plentiful than formerly, though they are still in a distinct minority. any increase, however, in the number of women does not appear to have led to any great diminution of polyandrous marriages, but polyandry is often combined with polygyny. two or more brothers may have two or more wives in common. in such marriages, however, it seems to be a growing custom that one brother should give the bow and arrow to one wife, and another brother to another wife." the pregnancy ceremony referred to above is called pursutpimi, or bow (and arrow) we touch. according to the account given to me by several independent witnesses, the woman proceeds, accompanied by members of the tribe, on a new moon-day in the fifth or seventh month of her pregnancy, to a shola, where she sits with the man who is to become the father of her child near a kiaz tree (eugenia arnottiana). the man asks the father of the woman if he may bring the bow, and, on obtaining his consent, goes in search of a shrub (sophora glauca), from a twig of which he makes a mimic bow. the arrow is represented by a blade of grass called nark (andropogon schoenanthus). meanwhile a triangular niche has been cut in the kiaz tree, in which a lighted lamp is placed. the woman seats herself in front of the lamp, and, on the return of the man, asks thrice "whose bow is it?" or "what is it?" meaning to whom, or to which mand does the child belong? the bow and arrow are handed to the woman, who raises them to her head, touches her forehead with them, and places them near the tree. from this moment the lawful father of the child is the man from whom she has received the bow and arrow. he places on the ground at the foot of the tree some rice, various kinds of grain, chillies, jaggery (crude sugar), and salt tied in a cloth. all those present then leave, except the man and woman, who remain near the tree till about six o'clock in the evening, when they return to the mand. the time is determined, in the vicinity of ootacamund, by the opening of the flowers of onothera tetraptera (evening primrose), a garden escape called by the todas aru mani puv (six o'clock flower), which opens towards evening. [ ] it may be noted that, at the second funeral of a male, a miniature bow and three arrows are burnt with various other articles within the stone circle (azaram). a few years ago ( ), the todas, in a petition to government, prayed for special legislation to legalise their marriages on the lines of the malabar marriage act. the government was of opinion that legislation was unnecessary, and that it was open to such of the todas as were willing to sign the declaration prescribed by section of the marriage act iii of to contract legal marriages under the provision of that act. the treasury deputy collector of the nilgiris was appointed registrar of toda marriages. no marriage has been registered up to the present time. the practice of infanticide among the todas is best summed up in the words of an aged toda during an interview with colonel marshall. [ ] "i was a little boy when mr. sullivan (the first english pioneer of the nilgiris) visited these mountains. in those days it was the custom to kill children, but the practice has long died out, and now one never hears of it. i don't know whether it was wrong or not to kill them, but we were very poor, and could not support our children. now every one has a mantle (putkuli), but formerly there was only one for the whole family. we did not kill them to please any god, but because it was our custom. the mother never nursed the child, and the parents did not kill it. do you think we could kill it ourselves? those tell lies who say we laid it down before the opening of the buffalo-pen, so that it might be run over and killed by the animals. we never did such things, and it is all nonsense that we drowned it in buffalo's milk. boys were never killed--only girls; not those who were sickly and deformed--that would be a sin; but, when we had one girl, or in some families two girls, those that followed were killed. an old woman (kelachi) used to take the child immediately it was born, and close its nostrils, ears, and mouth with a cloth thus--here pantomimic action. it would shortly droop its head, and go to sleep. we then buried it in the ground. the kelachi got a present of four annas for the deed." the old man's remark about the cattle-pen refers to the malagasy custom of placing a new-born child at the entrance to a cattle-pen, and then driving the cattle over it, to see whether they would trample on it or not. [ ] the missionary metz [ ] bears out the statement that the toda babies were killed by suffocation. at the census, , male and female todas were returned. in a note on the proportion of the sexes among the todas, mr. r. c. punnett states [ ] that "all who have studied the todas are agreed upon the frequency of the practice (of infanticide) in earlier times. marshall, writing in , refers to the large amount of female infanticide in former years, but expresses his conviction that the practice had by that time died out. marshall's evidence is that of native assurance only. dr. rivers, who received the same assurance, is disinclined to place much confidence in native veracity with reference to this point, and, in view of the lack of encouragement which the practice receives from the indian government, this is not altogether surprising. the supposition of female infanticide, by accounting for the great disproportion in the numbers of the sexes, brings the todas into harmony with what is known of the rest of mankind." in summarising his conclusions, mr. punnett notes that:-- ( ) among the todas, males predominate greatly over females. ( ) this preponderance is doubtless due to the practice of female infanticide, which is probably still to some extent prevalent. ( ) the numerical preponderance of the males has been steadily sinking during recent years, owing probably to the check which foreign intercourse has imposed upon female infanticide. in connection with the death ceremonies of the todas, dr. rivers notes that "soon after death the body is burnt, and the general name for the ceremony on this occasion is etvainolkedr, the first day funeral. after an interval, which may vary greatly in length, a second ceremony is performed, connected with certain relics of the deceased which have been preserved from the first occasion. the toda name for this second funeral ceremony is marvainolkedr, the second day funeral, or 'again which day funeral.' the funeral ceremonies are open to all, and visitors are often invited by the todas. in consequence, the funeral rites are better known, and have been more frequently described than any other features of toda ceremonial. like nearly every institution of the todas, however, they have become known to europeans under their badaga names. the first funeral is called by the badagas hase kedu, the fresh or green funeral, and the term 'green funeral' has not only become the generally recognised name among the european inhabitants of the nilgiri hills, but has been widely adopted in anthropological literature. the second funeral is called by the badagas bara kedu, the 'dry funeral,' and this term also has been generally adopted." the various forms of the funeral ceremonies are discussed in detail by dr. rivers, and it must suffice to describe those at which we have been present as eye-witnesses. i had the opportunity of witnessing the second funeral of a woman who had died from smallpox two months previously. on arrival at a mand on the open downs about five miles from ootacamund, we were conducted by a toda guide to the margin of a dense shola, where we found two groups seated apart, consisting of (a) women, girls, and brown-haired female babies, round a camp fire; (b) men, boys, and male babies, carried, with marked signs of paternal affection, by their fathers. in a few minutes a murmuring sound commenced in the centre of the female group. working themselves up to the necessary pitch, some of the women (near relatives of the deceased) commenced to cry freely, and the wailing and lachrymation gradually spread round the circle, until all, except little girls and babies who were too young to be affected, were weeping and mourning, some for fashion, others from genuine grief. in carrying out the orthodox form of mourning, the women first had a good cry to themselves, and then, as their emotions became more intense, went round the circle, selecting partners with whom to share companionship in grief. gradually the group resolved itself into couplets of mourners, each pair with their heads in contact, and giving expression to their emotions in unison. before separating to select a new partner, each couple saluted by bowing the head, and raising thereto the feet of the other, covered by the putkuli. [i have seen women rapidly recover from the outward manifestations of grief, and clamour for money.] from time to time the company of mourners was reinforced by late arrivals from distant mands, and, as each detachment, now of men and now of women, came in view across the open downs, one could not fail to be reminded of the gathering of the clans on some highland moor. the resemblance was heightened by the distant sound as of pipers, produced by the kota band (with two police constables in attendance), composed of four kotas, who made a weird noise with drums and flutes as they drew near the scene of action. the band, on arrival, took up a position close to the mourning women. as each detachment arrived, the women, recognising their relatives, came forward and saluted them in the manner customary among todas by falling at their feet, and placing first the right and then the left foot on their head. shortly after the arrival of the band, signals were exchanged, by waving of putkulis, between the assembled throng and a small detachment of men some distance off. a general move was made, and an impromptu procession formed, with men in front, band in the middle, and women bringing up the rear. a halt was made opposite a narrow gap leading into the shola; men and women sat apart as before; and the band walked round, discoursing unsweet music. a party of girls went off to bring fire from the spot just vacated for use in the coming ceremonial, but recourse was finally had to a box of matches lent by one of our party. at this stage we noticed a woman go up to the eldest son of the deceased, who was seated apart from the other men, and would not be comforted in spite of her efforts to console him. on receipt of a summons from within the shola, the assembled toda men and ourselves swarmed into it by a narrow track leading to a small clear space round a big tree, from a hole cut at the base of which an elderly toda produced a piece of the skull of the dead woman, wrapped round with long tresses of her hair. it now became the men's turn to exhibit active signs of grief, and all of one accord commenced to weep and mourn. amid the scene of lamentation, the hair was slowly unwrapt from off the skull, and burned in an iron ladle, from which a smell as of incense arose. a bamboo pot of ghi was produced, with which the skull was reverently anointed, and placed in a cloth spread on the ground. to this relic of the deceased the throng of men, amid a scene of wild excitement, made obeisance by kneeling down before it, and touching it with their foreheads. the females were not permitted to witness this stage of the proceedings, with the exception of one or two near relatives of the departed one, who supported themselves sobbing against the tree. the ceremonial concluded, the fragment of skull, wrapt in the cloth, was carried into the open, where, as men and boys had previously done, women and girls made obeisance to it. a procession was then again formed, and marched on until a place was reached, where were two stone-walled kraals, large and small. around the former the men, and within the latter the women, took up their position, the men engaging in chit-chat, and the women in mourning, which after a time ceased, and they too engaged in conversation. a party of men, carrying the skull, still in the cloth, set out for a neighbouring shola, where a kedu of several other dead todas was being celebrated; and a long pause ensued, broken eventually by the arrival of the other funeral party, the men advancing in several lines, with arms linked, and crying out u, hah! u, hah, hah! in regular time. this party brought with it pieces of the skulls of a woman and two men, which were placed, wrapt in cloths, on the ground, saluted, and mourned over by the assembled multitude. at this stage a small party of kotas arrived, and took up their position on a neighbouring hill, waiting, vulture-like, for the carcase of the buffalo which was shortly to be slain. several young men now went off across the hill in search of buffaloes, and speedily re-appeared, driving five buffaloes before them with sticks. as soon as the beasts approached a swampy marsh at the foot of the hill on which the expectant crowd of men was gathered together, two young men of athletic build, throwing off their putkulis, made a rush down the hill, and tried to seize one of the buffaloes by the horns, with the result that one of them was promptly thrown. the buffalo escaping, one of the remaining four was quickly caught by the horns, and, with arms interlocked, the men brought it down on its knees, amid a general scuffle. in spite of marked objection and strenuous resistance on the part of the animal--a barren cow--it was, by means of sticks freely applied, slowly dragged up the hill, preceded by the kota band, and with a toda youth pulling at its tail. arrived at the open space between the kraals, the buffalo, by this time thoroughly exasperated, and with blood pouring from its nostrils, had a cloth put on its back, and was despatched by a blow on the poll with an axe deftly wielded by a young and muscular man. on this occasion no one was badly hurt by the sacrificial cow, though one man was seen washing his legs in the swamp after the preliminary struggle with the beast. but colonel ross-king narrates how he saw a man receive a dangerous wound in the neck from a thrust of the horn, which ripped open a wide gash from the collar-bone to the ear. with the death of the buffalo, the last scene, which terminated the strange rites, commenced; men, women, and children pressing forward and jostling one another in their eagerness to salute the dead beast by placing their hands between its horns, and weeping and mourning in pairs; the facial expression of grief being mimicked when tears refused to flow spontaneously. the ceremonial connected with the final burning of the relics and burial of the ashes at the stone circle (azaram) are described in detail by dr. rivers. a few days after the ceremony just described, i was invited to be present at the funeral of a young girl who had died of smallpox five days previously. i proceeded accordingly to the scene of the recent ceremony, and there, in company with a small gathering of todas from the neighbouring mands, awaited the arrival of the funeral cortége, the approach of which was announced by the advancing strains of kota music. slowly the procession came over the brow of the hill; the corpse, covered by a cloth, on a rude ladder-like bier, borne on the shoulders of four men, followed by two kota musicians; the mother carried hidden within a sack; relatives and men carrying bags of rice and jaggery, and bundles of wood of the kiaz tree (eugenia arnottiana) for the funeral pyre. arrived opposite a small hut, which had been specially built for the ceremonial, the corpse was removed from the bier, laid on the ground, face upwards, outside the hut, and saluted by men, women, and children, with the same manifestations of grief as on the previous occasion. soon the men moved away to a short distance, and engaged in quiet conversation, leaving the females to continue mourning round the corpse, interrupted from time to time by the arrival of detachments from distant mands, whose first duty was to salute the dead body. meanwhile a near female relative of the dead child was busily engaged inside the hut, collecting together in a basket small measures of rice, jaggery, sago, honey-comb, and the girl's simple toys, which were subsequently to be burned with the corpse. the mourning ceasing after a time, the corpse was placed inside the hut, and followed by the near relatives, who there continued to weep over it. a detachment of men and boys, who had set out in search of the buffaloes which were to be sacrificed, now returned driving before them three cows, which escaped from their pursuers to rejoin the main herd. a long pause ensued, and, after a very prolonged drive, three more cows were guided into a marshy swamp, where one of them was caught by the horns, and dragged reluctantly, but with little show of fight, to the strains of kota drum and flute, in front of the hut, where it was promptly despatched by a blow on the poll. the corpse was now brought from within the hut, and placed, face upwards, with its feet resting on the forehead of the buffalo, whose neck was decorated with a silver chain, such as is worn by todas round the loins, as no bell was available, and the horns were smeared with butter. then followed frantic manifestations of grief, amid which the unhappy mother fainted. mourning over, the corpse was made to go through a form of ceremony, resembling that which is performed during pregnancy with the first child. a small boy, three years old, was selected from among the relatives of the dead girl, and taken by his father in search of a certain grass (andropogon schoenanthus) and a twig of a shrub (sophora glauca), which were brought to the spot where the corpse was lying. the mother of the dead child then withdrew one of its hands from the putkuli, and the boy placed the grass and twig in the hand, and limes, plantains, rice, jaggery, honey-comb, and butter in the pocket of the putkuli, which was then stitched with needle and thread in a circular pattern. the boy's father then took off his son's putkuli, and replaced it so as to cover him from head to foot. thus covered, the boy remained outside the hut till the morning of the morrow, watched through the night by near relatives of himself and his dead bride. [on the occasion of the funeral of an unmarried lad, a girl is in like manner selected, covered with her putkuli from head to foot, and a metal vessel filled with jaggery, rice, etc., to be subsequently burnt on the funeral pyre, placed for a short time within the folds of the putkuli. thus covered, the girl remains till next morning, watched through the dreary hours of the night by relatives. the same ceremony is performed over the corpse of a married woman who has not borne children, the husband acting as such for the last time, in the vain hope that the woman may produce issue in heaven.] the corpse was borne away to the burning-ground within the shola, and, after removal of some of the hair by the mother of the newly wedded boy, burned, with face upwards, amid the music of the kota band, the groans of the assembled crowd squatting on the ground, and the genuine grief of the nearest relatives. the burning concluded, a portion of the skull was removed from the ashes, and handed over to the recently made mother-in-law of the dead girl, and wrapped up with the hair in the bark of the tud tree (meliosma pungens). a second buffalo, which, properly speaking, should have been slain before the corpse was burnt, was then sacrificed, and rice and jaggery were distributed among the crowd, which dispersed, leaving behind the youthful widower and his custodians, who, after daybreak, partook of a meal of rice, and returned to their mands; the boy's mother taking with her the skull and hair to her mand, where it would remain until the celebration of the second funeral. no attention is paid to the ashes after cremation, and they are left to be scattered by the winds. a further opportunity offered itself to be present at the funeral of an elderly woman on the open downs not far from paikara, in connection with which certain details possess some interest. the corpse was, at the time of our arrival, laid out on a rude bier within an improvised arbour covered with leaves and open at each end, and tended by some of the female relatives. at some little distance, a conclave of toda men, who rose of one accord to greet us, was squatting in a circle, among whom were many venerable white-turbaned elders of the tribe, protected from the scorching sun by palm-leaf umbrellas. amid much joking, and speech-making by the veterans, it was decided that, as the eldest son of the deceased woman was dead, leaving a widow, this daughter-in-law should be united to the second son, and that they should live together as man and wife. on the announcement of the decision, the bridegroom-elect saluted the principal todas present by placing his head on their feet, which were sometimes concealed within the ample folds of the putkuli. at the funeral of a married woman, three ceremonies must, i was told, be performed, if possible, by a daughter or daughter-in-law, viz.:-- ( ) tying a leafy branch of the tiviri shrub (atylosia candolleana) in the putkuli of the corpse; ( ) tying balls of thread and cowry shells on the arm of the corpse, just above the elbow; ( ) setting fire to the funeral pyre, which was, on the present occasion, done by lighting a rag fed with ghi with a match. the buffalo capture took place amid the usual excitement, and with freedom from accident; and, later in the day, the stalwart buffalo catchers turned up at the travellers' bungalow for a pourboire in return, as they said, for treating us to a good fight. the beasts selected for sacrifice were a full-grown cow and a young calf. as they were dragged near to the corpse, now removed from the arbour, butter was smeared over the horns, and a bell tied round the neck. the bell was subsequently removed by kotas, in whose custody, it was said, it was to remain till the next day funeral. the death-blow, or rather series of blows, having been delivered with the butt end of an axe, the feet of the corpse were placed at the mouth of the buffalo. in the case of a male corpse, the right hand is made to clasp the horns. [it is recorded by dr. rivers that, at the funeral of a male, men dance after the buffalo is killed. in the dancing a tall pole, called tadri or tadrsi, decorated with cowry shells, is used.] the customary mourning in couples concluded, the corpse, clad in four cloths, was carried on the stretcher to a clear space in the neighbouring shola, and placed by the side of the funeral pyre, which had been rapidly piled up. the innermost cloth was black in colour, and similar to that worn by a palol. next to it came a putkuli decorated with blue and red embroidery, outside which again was a plain white cloth covered over by a red cotton cloth of european manufacture. seated by the side of the pyre, near to which i was courteously invited to take a seat on the stump of a rhododendron, was an elderly relative of the dead woman, who, while watching the ceremonial, was placidly engaged in the manufacture of a holly walking-stick with the aid of a glass scraper. the proceedings were watched on behalf of government by a forest guard, and a police constable who, with marked affectation, held his handkerchief to his nose throughout the ceremonial. the corpse was decorated with brass rings, and within the putkuli were stowed jaggery, a scroll of paper adorned with cowry shells, snuff and tobacco, cocoanuts, biscuits, various kinds of grain, ghi, honey, and a tin-framed looking-glass. a long purse, containing a silver japanese yen and an arcot rupee of the east india company, was tied up in the putkuli close to the feet. these preliminaries concluded, the corpse was hoisted up, and swung three times over the now burning pyre, above which a mimic bier, made of slender twigs, was held. the body was then stripped of its jewelry, and a lock of hair cut off by the daughter-in-law for preservation, together with a fragment of the skull. i was told that, when the corpse is swung over the pyre, the dead person goes to amnodr (the world of the dead). in this connection, dr. rivers writes that "it would seem as if this ceremony of swinging the body over the fire was directly connected with the removal of the objects of value. the swinging over the fire would be symbolic of its destruction by fire; and this symbolic burning has the great advantage that the objects of value are not consumed, and are available for use another time. this is probably the real explanation of the ceremony, but it is not the explanation given by the todas themselves. they say that long ago, about years, a man supposed to be dead was put on the funeral pyre, and, revived by the heat, he was found to be alive, and was able to walk away from the funeral place. in consequence of this, the rule was made that the body should always be swung three times over the fire before it is finally placed thereon." [colonel marshall narrates the story that a toda who had revived from what was thought his death-bed, has been observed parading about, very proud and distinguished looking, wearing the finery with which he had been bedecked for his own funeral, and which he would be permitted to carry till he really departed this life.] as soon as the pyre was fairly ablaze, the mourners, with the exception of some of the female relatives, left the shola, and the men, congregating on the summit of a neighbouring hill, invoked their god. four men, seized, apparently in imitation of the kota devadi, with divine frenzy, began to shiver and gesticulate wildly, while running blindly to and fro with closed eyes and shaking fists. they then began to talk in malayalam, and offer an explanation of an extraordinary phenomenon, which had appeared in the form of a gigantic figure, which disappeared as suddenly as it appeared. at the annual ceremony of walking through fire (hot ashes) in that year, two factions arose owing to some dissension, and two sets of ashes were used. this seems to have annoyed the gods, and those concerned were threatened with speedy ruin. but the whole story was very vague. the possession by some todas of a smattering of malayalam is explained by the fact that, when grazing their buffaloes on the northern and western slopes of the nilgiris, they come in contact with malayalam-speaking people from the neighbouring malabar district. at the funeral of a man (a leper), the corpse was placed in front of the entrance to a circle of loose stones about a yard and a half in diameter, which had been specially constructed for the occasion. just before the buffalo sacrifice, a man of the paiki clan standing near the head of the corpse, dug a hole in the ground with a cane, and asked a kenna who was standing on the other side, "puzhut, kenna," [ ] shall i throw the earth?--three times. to which the kenna, answering, replied "puzhut"--throw the earth--thrice. the paiki then threw some earth three times over the corpse, and three times into the miniature kraal. it is suggested by dr. rivers that the circle was made to do duty for a buffalo pen, as the funeral was held at a place where there was no tu (pen), from the entrance of which earth could be dug up. several examples of laments relating to the virtues and life of the deceased, which are sung or recited in the course of the funeral ceremonies, are given by dr. rivers. on the occasion of the reproduction of a lament in my phonograph, two young women were seen to be crying bitterly. the selection of the particular lament was unfortunate, as it had been sung at their father's funeral. the reproduction of the recitation of a dead person's sins at a badaga funeral quickly restored them to a state of cheerfulness. the following petition to the collector of the nilgiris on the subject of buffalo sacrifice may be quoted as a sign of the times, when the todas employ petition-writers to express their grievances:-- "according to our religious custom for the long period, we are bringing forward of our killing buffaloes without any irregular way. but, in last year, when the late collector came to see the said place, by that he ordered to the todas first not to keep the buffaloes without feeding in the kraal, and second he ordered to kill each for every day, and to clear away the buffaloes, and not to keep the buffaloes without food. we did our work according to his orders, and this excellent order was an ample one. now this ----, a chief of the todas, son of ----, a deceased toda, the above man joined with the moniagar of ---- village, joined together, and, dealing with bribes, now they arose against us, and doing this great troubles on us, and also, by this great trouble, one day mr. ---- came for shooting snapes (snipe) by that side. by chance one grazing buffalo came to him, push him by his horns very forcely, and wounded him on his leg. by the help of another gentleman who came with him he escaped, or he would have die at the moment. now the said moniagar and ---- joined together, want to finish the funeral to his late father on the th instant. for this purpose they are going to shut the buffaloes without food in the kraal on the th instant at o'clock. they are going to kill the buffaloes on the th instant at o'clock in the evening. but this is a great sin against god. but we beg your honour this way. that is, let them leave the buffaloes in the grazing place, and ask them to catch and kill them at the same moment. and also your honour cannot ordered them to keep them in the kraal without food. and, if they will desire to kill the buffaloes in this way, these buffaloes will come on us, and also on the other peoples one who, coming to see funs on those day, will kill them all by his anxious. and so we the todas begs your honour to enquire them before the th, the said funeral ceremony commencing, and not to grant the above orders to them." a whit monday at paikara was given up to an exhibition of sports and games, whereof the most exciting and interesting was a burlesque representation of a toda funeral by boys and girls. a toda, who was fond of his little joke, applied the term pacchai kedu (green funeral) to the corpses of the flies entrapped by a viscous catch'em-alive-oh on the bungalow table. to the mock funeral rites arrived a party of youths, as from a distant mand, and crying out u, hah, in shrill mimicry of their elders. the lad who was to play the leading part of sacrificial buffalo, stripping off his putkuli, disappeared from sight over the brow of a low hillock. above this eminence his bent and uplifted upper extremities shortly appeared as representatives of the buffalo horns. at sight thereof, there was a wild rush of small boys to catch him, and a mimic struggle took place, while the buffalo was dragged, amid good-tempered scuffling, kicks, and shouting, to the spot where the corpse should have been. this spot was, in the absence of a pseudo-dead body or stage dummy, indicated by a group of little girls, who had sat chatting together till the boy-beast arrived, when they touched foreheads, and went, with due solemnity, through the orthodox observance of mourning in couples. the buffalo was slain by a smart tap on the back of the head with a cloth, which did duty for an axe. as soon as the convulsive movements and twitchings of the death struggle were over, the buffalo, without waiting for an encore, retired behind the hillock once more, in order that the rough and tumble fight, which was evidently the chief charm of the game, might be repeated. the buffalo boy later on came in second in a flat race, and he was last seen protecting us from a mischievous-looking member of his herd, which was grazing on the main-road. toda buffaloes, it may be noted, are not at all popular with members of the ootacamund hunt, as both horses and riders from time to time receive injuries from their horns, when they come in collision. while the funeral game was in progress, the men showed off their prowess at a game (eln), [ ] corresponding to the english tip-cat, which is epidemic at a certain season in the london bye-streets. it is played with a bat like a broomstick, and a cylindrical piece of wood pointed at both ends. the latter is propped up against a stone, and struck with the bat. as it flies off the stone, it is hit to a distance with the bat, and caught (or missed) by the out fields. at the muttanad mand, we were treated to a further exhibition of games. in one of these, called narthpimi, a flat slab of stone is supported horizontally on two other slabs fixed perpendicularly in the ground so as to form a narrow tunnel, through which a man can just manage to wriggle his body with difficulty. two men take part in the game, one stationing himself at a distance of about thirty yards, the other about sixty yards from the tunnel. the front man, throwing off his mantle, runs as hard as he can to the tunnel, pursued by the 'scratch' man, whose object is to touch the other man's feet before he has squeezed himself through the tunnel. another sport, which we witnessed, consists of trial of strength with a heavy globular stone, the object being to raise it up to the shoulder; but a strong, well-built-man--he who was entrusted with slaying the funeral buffalo--failed to raise it higher than the pit of the stomach, though straining his muscles in the attempt. a splendidly made veteran assured me that, when young and lusty, he was able to accomplish the feat, and spoke sadly of degeneration in the physique of the younger members of the tribe. mr. breeks mentions that the todas play a game resembling puss-in-the-corner, called karialapimi, which was not included in the programme of sports got up for our benefit. dr. rivers writes that "the todas, and especially the children, often play with mimic representations of objects from practical life. near the villages i have seen small artificial buffalo-pens and fireplaces made by the children in sport." i have, on several occasions, come across young children playing with long and short pieces of twigs representing buffaloes and their calves, and going solemnly through the various incidents in the daily life of these animals. todas, both old and young, may constantly be seen twisting flexible twigs into representations of buffaloes' heads and horns. of toda songs, the following have been collected:-- sunshine is increasing. mist is fast gathering. rain may come. thunder roars. clouds are gathering. rain is pouring. wind and rain have combined. oh, powerful god, may everything prosper! may charity increase! may the buffaloes become pregnant! see that the buffaloes have calves. see that the barren women have children. go and tell this to the god of the land. keygamor, eygamor (names of buffaloes). evening is approaching. the buffaloes are coming. the calves also have returned. the buffaloes are saluted. the dairy-man beats the calves with his stick. milk has been offered to the bell. it is growing dark. this is a buffalo with beautiful horns. a buffalo stupidly given away by the badaga. a buffalo brought to the kandal mand. innerovya (name of buffalo). like this buffalo there is no other. parkur (name of a toda). like him there is no man. the sun is shining. the wind is blowing. rain is coming. the trees are in flower. tears are falling. the nose is burning. he is coming, holding up his umbrella. he is coming, wearing a good body-cloth. he is coming, wearing a good under-cloth. he (the palol) is coming, wearing a black cloth. he is coming, holding his walking-stick of palai wood. i have a god. what is to become of me? i am inclined to cry, my heart being heavy. oh, my child! do not cry. it is still crying. thuree. thuree. see. be quiet. a robust bull buffalo. ach! ach! a big buffalo not intended for killing. ach! ach! is leading the cow buffalo. ah! ah! two or three men are driving it. ah! ah! song in honour of the arrival of the maharani-regent of mysore at ootacamund. all we todas go to her house, and dance before her. she gives us fifteen rupees. she comes near our women, and talks to them. she gives cloths to us. next day we take milk, eight bottles in the morning, four in the evening. month by month she pays us for our milk. she goes back to mysore, and, when she goes, we stand in a row before her. she gives us presents; cloths and three rupees. the women cut their hair, and stand before her. marriage song. boys and girls are singing. much money are they spending. to the girl her father is giving five buffaloes. the husband tells his wife that she must curl her hair. if her hair is curled, all the people will rejoice. the buffalo is slain, and now we must all dance. why are not more people here? more should come. my buffalo is big, very big. go quickly and catch it. the todas are all there. they are standing in a row. who will run, and catch the buffalo first? to him will a present of five rupees be given. i will go and catch it first. the todas are all fighting. the todas are all feasting. people give them rice. the buffalo is coming. two men run to catch it by the neck. ten men collect the buffaloes. they pen them in a kraal. at one o'clock we take our food. the buffalo is running, and i hit it on the back with a stick. it swerves aside, but i drive it back to the path. night comes, and we all dance. next morning at ten o'clock we bring out the buffalo, and slay it. at four in the morning we wrap rice and grain in a white cloth, and burn it. at eleven we cut the hair of the boys and girls. at four in the morning the priest goes to the temple (dairy). he lights the lamp. at eight he milks his buffaloes. he puts on no cloth. he places butter and ghi before the god. then he grazes his buffaloes, and eats his food. then he puts on his cloth. at three in the afternoon he goes again to the temple. he kindles a fire, and lights the lamp. he puts milk in a chatty, and churns it into butter with a cane. he mixes water with the butter-milk, and gives it to the women to drink. he alone may sleep in the temple. at four in the morning he lets out the buffaloes to graze. at seven he milks them. the woman's house is down the hill. the priest must not go in unto the woman. he may not marry. when he is twenty, he may not enter the temple. another is made priest in his stead. the religious institutions of the todas, including the elaborate dairy ritual, and their religion, are described in full detail by dr. rivers. the todas have been to some extent influenced by hinduism, and some visit the temples at nanjengod in mysore, karamadai in the coimbatore district, and other shrines, whereat they worship, present votive offerings, and pray for offspring, etc. writing in , mr. breeks remarked that "about ootacamund, a few todas have latterly begun to imitate the religious practices of their native neighbours. occasionally children's foreheads are marked with the siva spot, and my particular friend kinniaven, after an absence of some days, returned with a shaven head from a visit to the temple of siva at nanjengudi." a man who came to my laboratory had his hair hanging down in long tails reaching below his shoulders. he had, he said, let it grow long because his wife, though married five years, had borne no child. a child had, however, recently been born, and, as soon as the second funeral of a relation had been performed, he was going to sacrifice his locks as a thank-offering at the nanjengod temple. the following extracts from my notes will serve to illustrate the practice of marking (in some instances apparently for beauty's sake) and shaving as carried out at the present day. ( ) man, aged . has just performed a ceremony at the ti mand. white curved line painted across forehead, and dots below outer ends thereof, on glabella, and outside orbits. smeared with white across chest, over outer side of upper arms and left nipple, across knuckles and lower end of left ulna, and on lobes of ears. ( ) man, aged . painted on forehead as above. smeared over chest and upper eye lids. ( ) man, aged . white spot painted on forehead. ( ) man, aged . hair of head and beard cut short owing to death of grandfather. ( ) boy, aged . shock head of hair, cut very short all over owing to death of grandfather. ( ) girl, aged . hair shaved on top, back and sides of head, and in median strip from vertex to forehead. ( ) boy, aged . white spot painted between eyebrows. hair shaved on top and sides of head, and in median strip from vertex to forehead. hair brought forward in fringe over forehead on either side of median strip, and hanging down back of neck. ( ) male child, aged months. white spot painted between eyebrows. shaved on top and sides of head. todupuzha vellala.--for the following note, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. besides the nanchinad vellalas, there are, in travancore, two sections of the vellala caste, inhabiting the mountainous todupuzha taluk. these are the tenkanchi and kumbakonam vellalas. the former are known by the popular name of anjuttilkar, or the five hundred, and the latter are designated munnutilkar, or the three hundred, in reference to the number of families which originally settled in the taluk. like the nanchinad vellalas, they take the title of pillai, and, in special cases, the honorific prefix kanakku. the tenkanchi vellalas appear to have dwelt originally in the tenkasi taluk of the tinnevelly district, and to have emigrated, as the legend goes, on account of the demand of a vaduka ruler for the hand of a member of their community in marriage. the vadakkumkur rajas were ruling over todupuzha at the time of their migration, and afforded them a safe asylum. the kumbakonam vellalas believe that they emigrated to travancore about the commencement of the malabar era from kumbakonam in the tanjore district. both divisions speak malayalam, but there are clear indications in their speech that their mother-tongue was once tamil, and they always use that language in their ceremonial writings. the anjuttilkar women have adopted the dress and ornaments of the nayars. both sections wear the tuft of hair in front, but the munnutilkar women do not tie the hair on the left side like the nayars and anjuttilkars, but behind like the pandi vellalas. nor do the anjuttilkar women wear a white dress like the tenkanchis, but a coloured cloth, sixteen cubits in length, in orthodox tamil fashion. again, while the tenkanchi women largely resort to the todu and other nayar ornaments, the kumbakonam women are more conservative, and wear only the pampadam and melidu, though they sometimes wear jewels, such as the nagapata tali for the neck. both sections are saivites, in the sense that they abstain from flesh and fish. their principal occupation is agriculture. they worship the two mountain deities bhadrakali and durga. in the kirikkot muri of the karikkod property there is a temple dedicated to siva or unnamalanathar, with a large amount of property attached to it. this belongs to the tenkanchi vellalas, and a malayalam brahman performs the priestly functions. the kumbakonam vellalas have their own temples, such as the ankalamma koil, annamala matam, virabhadran koil, etc., and worship, besides the principal gods of the hindu pantheon, such minor deities as virabhadran, karuppan, bhairavan, mariamman, and muttaramman. the priests of both sections are east coast brahmans, who live in the todupuzha taluk. as their profession is regarded by other brahmans as degrading, they, especially in the case of the kumbakonam vellalas, perform their duties stealthily. the headman of the kumbakonam section lives in the periyakulam taluk of the madura district, and, by his order, an image of siva is worshipped at their homes. divorce is not permitted on any ground, and, in ancient days, widow remarriage was forbidden. there is a legend that a woman of this caste, who was a friend of the daughter of a certain vadakkumkur rajah, was so aggrieved at the news of her newly married husband's death that, at her intercession, the rajah issued a proclamation permitting the remarriage of widows. if no husband has been found for a girl before she reaches puberty, certain propitiatory rites have to be performed, at which one of her female relations represents her. on the fourth day of the marriage ceremony, the bride and bridegroom, before they bathe, rub each other's bodies with oil, and, going to a large caldron containing water, throw a gold and silver ring into it, and pick them out three times. inheritance of both sections is from father to son (makkathayam). a sambandham alliance does not confer any rite of inheritance. the names of both sections are such as are unknown among nayars, e.g., sivalingam, arunachalam, chidambaram, arumukham. the tenkanchis are considered to be higher in the social scale than the kumbakonam section, as they observe only twelve days' death pollution, whereas the latter are under pollution for sixteen days. the tenkanchis may enter the temple, and, like nayars, stand on the left side of the inner shrine, whereas the kumbakonam vellalas may proceed only as far as the balikkalpura, or out-house of the temple, and not enter the nalambalam. again, butter-milk is freely received by brahmans from the tenkanchis, but not from members of the kumbakonam section. while pandi vellalas will not receive food from the tenkanchis, or give their daughters in marriage to them, the latter will not intermarry with the nanchinad vellalas. togata.--the togatas are telugu weavers, most numerous in the cuddapah district, who manufacture the coarsest kind of cotton cloths, such as are worn by the poorer classes. they are generally vaishnavites, wear the sacred thread, and have for their priests vaishnava brahmans or satanis. they eat flesh, and their widows are allowed to remarry. writing concerning the togatas in , buchanan states [ ] that "widows cannot marry again, but are not expected to kill themselves. the panchanga, or village astrologer, attends at births, marriages, funerals, at the ceremonies performed in honour of their deceased parents, and at the building of a new house, and on each occasion gets a fee of one fanam, or eight pence. on other occasions, when a weaver wants to pray, he calls in a satanana, who reads something in an unknown language, and gives the votary some holy water, which he consecrates by pouring it on the head of a small image that he carries about for the purpose." as regards their origin, some togatas claim to be sons of chaudesvari, who threw some rice on to the fire, from which sprang a host of warriors, whose descendants they are. others give puppandaja rishi as the name of their ancestor. concerning chaudesvari, mr. francis writes as follows. [ ] "connected with the margosa tree (melia azadirachta) is the worship of chaudesvari, the goddess of the togata caste of weavers. she is supposed to reside in margosa trees, and either the tree itself, or a stone representing the goddess and placed at its foot, is worshipped by the togatas at certain seasons, such as the telugu new year day. apparently the other weaver castes take no share in the ceremonies. they consist largely of animal sacrifices. nevertheless, a particular class of brahmans, called nandavarikula brahmans, take a prominent part in the festival. this name nandavarikula is derived from the village of nandavaram in kurnool, and doubtless many stories are prevalent there about this sub-division. the account given at tadpatri, where they are fairly numerous, is as follows. once upon a time, a king from southern india went on a pilgrimage with his wife to benares. while there, he unwittingly incurred a nameless but heinous pollution. horrified, he applied to some brahmans there to purify him, promising them half his kingdom in return. they asked for some tangible record of this promise, and the king called upon the goddess chaudesvari, who had a temple near by, to witness his oath. the purification was effected, and he departed home. later on the brahmans came south, and asked for the fulfilment of his promise. the king declared that he could not remember having made any such undertaking. the brahmans accordingly went to benares, and asked chaudesvari to come south, and bear witness to the king's oaths. she agreed, on the usual condition that they should go in front, and not look back at her as she came. as happens in other stories of the same kind, they are said to have broken the condition. at nandavaram they looked back, and the goddess instantly stopped, and remained immoveable. a temple was built for her there, and the brahmans remained in the south, and still take part in the worship of chaudesvari which the togatas inaugurate, even though she is not one of the hindu pantheon, and delights in animal sacrifice. at tadpatri other castes besides the togatas help at the festival." though chaudesvari is the patron god of the togatas, they also worship poleramma, ellamma, kotamma, and other minor deities. the original occupation of the togatas is said to have been dyeing, but, at the present day, owing to the depression in the hand-loom weaving industry, a large number have taken to cultivation. like many other telugu castes, they have exogamous septs, of which the following are examples:-- patha, old. kambhapu, pillar. nili, indigo. madaka, plough. bana, pot. jilakara, cummin seed. annam, food. mékala, goat. gopalam, alms. samanthi, chrysanthemum indicum. gurram, horse. perumal, a god. bandari, treasurer? gudditi. pujaris (priests) for temple worship are always elected from the perumal sept, and caste messengers from the bandari sept, if they are represented in a settlement. torches are generally carried, at processions, by men of the gudditi sept. members of the gurram sept are not allowed to ride on horseback. the panchayat (village council) system is in vogue, but, in some places, a headman is selected, as occasion requires. in their marriage and funeral ceremonies, the togatas closely follow the telugu standard puranic form of ceremonial. the dead are buried in a recumbent posture. on the last day of the death rites, the satani gives arrack (liquor) to the togatas, as to the padma sales, in lieu of holy water (thirtham). tohala.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small class of oriya hill cultivators and petty traders in the ganjam agency. tolagari.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a sub-caste of mutracha. in the north arcot manual the tolagaris are described as a small cultivating caste, who were formerly hunters, like the palayakkarans. tolar (wolf).--an exogamous sept of halepaik. the equivalent tolana occurs as a sept of moger. tolkollan.--the tolkollans or tolans (skin people) are summed up in the madras census report, , as "leather workers and dyers, and also gymnasts and teachers of gymnastics. they are also called vatti kurup, chaya kurup, and vil kurup. their title is kurup." the tolkollans are stated [ ] to be "blacksmiths by caste, who abandoned their hereditary trade for leather work, and they are chiefly employed by mappillas. one peculiar custom in this caste is that two or more brothers may have one wife in common. only those in good circumstances indulge in the luxury of a private wife. the following information furnished by mr. s. vaidyanadha aiyar, the headmaster of the school of commerce, calicut, gives some information regarding leather work in malabar:-- (a) boots and shoes of country make and english pattern. (b) harness making. (c) native shoes (ceruppu). these are of the special pattern peculiar to malabar, and are largely used by all classes of the hindu and mappilla communities. the arabs who visit this coast once a year purchase a considerable number to take back with them. the price of a pair varies from rs. - - to rs. . those with ornamental gold lace work cost from rs. to rs. . these shoes are generally used by well-to-do mappillas. white of egg is used to give a creaking sound to the shoes. this work is mainly done by tholperunkollans and mappillas, and the latter show more skill in finish and ornamental work. (d) knife sheaths. almost every nayar, tiyan and mappilla carries a knife about a foot in length, and there is a demand for leather sheaths. these are made by panans as well as by tholperunkollans and mappillas. (e) leather baskets are also made, and are largely used as receptacles for carrying pepper, paddy (rice), and other grain. (f) winnowing fans are made of leather, and are used in pepper and paddy yards, etc. (g) muttu ceruppu (clogs) are leather shoes with wooden soles. these are largely used during the rainy season." tollakkadan (one with a big hole in the lobes of his ears).--taken, at the census, , as a sub-caste of shanan, as those returning the name, who are vendors of husked rice in madras, used the shanan title nadan. the equivalent tollakadu was returned as a sub-division of konga vellala. tol mestri.--a sub-division of semman. tondaman.--it is stated, in the madras census report, , that the tondamans are "also called sunnambukkaran (q.v.), a tamil caste of lime (chunam) burners found only in the tinnevelly district. they are said to be a branch of the kallans who migrated to tinnevelly from pudukkottai, or the tondaman's country. its members are now drummers and pipers as well as lime-burners. brahmans are their purohits, but they are not allowed to go into hindu temples. they will eat in the houses of maravans. their title is solagan." it is noted, in the same report, that the semman caste "has two sub-divisions, tondaman and tol-mestri, and men of the former take wives from the latter, but men of the latter may not marry girls of the former." tondaman is the family name of the raja of pudukkottai, a native state surrounded by the british districts of tanjore, madura, and trichinopoly. the raja is the head of the kallan caste. copper coins, called amman kasu, are current only within the state, and their greatest distribution is during navaratri or dusserah, when they are issued to the people with a dole of rice every day during the nine days of the festival. they bear on one side the word "vijaya," meaning victory, or more probably having reference to our faithful ally vijaya ragunatha tondaman, in whose reign they were first struck, it is said in , after the surrender of pondicherry to the british. tondamandalam.--the name of a sub-division of vellala, derived from tondanadu, the ancient pallava country. tonti.--the tontis are said to be cotton-weavers of bengal, who have settled in ganjam. [ ] the name denotes threadmen, and the weaving of rough white cloths is the traditional occupation of the caste. all tontis belong to a single gotra named after kasyapa, one of the seven important rishis, and the priest of parasurama. various bamsams or exogamous septs, the names of some of which occur also as titles, exist, e.g., biswalo, dasso, palo, bono, chondo, parimaniko, korono, behara, and mahapatro. the marriage and death ceremonies conform to the standard oriya type. on the fourth day of the marriage rites, a bhondari (barber) is presented with some beaten rice and sugar-candy in a new earthen pot. these are sold to those who have assembled, and the proceeds go to the bhondari. the corpse of a dead person is washed at the burning ground, instead of, in accordance with the common custom among other castes, at the house. toppa tali.--a name applied to certain vaniyans in the north arcot district, owing to the peculiar tali (marriage badge) which married women wear. torai.--a title of various oriya castes. toreya.--the toreyas are a canarese class, living chiefly in the tamil districts of coimbatore and salem. they are said to have been originally fishermen and palanquin bearers, and the name is derived from turai, a river ghat. most of them are now cultivators, especially of the betel vine (piper betle). those whom i examined at coimbatore were earning their living as betel and sugar-cane cultivators, vendors of tobacco, bakers, cloth merchants, contractors, petty traders, and police constables. by the coimbatore toreyas, the following endogamous divisions were returned:-- elai, leaf. betel cultivators. chunam, lime. lime burners. gazul, glass bangle. the toreya caste is said to have originated from the bangles of machyagandhi or gandhavati, the daughter of a fisherman on the jumna. she was married to king shantanu of hastinapur, who was one of the ancestors of the heroes of the mahabharata. many exogamous septs exist among the toreyas, of which the following are examples:-- belli, silver. may not wear silver toe-rings. naga, snake. the members of the sept, at times of marriage, worship ant-hills, which are the home of snakes. alwar or garuda. chinnam, gold. kansugaje, small bronze bells, tied to the legs when dancing. urukathi, a kind of knife. vajjira, diamond. vasishta, a hindu saint. mogila, clouds. onne (pterocarpus marsupium). do not mark their foreheads with the juice from the trunk of this tree. kuzhal, the flute played by shepherd boys and snake charmers. if the sound thereof is heard during a meal, what remains of the food should be thrown away. rakshasa, a giant. do not celebrate the dipavali festival in honour of the victory over, and death of, a rakshasa. erumai, buffalo. the headman of the caste is called ejaman, who has under him an officer entitled dalavayi. the caste messenger bears the name of kondikar. these three offices are hereditary. the ejaman presides at council meetings which are held at the temple of the caste. the eldest member of each family is entitled to a seat on the council. those who come late to a meeting thereof prostrate themselves before the assembly. witnesses before the council have to take an oath, which is administered by the kondikar. he makes the witness stand within a circle drawn on the ground, and makes him repeat the formula "before god and the elders assembled, with the sky above and the earth beneath, i will state only the truth." the kondikar then takes up a pinch of earth, and puts it on the head of the witness. for merely threatening to beat a person with shoes, the offender has to feed twenty-five castemen. if he takes the shoes in his hands he must feed fifty, and, if he actually resorts to beating with them, he has to feed a hundred men. in addition, the culprit has to pay a small fine, and both parties have to be purified at the temple. a similar punishment is enforced for beating, or threatening to beat with a broom. for adultery the guilty person is excommunicated, and is admitted back into the caste only after the death of one of the parties concerned. he then has to feed a large number of castemen, or pay a money fine, and, prostrating himself before the assembly, he is beaten with a tamarind switch. he further makes obeisance to the ejaman, and washes his feet. the ejaman then purifies him by a small piece of burning camphor in his mouth. when a married girl reaches puberty, she is taken to her father's house, and her husband constructs a hut with branches of ficus glomerata. on the last day of her confinement therein, the hut is pulled down, and the girl sets fire to it. the house is purified, and the female relations go to the houses of the ejaman and caste people, and invite them to be present at a ceremonial. a small quantity of turmeric paste is stuck on the doors of the houses of all who are invited. the relations and members of the caste carry betel, and other articles, on trays in procession through the streets. the girl is seated on a plank, and the trays are placed in front of her. rice flour, fruits, betel, etc., are tied in her cloth, and she is taken into the house. in the case of an unmarried girl, the hut is built by her maternal uncle. marriage is always celebrated at the house of the bridegroom, as there is a legend that a rajah belonging to the toreya caste had a son, who was taken to the house of his bride elect, and there murdered. the bridegroom's father and relations go to the house of the bride, and make presents of money, cloths, ornaments, etc. they also have to make obeisance to, and feed five married women sumptuously. pandals (booths) are constructed at the houses of both the bride and bridegroom. five married women go, on behalf of each of the contracting parties, to their houses, and pound rice there. on the second day, five such women fetch water from a tank, and bathe the bride and bridegroom respectively. the ten women then go to the potter's house, and bring five decorated pots. three of these are taken to a tank, and filled with water. on the following day, the bridegroom and his sister take the two remaining pots to the tank, and fill them with water. the five pots are placed in the pandal, and represent the household gods. the relations of the bridegroom take twelve kinds of ornaments, a new cloth, flowers, etc., to the house of the ejaman, and go with him to the bride's house. she is then bathed, and decked with finery. a brahman does puja (worship) and ties on her forehead a mandaikettu or bashingham (chaplet) made of gold leaf or tinsel. she is then carried in procession to the house of the bridegroom. meanwhile, the brahman ties a mandaikettu on the forehead of the bridegroom, who puts on the sacred thread, and sits within the pandal, holding a katar (dagger) in his hand, and closed in by a screen. the bride goes thrice round this screen, and the brahman does puja and gives advice (upadesam) to the couple. the screen is then lowered slightly, and the bride and bridegroom garland each other. the bride's parents place a few gingelly (sesamum) seeds in the hand of the bridegroom, and pour water thereon, saying that their daughter belongs to him, and telling him to take care of her. the tali, after being blessed by those assembled, is given by the brahman to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride's neck. the screen is then removed, and the couple sit side by side. the sacred fire is lighted, their hands are linked together, and the ends of their cloths tied together. they then leave the pandal, and, placing their feet on a grindstone, look at the pole-star (arundati). entering the pandal once more, they sit therein, and the elders bless them by throwing rice coloured with turmeric over their heads. on the fourth day, they again sit within the pandal, and cooked rice, coloured white, red, yellow, green, and black, on five trays, and nine lighted wicks on a tray are waved before them. five married men and women, holding a string, stand round them in a circle, within which is the bride's brother with a twig of pipal (ficus religiosa). the bridegroom places his hands together, and small rice cakes are placed on the head, shoulders, bend of the elbows and knees, and between the fingers of the couple. they are then bathed, and, taking betel in their hands, bow to the four corners of the earth. the bridegroom makes a namam (vaishnavite sect mark), or places vibhuti (sacred ashes) on the twelve posts of the pandal, and the bride places a little cooked rice and water before each post, to which camphor is burnt, and puja done. they then start for the bride's house, but the bride's sister meets them at the entrance thereto, and will not allow them to go in until she has extracted a promise that their child shall marry hers. the bride proceeds to a tank, sowing some paddy (rice) on the way thither, and brings back a pot of water, with which she washes her husband's hands and feet. husband and wife then feed each other with a small quantity of rice and milk. their hands are then cleaned, and the bride's brother puts a gold ring on the finger of the bridegroom. a tray with betel leaves and areca nuts is brought, and the bridegroom ties three handfuls thereof in his cloth. the newly married couple then worship at the temple. on the fifth day, they carry the earthen pots to a river, and, on their return, five married women are worshipped and fed. five men have to come forward as sureties for the good behaviour of the couple, and declare before those assembled that they will hold themselves responsible for it. in the evening the pair go to the bride's house, and rub oil over each other's head before bathing in turmeric water. on the following day they repair to the house of the bridegroom. the corpse of a dead toreya is placed in a pandal constructed of cocoanut leaves and stems of the milk-hedge (euphorbia tirucalli). sect marks are placed on the foreheads of the corpse and the widow. the son of the deceased dons the sacred thread. the funeral ceremonies resemble, in many particulars, those of the oddes. a mound is piled up over the grave. a paraiyan places a small twig of the arka plant (calotropis gigantea) in three corners of the grave, leaving out the north-east corner, and the son puts a small coin on each twig. as he goes round the grave with a water-pot and fire-brand, his maternal uncle, who stands at the head of the grave, makes holes in the pot. on the third, fifth, seventh, or ninth day, the widow, dressed in new cloths, and bedecked with ornaments and flowers, is taken to the burial-ground, with offerings of milk, ghi (clarified butter), tender cocoanut, sandal, camphor, etc. five small stones, smeared with turmeric and lime, are set up at the head of the grave, and worshipped. the widow goes thrice round the grave, and seats herself near the head thereof. her brother holds up her arms, and one of her husband's male relations breaks her bangles. she breaks, and throws her tali on the grave, with the flowers which adorn her. her ornaments are removed, and she is covered with a cloth, and taken to a river, where she is rubbed with cow-dung and bathed. the son and other relatives go to the temple with butter and other articles. a brahman does puja, and shuts the doors of the temple. the son, with his back to the temple, throws a little butter on the doors, which are then opened by the brahman. this is done thrice. on the seventh day, pollution is removed by sprinkling holy water, and the caste people are fed. a widow remains in seclusion (gosha) for three months. sradh (memorial ceremony) is performed. the toreyas worship both siva and vishnu, but consider ayodhya raman as their special deity, and sacrifice sheep and fowls to koriamma. toreya.--a sub-division of the badagas of the nilgiris. tota (garden).--recorded as a sub-division of cultivating balijas, and an exogamous sept of boya, chenchu, vada balija (or mila), mutracha and bonthuk savara. the equivalent tota occurs as an exogamous sept of kapu and yanadi. tota devaru, or garden god, is the name of an exogamous sept of the tigala gardeners and cultivators. totakura (amarantus gangeticus).--an exogamous sept of kamma. toththala or tottadi.--a sub-division of velama. toti.--the toti or totti is one of the village communal servants. the name has been derived from tondu, to dig, or tott, to go round, as the toti is the purveyor of news, and has to summon people to appear before the village council. the functions of this useful person to the community have been summed up as follows by a district official. [ ] "this individual has all the dirty work of the village allotted to him. he is of the lowest caste, and hence makes no scruple of doing any manner of work that he may be called upon to perform. the removal and sepulture of unclaimed dead bodies, the cleansing of choultries, rest-houses and the like, where travellers carrying infectious diseases might have halted, and other gruesome duties are entrusted to him. in spite of all this, the toti is one of the most trusted of the humbler servants of the village community. considering his humble status and emoluments, which average between rs. and rs. a month, his honesty with regard to pecuniary matters is wonderful. he may be trusted with untold wealth, as is often done when he is the sole custodian of the revenue collections of his village to the tune of several thousands at a time, when on their way from the collecting officers to the government treasury." testimony is borne to the industry of the toti in the proverb that if you work like a toti, you can enjoy the comforts of a king. in the madras census report, , toti is returned as a sub-division of chakkiliyan. the toti of mysore is defined by mr. l. rice [ ] as a menial among the village servants, a deputy talari, who is employed to watch the crops from the growing crop to the granary. odiya toti is a tamil synonym for oriya haddis employed as scavengers in municipalities in the tamil country. tottiyan.--in the census report, , mr. w. francis writes that the tottiyans are "telugu cultivators. the tottiyans or kambalattans of the tanjore district are, however, said to be vagrants, and to live by pig-breeding, snake-charming, and begging. so are the sub-division called kattu tottiyans in tinnevelly. the headman among the tinnevelly tottiyans is called the mandai periadanakkaran or servaikaran. their marriages are not celebrated in their houses, but in pandals (booths) of green leaves erected for the purpose on the village common. however wealthy the couple may be, the only grain which they may eat at the wedding festivities is either cumbu (pennisetum typhoideum) or horse-gram (dolichos biflorus). the patron deities of the caste are jakkamma and bommakka, two women who committed sati. the morality of their women is loose. the custom of marrying boys to their paternal aunt's or maternal uncle's daughter, however old she may be, also obtains, and in such cases the bridegroom's father is said to take upon himself the duty of begetting children to his own son. divorce is easy, and remarriage is freely allowed. they offer rice and arrack (alcoholic liquor) to their ancestors. the kattu tottiyans will eat jackals, rats, and the leavings of other people. tottiya women will not eat in the houses of brahmans, but no explanation of this is forthcoming. the men wear silver anklets on both legs, and also a bracelet upon one of the upper arms, both of which practices are uncommon, while the women wear bangles only on the left arm, instead of on both as usual. some of the zamindars in madura belong to this caste. the caste title is nayakkan." at the census, , kudulukkaran was returned as a sub-caste of the tottiyans in madura and tinnevelly. the urumikkaran, meaning those who play on the drum called urumi, are said to be tottiyans in madura and paraiyans elsewhere. "the tottiyans or kambalattans," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are a caste of telugu cultivators settled in the districts of madura, tinnevelly, coimbatore and salem. they are probably the descendants of poligars and soldiers of the nayakkan kings of vijayanagar, who conquered the madura country about the beginning of the sixteenth century. as regards the origin of their caste, the tottiyans say with pride that they are the descendants of the eight thousand gopastris (milkmaids) of krishna--a tradition which seems to indicate that their original occupation was connected with the rearing and keeping of cattle. the most important sub-divisions are kollar and erkollar, the tamil form of the telugu golla and yerragolla, which are now shepherd castes, though probably they formerly had as much to do with cattle as sheep. another large sub-division is kille or killavar, which i take to be a corruption of the telugu kilari, a herdman. the bride and bridegroom, too, are always seated on bullock saddles. they do not wear the sacred thread. most of them are vaishnavites, some of whom employ brahman priests, but the majority of them are guided by gurus of their own, called kodangi nayakkan. [it is noted, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that caste matters used to be settled by the mettu nayakkan or headman, and a kodangi nayakkan, or priest, so called because he carried a drum.] each family has its own household deity, which appears to be a sort of representation of departed relations, chiefly women who have burned themselves on the funeral pile of their husbands, or have led a chaste and continent life, or died vestals. their girls are married after they have attained maturity. adultery is no crime when committed within the family circle, but a liaison with an outsider involves expulsion from the caste. it is said that their newly married girls are even compelled to cohabit with their husband's near relatives. [it is further said to be believed that ill-luck will attend any refusal to do so, and that, so far from any disgrace attaching to them in consequence, their priests compel them to keep up the custom, if by any chance they are unwilling. [ ]] the pongu tree (pongamia glabra) is the sacred tree of the caste. suttee was formerly very common, and the remarriage of widows is discouraged, if not actually forbidden. the dead are generally burned. both men and women are supposed to practice magic, and are on that account much dreaded by the people generally. they are especially noted for their power of curing snake-bites by means of mystical incantations, and the original inventor of this mode of treatment has been deified under the name pambalamman. they are allowed to eat flesh. the majority speak telugu in their houses." the traditional story of the migration of the tottiyans to the madura district is given in several of the mackenzie manuscripts, and is still repeated by the people of the caste. "centuries ago, says this legend, the tottiyans lived to the north of the tungabhadra river. the muhammadans there tried to marry their women, and make them eat beef. so one fine night they fled southwards in a body. the muhammadans pursued them, and their path was blocked by a deep and rapid river. they had just given themselves up for lost when a pongu (pongamia glabra) tree on either side of the stream leant forward, and, meeting in the middle, made a bridge across it. over this they hurried, and, as soon as they had passed, the trees stood erect once more, before the mussulmans could similarly cross by them. the tottiyans in consequence still reverence the pongu tree, and their marriage pandals (booths) are always made from its wood. they travelled on until they came to the city of vijayanagar, under whose king they took service, and it was in the train of the vijayanagar armies that they came to madura." [ ] the tottiyans are most numerous in the madura and tinnevelly districts, and include two grades in the social scale. of these, one consists of those who are engaged in cultivation, and petty zamindars. the other is made up of those who wander about begging, and doing menial work. between the two classes there is neither interdining nor intermarriage. in districts other than madura and tinnevelly, the name tottiyan is applied by tamil-speaking castes to the jogis, who are beggars and pig breeders, and, like the tottiyans, speak telugu. the following legend is current, to account for the division of the tottiyans into two sections. they once gave a girl in marriage to a muhammadan ruler, and all the tottiyans followed him. a large number went to sleep on one side of a river, while the rest crossed, and went away. the latter are represented today by the respectable section, and the begging class is descended from the former. to this day the muhammadans and tottiyans of the trichinopoly district are said to address each other as if they were relations, and to be on terms of unusual intimacy. in the madura district, the tottiyans are apparently divided into three endogamous sections, viz., vekkili, thokala, and yerrakolla, of which the last is considered inferior to the other two. other names for the vekkili section are kambalattar, or raja kambalattar. in some places, e.g., in tinnevelly, there seem to be six divisions, thokala, chilla or silla, kolla, narasilla, kanthikolla and pala. of these, pala may intermarry with chilla, but the other four are endogamous. as examples of exogamous septs occurring among the yerrakollas may be noted chikala (broom), and udama (lizard, varanus), of which the latter also occurs as an exogamous sept of the kapus. in the neighbourhood of nellakota in the madura district, the yerrakollas have a group of seven septs called revala, gollavirappa, kambli-nayudi, karadi (bear), uduma, chila, and gelipithi. intermarriage between these is forbidden, as they are all considered as blood-relations, and they must marry into a group of seven other septs called gundagala, busala, manni, sukka, alivirappa, sikka, and madha. the names of these septs are remembered by a system of mnemonics. in a note on the tottiyans of the trichinopoly district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes as follows. "three endogamous sub-divisions exist in the caste, namely, the erra (red) gollas or pedda inti (big family), the nalla (black) gollas or chinna inti (small family), and the valus, who are also called kudukuduppai tottiyans. the valus are said to be a restless class of beggars and sorcerers. the red gollas are, as a rule, fairer than the blacks (whence perhaps the names). the women of the former wear white cloths, while those of the latter do not. again, they tie their hair in different ways, and their ornaments differ a good deal. the red women carry no emblem of marriage at all, while the black women wear the pottu. the reds allow their widows to remarry, but the blacks do not. both sections have exogamous sections, called kambalams--the reds fourteen, and the blacks nine. the reds are divided, for purposes of caste discipline, into nine nadus and the blacks into fourteen mandais. each village is under a headman called the ur-nayakan, and each nadu or mandai under a pattakaran. the former decide petty disputes, and the latter the more serious cases. the pattakaran is treated with great deference. he is always saluted with clasped hands, ought never to look on a corpse, and is said to be allowed to consort with any married woman of the caste." the tottiyans are supposed to be one of the nine kambalam (blanket) castes, which, according to one version, are made up of kappiliyans, anappans, tottiyans, kurubas, kummaras, parivarams, urumikkarans, mangalas, and chakkiliyans. according to another version, the nine castes are kappiliyan, anappan, tottiyan, kolla tottiyan, kuruba, kummara, medara, odde, and chakkiliyan. at tribal council-meetings, representatives of each of the nine kambalams should be present. but, for the nine castes, some have substituted nine septs. the vekkiliyans seem to have three headmen, called mettu nayakan, kodia nayakan, and kambli nayakan, of whom the first mentioned is the most important, and acts as priest on various ceremonial occasions, such as puberty and marriage rites, and the worship of jakkamma and bommakka. the kambli nayakan attends to the purification of peccant or erring members of the community, in connection with which the head of a sheep or goat is taken into the house by the kambli nayakan. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "persons charged with offences are invited to prove their innocence by undergoing ordeals. these are now harmless enough, such as attempting to cook rice in a pot which has not been fired, but turnbull says that he saw the boiling oil ordeal in in pudukkottai territory. perhaps the most serious caste offence is adultery with a man of another community. turnbull says that women convicted of this used to be sentenced to be killed by chakkiliyans, but nowadays rigid excommunication is the penalty." the kambalam caste is so called because, at caste council meetings, a kambli (blanket) is spread, on which is placed a kalasam (brass vessel) filled with water, and containing margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves, and decorated with flowers. its mouth is closed by mango leaves and a cocoanut. a correspondent writes to me that "the zamindars in the western parts of madura, and parts of tinnevelly, are known as kambala palayapat. if a man belongs to a zamindar's family, he is said to be of the raja kambala caste. the marriage ceremony is carried out in two temporary huts erected outside the village, one for the bridegroom, the other for the bride. the tali is tied round the bride's neck by an elderly female or male belonging to the family. if the marriage is contracted with a woman of an inferior class, the bridegroom's hut is not made use of, and he does not personally take part in the ceremony. a dagger (kattar), or rude sword, is sent to represent him, and the tali is tied in the presence thereof." in a zamindari suit, details of which are published in the madras law reports, vol. xvii, , the judge found that the plaintiff's mother was married to the plaintiff's father in the dagger form; that a dagger is used by the saptur zamindars, who are called kattari kamaya, in the case of inequality in the caste or social position of the bride; that, though the customary rites of the kambala caste were also performed, yet the use of the dagger was an essential addition; and that, though she was of a different and inferior caste to that of the plaintiff's father, yet that did not invalidate the marriage. the defendant's argument was that the dagger was used to represent the zamindar bridegroom as he did not attend in person, and that, by his non-attendance, there could have been no joining of hands, or other essential for constituting a valid marriage. the plaintiff argued that the nuptial rites were duly performed, the zamindar being present; that the dagger was there merely as an ornament; and that it was customary for people of the zamindar's caste to have a dagger paraded on the occasion of marriages. the judge found that the dagger was there for the purpose of indicating that the two ladies, whom the zamindar married, were of an inferior caste and rank. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that, when a tottiyan girl attains maturity, "she is kept in a separate hut, which is watched by a chakkiliyan. marriage is either infant or adult. a man has the usual claim to his paternal aunt's daughter, and so rigorously is this rule followed that boys of tender years are frequently married to grown women. these latter are allowed to consort with their husband's near relations, and the boy is held to be the father of any children which may be born. weddings last three days, and involve very numerous ceremonies. they take place in a special pandal erected in the village, on either side of which are smaller pandals for the bride and bridegroom. two uncommon rites are the slaughtering of a red ram without blemish, and marking the foreheads of the couple with its blood, and the pursuit by the bridegroom, with a bow and arrow, of a man who pretends to flee, but is at length captured and bound. the ram is first sprinkled with water, and, if it shivers, this, as usual, is held to be a good omen. the bride-price is seven kalams of kumbu (pennisetum typhoideum), and the couple may eat only this grain and horse-gram until the wedding is over. a bottu (marriage badge) is tied round the bride's neck by the bridegroom's sister." concerning the marriage ceremonies of the yerrakollas, i gather that, on the betrothal day, kumbu must be cooked. food is given to seven people belonging to seven different septs. they are then presented with betel leaves and areca nuts and four annas tied in a cloth, and the approaching marriage is announced. on the wedding day, the bride and bridegroom are seated on planks on the marriage dais, and milk is sprinkled over them by people of their own sex. a few hours later, the bridegroom takes his seat in the pandal, whither the bride is brought in the arms of her maternal uncle. she sits by the side of the bridegroom, and the mettu nayakan links together the little fingers of the contracting couple, and tells them to exchange rings. this is the binding portion of the ceremony, and no bottu is tied round the bride's neck. at a marriage among the vekkiliyans, two huts are constructed in an open space outside the village, in front of which a pandal is erected, supported by twelve posts, and roofed with leafy twigs of the pongu tree and mimusops hexandra. on the following day, the bride and bridegroom are conducted to the huts, the bride being sometimes carried in the arms of her maternal uncle. they worship the ancestral heroes, who are represented by new cloths folded, and placed on a tray. the bridegroom's sister ties the bottu on the bride's neck inside her hut, in front of which kumbu grain is scattered. betel and a fanam (coin) are placed in the bride's lap. on the third day the bridegroom is dressed up, and, mounting a horse, goes, accompanied by the marriage pots, three times round the huts. he then enters the bride's hut, and she is carried in the arms of the cousins of the bridegroom thrice round the huts. the contracting couple then sit on planks, and the cousins, by order of the mettu nayakan, link their little fingers together. they then enter the bridegroom's hut, and a mock ploughing ceremony is performed. coming out from the hut, they take up a child, and carry it three times round the huts. this is, it is said, done because, in former days, the tottiyan bride and bridegroom had to remain in the marriage huts till a child was born, because the mettu nayakan was so busy that he had no time to complete the marriage ceremony until nearly a year had elapsed. at a wedding among the nomad tottiyans, a fowl is killed near the marriage (araveni) pots, and with its blood a mark is made on the foreheads of the bride and bridegroom on their entry into the booths. the vekkiliyans sacrifice a goat or sheep instead of a fowl, and the more advanced among them substitute the breaking of a cocoanut for the animal sacrifice. in connection with marriage, mr. hemingway writes that "the tottiyans very commonly marry a young boy to a grown woman, and, as among the konga vellalas, the boy's father takes the duties of a husband upon himself until the boy is grown up. married women are allowed to bestow their favours upon their husbands' relations, and it is said to be an understood thing that a man should not enter his dwelling, if he sees another's slippers placed outside as a sign that the owner of them is with the mistress of the house. intercourse with men of another caste is, however, punished by expulsion, and widows and unmarried girls who go astray are severely dealt with. formerly, it is said, they were killed." at a tottiyan funeral, fire is carried to the burning-ground by a chakkiliyan, and the pyre is lighted, not by the sons, but by the sammandhis (relations by marriage). the tottiyans of the madura district observe the worship of ancestors, who are represented by a number of stones set up somewhere within the village boundaries. such places are called male. according to mr. hemingway, when a member of the caste dies, some of the bones are buried in this shed, along with a coin, and a stone is planted on the spot. the stones are arranged in an irregular circle. the circles of the yerrakollas are exceedingly simple, and recall to mind those of the nayadis of malabar, but without the tree. the stones are set up in an open space close to the burning-ground. when a death occurs, a stone is erected among the ashes of the deceased on the last day of the funeral ceremonies (karmandhiram), and worshipped. it is immediately transferred to the ancestral circle. the male of the vekkiliyan section of the tottiyans consists of a massive central wooden pillar, carved with male and female human figures, set up in a cavity in a round boulder, and covered over by a conical canopy supported on pillars. when this canopy is set in motion, the central pillar appears to be shaking. this illusion, it is claimed, is due to the power of the ancestral gods. all round the central pillar, which is about ten feet high, a number of stones of different sizes are set up. the central pillar represents jakkamma and other remote ancestors. the surrounding stones are the representatives of those who have died in recent times. like the yerrakollas, the vekkiliyans erect a stone on the karmandhiram day at the spot where the body was cremated, but, instead of transferring it at once to the ancestral circle, they wait till the day of periodical male worship, which, being an expensive ceremonial, may take place only once in twelve years. if the interval is long, the number of stones representing those who have died meanwhile may be very large. news of the approaching male worship is sent to the neighbouring villages, and, on the appointed day, people of all castes pour in, bringing with them several hundred bulls. the hosts supply their guests with fodder, pots, and a liberal allowance of sugar-cane. refusal to bestow sugar-cane freely would involve failure of the object of the ceremonial. after the completion of the worship, the bulls are let loose, and the animal which reaches the male first is decorated, and held in reverence. its owner is presented with cloths, money, etc. the ceremony may be compared with that of selecting the king bull among the kappiliyans. self-cremation is said [ ] to have been "habitually practiced by tottiya widows in the times anterior to british domination; and great respect was always shown to the memory of such as observed the custom. small tombs termed thipanjankovil (fire-torch temple) were erected in their honour on the high-roads, and at these oblations were once a year offered to the manes of the deceased heroines. sati was not, however, compulsory among them, and, if a widow lived at all times a perfectly chaste and religious life, she was honoured equally with such as performed the rite." it is noted, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "sati was formerly very common in the caste, and the two caste goddesses, jakkamma and bommayya, are deifications of women who thus sacrificed themselves. every four years a festival is held in their honour, one of the chief events in which is a bullock race. the owner of the winning animal receives a prize, and gets the first betel and nut during the feast. the caste god is perumal, who is worshipped in the form of a curry-grinding stone. the story goes that, when the tottiyans were fleeing to the south, one of their women found her grinding-stone so intolerably heavy that she threw it away. it, however, re-appeared in her basket. thrown away again, it once more re-appeared, and she then realised that the caste god must be accompanying them." "the tottiyans," mr. hemingway writes, "do not recognise the superiority of brahmans, or employ them as priests at marriages or funerals. they are deeply devoted to their own caste deities. some of these are bommaka and mallamma (the spirits of women who committed sati long ago), virakaran or viramati (a bridegroom who was killed in a fight with a tiger), pattalamma (who helped them in their flight from the north), and malai tambiran, the god of ancestors. muttalamma and jakkamma are also found. malai tambiran is worshipped in the male. the tottiyans are known for their uncanny devotion to sorcery and witchcraft. all of them are supposed to possess unholy powers, especially the nalla gollas, and they are much dreaded by their neighbours. they do not allow any stranger to enter their villages with shoes on, or on horseback, or holding up an umbrella, lest their god should be offended. it is generally believed that, if any one breaks this rule, he will be visited with illness or some other punishment." the tottiyans have attached to them a class of beggars called pichiga vadu, concerning whose origin the following legend is narrated. there were, once upon a time, seven brothers and a sister belonging to the irrivaru exogamous sept. the brothers went on a pilgrimage to benares, leaving their sister behind. one day, while she was bathing, a sacred bull (nandi) left its sperm on her cloth, and she conceived. her condition was noticed by her brothers on their return, and, suspecting her of immorality, they were about to excommunicate her. but they discovered some cows in calf as the result of parthenogenesis, and six of the brothers were satisfied as to the girl's innocence. the seventh, however, required further proof. after the child was born, it was tied to a branch of a dead chilla tree (strychnos potatorum), which at once burst into leaf and flower. the doubting brother became a cripple, and his descendants are called pichiga varu, and those of the baby chilla varu. traivarnika (third caste men).--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a section of komatis (who claim to be vaisyas, or members of the third caste of manu), who follow the details of brahmanical customs more scrupulously than the others. they are described, in the vizagapatam manual, as followers of the ramanuja faith, who deal chiefly in gold and silver, and ornaments made thereof. triputa (ipomæa turpethum, indian jalap).--a sept of viramushti. tsakala.--the tsakalas, sakalas, or chakalas, who derive their name from chaku (to wash), are the washermen of the telugu country, and also act as torch and palanquin bearers. in the census report, , tellakula (the white class) is given as a synonym. the rev. j. cain writes [ ] that the "tellakulavandlu are really washermen who, in consequence of having obtained employment as peons (orderlies) in government offices, feel themselves to be superior to their old caste people. in their own towns or villages they acknowledge themselves to be washermen, but in other places they disclaim all such connection." it is noted in the kurnool manual ( ) that, in the cumbum division, "they serve as palanquin-bearers, and are always at the mercy of government officials, and are compelled to carry baggage for little or no wage. some are inamdars (landholders), while others work for wages." the ordinary tsakalas are called bana tsakala, in contradistinction to the guna or velama tsakala. bana is the telugu name for the large pot, which the washermen use for boiling the clothes. [ ] the guna tsakalas are dyers. in a note on the velamas, mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] that "some say they form a sub-division of the balijas, but this they themselves most vehemently deny, and the balijas derisively call them guni sakalavandlu (hunchbacked washermen). the pride and jealousy of hindu castes was amusingly illustrated by the velamas of kalahasti. the deputy tahsildar of that town was desired to ascertain the origin of the name guni sakalavandlu, but, as soon as he asked the question, a member of the caste lodged a complaint of defamation against him before the district magistrate. the nickname appears to have been applied to them because in the northern districts some print chintz, and, carrying their goods in a bundle on their backs, walk stooping like a laden washerman. this derivation is more than doubtful, for, in the godavari district, the name is guna sakalavandlu, guna being the large pot in which they dye the chintzes." like other telugu castes, the tsakalas have exogamous septs or intiperu, among which chimala (ant) is of common occurrence. members of the gummadi sept do not cultivate, or eat the fruit of cucurbita maxima (gummadi), and those of the magili pula gotra avoid the fruit of pandanus fascicularis. in like manner, sword beans (canavalia ensiformis) may not be eaten by those who belong to the thamballa gotra. among the sub-divisions of the caste are reddi bhumi (reddi earth), murikinati, pakanati (eastern country), desa, and golkonda. of these, some are also sub-divisions of other telugu classes, as follows:-- desa or desur balija--kapu. murikinati or murikinadu--kamsala, mangala, mala and razu. pakanati--balija, golla, kamsala, kapu, and mala. reddi bhumi--mala, mangala. at the census, , odde was recorded as a sub-division of the tsakalas, and it is noted in the vizagapatam manual ( ) that the vadde or odde cakali wash clothes, and carry torches in that district. the name odde tsakala refers to oriya-speaking washermen. telugus call the oriya country odra or odde desam and oriyas odra or odde vandlu. like the tamil vannans, the tsakalas prepare for various castes torches for processional or other ceremonial occasions, and the face cloth, and paddy piled up at the head of a corpse, are their perquisite. the reddi bhumi and other sub-divisions wash the clothes of all classes, except malas and madigas, while the desa and golkonda sub-divisions will wash for both malas and madigas, provided that the clothes are steeped in water, and not handed to them, but left therein, to be taken by the washerman. every village has its families of washermen, who, in return for their services, receive an allowance of grain once a year, and may have land allotted to them. whenever a goat or fowl has to be sacrificed to a deity, it is the privilege of the tsakala to cut off the head, or wring the neck of the animal. when kapu women go on a visit to a distant village, they are accompanied by a tsakala. at a kapu wedding, a small party of kapus, taking with them some food and gingelly (sesamum) oil, proceed in procession to the house of a tsakala, in order to obtain from him a framework made of bamboo or sticks, over which cotton threads (dhornam) are wound, and the ganga idol, which is kept in his custody. the food is presented to him, and some rice poured into his cloth. receiving these things, he says that he cannot find the dhornam and idol without a torch-light, and demands gingelly oil. this is given to him, and the kapus return with the tsakala carrying the dhornam and idol to the marriage house. the tsakala is asked to tie the dhornam to the pandal (marriage booth) or roof of the house, and he demands some paddy (unhusked rice) which is heaped up on the ground. standing thereon, he ties the dhornam. at a panta kapu wedding, the ganga idol, together with a goat and kavadi (bamboo pole), with baskets of rice, cakes, betel leaves and areca nuts, is carried in procession to a pond or temple. the washerman, dressed up as a woman, heads the procession, and keeps on dancing and singing till the destination is reached. at the conclusion of the ceremonial, he takes charge of the idol, and goes his way. among the panta reddis of the tamil country, the idol is taken in procession by the washerman, who goes to every reddi house, and receives a present of money. at a wedding among the idigas (telugu toddy-drawers), the brother of the bride is fantastically dressed, with margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves in his turban, and carries a bow and arrow. this kodangi (buffoon) is conducted in procession to the temple by a few married women, and made to walk over cloths spread on the ground by the village washerman. the cloth worn by a kapu girl at the time of her first menstrual ceremony is the perquisite of the washerwoman. the tribal deity of the tsakalas is madivalayya, in whose honour a feast, called mailar or mailar pandaga, is held in january immediately after the pongal festival. small models of pots, slabs of stone such as are used for beating the wet clothes on, and other articles used in their work, are made in rice and flour paste. after they have been worshipped, fruits, cooked vegetables, etc., are offered, and a sheep or goat is sacrificed. some of its blood is mixed with the food, of which a little is sprinkled over the pots, stones, etc., used during washing operations. if this ceremonial was not observed, it is believed that the clothes, when boiling in the water pot, would catch fire, and be ruined. the festival, which is not observed by the desa and golkonda tsakalas, lasts for five or seven days, and is a time of holiday. at the first menstrual ceremony, the maternal uncle of the girl has to erect a hut made of seven different kinds of sticks, of which one must be from a strychnos nux-vomica tree. the details of the marriage ceremony are very similar to those of the balijas and kammas. the distribution of pan-supari, and the tying of the dhornam to the pandal must be carried out by an assistant headman called gatamdar. on the last day, a goat or sheep is sacrificed to the marriage pots. liberal potations of toddy are given to those who attend the wedding. the tsakalas have a caste beggar called mailari, or patam, because he carries a brass plate (patam) with the figure of a deity engraved on it. he is said to be a lingayat. tsalla or challa (butter-milk).--an exogamous sept of mala. tsanda or chanda (tax or subscription).--an exogamous sept of kamma and medara. tulabharam.--in his description [ ] of the tulabharam or tulapurushadanam ceremony performed by the maharajas of travancore, mr. shungoony menon explains that the latter word is a compound of three sanskrit words, tula (scales), purusha (man), and danam (gift, particularly of a religious character). and he gives the following description of the ceremonial, for the performance of which a tulamandapam is erected, wherein the scales are set up, and the weighing and other rites performed. on the eighth day "after worshipping and making offerings, the maharaja proceeds to the tulamandapam, where, in the south-east corner, he is sprinkled with punyaham water. then he goes to the side room, where the 'nine grains' are sown in silver flower pots, where the acharya anoints him with nine fresh-water kalasas. thence the maharaja retires to the palace, changes clothes, wears certain jewels specially made for the occasion, and, holding the state sword in his right hand and the state shield in his left, he proceeds to the pagoda; and, having presented a bull elephant at the foot of the great golden flagstaff, and silks, gold coins, jewels and other rich offerings in the interior, he walks round by the sevaimandapam, and re-enters the tulamandapam. he walks thrice round the scales, prostrates himself before it, bows before the priests and elderly relatives, and obtains their sanction to perform the tulapurushadanam. he then mounts the western scale, holding yama's and surya's pratimas in his right and left hand respectively. he sits facing to the east on a circular heavy plank cut out of fresh jack-wood (artocarpus integrifolia), and covered with silk. he repeats mantras (prayers) in this position. the opposite or eastern scale then receives the gold, both coined and in ingots, till it not only attains equality but touches the ground, and the scale occupied by the maharaja rises high. the maharaja then comes down, and, sitting facing to the east, places the gold, the tulupurusha pratima and other pratimas, with flowers, sandal paste, etc., in a basin of water, and, meditating on brahma or the supreme being, he offers the contents to brahmans generically." of the gold placed in the scale, one-fourth is divided among the priests who conduct the ceremony, and the remaining three-fourths are distributed among brahmans. for use in connection with the ceremony, gold coins, called tulabhara kasu, are specially struck. they bear on one side the malayalam legend sri padmanabha, and on the other a chank shell. in connection with the tulabharam ceremony as performed at the temple of kali, the goddess of cholera and small-pox at cranganore in the cochin state, mr. t. k. gopal panikkar writes as follows. [ ] "when a man is taken ill of any infectious disease, his relations generally pray to this goddess for his recovery, solemnly covenanting to perform what goes by the name of a thulabharam ceremony. the process consists in placing the patient in one of the scale-pans of a huge balance, and weighing him against gold or more generally pepper (and sometimes other substances as well) deposited in the other scale-pan. then this weight of the substance is offered to the goddess. this is to be performed right in front of the goddess in the temple yard." in connection with weighing ceremonies, it may be noted that, at mulki in south canara, there is a temple of venkateswara, which is maintained by konkani brahmans. a konkani brahman, who is attached to the temple, becomes inspired almost daily between and a.m. immediately after puja (worship), and people consult him. some time ago, a rich merchant (a baniya from gujarat) consulted the inspired man (darsana) as to what steps should be taken to enable his wife to be safely delivered. the darsana told him to take a vow that he would present to the god of the temple silver, sugar-candy, and date fruits, equal in weight to that of his wife. this he did, and his wife was delivered of a male child. the cost of the ceremonial is said to have been five thousand rupees. tulabina.--the tulabinas are a class of cotton-cleaners, who are scattered over the ganjam district, and said to be more numerous in cuttack. it is suggested that the name is derived from tula, the beam of a balance, and bina (or vina) a stringed musical instrument. the apparatus used by them in cleaning cotton, which bears a fanciful resemblance to a vina, is suspended by a rope so that it is properly balanced, and the gut-string thereof struck with a dumb-bell shaped implement, to set it vibrating. tulasi (ocimum sanctum, sacred basil).--a sub-division of velama, and gotra of komati. the tulsi plant is planted in hindu houses and worshipped by women, and the wood is made into beads for rosaries. tulukkar (turks).--a tamil name sometimes applied to muhammadans. tuluva.--tulu, tuluva, or tuluvan occurs as the name of a sub-division of the tamil vellalas, and of the agasas, billavas, gaudas, kumbaras, and other classes in south canara. the equivalent tulumar is recorded as a sub-caste of mavilan, which speaks tulu. concerning the tuluva vellalas, mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] that these are immigrants from the tulu country, a part of the modern district of south canara. mr. nelson is of opinion that these are the original vellalas, who were invited to tondamandalam after its conquest by the chola king adondai chakravarti. [ ] tunnaran (tailor).--an occupational sub-division of nayar. tupakala.--tupakala or tupaki (gun) has been recorded as an exogamous sept of balija, kavarai, and yanadi. turaka.--recorded as a sept of kuruba. it is further a telugu name sometimes applied to muhammadans. there is also a thief class, known as bhattu turaka. (see bhatrazu.) turuvalar.--recorded in the salem manual as a caste name, by which some of the vedans call themselves. "the turuvalar are distinguished as the kattukudugirajati, a name derived from a custom among them which authorizes informal temporary matrimonial arrangements." u udasi.--a few members of this central india sect of religious mendicants and devotees have been returned at times of census. it is said to have been founded three hundred years ago by one gopaldas. udaiya.--udaiya, meaning lord, is the title of many well-to-do lingayats and of some jains, and udaiya or wodeiyar occurs as the name of a lingayat sub-division of the badagas of the niligiri hills. the maharajas of mysore belong to the wodeiyar dynasty, which was restored after the muhammadan usurpation of haidar ali and tipu sultan. the name of the present maharaja is sri krishna raja wodeiyar bahadur. udaiyan.--it is noted in the madras census report, , that "the four tamil castes nattaman, malaiman, sudarman (or suruthiman), and udaiyan are closely connected. the last is probably a title rather than a caste, and is the usual agnomen of the nattamans, malaimans, and sudarmans, as also of the potter caste (kusavan). nattaman means a man of the plains, malaiman a man of the hills, and sudarman one who does good, a hero. nattampadi is another form of nattaman. tradition traces the descent of the three castes from a certain deva raja, a chera king, who had three wives, by each of whom he had a son, and these were the ancestors of the three castes. there are other stories, but all agree in ascribing the origin of the castes to a single progenitor of the chera dynasty. it seems probable that they are descendants of the vedar soldiers of the kongu country, who were induced to settle in the eastern districts of the chera kingdom. additional evidence of the important position they once held is afforded by the titles pandariyar, pandarattar (custodians of the treasury), which some of them still use. some of them again are locally styled poligars (palayakkaran) by the ordinary ryots, and the title kavalgar is not infrequent." in a note on the udaiyans, malaiyamans, nattamans, and sudarmans of the trichinopoly district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes as follows. "though, in the census report, , they are shown as separate castes, in this district they are endogamous sub-divisions of one and the same caste, namely the udaiyans. the three sub-divisions are unanimous in saying that they are the descendants of the three paraiyan foster-daughters of the poetess auvaiyar, all of whom became the wives of the king of tirukkoyilur in south arcot, a certain daivika, who was warned that only by marrying these women could he save his family from disaster. the chola, pandya, and chera kings were present at the wedding, and, on their blessing the bridegroom and his brides, they were themselves blessed by the poetess, to whom the chera kingdom owes its unfailing rain, the chola country its rice fields, and the pandyan realm its cotton. the poorness of the last blessing is due to the fact that the pandya king was slow to offer his good wishes. the three sub-divisions eat together, and recognise the tie of a common descent, but do not intermarry. the section called arisakkara nattaman is looked down upon by the rest, and may not intermarry with any of them. all have well-defined exogamous sub-divisions, called kanis, derived from places where their different ancestors are supposed to have lived, e.g., kolattur, kannanur, ariyalur. the udaiyans put on sacred threads at marriages and funerals, and some of them have recently begun to wear them always. they are generally cultivators, and, with the exception of the sudarmans, who are supposed to have a turn for crime, are law-abiding citizens. one section of the sudarmans, the muppans of kapistalam in tanjore, have a bad reputation for criminality. a curious practice is that, before arranging a marriage, it is customary for the bride's party to go to the bridegroom's house, to dine with him, and test his health by seeing how much he can eat. they allow a boy, whose suit for the hand of a girl within certain degrees of relationship is refused by her parents, to marry the girl, notwithstanding, by tying a tali (marriage emblem) round her neck. they also permit the betrothal of infants, the form observed being to present the child with a new cloth and a mat, and to apply sacred ashes to its forehead. at their funerals, the mourning party has to chew some rice and spit it out on the return from the burning-ground, and, on the sixteenth day, the widow is made to worship a light, and to touch a salt pot. the nattaman women do not, as a rule, cover their breasts. the lobes of their ears are very distended, and they tattoo their chins and cheeks in the paraiyan fashion. this is supposed to be in recollection of their origin. the malaiyaman women wear their tali on a golden wire instead of on a thread." "the udaiyans," mr. francis writes, [ ] are a caste, which is specially numerous in south arcot. most of them are cultivators, and in kallakurchi many are also money-lenders on a large scale. they adopt numerous different titles in an indiscriminate way, and four brothers have been known to call themselves respectively nayak, pillai, mudali, and udaiyan. they have three sub-divisions--malaiyaman, nattaman, and sudarman--which all admit that they are descended from one common stock, will usually dine together, but do not intermarry. some of the caste, however, are now turning vegetarians, and these will not only not eat with the others, but will not let their girls marry them. they do not, nevertheless, object to their sons taking brides from the meat-eating classes, and thus provide an interesting, if small, instance of the (on this coast) uncommon practice of hypergamy. in all general matters the ways of the three sub-divisions are similar. sudarmans are uncommon in this district, and are stated to be chiefly found in trichinopoly and tanjore. the udaiyans say that the three groups are the descendants of a king who once ruled at tirukkoyilur, the first of whom took the hilly part of his father's country, and so was called malaiyaman; the second the level tracts, whence his name nattaman, and the third was the scholar of the family, and learned in the holy books (srutas), and so was called sudarman. these udaiyans are the caste from which were drawn some of the kavalgars (watchmen) who, in pre-british days, were appointed to perform police duties, and keep the country clear of thieves; and some of the descendants of these men, who are known to their neighbours as poligars, and still have considerable local influence, are even now to be met with. the connection of the members of the caste with the vepur (criminal) paraiyans, which is of course confined to the less reputable sections among them, seems to have had its origin in the days when they were still head kavalgars, and these paraiyans were their talaiyaris, entrusted, under their orders, with police duties in the different villages. it now consists in acting as receivers of the property these people steal, and in protecting them in diverse ways--finding and feeing a vakil (law pleader) for their defence, for instance--when they are in trouble with the police. it is commonly declared that their relations are sometimes of a closer nature, and that the wives of veppur paraiyans who are in enforced retirement are cared for by the udaiyans. to this is popularly attributed the undoubted fact that these paraiyans are often much fairer in complexion than other members of that caste." the village of mangalam in the south arcot district is "chiefly interesting on account of its being the only village in the district where buffalo sacrifices on any scale are still regularly made. buffaloes are dedicated to the kali shrine in mangalam even by persons in the salem, tanjore and trichinopoly districts, and the village is commonly known as maduvetti mangalam, or buffalo-sacrificing mangalam. when a man or any of his belongings gets seriously sick, he consecrates an animal to this shrine, and, if the illness ends favourably, it is sent to its fate at the temple on the date of the annual sacrifice (may-june). when the buffalo is dedicated, a piece of saffron-coloured cloth, in which is placed some small coin and a cadjan (palm) leaf containing an announcement of the dedication, is tied to its horns, and it is allowed to roam wherever it likes through the fields. on the day of the sacrifice, fourteen of the best of the animals which have been dedicated and brought to the temple are selected, and seven of them are tied to an equal number of stone posts in front of the goddess' shrine. the pujari (priest), who is an udaiyan by caste, then walks down the line, and beheads them one after the other. the goddess is next taken round on a car, and, on her return to the temple, the other seven buffaloes are similarly killed. the animals which are not selected are sold, and the proceeds paid into the temple treasury. there are two images in the temple, one of kali, and the other, which is placed at the back of the shrine, of mangalayachi. the latter goddess does not approve of animal sacrifices, and, while the above ceremonies are proceeding, a blanket is hung in front of her so that she may not see them." [ ] it is noted by bishop whitehead that, a few years ago, an untoward event occurred in connection with a pidari festival at a village in the trichinopoly district. "the festival had commenced, and the pujari had tied the kapu (cord dyed with turmeric) on his wrist, when a dispute arose between the trustees of the shrine, which caused the festival to be stopped. the dispute could not be settled, and the festival was suspended for three years, and, during all that time, there could be no marriages among the udaya caste, while the poor pujari, with the kapu on his wrist, had to remain the whole of the three years in the temple, not daring to go out lest pidari in her wrath should slay him." it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "the nattamans say they originally settled in south arcot, and then spread to tanjore and trichinopoly, and finally to madura, and this theory is supported by the fact that they have fifteen exogamous sub-divisions called kanis or fields, which are all named after villages (e.g., ariyalur, puththur) in the first three of these districts. a man has a right to marry the daughter of his father's sister, and, if she is given to another man, the father's sister has to return to her father or brother the dowry which she received at the time of her marriage, and this is given to the man who had the claim upon the girl. the same custom occurs among the kuravans and the kallans. the eldest son in each family has to be named after the god of the village which gives its name to the kani or sept to which the family belongs, and the child is usually taken to that village to be named. marriage is infant or adult. widow marriage is forbidden. brahmans are employed for ceremonies, but these are not received on terms of equality by other brahmans. both cremation and burial are practised. vellalas will eat with nattamans. the caste title is udaiyan." another title is nayinar, which is also used by pallis and jains. there is a proverb "nattumuththinal nayinar", i.e., when the nattaman ripens, he is a nayinar. at the census, , some nattamans returned themselves as natramiludaiyan, meaning the repository of chaste tamil; and ur-udaiyan (lord of a village) was given as their caste name. nattaman also occurs as a sub-division of the pallis. under the name nattamadi, the nattamans are described in the tanjore manual as "peasant population. some are ryotwari land-holders in their own right and possess large estates. the word is derived from nattam, village, and is used in three forms, nattamakkal, nattamar, and nattamadi. a considerable proportion are converts to the roman catholic religion, and, in the neighbourhood of vallam, there are very few who profess any other faith." in the madura manual, the nattambadiyans are further described as being "usually respectable cultivators. they are said to have emigrated into the madura country not more than about eight years ago. they are an interesting class of tamils, inasmuch as very many of them have adopted the roman catholic faith under the leadership of the jesuit missionaries. they are said to be a fine race physically; finer even than the vellalans. they are also called udaiyans, and tradition says that they came from the toreiyur nadu or district in tanjore, from a village called udeiyapaleiyam. they are chiefly resident in the great zamindaris, and contrast favourably with the maravans, being very orderly, frugal, and industrious." i am informed that nattaman women will do cooly work and carry food for their husbands when at work in the fields, but that malaiman women will not do so. the sudarmans are described, in the madras census report, , as "cultivators chiefly found in the districts of tanjore and trichinopoly. they are imitating the brahmans and vellalas in their social customs, and some of them have left off eating meat, with the idea of raising themselves in general estimation; but they nevertheless eat in the houses of kallans and idaiyans. their title is muppan." some sudarmans, i am told, have become agamudaiyans. uddari.--a synonym for the village taliyari. uddu (phaseolus mungo).--an exogamous sept of kappiliyan. udhdhandra.--a title conferred by zamindars on some kurumos. uduma.--uduma or udumala, meaning the lizard varanus, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of boya, kapu, tottiyan, and yanadi. ugrani.--a village servant in south canara, appointed to watch the store-rooms (ugrana), e.g., the village granary, treasury, or bhuta-sthana. in , the powers of village policeman were conferred on the ugrani, who now wears a brass badge on his arm, with the words village police in the vernacular engraved on it. it is the duty of the ugrani to report the following to the village magistrate:-- . the commission of grave crimes, such as theft, house-breaking, robbery, dacoity, accidental deaths, suicides, etc. . the existence of disputes in connection with landed property, likely to give occasion to any fight or rioting. . the arrival of fakirs, bairagis, or other strangers in the village. . the arrival or residence in the village of any person whom the villagers suspect to be a bad character. . the commission of mischief in respect of any public property, such as roads, road avenues, bridges, cattle pounds, government trees on unreserved lands, etc. uliyakaran.--a synonym, denoting menial servant, of parivaram. ulladan.--it is recorded, in the travancore census report, , that "the ullatans and nayatis are found in the low country, as well as on the hills. at a remote period, certain ullata families from the plains settled themselves at talpurakkotta near sabarimala, and even to-day pilgrims to sabarimala consider this place as sacred. in the low country, the offerings to the same deities as the ullatans worship are offered by the valans. hence the ullatans were called by them kochchuvalans. the place near sabarimala where they once dwelt is known as kochuvalakkuti, or the cottage of the kochchuvalan. most of these ullatans have left this place for fear of wild beasts, and are now straying in the woods with no fixed abode. it is said that they are the descendants from a nambutiri woman, who, on being proclaimed an outcast, said ullatana, meaning that (the offence for which she was ostracised) is true. [according to another derivation, the name is derived from ull, within, and otunnu, runs, and means one who runs away into the forest at the sight of a member of any of the higher castes.] they are good hunters, and experts in the collection of wax and other forest produce. a curious marriage custom, prevalent among them, is thus related by dr. day. 'a large round building is made of leaves, and inside this the bride is ensconced. all the eligible young men of the village then assemble, and form a ring round this hut. at a short distance sits the girl's father or the nearest male relative with tom-tom in his hands, and a few more musical instruments complete the scene. presently the music begins. the young men, each armed with a bamboo, commence dancing round the hut, into which each of them thrusts his stick. this continues about an hour, when the owner of whichever bamboo she seizes becomes the fortunate husband of the concealed bride. a feast then follows.' [ ] they subsist chiefly on fruits, wild yams, and other forest products, and eke out a wretched existence. when armed with guns, they make excellent sportsmen." it is noted by the rev. s. mateer [ ] that the ulladans "subsist chiefly on wild yams, arrowroot, and other esculents, which they find in the jungle, and for the grubbing up of which they are generally armed with a long pointed staff. they also further enjoy the fruits of the chase, and are adepts in the use of the bow and arrow. the arrow they use has an iron spear-head, and an ulladan has been known to cut a wriggling cobra in half at the first shot. they were claimed as the property of celebrated hill temples, or great proprietors, who exacted service of them, and sometimes sold their services to nairs, syrians, and others. a few ulladans in the low country say they or their fathers were stolen in childhood, and brought down as slaves." at kottayam in travancore, i came across a party of ulladans carrying cross-bows. these were said to be used for catching fish in rivers, lagoons, and tanks. the arrow is between two and three feet in length, and has an iron hook at one end. attached to it is a thin but strong string, one end of which is tied to the hook, while the other end passes through a small hole in the wooden part of the arrow, and is fastened to the cross-bar of the bow. this string is about thirty feet in length, and serves not only to drag the captured fish out of the water, and land it, but also to prevent the arrow from being lost. the origin of the cross-bow, which i have not found in the possession of any other tribe, puzzled me until the word firingi was mentioned in connection with it. the use of this word would seem to indicate that the cross-bow is a survival from the days of the portuguese on the west coast, firingi (a frank) or parangi being used by natives for european or portuguese. for the following note on the ulladans of the cochin state, i am indebted to mr. l. k. anantha krishna iyer. [ ] "their huts are situated in the forest of the plains, by the side of paddy (rice) flats, or in cocoanut gardens remote from those of the members of the higher castes. only christian moplahs are found in the neighbourhood. their huts are erected on short bamboo posts, the roof and four sides of which are covered with plaited cocoanut leaves. a bamboo framework, of the same leaves, serves the purpose of a door. a few plaited cocoanut leaves, and a mat of their own weaving, form the only furniture, and serve as beds for them at night. their vessels in domestic use consist of a few earthen pots for cooking and keeping water in, and a few shallow earthen dishes, from which they drink water, and take their food. some large pieces of the bark of the areca palm, containing salt, chillies, etc., were also seen by me. what little they possess as food and clothing is placed in small baskets suspended from the framework of the roof by means of wooden hooks. "the caste assembly consists of the elderly members of the caste. there is a headman, who is called muppan, and he has an assistant who is known as ponamban. the headman has to preside at all marriage and funeral ceremonies, and to decide all disputes connected with the caste. the caste assembly meets chiefly to deal with cases of immorality. the guilty parties are summoned before the assembly. the headman, who presides, inquires into the matter, and, in the event of the accused parties confessing their guilt, they are taken before his highness the raja, who is informed of the circumstances. the male culprit is sometimes beaten or fined. the woman is given some water or the milk of a green cocoanut, and this is supposed to set her free from all sin. when a fine is imposed, it is sometimes spent on the purchase of toddy, which is shared among the castemen present. the headman gets a few puthans (cochin coins) for his trouble. "in religion, the ulladans are pure animists or demon worshippers. all cases of sickness, and other calamities, are attributed to the malignant influence of demons, whom it is necessary to propitiate. they worship kappiri, thikutti, and chathan, all of whom are represented by a few stones placed under a thatched roof called kottil. offerings of rice flour, sheep, fowls, toddy, rice, cocoanuts and plantains, are given on fridays in the month of kanni (september-october). one of the castemen acts as velichapad (oracle), and speaks as if by inspiration. he also casts out demons from the bodies of women who are believed to be influenced by them. when he resumes his former self, he takes half the offerings to himself, allowing the other half for distribution among the bystanders. they also worship the spirits of the departed members of their families, who, they think, sometimes appear to them in dreams, and ask them for whatever they want. they believe that, in the event of their neglecting to give what is asked, these spirits will cause serious calamity to their family. "the ulladans generally bury their dead in special places called chotala, but some of them bury the corpse a few yards away from their huts. the young are buried deep in the ground, while the old ones are buried not so deep. the dead body is placed on a new piece of cloth spread on a bamboo bier, which is carried by the relatives to the grave-yard. the castemen of the neighbourhood, including the relations and friends of the deceased, accompany the bier to the burial-ground, and return home after bathing. the members of the family fast for the night. they observe pollution for fifteen days, and, on the morning of the sixteenth day, the thalippan (barber priest) comes and cleans the huts and its surrounding, and sprinkles cow-dung mixed with water on the members of the family as they return from bathing, in order that they may be freed from pollution. they entertain their castemen on that day. it is a custom among the ulladans, pulayas, and other low classes, that, when they are invited to a feast, they bring with them some rice, curry stuffs, toddy, or a few annas to meet the expenses of the feast. very often the above articles are obtained as a gift from the charitably disposed members of the higher castes. at the end of the year, a similar feast is given to the castemen. among the ulladans, the nephew is the chief mourner, for he usually succeeds to the property of the dead, and proves his right of ownership by acting as the chief mourner. "the ulladans on the sea-coast make boats, and cut timber. their brethren in the interior gather honey, and collect minor forest produce, and sell it to contractors. during the agricultural season, they engage in every kind of agricultural work, such as ploughing, sowing, transplanting, reaping, etc. they also graze the cattle of the farmers. they get a few annas worth of paddy (unhusked rice) for their labour. for most of the months in the year they are in a half-starving condition, and resort to eating wild roots, and animals, which they can get hold of (e.g., rats, tortoises, fish, or crocodiles). they know where rats are to be found. they thrust a long stick into their holes, moving it so violently as to kill them there, or forcing them to come out, when they catch and kill them. very often in the rural parts, both men and women are found with long poles ready to be thrust into any holes there may be by the side of a fence, or where bamboos are growing luxuriantly. they also catch crocodiles. they place the carcase of a fowl, sheep, or other animal, on the bank of a canal, or by the side of a tank where crocodiles are to be found. into it is thrust a pointed piece of iron, fastened to a long cord. when a crocodile comes out of the water to eat it, or tries to get away with it, the piece of iron is fixed firmly into its mouth, upon which the ulladans, who are watching, approach and kill it with their clubs and knives. they catch fish by means of bait, and by poisoning the water. they are also very skilful in spearing fish swimming near the surface. they are more trackers of game than hunters, and very often accompany moplahs, who go out hunting to provide themselves with meat of all kinds for feasts during their weddings. the ulladans are engaged only as beaters. for this service, they are given meals during the wedding, in addition to three annas worth of paddy for each beater. they are armed with clubs, and seldom go with dogs, fearing that they may drive away the game. when any animal is killed in hunting, the right side of the back of the animal goes to the government. it is given to the forest officer, who auctions it, and the money obtained is sent to the taluk treasury. the left side of the back goes to the member of the party who shoots the animal. he also gets the face with the tongue. the headman among the ulladans also gets a share. the remainder of the carcase is equally divided among the members who have formed the party. should any dispute arise regarding the division of the game, the man who shoots the animal is entrusted with the settlement of the dispute, and his decision is final. in cases where the hunting party is organised by the moplahs, the ulladans get wages and meals for their trouble. in places where elephant pits are dug, hunting is forbidden. "as regards their social status, the ulladans, like the nayadis, form the chandalas of the plains. their approach to within a radius of sixty-four feet pollutes brahmans, and all higher castes, including the sudras (nayars). the ulladans cannot walk along the public roads, or come to the bazaars. nor can they approach the precincts of any town or locality where the members of higher castes reside. the pulayas and parayas profess to be polluted by them. it is curious to note that the ullada women consider it degrading to go to work like the pulaya woman. they say that their husbands have to provide for them." ulli (onions or garlic).--a sub-division of the tigala market-gardeners. the equivalent ullipoyala occurs as an exogamous sept of golla, and ulligadda as a sept of boya and korava. ulumban.--it is recorded in the gazetteer of malabar that "an endogamous sub-caste (of nayars) of foreign origin are the ulumbans or cowherds. according to one tradition, they were originally immigrants from dvaraka (guzerat). their original occupation still survives in the privileges of supplying ghee (clarified butter) for the abhishegam or libation at the great annual festival at the jungle shrine of kottiyur, and of supplying butter-milk to the tiruvangad temple at tellicherry, which are exercised by families of this caste; and in the general privilege of offering milk in any temple without previous ablution." uluvala (seeds of horse-gram: dolichos biflorus).--an exogamous sept of boya and jogi. ungara.--ungara and ungarala, meaning rings, have been recorded as exogamous septs of balija and kuruba. unittiri.--unittiri, or unyatiri, meaning, it is said, venerable boy, has been recorded as a sub-division of samantam. unnittan appears, in the travancore census report, , as a title of nayars, and is said to be derived from unni, small, tan, a title of dignity. unnekankana.--a sub-division of kurubas, who tie a woollen thread (unne kankana) round the wrist at times of marriage. unni.--for the following note on the unnis of travancore, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. the word unni, whatever its significance may have been of old, at present forms the common title of four castes of the ambalavasi group, whose manners and custom differ considerably in their details. they are known, respectively, as pushpakans, brahmanis, tiyattunnis, and nattu pattars, their social precedence being in this order. pushpakan comes from pushpa, which in sanskrit means either a flower or menses. brahmanis, more vulgarly known as pappinis, are so named because they perform some of the priestly functions of the brahmans for the sudra population of travancore. tiyattunnis, also known as taiyampatis in british malabar, are so called from the peculiar religious service they perform in some hindu temples. nattu pattars are also known as pattar unnis and karappuram unnis. unni means a child, and is used as an honorific term to denote the male children of a nambutiri's household. the reason why these ambalavasi castes came to be so called was that they were looked upon as more respectable than the nayars, by whom the term must doubtless have been made use of at first. the pushpakans are said to be divided into three classes, namely pushpakans, nambiassans, and puppallis. the first section live only as far south as evur in central travancore, and are called nambiyars in the north. the nambiyassans live in cochin and north travancore, while the puppallis are found only towards the south. there are no sub-divisions among the brahmanis and karappuramunnis. but the tiyattunnis are divided into two classes, namely the tiyatinambiyans of the north, who are generally employed in the temples of sastha, and tiyattunnis proper, who perform a similar function in the shrines of bhadrakali. women are also known as atovarammamar and kovillammamar. pushpakans are said to have arisen out of the union of a brahman woman in her menses with her husband. parasurama set them apart, and gave them the occupation of making garlands in the temples of malabar. though this derivation is given in the keralamahatmya, it may be more easily believed that pushpakan is derived from the occupation of working in flowers. puppalli, at any rate, is thus derived, and, as palli signifies anything sacred, the caste name arose from the occupation of preparing garlands for deities. nambiyassans, called also nambiyars and nambis, must have been, as also the puppallis and brahmanis, one with the pushpakans. in some places, nambiyassans are known to have kept gymnasia and military training schools. the brahmanis must have undergone some degree of degradation because of the religious songs which they sang during the marriages of the nayars, while those who did not take part therein became, as it were, a separate sept. another tradition, accounting for the origin of the caste, is that, as in primitive ages early marriages prevailed among the malayala brahmans, the family of the nambutiri who first married his daughter after puberty was excommunicated, and gave origin to the pushpakas. this is untrue, as, in vedic times, adult marriage was the rule, and the nambutiris in this respect have been known to follow a more primitive custom than the brahmans of the east coast. the tiyattunnis are said to be the descendants of a bhuta or demon directed by siva to sing songs in praise of bhadrakali, and appease her anger after the murder of darika. they must from the first have formed a distinct section of the ambalavasis. the karappuram unnis are supposed to have been elevated to their present status by cheraman perumal, one of the rulers of ancient kerala, as, though belonging to the sudra caste, they were obliged on one occasion to perform brahmanical service for him. perumal is believed to have permitted them to take the title of unni, and call themselves pattar, by which name east coast brahmans are known in malabar. thus they came to own the three names nattu pattar, pattar unni, and karappuram unni, karappuram or shertallay being the territory where the sept received the above-mentioned social elevation from their sovereign. even now, many of them reside in the taluks of ambalapuzha and shertallay. the house of a pushpaka is variously known as pushpakam, pumatum, or padodakam, the last signifying a place where the water falls from the feet of the deity, on account of its close proximity to the temple, where the daily avocation of the pushpaka lies. the houses of the tiyattunnis and nattu pattars are only known by the name of bhavanam. as in the case of the brahmans, the pushpanis and brahmanis cover their bodies with a piece of cloth, carry an umbrella, and are accompanied by nayar servant-maids when they go out in public. the women have one more fold in their dress than the nambutiris. the neck ornament of women is the cherutali-kuttam, and the ear ornament the katila. bell-metal bangles are worn round the wrists. female tiyattunnis and nattu pattars do not wear the last, and are generally unaccompanied by nayar servant-maids when they go out. pushpakans are believed to be the most fitting caste for the preparation of flower garlands to be used in temples. they also assist in the preparation of the materials for the daily offering. nambiyassans were instructors in arms in days of old, and kalari or gymnasia are owned by them even at the present day. their punyaha, or purificatory ceremony after pollution, is performed by pushpakans. brahmani women sing religious songs on the occasion of marriage among all castes from kshatriyas to nayars. in kumaranallur and other bhagavati shrines, women are employed to sing propitiatory songs, while the men make garlands, sweep the floor of the inner court-yard and plinth, clean the temple vessels, and carry the lamp when images are taken round in procession. it is only the first of these temple services that the pushpakas do, and their women never go out to sing on marriage occasions. the word tiyattu or teyyatu is said to be a corruption of daivamattu, or dancing to please the deity. according to one tradition, they were degraded from pushpakas for undertaking service in the temples. in more orthodox times, tiyattu could be performed only in temples and brahman houses, but now sudras also share the privilege of inviting the tiyattunnis to their homes for this purpose, though the ceremony cannot be performed in their houses without a previous punyaha. the rite is extremely popular when epidemic disease prevails. ganapati and bhadrakali are, as a preliminary measure, worshipped, to the accompaniment of musical instruments. as this has to be done in the noon, it is called uchchappattu, or noon-day song. in the evening, an image of bhadrakali is drawn on the ground with powders of five colours, white, yellow, black, green and red. at night, songs are sung in praise of that deity by the tiyattunni and his followers. a member of the troupe then plays the part of bhadrakali in the act of murdering the demon darika, and, in conclusion, waves a torch before the inmates of the house, to ward off the evil eye, which is the most important item in the whole ceremony. the torch is believed to be given by siva, who is worshipped before the light is waved. the karappuram unnis, unlike the other septs of their class, are mostly agriculturists. the unnis are all smartas, but a partiality for bhadrakali is manifested by the tiyattunnis and brahmanis. all social matters among the unnis are superintended by nambutiri brahmans, but, in all that directly touches the social well-being, their own headmen are the judges. before entering a pushpaka's house for the observation of any ceremony, the nambutiris insist upon the performance of punyaha. though the superiority of ilayatus is acknowledged, they are never employed by the pushpakas for priestly functions. the ilayatus are believed to have once been the priests of the nattu pattars, though at the present time learned men from their own sept are employed for this purpose. the punyaha is, however, performed through the agency of nambutiris. the priests of the nambiyassans, tiyattunnis, and brahmanis are ilayatus. adult marriage prevails, twelve being the earliest age of a girl when she ceases to be single. on the evening of the day before the wedding, the bride has a ceremonial bath, and performs the ceremony of growing a jasmine shoot, the flowers of which she should cull and present as an offering to the deity. on the marriage day, the bridegroom's party arrives in procession at the house of the bride, who awaits them with her face covered, and holding a brass mirror and garland of flowers in her hands. her veil is removed, and the contracting couple gaze at each other. at the auspicious hour their hands are joined, and other items of the marriage rites carried out. in connection with a pushpaka marriage, ammana attam or tossing of metal balls, kaikottikali or the circular dance, and yatrakali are among the amusements indulged in. divorce was common among the pushpakas in bygone days, but, at the present time, the marriage tie is usually permanent, and it is only after the first husband's death that cloths may be received from a malayala brahman in token of sambandham (alliance). the brahmanis, however, have not given up the practice of divorce. nambiyassans, puppallis, pattar unnis, and brahmanis follow the marumakkattayam system of inheritance (through the female line), while the pushpakas and tiyattunnis are makkattayis, and follow the law of inheritance from father to son. the offspring of a brahmani by a pushpaka woman are regarded as issue in a makkattayam family. as is the custom among the nambutiris, only the eldest son marries, the other sons remaining as snatakas, and contracting alliances with nayar women. the illam nayars, however, do not give their daughters to the unnis. the jatakarma, though not strictly proper, is observed in modern days. the namakarana takes place, along with the annaprasana, in the sixth month after birth. the chaula is performed in the third year, though, among the nattu pattars, it is a preliminary ceremony before upanayana. the proper time for the performance of the upanayana is between the eighth and sixteenth year. samavartana takes place on the fourteenth day after upanayana. pollution lasts for only ten days among the tiyattunnis, whereas the brahmanis observe twelve, and the nattu pattars thirteen days' pollution. ten gayatris (hymns) are allowed to be recited thrice daily. the pushpakas are the highest of the thread-wearing sections of the ambalavasis, according to their traditional origin as well as their religious and social practices. the pattar unnis are the lowest, and are only a step higher than the kurukkals. consecrated water and flowers are not given to them directly by the temple priest, but they may stand on the right side of the stone steps leading to the inner shrine. this is the rule with all ambalavasi divisions. other ambalavasis do not receive food from the unnis. these sections of the unnis which have ilayatus for their priests accept food from them. as the pushpakas proper employ only nambutiris for purificatory purposes, the latter freely cook food in their houses, as in those of the muttatus. it is recorded by mr. logan [ ] that the tiyattunnis or tiyadis (ti, fire; attam, play) are "a class of pseudo-brahmans in malabar, who derive their name from the ceremony of jumping through fire before temples." mr. subramani aiyar writes, in this connection, that "i do not think mr. logan is quite right when he describes the service of the tiyattunnis as jumping through fire. it is dancing with lighted wicks in the hands, to exorcise the genius representing the evil eye, or as a propitiatory service in temples. it answers to the pallippanna and kolantullal of the kaniyans. a figure of bhadrakali is drawn on the ground with powders of different colours, and the chief incidents in the incarnate life of the deity are recited by the tiyattunnis. after this, some cocoanuts are broken in two, and lighted wicks are then placed before the presiding deity if done in a temple as a propitiatory service, or before any particular individual or individuals, if the object is to free him or them from the effect of the evil eye." uppalavar (salt workers).--a synonym of alavan. uppara.--for the following note, i am mainly indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. uppiliyan, uppara, uppara or uppaliga, are different names for a class of people, who followed the same professional occupation, the manufacture of salt (uppu), in various parts of southern india. the uppiliyans live in the tamil country, and speak tamil; the upparas in the telugu country, and speak telugu; while the upparas inhabit the mysore province and the districts bordering thereon, and speak canarese. the upparas are described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as "a caste of tank-diggers and earth-workers, corresponding to the uppiliyans of the tamil districts. they resemble greatly the oddes (voddas or wudders) in appearance, customs, and manner of earning a living. their traditional occupation is, as the name implies, manufacturing earth-salt. they profess to be saivites and vaishnavites, but practically worship village deities, e.g., sunkalamma, timmappa, and jambulamma." it is possible that the uppiliyans, upparas, and upparas were originally a homogeneous caste, the members of which, in course of time, migrated to different parts of the country, and adopted the language of the locality in which they settled. the causes, which may have led to the breaking up of the caste, are not far to seek. the original occupation thereof, according to the legendary story of its origin, was tank, channel, and well digging. southern india depended in days gone by, as at the present time, mainly on its agricultural produce, and people were required, then as now, to secure, conserve, and distribute the water, which was essential for agricultural prosperity. inscriptions, such as those quoted by mr. v. venkayya, [ ] bear testimony to the energy displayed by former rulers in southern india in having tanks, wells, and irrigation channels constructed. uppiliyans, upparas or upparas, are, at the present day, found all over the madras presidency, from ganjam in the north to tinnevelley in the south. from early times they seem to have, in addition to the work already indicated, been engaged in bricklaying, house-building, the construction of forts, and every kind of earth-work. writing concerning the telugu upparas at the beginning of the nineteenth century, buchanan states [ ] that "their proper occupation is the building of mud walls, especially those of forts." a very important occupation of these people was the manufacture of earth-salt and saltpetre, of which the latter was an important ingredient in the manufacture of gunpowder. "throughout india," dr. g. oppert writes, [ ] "saltpetre is found, and the hindus are well acquainted with all its properties; it is even commonly prescribed as a medicine. india was famous for the exportation of saltpetre, and is so. the dutch, when in india, traded especially in this article." the uppiliyans say that they are descended from a man who was created to provide salt for the table of their god, but lost the favour of the deity because his wife bartered the salt for some glass bangles. in his wrath he put his wife into the oven to kill her, but she escaped through a hole in the back. as evidence of the truth of the story, they point to the facts that their women wear no glass bangles, and that their ovens always have a hole in them. the caste further traces its descent from a mythical individual, named sagara, to whom is ascribed the digging of the bay of bengal. his story is narrated in the vishnu purana, [ ] and is briefly as follows. sagara was son of bahu, who was overrun by the haihayas and talajanghas, and consequently retired to the forest, where, near the hermitage of muni aurva, one of his queens conceived. a rival queen poisoned her, so as to prevent her from being delivered of the child. meanwhile, bahu waxed old, and his pregnant wife prepared to ascend the funeral pyre with him. but the muni forbade her, saying that she was going to be the mother of an universal emperor. she accordingly desisted from the desperate act, and a splendid boy was born, and the poison expelled along with him. the muni, on this account, gave him the name of sagara, meaning with poison. as he grew up, the boy came to know of the troubles of his father, and resolved to recover his kingdom. he put to death nearly the whole of the haihayas, and made the others acknowledge his suzerainty. he had two wives, by one of whom he had a son named asamanja, and by the other sixty thousand sons. he subsequently performed the asvamedha or sacrifice of a horse, which was guarded by his sons. the animal was, however, carried off by some one into a chasm in the earth. sagara commanded his sons to search for the steed, and they traced him by the impressions of the hoofs to the chasm, which he had entered. they proceeded to enlarge it, and dug downwards, each for a league. coming to patala, they saw the horse wandering freely about, and at no great distance from it was kapila rishi, sitting in meditation. exclaiming "this is the villain who has maliciously interrupted our sacrifice, and stolen the horse, kill him, kill him," they ran towards him with uplifted weapons. the rishi raised his eyes, and for an instant looked upon them, and they became reduced to ashes by the sacred flame that darted from him. on learning of the death of his sons, sagara sent amsumat, the son of asamanja, to secure the animal. he went by the deep path which his father and uncles had dug, and, arriving at the place where kapila was, propitiated him with an obeisance. the rishi gave him the horse, to be delivered to his father, and in conferring the boon which amsumat prayed for, said that his grandson would bring down the divine ganges, whose "waters shall wash the bones and ashes of thy grandfather's sons," and raise them to swarga. sagara then completed his sacrifice, and, in affectionate memory of his sons, called the chasm which they had dug sagara. this is still the name of the ocean, and especially of the bay of bengal at the mouth of the ganges, which, in accordance with the boon of kapila, was brought down to earth by amsumat's grandson bhagiratha, from whom it received the name of bhagirathi, which it retains to this day. such is the story of the origin of the caste, members of which often call it sagara kula, or the family of sagara. as his sons excavated the ocean, so they dig tanks, channels, wells, etc. in the mysore census reports, the upparas are said to be called "uppara in the eastern, uppaliga in the southern, and melu (west) sakkre in the western districts. [some explain that they work in salt, which is more essential than sugar, and that mel sakkare means superior sugar.] this caste is divided into the telugu and karnataka sub-divisions. the latter make earth-salt, while the former work as bricklayers and builders. the well-to-do section of the caste further undertake public works on contract, and some of them are good architects of ordinary hindu houses, which do not call for much scientific precision. there are also agriculturists and labourers among them." in the madras presidency, at the present day, some members of the caste are well and tank diggers, house-builders or bricklayers; others are agricultural labourers, or village servants. a few are earth-work contractors, or, as at muthialpet near conjeeveram, yarn dyers. some are in the service of government as police constables. the women are very hard-working, and help their husbands at their work. to this fact is said to be due the high rate at which the bride-price is fixed. the well-kept roads of the city of madras are the work of a colony of upparas, who have settled there. the following curious custom is recorded by the rev. j. cain in a note [ ] on the tank-diggers of the godavari district. "a disturbance in a little camp of tank-diggers confirmed a statement which i heard at masulipatam as to the manner in which the tank-diggers divide their wages. they had been repairing the bank of a tank, and been paid for their work, and, in apportioning the shares of each labourer, a bitter dispute arose because one of the women had not received what she deemed her fair amount. on enquiry, it turned out that she was in an interesting condition, and therefore could claim not only her own, but also a share for the expected child. this had been overlooked, and, when she asserted her right to a double portion, those who had already received their money objected to part with any, although they acknowledged that the claim was fair and just." by the madras salt act, , it is enacted that any person who-- (a) removes any salt without or in excess of the permits necessary by this act; or (b) except for agricultural or building purposes, excavates, collects or possesses salt-earth in any local area where it is contraband salt; or (c) manufactures contraband salt in any other way than by excavating or collecting salt-earth; or (d) purchases, obtains, possesses, sells or weighs contraband salt other than salt-earth, knowing or having reason to believe it to be contraband; or (e) refines saltpetre without such license as is prescribed by the act; or (f) attempts to commit, or within the meaning of the indian penal code abets the commission of any of the above acts, shall on conviction be punishable for every such offence with imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months, or with fine not exceeding five hundred rupees, or with both. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the bellary district, that "at the time when the company came into possession of the district, the salt consumed in it was of two kinds, namely, the earth-salt manufactured from saline soils by men of the uppara caste, and the marine salt made on the west coast. the latter was imported by the lambadis and korachas, who brought it up the ghats by means of large droves of pack-bullocks. the earth-salt was made in what were known as modas, which were peculiar to the ceded districts, and were especially common in bellary. a heap of earth was piled up, and on the top of it were hollowed out one or more circular basins, some five feet in diameter and two feet deep. from the bottom of these basins, channels lined with chunam (lime) ran down to one or more reservoirs similarly lined. salt-earth was collected in the places where it effloresced naturally in the dry months, and taken to the moda on pack-buffaloes. it was thrown into the basins, and then a quantity of water was poured upon it. the brine so obtained flowed through the channels at the bottom of the basins into the reservoirs. from these it was baled with chatties (pots) into a set of masonry evaporating pans, carefully levelled and plastered with chunam, where it was left to be converted into salt by solar evaporation. each lot of salt-earth, which was thus lixiviated, was taken from the basins and thrown outside them, and this process constantly repeated gradually raised the level of the moda and the basins, which were perpetually being re-made on the top of it. some of the modas gradually grew to be as much as twenty feet in height. when they became too high for the buffaloes to carry the salt-earth up to their summits with comfort, they were abandoned, and others started elsewhere. the earth-salt made in this manner was neither so good nor so strong as marine salt, but it was much used by the poorer classes and for cattle, and thus interfered with the profits of the government salt monopoly, which was established in . as early as , therefore, it was proposed to prohibit its manufacture. the chief arguments against any such step were that it would inflict hardship upon the upparas who made the salt, and upon the poorer classes who consumed it, and, for the next three quarters of a century, a wearisome correspondence dragged on regarding the course which it would be proper to pursue. in , mr. g. thornhill, member of the board of revenue, visited the ceded districts, to see how matters stood. he reported that it was not possible to check the competition of the earth-salt with the government marine salt by imposing an excise duty, as the modas were numerous and scattered. for similar reasons, and also because all the upparas were very poor, a license-tax was out of the question. at the same time he calculated that the loss to government due to the system was from eight to ten lakhs annually, and, seeing that government salt was obtainable in bellary as cheaply as in other inland districts, he recommended that the industry should be gradually suppressed. government agreed, and ordered that the opening of new modas should be prohibited, and that those in existence should be licensed, with reference to their productive capacity, at rates to increase by annual increments until , when the full duty leviable on sea-salt should be imposed on their entire produce. these measures, though they checked the manufacture, failed to entirely protect the revenue, and, in , the madras salt commission and board of revenue concurred in recommending that the manufacture of earth-salt should be at once and entirely suppressed. the government of india agreed, and in orders were given that the modas should all be destroyed, reasonable compensation being paid to their owners. the manufacture of earth-salt in the district is now entirely a thing of the past, though in many places the remains of the old modas may still be seen. some of the upparas, however, still go annually to the nizam's dominions in the dry season, and make earth-salt by the old methods for sale there. apparently they agree with the nizam's government to pay a certain fee, one-fourth of which is paid in advance, for the privilege. if the season is sufficiently dry, they make a small profit, but if, on the other hand, it is wet, manufacture is impossible, and they lose the amount of the fee, and their labour as well." a good deal of saltpetre is still made by members of the caste in various parts of the madras presidency by lixiviating the alkaline efflorescence of the earth. for this purpose, licenses are obtained annually from the salt department. crude saltpetre is sold for manure on coffee estates, and also used in the manufacture of fireworks. speaking different languages, and living in different parts of the country, the uppiliyans, upparas, and upparas do not intermarry, though, where they are found close together, they interdine. the caste recognises the authority of its headmen, who are called periyathanakaran, ejaman, etc., and are assisted in some places, for example madras, by a jatibidda (son of the caste), who does the duties of caste peon or messenger, summoning members to a caste council-meeting, and so on. the usual punishments inflicted by a caste council are excommunication, fine, and the giving of a caste dinner. i am informed that, among the canarese upparas, a woman found guilty of adultery is punished as follows. a lock of her hair is cut off, and she is bathed in cold water, and made to drink a little cow-dung water. she is then taken to the temple, where the pujari (priest) sprinkles holy water over her head. a fine is paid by her family. a man, who is proved guilty of a similar offence, has one side of his moustache and one of his eyebrows shaved off, and the hair of his head is removed in three parallel lines. seven small booths are constructed of straw, and set on fire. through this the man has to pass. he is then plunged into a tank, and, after bathing therein, he is sprinkled with holy water. i am told that a woman has also to go through the fire ordeal. girls are married either before or after puberty, but usually after. among the uppiliyans and upparas, it is customary for a man to claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. the ceremonies in connection with marriage vary in accordance with the locality. amongst the uppiliyans of madura, the tali (marriage badge) is usually tied to the bride's neck by a special woman, resident in her village, called sirkari. in some places it is tied, as among some other tamil castes, by the bridegroom's sister. among the telugu and canarese sections, it is tied by the bridegroom himself. by the upparas of south canara, the dhare marriage rite is performed, in which the father of the bride pours water from a vessel over the united hands of the contracting couple. i am told that, among some canarese upparas, the bridegroom's head is shaved, and, after bathing, he puts on a double brass wire corresponding to the sacred thread of the brahmans, which he wears for five days. among the telugu upparas there are two sub-divisions, which are called, according to the amount of the bride-price, yedu (seven) madala and padaharu (sixteen) madala, a mada being equal to two rupees. some say that mada refers to the modas (heaps of earth) used in former times. at a marriage among some uppiliyans, it is customary for the bride and bridegroom to sit inside a wall made of piled up water pots, with the ends of their cloths tied together, while some of the women present pour water from the pots over their heads. the remarriage of widows is permitted, and i gather that, among the upparas, a widow may only marry a widower, and vice versâ. in a note on the uppiliyans of the trichinopoly district, mr. f. r. hemingway states that "some of the marriage ceremonies are peculiar. they allow an unborn boy to be betrothed to his unborn cousin. the bride has to be asked in marriage a number of times, before consent is given, lest it be thought that she is yielding too easily. the marriage is performed at her house, lest it should be thought that her parents are forcing her on the bridegroom. the caste does not use the marriage pole or paligai pots. instead of the usual turmeric threads, the wrists of the contracting couple are tied together with wool. a curious custom among the tamil section is that, at the beginning of the ceremonies, both on the first and second day, three matrons wash their faces in turmeric water, and the bride and bridegroom are bathed with the water used by them. they also have unusual observances connected with a girl's attainment of maturity. a husband may not look into his bride's eyes until this occurs. when she has at length attained maturity, the husband comes to his bride's house with a sheep and some vegetables, and kills the former. his brother-in-law then marks his forehead with the sheep's blood. the husband eats some plantain and milk, and spits it out at his bride, who is made to stand behind a screen. if the girl has attained maturity before her marriage, the tamil section of the caste make her walk over seven wooden hoops on the wedding day. the husband has to give his formal consent to the ceremony, and a washerman has to be present. the telugus perform this rite on the last day of the girl's first menstrual period, and her maternal uncle has to be present. the uppiliyans allow the remarriage of widows and divorced women. a man may not shave until he marries a virgin, and, if he does not do so, he has to remain unshaved all his life." the dead are, as a rule, buried. among the uppiliyans, who occupy a higher social position than the canarese and telugu sections, death pollution is observed for seven days. among the upparas, the period of pollution is sixteen days. concerning the death ceremonies, mr. hemingway writes as follows. "widows of the tamil section never remove their tali, but leave it till it drops off of itself. when a man dies, his widow is made to pretend he is still alive, and bathes him with oil, and puts garlands on him. if a man is to be buried, the chief mourner pretends to dig the grave. the karumantaram, or final death ceremony, of the tamil section consists merely in taking some milk to an erukka (calotropis gigantea) shrub on the sixteenth evening, just before the jackals begin to howl. they pour it over the shrub with the help of a barber, saying 'go to swarga (the abode of indra), and make your way to kailasam (heaven).'" some members of the caste are vaishnavites, and others saivites. in some places, the former are branded by their gurus, who are vaishnava brahmans. they also worship various village deities, which vary according to the place of residence. in the census report, , the worship of sunkalamma, jambulamma, and timmappa is noted. it is stated by mr. hemingway that "the uppiliyans have a caste god, named karuvandaraya bommadeva. he has no temple, but all the uppiliyans in a village join in offering him an annual sacrifice in tai (january-february), before the earth is scraped for the first time in the season for making saltpetre. they use avaram (cassia auriculata) flowers and river sand in this worship. they also have three special caste goddesses, called tippanjal, who are supposed to be women who committed sati. they have also brahman gurus, who visit them every year, and bless their salt pits." concerning the caste organisation of the uppiliyans, mr. hemingway writes that "when a complaint of a caste offence is made, notice is sent to the pattakkaran (headman), and to the whole uppiliyan community in the neighbourhood, notifying the accusation and the provisional expulsion of the accused. a second notice summons the community to a panchayat (council), which is presided over by at least two or three pattakkarans, the caste god being represented by some avaram flowers, a pot of water, and margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves. if acquitted, the accused is made to touch the water pot in token of his innocence. if he is convicted, both he and the complainant are fined, the latter for the purification of his house, if it has been polluted by the offence. the purification is performed by a man of the marudur nadu called rettai vilakkukaran (man of two lights), who eats a meal in the polluted house, with his hands held behind his back." it was recently noted that the upparas are, as a rule, uneducated, and their ignorance of the three r's often leads to bitter disputes among themselves and with their employers in disbursing their wages. some years ago, one of the madras missions opened a school for the benefit of this backward caste. in , the hindu educational mission of madras started a night and day school, upparapalaiyam arya pathasala, in the upparapalaiyam quarter of madras. there is a telugu proverb to the effect that one is ruined both ways, like an uppara who has turned sanyasi (ascetic), in reference to the fact that he neither follows his ancestral occupation, nor is tolerated in his new calling. the usual caste title is chetti. uppara occurs as a synonym of kusa holeya. uppu (salt).--a sub-division of balijas and koravas, who trade in salt, which they carry about the country in panniers on donkeys or bullocks. it is also an occupational sub-division of komati. the equivalent uppa is an exogamous sept of kelasi. uppukottei occurs as a division of maravan, upputholuvaru (salt-carriers) as an exogamous sept of odde, and uppiri (salt-earth) as a sept of kuruba. urali.--in the madras census report, , the uralis are described as "a caste of agricultural labourers found chiefly in the districts of madura and trichinopoly. the word urali means a ruler of a village. like the ambalakkarans, they trace their descent from one mutturaja, and the only sub-division returned by any number is mutracha. they also assert that they were formerly employed as soldiers. in the wynad there is a section of kurumbas called urali kurumbas, and it is not improbable that these uralis of the tamil country are an offshoot of the great kurumba race." the uralis are further summed up in the same report, as "agricultural labourers in coimbatore, trichinopoly, and madura. there seems to be some connection between the uralis and the ambalakkarans or muttiriyans. muttiriyan is a sub-division of both urali and ambalakkaran, and both of these are found in the same districts. perhaps the uralis are an offshoot of the tamil valaiyans, which by change of occupation has transformed itself into a distinct caste (see ambalakkaran). the caste is split up into a number of sub-divisions, called after the name of the tract or nadu in trichinopoly which each inhabits. to get back into the caste, an excommunicated man has to kill a sheep or goat before the elders, and mark his forehead with the blood. he then gives a feast to the assembly, and puts part of the food on the roof of his house. if the crows eat this, he is received back into the caste. [brahmans always put out portions of the sraddha offerings in the same way, and judge whether they are acceptable or not by noting if the crows eat them or not.] marriage is infant or adult. a man detected in an intrigue with an unmarried woman is fined, and has to marry her, and at the wedding his waist string is tied round her neck instead of a tali. the well-to-do people of the caste employ brahmans as priests, but others content themselves with their own elders. widows and divorced women may marry again. the dead are either burned or buried. the richer members of the caste perform sraddha (memorial service for the dead). they drink alcohol, and eat fowls, mutton, pork, fish, rats, etc. in social position they come below the idaiyans, tottiyans, and kallans. their title is kavandan." for the following note on the uralis of the trichinopoly district, i am indebted to mr. f. r. hemingway. "they say that they were originally kshatriyas living in 'alipuram near oudh,' and left that place in search of adventure, or in consequence of disputes at home, leaving their wives behind them, and finally settled in the south, where they married serving women (pulukkachis). they say that they belong to the mutturaja kuttam, a phrase they cannot explain, and protest that the ambalakkarans, who make a similar claim, have no ground for so doing. they seem to eat with no other caste on equal terms, but will, of course, accept separate meals from vellalans. they are split into seven nadus, which are in effect endogamous sub-divisions. these are called after villages in the country inhabited by the caste, namely, vadaseri, pilluru, sengudi, kadavangudi or virali, talakka, paluvinji or magali, and marungi. the members of the first three of these nadus are called vadaseri uralis, and those of the other four nattu-simai uralis, kunduva-nattu-tokkadus, or nandutindis. all of them will mess together. they say that the nadus were originally intended to facilitate the decision of caste disputes, and they are still the unit of self-government. each nadu has a headman, who exercises supreme control over the villages included within it. the uralis also have a number of exogamous septs called karais by the vadaseris and kaniyacchis by the nattu-simais, which are called after the names of places. they are generally cultivators, but are said sometimes to be given to crime. they wear the sacred thread on occasions of marriages and funerals. the women can be recognised by their dress, the kusavam being spread out behind, and a characteristic pencil-shaped ornament (kuchu) being suspended from the neck. some of their marriage and funeral customs are peculiar. among the nattu-simais, the betrothal is ratified by the maternal uncle of each of the pair solemnly measuring out three measures of paddy (rice) in the presence of the other party at their house. at their funerals, the bier is not brought into the village, but left outside, and the corpse is carried to it. among the vadaseris, while preparations are being made for the removal of the body, a paraiyan woman performs a dance. among the nattu-simais this is done on the ettu day. on the second day after the funeral, the relatives of the deceased dip their toes in a mortar full of cow-dung water placed in front of his house, and put sacred ashes on the head. the karumantaram, or final death ceremony, is only performed by the rich. it can take place at any time after the third day. the ettu ceremony is similarly performed at any time after the third day, and is attended with a curious ritual. both sections of the caste erect a booth, in which three plantain trees are planted, and the chief mourner and his cousins stand there all day to receive the condolences of their friends. from this point the practice of the two sections differs in small points of detail. among the vadaseris, the friends come one by one, and are asked by the chief mourner, "will you embrace, or will you strike your forehead?" in reply, the friend either closes the open hand of the chief mourner with his own as a form of embrace, or flings himself on the ground in the booth, and weeps. each visitor then goes to a meeting of the nadu which is being held outside the village, and a paraiyan and three uralis inform the headman who have visited the booth and who have not, and ask if it may be removed. permission being given, the plantains are cut down, and the woman-folk wail round a chembu (vessel) placed there. all then proceed to the nadu meeting, where a turban is put on a paraiyan, a dancing-girl and a pandaram, and the paraiyan (called nattu samban) beats his drum, and pronounces a blessing on the nadu. finally all repair to the house of the deceased, where the headman puts three handfuls of kambu (millet) into the cloth of his wife or some other member of the family, and throws a mortar on the ground. punishments for caste offences take some curious forms. a margosa (melia azadirachta) leaf is put on the house of anyone who is excommunicated. if a man seduces a girl of the caste, an enquiry is held, and the pair are married. the waist-string of the man is tied round the neck of the woman, and a tottiyan is called in to take away the pollution which they and their relatives have incurred. they are taken to a tank (pond), where holes have been made by the tottiyan, and are made to bathe in every hole, sprinkling the water over their heads. a sheep is then killed by a tottiyan and a chakkiliyan, its head is buried, and the couple and their relatives are made to walk over the spot. the blood of the animal is then smeared on their foreheads, and they all have to bathe again. they are next given cow's urine to drink, and then once more bathe. after that they are given milk, and are made to prostrate themselves before the panchayat (council). finally they have to give a feast to the panchayat, at which a part of the food is offered to the crows, and the purification is not complete till the birds have partaken thereof. the uralis are fond of shikar (hunting). on the sivaratri night, sacrifices are offered to their family gods, and, on the following day, all the men of the village go out hunting. they have a head shikari (huntsman), called kavettaikaran, who receives every animal which is killed, cuts off its head, and breaks its legs. the head is given to the man who killed the animal, and the rest is shared among the castemen." of the uralis who inhabit the hill country of travancore, the following account is given in the travancore census report, . "the uralis are a class of hill tribes resident in the cardamom hills. they are chiefly found in the tracts known as kunnanat, velampan, kurakkanat, mannukat, kalanat, and periyur. the headman of the uralis in each of these areas is called a kanikkaran. tradition tells us that they were the dependents of the kings of madura, and that their duty was to hold umbrellas in times of state processions. in ancient times, many of the parts now included in the todupuzha taluk belonged to the kingdom of madura. once, when the king came to neriyamangalam, the ancestors of these uralis are said to have accompanied him, and to have been left there to rule (ali) that locally (ur). the males dress like the low-country people, with cloths about four cubits long extending from the hip to the knee. another cloth, about one or two cubits in length, is put over the back, one end of which passes under their right arm and the other over the shoulder, both meeting in front over the chest, where they are tied together in a peculiar knot by folding the extremities, thus forming a bag wherein to contain their wayside necessaries. females wear two pieces of cloth, nine and two and a half cubits in length respectively, and folded in the middle. the larger is the lower garment, and the smaller upper garment is worn with two ends tied around the neck. males wear brass finger and toe-rings, sometimes of silver. some adorn their necks with wreaths of beads, from fifteen to thirty in number. females wear ear-ornaments known as katumani, which are rings of metal wire, four or five in number. males generally allow their hair to grow, the face alone being now and then shaven. the uralis eat rice for six months of the year, and subsist on roots, fruits, and other forest produce during the remaining half. a large portion of the paddy (rice) that the uralis gather by cultivation goes to the low country in exchange for clothing and salt. the flesh of most animals is eaten, but the elephant and buffalo are held in such great respect that no urali ever ventures to hurt them. even the approach of the buffalo is religiously avoided. they begin to fell forest trees in dhanu (december-january), and seeds are sown by the end of metam (april-may). they have only a katti, which is a kind of chopping knife, for purposes of ploughing. after cultivation they change their abodes. they put up huts in the vicinity of the cultivated areas, and use bamboo and reeds as materials. after leaving the old, and before putting up the new hut, they live for several days in caves or under trees. they are very good watchmen, and take great care in putting up fences, weeding, and protecting cultivation from wild animals. they make excellent mats of reed. they are clever huntsmen, and are passionately attached to their hunting dogs. they hoard their grains in wicker baskets called virivallam. they possess copper and brass vessels, mortar, chopping knives, sickles, spades, flint and steel. a man after marriage lives with his wife, apart from his parents. pollution of a very aggravated kind is observed during the menstrual and puerperal periods. on these occasions a separate matam (hut), called the pattu-pandal, is put up at a distance from the dwelling hut. here the woman stays for three days. after bathing on the fourth day, she shifts to another matam still nearer, and stays there for one or two days. on the seventh day she rejoins the family. in cases of confinement, twelve days are spent in the remotest hut, and five days in the nearer one. but for another period of twenty days the woman is not permitted to touch any one in the house, or even the roofing of the hut. during these days food is prepared by others, and given to her. the water in which those who are confined, and those who are in their menses bathe, is considered to be defiled beyond remedy. hence, for bathing purposes some secluded and out-of-the-way pool, called pattuvellam, is selected. uralis coming to the low country hesitate to drink water, on the score that it might be thus polluted. when the woman delivers herself of her first child, her husband observes three days' pollution, but none for subsequent confinements. on all such occasions, the maternal relations of the woman have to observe five days' pollution. on the eighteenth day after birth, the eldest member of the family names the child, and bores the ear. the head of the child is shaved as soon as it is able to walk, and a tuft of hair is left in front. the corpses of the uralis are not burnt, but buried at a sufficient distance from the house. a new cloth is put into the grave by each relative. after filling in the grave, they erect a shed over it, within which the chopping knife of the deceased, a quantity of boiled rice, and some chewing materials (betel and nuts) are placed. after the lapse of seven years, an offering of food and drink is made to the departed soul. death pollution lasts for sixteen days. the uralis address their father as appan, and maternal uncle as achchan. marumakkathayam is the prevailing form of inheritance (in the female line). marriage is settled by the parents. there is no tali symbol to indicate the wedded state. after the marriage is settled, the girl is merely sent to the pandal or hut of the husband. the uralis intermarry with the ulladans, and in rare cases with muduvans. remarriage is permitted. an urali, wishing to get married into a particular family, has to wed into the family a girl belonging to his own. the uralis have a fine ear for music, and sing many songs in the night before going to bed. like the kanis (kanikars), they resort to enchantments called cheppuka and chattuka for the cure of diseases. their would-be sorcerers have to leave the community, and wander alone in the forest for a number of months. they are said to then get into a trance, when their forefathers appear before them as maidens, and teach them the mystic arts. the uralis bear their loads only on the back, and never on the head. they never go to distant places without their chopping knife. they are good forest guides." the uralis are stated by the rev. s. mateer [ ] to practice polyandry like the todas. urali is further a synonym of the tandans of travancore, in reference, it is said, to their having been guardians of villages (ur) in former times. it is also the title of the headman of the kuravas of travancore and a synonym of the kolayans of malabar. urali.--the uralis, who form the subject of the present note, dwell at an altitude of , feet in the jungles of dimbhum in the coimbatore district, where a forest bungalow, situated on a breezy ridge overlooking the plains, formed a convenient centre from which to study both uralis and the more primitive sholagas. the uralis are familiar with the badagas, who have a settlement not many miles distant; the todas, who occasionally migrate across the adjacent nilgiri frontier in search of grazing land for their buffaloes; and the kurumbas and irulas, who inhabit the lower slopes of the nilgiris, which run down to coimbatore. with the civilised world they are acquainted, as they carry loads to the plains, and run down to market at the town of sathyamangalam, which is only seventeen miles distant from dimbhum. like the nilgiri badagas, they are clad in turban, and long flowing body-cloth, white (when new), or striped with red and blue. the hair is worn long and unkempt, or shaved á la hindu with kudimi in mimicry of the more civilised classes. a man was introduced to us as an expert mimic of the note of the paroquet, peacock, jungle-fowl and other forest birds; and a small party improvised, in front of the bungalow, a bird trap cleverly constructed out of stones, an iron plate from the camp kitchen, bamboo, and rope made on the spot from the bark of ficus tsiela. the making of fire with flint and steel is fast disappearing in favour of safety matches. the uralis say that they are men of seven kulams (i.e., having seven posts to the marriage booth), and are children of billayya, while they describe the sholagas as men of five kulams and children of karayya. they call themselves uralis or irulas, and, when questioned, say that, as billayya and karayya are brothers, they may also be called sholagas. but there is no intermarriage between uralis and sholagas, though members of the two tribes sometimes interdine. according to another legend, the uralis and sholagas are both descended from karayan, and the sivacharis (lingayats) from billaya or madheswaram (see sholaga). they speak a patois of mixed tamil and canarese, and have a number of exogamous septs, the meaning of the names of which is not clear. they indulge in a large repertoire of nicknames, for the most part of a personal nature, such as donkey-legged, big-navelled, pot-bellied, hare-lipped, hairy like a bear or the tail of a mungoose, toothless, lying, brought up on butter-milk. one man was named kothe kallan (kotha, a stone), because he was born on a rock near kotagiri. the majority of the tribe earn a modest livelihood by collecting minor forest produce, such as myrabolams, wax and honey, and poles for use as primitive breaks for country carts during the ascent of the ghat road. these poles are tied to the carts by ropes, and trail behind on the ground, so that, when the cart stops, the backward course of the wheels is arrested. some till the soil, and cultivate various kinds of food-grains. others are sheep and cattle owners. a few families possess land, which is given free of rent by the forest department, on condition that they work for the department whenever their services are required. as a class they are not inclined to do hard work, and they appear to get into the clutches of money-lending chettis. their staple food is ragi (eleusine coracana). but they eat also sheep, fowls, goat, deer, pigeons and doves, black monkeys, wild boar, hare, hedgehogs, paroquets, quails and partridges, jungle-fowl, woodcock, woodpeckers, and other denizens of the jungle. a man who was asked whether they eat beef, cats, toads, bears, or white monkeys, expectorated violently at the mention of each, and the suggestion of the first three produced the most explosive oral demonstration. tribal disputes are referred to a headman, called yejamana, who must belong to the exogamous sept called sambe, and whose appointment is an hereditary one. to assist him, three others, belonging to the kalkatti, kolkara and kurinanga septs, whose hereditary titles are pattagara, gouda and kolkara, are appointed. the kolkara has to invite people to the panchayat (tribal council), collect the fines inflicted, and be present on the occasion of marriages. a woman who, after marriage, refuses to live with her husband, is punished thus. she is tied to a tree, and the kolkaran empties the contents of a hornet or wasp's nest at her feet. after a few minutes the woman is questioned, and, if she agrees to live with her husband, she must, in token of assent, lick a mark made on his back by the kolkara with fowl's excrement, saying "you are my husband. in future i shall not quarrel with you, and will obey you." even after this ordeal has been gone through, a woman may, on payment of a fine, leave her husband in favour of another man of the tribe. when a girl reaches puberty, she is anointed, decorated with jewelry, and made to occupy a separate hut for seven days, during which time two young girls keep her company. on the eighth day, all three bathe in a pond or stream, and return in their wet clothes to the girl's home, where they sit on a pestle placed in front of the door. a plantain leaf is then placed in front of them, on which cooked rice and curry are spread. a child, aged about eight or nine months, is set in the girl's lap, and she feeds the infant with a small quantity of rice, of which she herself swallows a few mouthfuls. those assembled then sit down to a meal, at the conclusion of which they wash their hands in a dish, and the girl throws the water away. the feast concluded, the spot is sprinkled with cowdung water, and cleaned up by the girl. marriage is either infant or adult, but, as a rule, the latter. the match-making is carried out by the boy's parents, who, with his other relations, pay two visits, one with and one without the boy, to the parents of the girl. at the first visit a present of ragi, and at the second of plantains, rice, and millet pudding is made. the party must be received with due respect, which is shown by taking hold of the walking-sticks of the guests on arrival, and receiving them on a mat spread inside the house. the customary form of salute is touching the feet with both hands, and raising them, with palms opposed, to the forehead. before taking their seats, the guests salute a vessel of water, which is placed on the mat, surrounded by betel leaves and nuts. a flower is placed on the top of the stone or figure which represents the tribal goddess, and, after puja (worship) has been done to it, it is addressed in the words "oh, swami! drop the flower to the right if the marriage is going to be propitious, and to the left if otherwise." should the flower remain on the image, without falling either way, it is greeted as a very happy omen. on the occasion of the betrothal ceremony, if the bridegroom's party, on their way to the bride's village, have to cross a stream, running or dry, the bridegroom is not allowed to walk across it, but must be carried over on the back of his maternal uncle. as they approach the bride's home, they are met by the kolkara and two other men, to whom the kolkara, after receiving the walking-sticks of the guests, hands them over. failure to do so would be an act of discourtesy, and regarded as an insult to be wiped out by a heavy fine. when the procession arrives at the house, entrance into the marriage booth is prevented by a stick held across it by people of the bride's village. a mock struggle takes place, during which turmeric water is thrown by both sides, and an entrance into the house is finally effected. after a meal has been partaken of, the bridal party proceed to the village of the bridegroom, where the bride and bridegroom are lodged in separate houses. in front of the bridegroom's house a booth, supported by twelve posts arranged in four rows, has been erected. the two pillars nearest the entrance to the house are called murthi kamba. into the holes made for the reception of these, after a cocoanut has been broken, ghi (clarified butter), milk, and a few copper coins are placed. the bridal pair, after an oil bath, are led to the booth, decorated with jewels and wearing new cloths, and made to sit on a plank. a cocoanut is broken, and they salute a vessel placed on a plate. the bridal party then adjourn to a pond or stream, and do puja to their god. on the return thence the bridal couple must be accompanied by their maternal uncles, who should keep on dancing, while cocoanuts are broken in front of them till the house is reached. the contracting parties then again sit on the plank with their little fingers linked, while the bride money (theravu) is paid to the father-in-law, and the milk money (pal kuli) to the mother-in-law. the tali (a golden disc) is then tied on to the bride's neck by some female relation of the bridegroom, and the bride and bridegroom, after saluting those assembled, enter the house, where the young wife is at once told to cook some rice, of which she and her husband partake from the same leaf plate. there exists, among the uralis, a kind of informal union called kuduvali. a man and woman will, by mutual agreement, elope into the jungle, and live there together, till they are discovered and brought back by their relations. a panchayat (council) is held, and they are recognised as man and wife if the bride money and fine inflicted are paid. failure to pay up would render them liable to excommunication. to celebrate the event, a feast must be given by the man; and, if he should die without having fed the community, any children born to him are considered as illegitimate. in such a case, the widow or her near relatives are asked to give food to at least a few before the corpse is removed, so as to legitimatise the children. the uralis bury their dead, and the death ceremonies are, to a certain extent, copied from those of the badagas. as soon as a member of the tribe dies, the corpse is anointed, washed, and dressed in new clothes and turban. on the face three silver coins are stuck, viz.:--a rupee on the forehead, and a quarter rupee outside each eye. when all have assembled for the funeral, the corpse is brought out and placed under a car (teru) of six storeys, made of bamboo and sticks, covered with coloured cloths and flags, and having at the top a kalasa (brass vessel) and umbrella. to the accompaniment of a band a dance takes place around the car, and the procession then moves on to the burial-ground, where a cow buffalo is brought near the car, and a little milk drawn and poured three times into the mouth of the corpse. a cow and one or two calves are taken round the car, and the calves presented to the sister of the deceased. the car is then broken up, after the decorations have been stripped off. the corpse is buried either on the spot, or taken away to distant nirgundi, and buried there. on the eighth day after the funeral or return from nirgundi, the eldest son of the deceased has his head shaved, and, together with his brother's wife, fasts. if the funeral has been at nirgundi, the son, accompanied by his relations, proceeds thither after tying some cooked rice in a cloth. on arrival, he offers this to all the memorial stones in the burial-ground (goppamane), and erects a stone, which he has brought with him, in memory of the deceased. he then anoints all the stones with ghi, which is contained in a green bamboo measure. he collects the rice, which has been offered, and one of the party, becoming inspired, gives vent to oracular declarations as to the season's prospects, the future of the bereaved family, etc. the collected rice is regarded as sacred, and is partaken of by all. each sept has its own goppamane, which is a rectangular space with mud walls on three sides. in cases in which the corpse has been buried close to the village, the grave is marked by a file of stones. two or three years afterwards, the body is exhumed, and the bones are collected, and placed in front of the house of the deceased. all the relations weep, and the son conveys the bones to nirgundi, where he buries them. on the eighth day he revisits the spot, and erects a stone with the ceremonial already described. the uralis worship a variety of minor deities, and sacrifice sheep and goats to palrayan. they observe two annual festivals, viz.:--(a) thai nombu, when the whole house is cleaned, and margosa (melia azadirachta) twigs and spikes of achyranthes aspera are tied together, and placed in front of the house over the roof, or stuck into the roof overhanging the entrance. a sumptuous repast is partaken of. this ceremonial takes place in the month thai (december-january). (b) in the month vyasi (march-april) a large trough is placed close to a well, and filled with a mixture of salt and water. the cattle, decorated with leaves and flowers, are brought, one by one, to the trough, and made to drink the salt water. uril parisha.--a class of mussad. uru.--ur, uru, meaning village, is the name of a division of bedar, boya, golla, korava, kuruba, madiga, and odde. the bedars and boyas are divided into two main divisions, uru or those who dwell in villages, and myasa (grass-land or forest people) who live away from villages. in like manner, the uru oddes are those who have abandoned a nomad life, and settled in villages. among some of the tamil cultivating classes, the headman is known as the ur goundan. ur-udaiyan (lord of a village).--a synonym of nattaman. urukathi (a kind of knife).--an exogamous sept of toreva. urukkaran, a class of muhammadan pilots and sailors in the laccadive islands. (see mappilla.) urumikkaran.--the urumikkarans, or those who play on the drum (urumi), are said [ ] to be "tottiyans in madura, and parayans elsewhere." the kappiliyans say that they migrated with the urumikkarans from the banks of the tungabadra river, because the tottiyans tried to ravish their women. at a kappiliyan wedding, a urumikkaran must be present at the distribution of betel on the second day, and at the final death ceremonies a urumikkaran must also be present. usira (usirika, phyllanthus emblica).--a sept of komati. utla.--utla or utlavadu has been recorded as an occupational sub-caste of yerukala, and an exogamous sept of boya and padma sale. the name is derived from utlam, a hanging receptacle for pots, made of palmyra fibre, which some yerukalas make and sell. [ ] uttareni (achyranthes aspera).--an exogamous sept of boya. uyyala (a swing).--an exogamous sept of mala, mutracha, and yerukala. during the marriage ceremonies of brahmans and some non-brahman castes, the bride and bridegroom are seated in a swing within the marriage booth, and songs called uyyala patalu (swing songs) are sung by women to the accompaniment of music. v vada.--on the coast of ganjam and vizagapatam, the sea fishermen are either vadas or jalaris, both of which are telugu castes. the fishing operations are carried on by the men, and the fish are sold by the women in markets and villages. various oriya castes, e.g., kevuto, kondra, tiyoro, etc., are employed as fishermen, but only in fresh-water. the vadas seem to be a section of the palles, with whom they will interdine and intermarry. they call themselves vada balijas, though they have no claim to be regarded as balijas. sometimes they are called kalasis by oriya people. socially the vadas occupy a low position. their language is a corrupt and vulgar form of telugu. the men wear a conical palm leaf cap, such as is worn by the pattanavan fishermen in the tamil country. in the presence of a superior, they remove their loin-cloth and place it round their neck and shoulders as a mark of respect. among many other castes, this would, on the contrary, be regarded as an act of impertinence. like other telugu castes, the vadas have exogamous intiperus, some of which seem to be peculiar to them, e.g., mailapilli, ganupilli, sodupilli, davulupilli. other intiperus are such as are common to many telugu castes. the caste headmen are entitled kularaju and pilla, and the appointments are apparently held by members of particular septs. at chatrapur, for example, they belong to the mailapilli and vanka septs. there is also a caste servant styled samayanodu. the headmen seem to have more power among the vadas than among other telugu castes, and all kinds of caste matters are referred to them for disposal. they receive a fee for every marriage, and arrange various details in connection with the wedding ceremonial. this is based on the telugu type, with a few variations. when a young man's relations proceed to the house of the girl whom it is proposed that he should marry, the elders of her family offer water in a brass vessel to their guests, if they approve of the match. during the marriage rites, the bride and bridegroom sit within a pandal (booth), and the men of the bridegroom's party exhibit to those assembled betel leaf, areca nuts, oil, turmeric paste, etc., in which no foreign matter, such as fragments of paper, rags, etc., must be found. if they are discovered, a fine is inflicted. there is exhibited in the madras museum a collection of clay figures, such as are worshipped by fishermen on the ganjam coast, concerning which mr. h. d'a. c. reilly writes to me as follows. "i am sending you specimens of the chief gods worshipped by the fishermen. the tahsildar of berhampur got them made by the potter and carpenter, who usually make such figures for the gopalpur fishermen. i have found fishermen's shrines at several places. separate families appear to have separate shrines, some consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), occasionally ornamented, and turned upside down, with an opening on one side. others are made of brick and chunam (lime). all that i have seen had their opening towards the sea. two classes of figures are placed in these shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing expeditions, and when there is danger from a particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. figures of gods and relations are placed in the same family shrine. there are hundreds of gods to choose from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste and tradition. the figures, which i have sent, were made by a potter at venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter at uppulapathi, both villages near gopalpur. the tahsildar tells me that, when he was inspecting them at the gopalpur travellers' bungalow, sixty or seventy fisher people came and worshipped them, and at first objected to their gods being taken away. he pacified them by telling them that it was because the government had heard of their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them in madras." the collection of clay figures includes the following:-- bengali babu wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. he blesses the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing. it has been observed that "this affinity between the ganjam fishermen and the bengali babu, resulting in the apotheosis of the latter, is certainly a striking manifestation of the catholicity of hero-worship, and it would be interesting to have the origin of this particular form of it, to know how long, and for what reasons the conception of protection has appealed to the followers of the piscatory industry. it was sir george campbell, the lieutenant-governor of bengal, who compelled his bengali officials, much against their inclination, to cultivate the art of equitation." samalamma wears a red skirt and green coat, and protects the fishermen from fever. rajamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant. she blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing. yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. she protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish. bhagirathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve hands. she helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders. nukalamma wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing community against small-pox. orusandi ammavaru prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged. bhagadevi rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera. veyyi kannula ammavaru, or goddess of a thousand eyes, represented by a pot pierced with holes, in which a gingelly (sesamum) oil light is burnt. she attends to the general welfare of the fisher folk. the chief sea goddess of the vadas seems to be orusandiamma, whose image must be made out of the wood of the nim (melia azadirachta) tree. she is supposed to have four arms. many of the pot temples set up on the sea-shore are her shrines. on no account should she be provoked, lest the fishing boat should be upset. she is regarded as constantly roaming over the sea in a boat at night. associated with her is a male deity, named ramasondi, who is her brother. his vahanam (vehicle) is an elephant. orusandi is worshipped separately by each family. at the time of worship, flowers, two cloths, a fowl, a goat, and a bottle of toddy or arrack, are carried in procession to the sea-shore. before the procession starts, people collect in front of the house of the person who is doing the puja (worship), and tie him and the goat to a long post set up in front thereof. a toy boat is placed before the post, and ramasondi is invoked by a person called mannaru, who becomes inspired by the entrance of the deity into him. a fowl is sacrificed, and, with the boat on his head, the mannaru proceeds towards the shore. orusandi is then invoked, but does not come so easily as ramasondi. repeated invocations are necessary before some one becomes inspired. the goat, post, and a pot shrine for the goddess are taken to the shore. a small platform is erected there, on which the shrine, smeared with chunam (lime), is placed, and in it the image is deposited. worship is then performed, and the goat sacrificed if it crawls along on all fours and shivers. if it does not do so, another goat is substituted for it. as every family sets up its own pot shrine, the number of these is considerable, and they extend over several furlongs. the sea goddess marulupolamma is housed in a small shed made of date palm leaves. a goddess who is very much feared, and worshipped at the burial-ground, is bulokamma. her worship is carried out at noon or midnight. she is represented by a pot, of which the neck is removed. in the sides of the pot four holes are made, into each of which a twig is inserted. the ends of the twigs are tied together with thread, so that they represent a miniature pandal (booth). the pot is carried by a mannaru, dressed up like a woman in black and white cloths, together with another pot representing enuga sakthi. the former is carried in the bend of the left elbow, and the latter on the head. the pots are accompanied in procession to the burial-ground, and on the way thither some one becomes inspired, and narrates the following legend:--"i am bulokasakthi. ages ago i was in an egg, of which the upper half became the sky and the lower half the earth, and was released. the moon was the mark on my forehead, and the sun was my mirror. seven gadhis (a measure of time) after my birth, a west wind arose. by that time i had grown into an adult woman, and so i embraced the wind, which impregnated me, and, after nine gadhis, brahma was born. he grew into a young man, and i asked him to embrace me, but he refused, and, as a curse, i caused him to become a stone. vishnu underwent the same fate, but siva promised to satisfy me, if i gave him my third eye, shoulder-bag, and cane. this i did, and lost my power. then all the water disappeared, and i was covered with mud. siva again caused water to appear, and of it i took three handfuls, and threw them over my body. the third handful consumed me, and reduced me to ashes. from these were created sarasvati, parvati, and bulokamma. i am that bulokamma. i asked a favour of siva. he made me remain within this earth, and, drawing three lines, said that i should not come out, and should receive offerings of fowls and goats." at this stage, a chicken is given to the mannaru, who bites, and kills it. at the burial-ground worship is performed, and a goat sacrificed. the goddess being confined within the earth, no shrine is erected to her, and she is not represented by an image. a small pandal is erected, and the pot placed near it. the goddess kalimukkamma is represented by a paper or wooden mask painted black, with protruding tongue. with her is associated her brother baithari. she is believed to be one of the sisters created by brahma from his face at the request of iswara, the others being polamma, maridipoli, kothapoli, jungapoli, nukapoli, runjamma, and kundamma. the shrine of kalimukkamma is a low hut made of straw. at the time of worship to her, a mannaru, dressed up as a woman, puts on the mask, and thus represents her. a stone slab, containing a figure of kalimukkamma, is carried by a woman. she is the only goddess who may be represented by a stone. to her pigs are offered. peddamma or polamma is represented by a wooden effigy. along with her, maridiamma is also worshipped. the offerings to peddamma consist of a goat or sheep, and a pot of milk. a pig is sacrificed to maridiamma. when the people proceed in procession to the place of worship, a toy cart is tied to the person representing maridiamma, and some one must carry a toy boat. at a distance from the house, the cart is detached, and a pig is killed by an abdominal incision. samalamma is a mild goddess, with vegetarian propensities, to whom animal food must not be offered. she is associated with the aforesaid bengali babu riding on a horse. her image may only be carried by young girls, and grown-up women may not touch it. of the sakthis worshipped by the vadas, the chief is koralu sakthi. the man who performs the worship is tied to a country cart, to which a central stake, and a stake at each corner are attached. dressed up in female attire, he drags the cart, with which he makes three rounds. a chicken is then impaled on each of the corner stakes, and a pig on the central stake. in former times, the images of the deities were made in clay, but it has been found by experience that wooden images are more durable, and do not require to be replaced so often. along with the images of gods and goddesses, the vadas place figures representing deceased relatives, after the peddadinam (final death ceremony). the mannarus are very important individuals, for not only do they perform worship, but are consulted on many points. if a man does not secure good catches of fish, he goes to the mannaru, to ascertain the cause of his bad luck. the mannaru holds in his hand a string, to which a stone is tied, and invokes various gods and goddesses by name. every time a name is mentioned, the stone either swings to and fro like a pendulum, or performs a circular movement. if the former occurs, it is a sign that the deity whose name has been pronounced is the cause of the misfortune, and must be propitiated in a suitable manner. vadakkupurattu.--a synonym, meaning belonging to the north side of the temple, of marans in travancore. vadra.--vadra, vadrangi, or vadla is a name of a sub-division of telugu kamsalas, the professional calling of which is carpentering. it is noted, in the gazetteer of tanjore, that "wood-carving of a very fair quality is done at several places in the tanjore district by a class of workmen called car carpenters, from the fact that their skill is generally exercised in carving images on temple cars. they are found at tanjore, mannargudi, tiruvadaturai and tiruvadi, and perhaps elsewhere. the workmen at the last-named place are vaddis. the vaddis of the godavari district are also found to do wood-carving, sometimes with great skill." vadugan.--at the census, , , individuals were returned as vadugan, which is described as meaning "a native of the northern or telugu country, but in ordinary usage it refers to the balijas." i find, however, that , vadugars have returned their sub-division as kammavar or kammas, and that the term has been used to denote many telugu castes. at the census, , the number of people returning themselves as vadugan dropped to , , and the name is defined by the census superintendent as a "linguistic term meaning a telugu man, wrongly returned as a caste name by kammas, kapus and balijas in the tamil districts." in the salem manual, vaduga is noted as including all who speak telugu in the tamil districts, e.g., odde, bestha, etc. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "of the same social standing as the kammalans are the vadugans (northerners), a makkattayam caste of foreigners found in palghat and the adjoining part of waluvanad. they are divided into two exogamous classes, one of which is regarded as inferior to the other, and performs purificatory ceremonies for the caste. they cut their hair close all over the head, and have no kudumis (hair knot)." it is noted by mr. l. moore [ ] that "xavier, writing in to , makes frequent references to men whom he calls badages, who are said to have been collectors of royal taxes, and to have grievously oppressed xavier's converts among the fishermen of travancore." [ ] dr. caldwell, alluding to xavier's letters, says [ ] that these badages were no doubt vadages or men from the north, and is of opinion that a jesuit writer of the time who called them nayars was mistaken, and that they were really nayakans from madura. i believe, however, that the jesuit rightly called them nayars, for i find that father organtino, writing in , speaks of these badages as people from narasinga, a kingdom north of madura, lying close to bishnaghur. bishnaghur is, of course, vijayanagar, and the kingdom of narasinga was the name frequently given by the portuguese to vijayanagar. there is a considerable amount of evidence to show that the nayars of malabar are closely connected by origin with the nayakans of vijayanagar." (see nayar.) vadugayan (telugu shepherd).--a tamil synonym for golla. vagiri or vagirivala.--see kuruvikkaran. vagiti (doorway or court-yard).--an exogamous sept of jogi. vaguniyan.--see vayani. vaidyan.--vaidyon or baidya, meaning physician or medicine-man, occurs as a title of kshaurakas, billavas, and pulluvans, and, at times of census, has been returned as an occupational sub-division of paraiyans. village physicians are known as vaidyans, and may belong to any caste, high or low. the vaidyan diagnoses all diseases by feeling the pulse, and, after doing this for a sufficiently long time, remarks that there is an excess of vatham, pitham, ushnam, and so on. his stock phrases are vatham, pitham, ushnam, sleshmam, karakam, megham or meham, saithyam, etc. orthodox men and women do not allow the vaidyan to feel the pulse by direct contact of the fingers, and a silk cloth is placed on the patient's wrist. the pulse of males is felt with the right hand, and that of females with the left. some vaidyans crack the finger and wrist-joints before they proceed to feel the pulse. some are general practitioners, and others specialists in the treatment of fever, piles, jaundice, syphilis, rheumatism, and other diseases. the specialists are generally hereditary practitioners. in the treatment of cases, the vaidyan prescribes powders and pills, and a decoction or infusion (kashayam) of various drugs which can easily be obtained at the village drug-shop, or with the help of the village herbalist. among these are ginger, pepper, abies webbiana, acorus calamus, nim (melia azadirachta), or andrographis paniculata sticks, alpinia galanga, etc. if the medicine has to be taken for a long time, the drugs are compounded together in the form of a lehyam, e.g., bilvadi, kushpanda, and purnadi lehyam. some vaidyans prepare powders (basmam), such as swarna (gold) basmam, pavala (coral powder) basmam, or sankha (chank shell powder) basmam. special pills (mathre), prepared at considerable cost, are sometimes kept by vaidyans, and passed on from generation to generation as heirlooms. such pills are usually intended for well-known specific diseases. these pills are used in very minute quantities, and consequently last for a long time. a drop of honey or butter is placed on a slab of sandstone, on which the pill is rubbed. the honey or butter is then administered to the patient. a standing rule of the vaidyan is to keep his patient on a very low diet, such as rice gruel without salt. his usual saying is "langanam paramoushadam," i.e., fasting is an excellent medicine. a well-known treatment in cases of jaundice is the drinking of curds, in which twigs of phyllanthus niruri have been well mashed. in a very interesting note [ ] on couching of the lens as practiced by native practitioners, major r. h. elliot, i.m.s., writes as follows. "the ignorance and stupidity of the ryot (villager) is so great that he will not very infrequently try one eye in an english hospital, and one in a vaithyan's hands. it is a very common thing for a native patient to deny ever having visited a native doctor, when he first comes to hospital. after the other eye has been successfully operated on, he will sometimes own up to the fact.... here in the south, there appear to be two classes of operators, the resident men who live for long periods in one bazaar, and the travellers who move continuously from place to place. both are mahomedans. the former appear to get somewhat better results than the latter, and are spoken of as 'men of experience.' the latter seem never to stop long in one place. they collect a number of victims, operate on them, and then move on before their sins can find them out. both kinds of operators seem to be innocent of any attempt at securing asepsis or antisepsis; they use a dirty needle or a sharp wooden skewer; no anæsthetic is employed; a bandage is kept on for ten days, and counter-irritation is freely resorted to, to combat iritis, etc. many of the victims are ashamed to come to a european hospital after the failure of their hopes. it has been said that, if the vaithyan did not get good results, he would be dropped, and the practice would die out. this remark can only have come from one who knew nothing of the indian character, or the crass ignorance of the lower classes of the people. it is hard for those who have not lived and worked among them to realise how easily the ryot falls a dupe to impudent self-advertisement. he is a simple kindly person, whose implicit trust in confident self-assertion will bring him to grief for many another generation. the vision of these poor unfortunate people sitting down in a dusty bazaar to let an ignorant charlatan thrust a dirty needle into their blind eyes has evoked the indignation of the english surgeon from the time of our first occupation of the country. side by side with a well-equipped english hospital, which turns out its ninety odd per cent. of useful vision, there sits in the neighbouring bazaar even to-day the charlatan, whose fee is fixed at anything from d. to shillings, plus, in every case, a fowl or other animal. the latter is ostensibly for sacrificial purposes, but i understand ends uniformly in the vaithyan's curry-pot. weirdest, perhaps, of all the vaithyan's methods is the use of the saffron-coloured rag, with which pus is wiped away from the patient's inflamed eye. on this colour, the pus, etc., cannot be seen, and therefore all is well. it is the fabled ostrich again, only this time in real life, with vital interests at stake." it is noted [ ] in connection with the various classes of nambutiri brahmans that "the vaidyans or physicians, known as mussads, are to study the medical science, and to practice the same. as the profession of a doctor necessitates the performance of surgical operations entailing the shedding of blood, the mussads are considered as slightly degraded." further information concerning native medicine-men will be found in the articles on kusavans and mandulas. vaikhanasa.--followers of the rishi vaikhanasa. they are archaka brahman priests in the telugu country. vairavan kovil.--an exogamous section or kovil (temple) of nattukottai chetti. vairavi.--the equivalent of bairagi or vairagi. recorded, in the madras census report, , as "a sub-caste of pandaram. they are found only in the tinnevelly district, where they are measurers of grain, and pujaris in village temples." in the madura district, vairavis are members of the melakkaran caste, who officiate as servants at the temples of the nattukottai chettis. vaisya.--vaisya is the third of the traditional castes of manu. "it is," mr. francis writes, [ ] "doubtful whether there are any true dravidian vaisyas, but some of the dravidian trading castes (with the title chetti), notably the komatis, are treated as vaisyas by the brahmans, though the latter do not admit their right to perform the religious ceremonies which are restricted by the vedas to the twice-born, and require them to follow only the puranic rites. the muttans (trading caste in malabar) formerly claimed to be nayars, but recently they have gone further, and some of them have returned themselves as vaisyas, and added the vaisya title of gupta to their names. they do not, however, wear the sacred thread or perform any vedic rites, and nayars consider themselves polluted by their touch." some vellalas and nattukottai chettis describe themselves as being bhu (earth) vaisyas, and some gollas claim to be regarded as go(cow) vaisyas. [ ] some ganigas and nagartas call themselves dharmasivachar vaisyas, [ ] and, like the canarese ganigas (oil-pressers), the tamil oil-pressers (vaniyan) claim to rank as vaisyas. vaisya brahman is noted [ ] as being a curious hybrid name, by which the konkani vanis (traders) style themselves. a small colony of "baniyans," who call themselves jain vaisyas, is said [ ] to have settled in native cochin. vaisya is recorded as the caste of various title-holders, whose title is chetti or chettiyar, in the madras quarterly civil list. vajjira (diamond).--an exogamous sept of toreya. vakkaliga.--see okkiliyan. valagadava.--an occupational name for various classes in south canara, e.g., sappaligas, mogilis, and patramelas, who are engaged as musicians. valai (net).--the name, said to indicate those who hunt with nets, of a section of paraiyans. the ambalakkarans, who are also called valaiyans, claim that, when siva's ring was swallowed by a fish in the ganges, one of their ancestors invented the first net made in the world. valaiyal.--a sub-division of kavarai, i.e., the tamil equivalent of gazula (glass bangle) balija. valaiyan.--the valaiyans are described, in the manual of madura district ( ), as "a low and debased class. their name is supposed to be derived from valai, a net, and to have been given to them from their being constantly employed in netting game in the jungles. many of them still live by the net; some catch fish; some smelt iron. many are engaged in cultivation, as bearers of burdens, and in ordinary cooly work. the tradition that a valaiya woman was the mother of the vallambans seems to show that the valaiyans must be one of the most ancient castes in the country." in the tanjore manual they are described as "inhabitants of the country inland who live by snaring birds, and fishing in fresh waters. they engage also in agricultural labour and cooly work, such as carrying loads, husking paddy (rice), and cutting and selling fire-wood. they are a poor and degraded class." the valaiyans are expert at making cunningly devised traps for catching rats and jungle fowl. they have "a comical fairy-tale of the origin of the war, which still goes on between them and the rat tribe. it relates how the chiefs of the rats met in conclave, and devised the various means for arranging and harassing the enemy, which they still practice with such effect." [ ] the valaiyans say that they were once the friends of siva, but were degraded for the sin of eating rats and frogs. in the census report, , the valaiyans are described as "a shikari (hunting) caste in madura and tanjore. in the latter the names ambalakaran, servaikaran, vedan, siviyan, and kuruvikkaran are indiscriminately applied to the caste." there is some connection between ambalakarans, muttiriyans, mutrachas, uralis, vedans, valaiyans, and vettuvans, but in what it exactly consists remains to be ascertained. it seems likely that all of them are descended from one common parent stock. ambalakarans claim to be descended from kannappa nayanar, one of the sixty-three saivite saints, who was a vedan or hunter by caste. in tanjore the valaiyans declare themselves to have a similar origin, and in that district ambalakaran and muttiriyan seem to be synonymous with valaiyan. moreover, the statistics of the distribution of the valaiyans show that they are numerous in the districts where ambalakarans are few, and vice versâ, which looks as though certain sections had taken to calling themselves ambalakarans. the upper sections of the ambalakarans style themselves pillai, which is a title properly belonging to vellalas, but the others are usually called muppan in tanjore, and ambalakaran, muttiriyan, and servaikaran in trichinopoly. the usual title of the valaiyans, so far as i can gather, is muppan, but some style themselves servai and ambalakaran." the madura valaiyans are said [ ] to be "less brahmanised than those in tanjore, the latter employing brahmans as priests, forbidding the marriage of widows, occasionally burning their dead, and being particular what they eat. but they still cling to the worship of all the usual village gods and goddesses." in some places, it is said, [ ] the valaiyans will eat almost anything, including rats, cats, frogs and squirrels. like the pallans and paraiyans, the valaiyans, in some places, live in streets of their own, or in settlements outside the villages. at times of census, they have returned a large number of sub-divisions, of which the following may be cited as examples:-- monathinni. those who eat the vermin of the soil. pasikatti (pasi, glass bead). saragu, withered leaves. vanniyan. synonym of the palli caste. vellamputtu, white-ant hill. in some places the saruku or saragu valaiyans have exogamous kilais or septs, which, as among the maravans and kallans, run in the female line. brothers and sisters belong to the same kilai as that of their mother and maternal uncle, and not of their father. it is stated, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "the valaiyans are grouped into four endogamous sub-divisions, namely, vahni, valattu, karadi, and kangu. the last of these is again divided into pasikatti, those who use a bead necklet instead of a tali (as a marriage badge), and karaikatti, those whose women wear horsehair necklaces like the kallans. the caste title is muppan. caste matters are settled by a headman called the kambliyan (blanket man), who lives at aruppukottai, and comes round in state to any village which requires his services, seated on a horse, and accompanied by servants who hold an umbrella over his head and fan him. he holds his court seated on a blanket. the fines imposed go in equal shares to the aramanai (literally palace, i.e., to the headman himself), and to the oramanai, that is, the caste people. it is noted by mr. f. r. hemingway that "the valaiyans of the trichinopoly district say that they have eight endogamous sub-divisions, namely, sarahu (or saragu), ettarai koppu, tanambanadu or valuvadi, nadunattu or asal, kurumba, vanniya, ambunadu, and punal. some of these are similar to those of the kallans and ambalakarans." in the gazetteer of the tanjore district, it is recorded that the valaiyans are said to possess "endogamous sub-divisions called vedan, sulundukkaran and ambalakkaran. the members of the first are said to be hunters, those of the second torch-bearers, and those of the last cultivators. they are a low caste, are refused admittance into the temples, and pollute a vellalan by touch. their occupations are chiefly cultivation of a low order, cooly work, and hunting. they are also said to be addicted to crime, being employed by kallans as their tools." adult marriage is the rule, and the consent of the maternal uncle is necessary. remarriage of widows is freely permitted. at the marriage ceremony, the bridegroom's sister takes up the tali (marriage badge), and, after showing it to those assembled, ties it tightly round the neck of the bride. to tie it loosely so that the tali string touches the collar-bone would be considered a breach of custom, and the woman who tied it would be fined. the tali-tying ceremony always takes place at night, and the bridegroom's sister performs it, as, if it was tied by the bridegroom, it could not be removed on his death, and replaced if his widow wished to marry again. marriages generally take place from january to may, and consummation should not be effected till the end of the month adi, lest the first child should be born in the month of chithre, which would be very inauspicious. there are two tamil proverbs to the effect that "the girl should remain in her mother's house during adi," and "if a child is born in chithre, it is ruinous to the house of the mother-in-law." in the gazetteer of the madura district, it is stated that "at weddings, the bridegroom's sister ties the tali, and then hurries the bride off to her brother's house, where he is waiting. when a girl attains maturity, she is made to live for a fortnight in a temporary hut, which she afterwards burns down. while she is there, the little girls of the caste meet outside it, and sing a song illustrative of the charms of womanhood, and its power of alleviating the unhappy lot of the bachelor. two of the verses say:-- what of the hair of a man? it is twisted, and matted, and a burden. what of the tresses of a woman? they are as flowers in a garland, and a glory. what of the life of a man? it is that of the dog at the palace gate. what of the days of a woman? they are like the gently waving leaves in a festoon. "divorce is readily permitted on the usual payments, and divorcées and widows may remarry. a married woman who goes astray is brought before the kambliyan, who delivers a homily, and then orders the man's waist-string to be tied round her neck. this legitimatises any children they may have." the valaiyans of pattukkottai in the tanjore district say that intimacy between a man and woman before marriage is tolerated, and that the children of such a union are regarded as members of the caste, and permitted to intermarry with others, provided the parents pay a nominal penalty imposed by the caste council. in connection with the valaiyans of the trichinopoly district, mr. hemingway writes that "they recognise three forms of marriage, the most usual of which consists in the bridegroom's party going to the girl's house with three marakkals of rice and a cock on an auspicious day, and in both parties having a feast there. sometimes the young man's sister goes to the girl's house, ties a tali round her neck, and takes her away. the ordinary form of marriage, called big marriage, is sometimes used with variations, but the valaiyans do not like it, and say that the two other forms result in more prolific unions. they tolerate unchastity before marriage, and allow parties to marry even after several children have been born, the marriage legitimatising them. they permit remarriage of widows and divorced women. women convicted of immorality are garlanded with erukku (calotropis gigantea) flowers, and made to carry a basket of mud round the village. men who too frequently offend in this respect are made to sit with their toes tied to the neck by a creeper. when a woman is divorced, her male children go to the husband, and she is allowed to keep the girls." the tribal gods of the valaiyans are singa pidari (aiyanar) and padinettampadi karuppan. once a year, on the day after the new-moon in the month masi (february to march), the valaiyans assemble to worship the deity. early in the morning they proceed to the aiyanar temple, and, after doing homage to the god, go off to the forest to hunt hares and other small game. on their return they are met by the valaiyan matrons carrying coloured water or rice (alam), garlands of flowers, betel leaves and areca nuts. the alam is waved over the men, some of whom become inspired and are garlanded. while they are under inspiration, the mothers appeal to them to name their babies. the products of the chase are taken to the house of the headman and distributed. at a festival, at which mr. k. rangachari was present, at about ten o'clock in the morning all the valaiya men, women, and children, dressed up in holiday attire, swarmed out of their huts, and proceeded to a neighbouring grove. the men and boys each carried a throwing stick, or a digging stick tipped with iron. on arrival at the grove, they stood in a row, facing east, and, throwing down their sticks, saluted them, and prostrated themselves before them. then all took up their sticks, and some played on reed pipes. some of the women brought garlands of flowers, and placed them round the necks of four men, who for a time stood holding in their hands their sticks, of which the ends were stuck in the ground. after a time they began to shiver, move quickly about, and kick those around them. under the influence of their inspiration, they exhibited remarkable physical strength, and five or six men could not hold them. calling various people by name, they expressed a hope that they would respect the gods, worship them, and offer to them pongal (boiled rice) and animal sacrifices. the women brought their babies to them to be named. in some places, the naming of infants is performed at the aiyanar temple by any one who is under the influence of inspiration. failing such a one, several flowers, each with a name attached to it, are thrown in front of the idol. a boy, or the pujari (priest) picks up one of the flowers, and the infant receives the name which is connected with it. the valaiyans are devoted to devil worship, and, at orattanadu in the tanjore district, every valaiyan backyard is said to contain an odiyan (odina wodier) tree, in which the devil is supposed to live. [ ] it is noted by mr. w. francis [ ] that "certain of the valaiyans who live at ammayanayakkanur are the hereditary pujaris to the gods of the sirumalai hills. some of these deities are uncommon, and one of them, papparayan, is said to be the spirit of a brahman astrologer whose monsoon forecast was falsified by events, and who, filled with a shame rare in unsuccessful weather prophets, threw himself off a high point on the range." according to mr. hemingway, the valaiyans have a special caste god, named muttal ravuttan, who is the spirit of a dead muhammadan, about whom nothing seems to be known. the dead are as a rule buried with rites similar to those of the kallans and agamudaiyans. the final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are performed on the sixteenth day. on the night of the previous day, a vessel filled with water is placed on the spot where the deceased breathed his last, and two cocoanuts, with the pores ('eyes') open, are deposited near it. on the following morning, all proceed to a grove or tank (pond). the eldest son, or other celebrant, after shaving and bathing, marks out a square space on the ground, and, placing a few dry twigs of ficus religiosa and ficus bengalensis therein, sets fire to them. presents of rice and other food-stuffs are given to beggars and others. the ceremony closes with the son and sapindas, who have to observe pollution, placing new cloths on their heads. mr. francis records that, at the funeral ceremonies, "the relations go three times round a basket of grain placed under a pandal (booth), beating their breasts and singing:-- for us the kanji (rice gruel): kailasam (the abode of siva) for thee; rice for us; for thee svargalokam, and then wind turbans round the head of the deceased's heir, in recognition of his new position as chief of the family. when a woman loses her husband, she goes three times round the village mandai (common), with a pot of water on her shoulder. after each of the first two journeys, the barber makes a hole in the pot, and at the end of the third he hurls down the vessel, and cries out an adjuration to the departed spirit to leave the widow and children in peace." it is noted, in the gazetteer of the tanjore district, that "one of the funeral ceremonies is peculiar, though it is paralleled by practices among the paraiyans and karaiyans. when the heir departs to the burning-ground on the second day, a mortar is placed near the outer door of his house, and a lamp is lit inside. on his return, he has to upset the mortar, and worship the light." valan.--for the following note on the valan and katal arayan fishing castes of the cochin state, i am indebted to mr. l. k. anantha krishna aiyar. the name valan is derived from vala, meaning fish in a tank. some consider the word to be another form of valayan, which signifies a person who throws a net for fishing. according to the tradition and current belief of these people, they were brought to kerala by parasurama for plying boats and conveying passengers across the rivers and backwaters on the west coast. another tradition is that the valans were arayans, and they became a separate caste only after one of the perumals had selected some of their families for boat service, and conferred on them special privileges. they even now pride themselves that their caste is one of remote antiquity, and that vedavyasa, the author of the puranas, and guha, who rendered the boat service to the divine rama, sita, and lakshmana, across the ganges in the course of their exile to the forest, were among the caste-men. there are no sub-divisions in the caste, but the members thereof are said to belong to four exogamous illams (houses of nambutiris), namely, alayakad, ennalu, vaisyagiriam, and vazhapally, which correspond to the gotras of the brahmans, or to four clans, the members of each of which are perhaps descended from a common ancestor. according to a tradition current among them, they were once attached to the four nambutiri illams above mentioned for service of some kind, and were even the descendants of the members of the illams, but were doomed to the present state of degradation on account of some misconduct. evidently, the story is looked up to to elevate themselves in social status. i am inclined to believe that they must have been the atiyars (slaves) of the four aforesaid brahman families, owing a kind of allegiance (nambikooru) like the kanakkans to the chittur manakkal nambutripad in perumanam of the trichur taluk. even now, these brahman families are held in great respect by the valans, who, when afflicted with family calamities, visit the respective illams with presents of a few packets of betel leaves and a few annas, to receive the blessings of their brahman masters, which, according to their belief, may tend to avert them. the low sandy tract of land on each side of the backwater is the abode of these fishermen. in some places, more especially south of cranganore, their houses are dotted along the banks of the backwater, often nearly hidden by cocoanut trees, while at intervals the white picturesque fronts of numerous roman catholic and romo-syrian churches are perceived. these houses are in fact mere flimsy huts, a few of which, occupied by the members of several families, may be seen huddled together in the same compound abounding in a growth of cocoanut trees, with hardly enough space to dry their fish and nets. in the majority of cases, the compounds belong to jenmis (landlords), who lease them out either rent-free or on nominal rent, and who often are so kind as to allow them some cocoanuts for their consumption, and leaves sufficient to thatch their houses. about ten per cent. of their houses are built of wood and stones, while a large majority of them are made of mud or bamboo framework, and hardly spacious enough to accommodate the members of the family during the summer months. cooking is done outside the house, and very few take rest inside after hard work, for their compounds are shady and breezy, and they may be seen basking in the sun after midnight toil, or drying the nets or fish. their utensils are few, consisting of earthen vessels and enamel dishes, and their furniture of a few wooden planks and coarse mats to serve as beds. the girls of the valans are married both before and after puberty, but the tali-kettu kalyanam (tali-tying marriage) is indispensable before they come of age, as otherwise they and their parents are put out of caste. both for the tali-tying ceremony and for the real marriage, the bride and bridegroom must be of different illams or gotras. in regard to the former, as soon as an auspicious day is fixed, the girl's party visit the aravan with a present of six annas and eight pies, and a few packets of betel leaves, when he gives his permission, and issues an order to the ponamban, his subordinate of the kadavu (village), to see that the ceremony is properly conducted. the ponamban, the bridegroom and his party, go to the house of the bride. at the appointed hour, the ponambans and the castemen of the two kadavus assemble after depositing six annas and eight pies in recognition of the presence of the aravan, and the tali is handed over by the priest to the bridegroom, who ties it round the neck of the bride amidst the joyous shouts of the multitude assembled. the ceremony always takes place at night, and the festivities generally last for two days. it must be understood that the tali tier is not necessarily the husband of the girl, but is merely the pseudo-bridegroom or pseudo-husband, who is sent away with two pieces of cloth and a few annas at the termination of the ceremony. should he, however, wish to have the girl as his wife, he should, at his own expense, provide her with a tali, a wedding dress, and a few rupees as the price of the bride. generally it is the maternal uncle of the girl who provides her with the first two at the time of the ceremony. the actual marriage is more ceremonial in its nature. the maternal uncle, or the father of a young valan who wishes to marry, first visits the girl, and, if he approves of the match for his nephew or son, the astrologer is consulted so as to ensure that the horoscopes agree. if astrology does not stand in the way, they forthwith proceed to the girl's house, where they are well entertained. the bride's parents and relatives return the visit at the bridegroom's house, where they are likewise treated to a feast. the two parties then decide on a day for the formal declaration of the proposed union. on that day, a valan from the bridegroom's village, seven to nine elders, and the ponamban under whom the bride is, meet, and, in the presence of those assembled, a valan from each party deposits on a plank four annas and a few betel leaves in token of enangu mattam or exchange of co-castemen from each party for the due fulfilment of the contract thus publicly entered into. then they fix the date of the marriage, and retire from the bride's house. on the appointed day, the bridegroom's party proceed to the bride's house with two pieces of cloth, a rupee or a rupee and a half, rice, packets of betel leaves, etc. the bride is already dressed and adorned in her best, and one piece of cloth, rice and money, are paid to her mother as the price of the bride. after a feast, the bridal party go to the bridegroom's house, which is entered at an auspicious hour. they are received at the gate with a lamp and a vessel of water, a small quantity of which is sprinkled on the married couple. they are welcomed by the seniors of the house and seated together, when sweets are given, and the bride is formally declared to be a member of the bridegroom's family. the ceremony closes with a feast, the expenses in connection with which are the same on both sides. a man may marry more than one wife, but no woman may enter into conjugal relations with more than one man. a widow may, with the consent of her parents, enter into wedlock with any member of her caste except her brothers-in-law, in which case her children by her first husband will be looked after by the members of his family. divorce is effected by either party making an application to the aravan, who has to be presented with from twelve annas to six rupees and a half according to the means of the applicant. the aravan, in token of dissolution, issues a letter to the members of the particular village to which the applicant belongs, and, on the declaration of the same, he or she has to pay to his or her village castemen four annas. when a valan girl comes of age, she is lodged in a room of the house, and is under pollution for four days. she is bathed on the fourth day, and the castemen and women of the neighbourhood, with the relatives and friends, are treated to a sumptuous dinner. there is a curious custom called theralikka, i.e., causing the girl to attain maturity, which consists in placing her in seclusion in a separate room, and proclaiming that she has come of age. under such circumstances, the caste-women of the neighbourhood, with the washerwoman, assemble at the house of the girl, when the latter pours a small quantity of gingelly (sesamum) oil on her head, and rubs her body with turmeric powder, after which she is proclaimed as having attained puberty. she is bathed, and lodged in a separate room as before, and the four days' pollution is observed. this custom, which exists also among other castes, is now being abandoned by a large majority of the community. in respect of inheritance, the valans follow a system, which partakes of the character of succession from father to son, and from maternal uncle to nephew. the self-acquired property is generally divided equally between brothers and sons, while the ancestral property, if any, goes to the brothers. the great majority of the valans are mere day-labourers, and the property usually consists of a few tools, implements, or other equipments of their calling. the valans, like other castes, have their tribal organisation, and their headman (aravan or aravar) is appointed by thitturam or writ issued by his highness the raja. the aravan appoints other social heads, called ponamban, one, two, or three of whom are stationed at each desam (village) or kadavu. before the development of the government authority and the establishment of administrative departments, the aravans wielded great influence and authority, as they still do to a limited extent, not only in matters social, but also in civil and criminal disputes between members of the community. for all social functions, matrimonial, funeral, etc., their permission has to be obtained and paid for. the members of the community have to visit their headman, with presents of betel leaves, money, and sometimes rice and paddy (unhusked rice). the headman generally directs the proper conduct of all ceremonies by writs issued to the ponambans under him. the ponambans also are entitled to small perquisites on ceremonial occasions. the appointment of aravan, though not virtually hereditary, passes at his death to the next qualified senior member of his family, who may be his brother, son, or nephew, but this rule has been violated by the appointment of a person from a different family. the aravan has the honour of receiving from his highness the raja a present of two cloths at the onam festival, six annas and eight pies on the athachamayam day, and a similar sum for the vishu. at his death, the ruler of the state sends a piece of silk cloth, a piece of sandal-wood, and about ten rupees, for defraying the expenses of the funeral ceremonies. the valans profess hinduism, and siva, vishnu, and the heroes of the hindu puranas are all worshipped. like other castes, they entertain special reverence for bhagavathi, who is propitiated with offerings of rice-flour, toddy, green cocoanuts, plantain fruits, and fowls, on tuesdays and fridays. a grand festival, called kumbhom bharani (cock festival), is held in the middle of march, when nayars and low caste men offer up cocks to bhagavathi, beseeching immunity from diseases during the ensuing year. in fact, people from all parts of malabar, cochin, and travancore, attend the festival, and the whole country near the line of march rings with shouts of "nada, nada" (walk or march) of the pilgrims to cranganore, the holy residence of the goddess. in their passage up to the shrine, the cry of "nada, nada" is varied by unmeasured abuse of the goddess. the abusive language, it is believed, is acceptable to her, and, on arrival at the shrine, they desecrate it in every conceivable manner, in the belief that this too is acceptable. they throw stones and filth, howling volleys of abuse at the shrine. the chief of the arayan caste, koolimuttah arayan, has the privilege of being the first to be present on the occasion. the image in the temple is said to have been recently introduced. there is a door in the temple which is apparently of stone, fixed in a half-opened position. a tradition, believed by hindus and christians, is attached to this, which asserts that st. thomas and bhagavathi held a discussion at palliport about the respective merits of the christian and hindu religions. the argument became heated, and bhagavathi, considering it best to cease further discussion, decamped, and, jumping across the cranganore river, made straight for the temple. st. thomas, not to be outdone, rapidly gave chase, and, just as the deity got inside the door, the saint reached its outside, and, setting his foot between it and the door-post, prevented its closure. there they both stood until the door turned to stone, one not allowing its being opened, and the other its being shut. another important festival, which is held at cranganore, is the makara vilakku, which falls on the first of makaram (about the th january), during the night of which there is a good deal of illumination both in and round the temple. a procession of ten or twelve elephants, all fully decorated, goes round it several times, accompanied by drums and instrumental music. chourimala iyappan or sastha, a sylvan deity, whose abode is chourimala in travancore, is a favourite deity of the valans. in addition, they worship the demi-gods or demons kallachan muri and kochu mallan, who are ever disposed to do them harm, and who are therefore propitiated with offerings of fowls. they have a patron, who is also worshipped at cranganore. the spirits of their ancestors are also held in great veneration by these people, and are propitiated with offerings on the new moon and sankranthi days of karkadakam, thulam, and makaram. the most important festivals observed by the valans in common with other castes are mandalam vilakku, sivarathri, vishu, onam, and desara. mandalam vilakku takes place during the last seven days of mandalam (november to december). during this festival the valans enjoy themselves with music and drum-beating during the day. at night, some of them, developing hysterical fits, profess to be oracles, with demons such as gandharva, yakshi, or bhagavathi, dwelling in their bodies in their incorporeal forms. consultations are held as to future events, and their advice is thankfully received and acted upon. sacrifices of sheep, fowls, green cocoanuts, and plantain fruits are offered to the demons believed to be residing within, and are afterwards liberally distributed among the castemen and others present. the sivarathri festival comes on the last day of magha. the whole day and night are devoted to the worship of siva, and the valans, like other castes, go to alvai, bathe in the river, and keep awake during the night, reading the siva purana and reciting his names. early on the following morning, they bathe, and make offerings of rice balls to the spirits of the ancestors before returning home. the valans have no temples of their own, but, on all important occasions, worship the deities of the temples of the higher castes, standing at a long distance from the outer walls of the sacred edifice. on important religious occasions, embrans are invited to perform the kalasam ceremony, for which they are liberally rewarded. a kalasam is a pot, which is filled with water. mango leaves and dharba grass are placed in it. vedic hymns are repeated, with one end of the grass in the water, and the other in the hand. water thus sanctified is used for bathing the image. from a comparison of the religion of the valans with that of allied castes, it may be safely said that they were animists, but have rapidly imbibed the higher forms of worship. they are becoming more and more literate, and this helps the study of the religious works. there are some among them, who compose vanchipattu (songs sung while rowing) with plots from their puranic studies. the valans either burn or bury their dead. the chief mourner is either the son or nephew of the dead person, and he performs the death ceremonies as directed by the priest (chithayan), who attends wearing a new cloth, turban, and the sacred thread. the ceremonies commence on the second, fifth, or seventh day, when the chief mourner, bathing early in the morning, offers pinda bali (offerings of rice balls) to the spirit of the deceased. this is continued till the thirteenth day, when the nearest relatives get shaved. on the fifteenth day, the castemen of the locality, the friends and relatives, are treated to a grand dinner, and, on the sixteenth day, another offering (mana pindam) is made to the spirit of the departed, and thrown into the backwater close by. every day during the ceremonies, a vessel full of rice is given to the priest, who also receives ten rupees for his services. if the death ceremonies are not properly performed, the ghost of the deceased is believed to haunt the house. an astrologer is then consulted, and his advice is invariably followed. what is called samhara homam (sacred fire) is kept up, and an image of the dead man in silver or gold is purified by the recitation of holy mantrams. another purificatory ceremony is performed, after which the image is handed over to a priest at the temple, with a rupee or two. this done, the death ceremonies are performed. the ears of valan girls are, as among some other castes, pierced when they are a year old, or even less, and a small quill, a piece of cotton thread, or a bit of wood, is inserted into the hole. the wound is gradually healed by the application of cocoanut oil. a piece of lead is then inserted in the hole, which is gradually enlarged by means of a piece of plantain, cocoanut, or palmyra leaf rolled up. the valans are expert rowers, and possess the special privilege of rowing from thripunathura the boat of his highness the raja for his installation at the cochin palace, when the aravan, with sword in hand, has to stand in front of him in the boat. further, on the occasion of any journey of the raja along the backwaters on occasions of state functions, such as a visit of the governor of madras, or other dignitary, the headman leads the way as an escort in a snake-boat rowed with paddles, and has to supply the requisite number of men for rowing the boats of the high official and his retinue. the katal arayans, or sea arayans, who are also called katakkoti, are lower in status than the valans, and, like them, live along the coast. they were of great service to the portuguese and the dutch in their palmy days, acting as boatmen in transhipping their commodities and supplying them with fish. the katal arayans were, in former times, owing to their social degradation, precluded from travelling along the public roads. this disability was, during the days of the portuguese supremacy, taken advantage of by the roman catholic missionaries, who turned their attention to the conversion of these poor fishermen, a large number of whom were thus elevated in the social scale. the katal arayans are sea fishermen. on the death of a prince of malabar, all fishing is temporarily prohibited, and only renewed after three days, when the spirit of the departed is supposed to have had time enough to choose its abode without molestation. among their own community, the katal arayans distinguish themselves by four distinct appellations, viz., sankhan, bharatan, amukkuvan, and mukkuvan. of these, amukkuvans do priestly functions. the castemen belong to four septs or illams, namely, kattotillam, karotillam, chempotillam, and ponnotillam. katal arayan girls are married both before and after puberty. the tali-tying ceremony, which is compulsory in the case of valan girls before they come of age, is put off, and takes place along with the real marriage. the preliminary negotiations and settlements thereof are substantially the same as those prevailing among the valans. the auspicious hour for marriage is between three and eight in the morning, and, on the previous evening, the bridegroom and his party arrive at the house of the bride, where they are welcomed and treated to a grand feast, after which the guests, along with the bride and bridegroom seated somewhat apart, in a pandal tastefully decorated and brightly illuminated, are entertained with songs of the velan (washerman) and his wife alluding to the marriage of sita or parvathi, in the belief that they will bring about a happy conjugal union. these are continued till sunrise, when the priest hands over the marriage badge to the bridegroom, who ties it round the neck of the bride. the songs are again continued for an hour or two, after which poli begins. the guests who have assembled contribute a rupee, eight annas, or four annas, according to their means, which go towards the remuneration of the priest, songsters, and drummers. the guests are again sumptuously entertained at twelve o'clock, after which the bridegroom and his party return with the bride to his house. at the time of departure, or nearly an hour before it, the bridegroom ties a few rupees or a sovereign to a corner of the bride's body-cloth, probably to induce her to accompany him. just then, the bride-price, which is puthans, or rs. - - , is paid to her parents. the bridal party is entertained at the bridegroom's house, where, at an auspicious hour, the newly married couple are seated together, and served with a few pieces of plantain fruits and some milk, when the bride is formally declared to be a member of her husband's family. if a girl attains maturity after her marriage, she is secluded for a period of eleven days. she bathes on the first, fourth, seventh, and eleventh days, and, on the last day the caste people are entertained with a grand feast, the expenses connected with which are met by the husband. the katal arayans rarely have more than one wife. a widow may, a year after the death of her husband, enter into conjugal relations with any member of the caste, except her brother-in-law. succession is in the male line. the katal arayans have headmen (aravans), whose duties are the same as those of the headmen of the valans. when the senior male or female member of the ruling family dies, the aravan has the special privilege of being the first successor to the masnad with his tirumul kazcha (nuzzer), which consists of a small quantity of salt packed in a plantain leaf with rope and a venetian ducat or other gold coin. during the period of mourning, visits of condolence from durbar officials and sthanis or noblemen are received only after the aravan's visit. when the bhagavathi temple of cranganore is defiled during the cock festival, koolimutteth aravan has the special privilege of entering the temple in preference to other castemen. the katal arayans profess hinduism, and their modes of worship, and other religious observances, are the same as those of the velans. the dead are either burnt or buried. the period of death pollution is eleven days, and the agnates are freed from it by a bath on the eleventh day. on the twelfth day, the castemen of the village, including the relatives and friends, are treated to a grand feast. the son, who is the chief mourner, observes the diksha, or vow by which he does not shave, for a year. he performs the sradha (memorial service) every year in honour of the dead. some of the methods of catching fish at cochin are thus described by dr. francis day. [ ] "cast nets are employed from the shore, by a number of fishermen, who station themselves either in the early morning or in the afternoon, along the coast from to yards apart. they keep a careful watch on the water, and, on perceiving a fish rise sufficiently near the land, rush down and attempt to throw their nets over it. this is not done as in europe by twisting the net round and round the head until it has acquired the necessary impetus, and then throwing it; but by the person twirling himself and the net round and round at the same time, and then casting it. he not infrequently gets knocked over by a wave. when fish are caught, they are buried in the sand, to prevent their tainting. in the wide inland rivers, fishermen employ cast nets in the following manner. each man is in a boat, which is propelled by a boy with a bamboo. the fisherman has a cast net, and a small empty cocoanut shell. this last he throws into the river, about twenty yards before the boat, and it comes down with a splash, said to be done to scare away the crocodiles. as the boat approaches the place where the cocoanut shell was thrown, the man casts his net around the spot. this method is only for obtaining small fish, and as many as fifteen boats at a time are to be seen thus employed in one place, one following the other in rapid succession, some trying the centre, others the sides of the river. "double rows of long bamboos, firmly fixed in the mud, are placed at intervals across the backwater, and on these nets are fixed at the flood tide, so that fish which have entered are unable to return to the sea. numbers of very large ones are occasionally captured in this way. a species of chinese nets is also used along the river's banks. they are about feet square, suspended by bamboos from each corner, and let down like buckets into the water, and then after a few minutes drawn up again. a piece of string, to which are attached portions of the white leaves of the cocoanut tree, is tied at short intervals along the ebb side of the net, which effectually prevents fish from going that way. a plan somewhat analogous is employed on a small scale for catching crabs. a net three feet square is supported at the four corners by two pieces of stick fastened crosswise. from the centre of these sticks where they cross is a string to pull it up by or let it down, and a piece of meat is tied to the middle of the net inside. this is let down from a wharf, left under water for a few minutes, and then pulled up. crabs coming to feed are thus caught. "fishing with a line is seldom attempted in the deep sea, excepting for sharks, rays, and other large fish. the hooks employed are of two descriptions, the roughest, although perhaps the strongest, being of native manufacture; the others are of english make, denominated china hooks. the hook is fastened to a species of fibre called thumboo, said to be derived from a seaweed, but more probably from one of the species of palms. the lines are either hemp, cotton, or the fibre of the talipot palm (caryota urens), which is obtained by maceration. in europe they are called indian gut. "trolling from the shore at the river's mouth is only carried on of a morning or evening, during the winter months of the year, when the sea is smooth. the line is from to yards in length, and held wound round the left hand; the hook is fastened to the line by a brass wire, and the bait is a live fish. the fisherman, after giving the line an impetus by twirling it round and round his head, throws it with great precision from to yards. a man is always close by with a cast net, catching baits, which he sells for one quarter of an anna each. this mode of fishing is very exciting sport, but is very uncertain in its results, and therefore usually carried on by coolies either before their day's work has commenced, or after its termination. "fishing with a bait continues all day long in cochin during the monsoon months, when work is almost at a standstill, and five or six persons may be perceived at each jetty, busily engaged in this occupation. the bagrus tribe is then plentiful, and, as it bites readily, large numbers are captured. "fishing in small boats appears at times to be a dangerous occupation; the small canoe only steadied by the paddle of one man seated in it looks as if it must every minute be swamped. very large fish are sometimes caught in this way. should one be hooked too large for the fisherman to manage, the man in the next boat comes to his assistance, and receives a quarter of the fish for his trouble. this is carried on all through the year, and the size of some of the bagri is enormous. "fish are shot in various ways, by a chittagong bamboo, which is a hollow tube, down which the arrow is propelled by the marksman's mouth. this mode is sometimes very remunerative, and is followed by persons who quietly sneak along the shores, either of sluggish streams or of the backwater. sometimes they climb up into trees, and there await a good shot. or, during the monsoon, the sportsman quietly seats himself near some narrow channel that passes from one wide piece of water into another, and watches for his prey. other fishermen shoot with bows and arrows, and again others with cross-bows, the iron arrow or bolt of which is attached by a line to the bow, to prevent its being lost. but netting fish, catching them with hooks, or shooting them with arrows, are not the only means employed for their capture. bamboo labyrinths, bamboo baskets, and even men's hands alone, are called into use. "persons fish for crabs in shallow brackish water, provided with baskets like those employed in europe for catching eels, but open at both ends. the fishermen walk about in the mud, and, when they feel a fish move, endeavour to cover it with the larger end of the basket, which is forced down some distance into the mud, and the hand is then passed downward through the upper extremity, and the fish taken out. another plan of catching them by the hand is by having two lines to which white cocoanut leaves are attached tied to the fisherman's two great toes, from which they diverge; the other end of each being held by another man a good way off, and some distance apart. on these lines being shaken, the fish become frightened, and, strange as it may appear, cluster for protection around the man's feet, who is able to stoop down, and catch them with his hands, by watching his opportunity. "bamboo labyrinths are common all along the backwater, in which a good many fish, especially eels and crabs, are captured. these labyrinths are formed of a screen of split bamboos, passing perpendicularly out of the water, and leading into a larger baited chamber. a dead cat is often employed as a bait for crabs. a string is attached to its body, and, after it has been in the water some days, it is pulled up with these crustacea adherent to it. persons are often surprised at crabs being considered unwholesome, but their astonishment would cease, if they were aware what extremely unclean feeders they are. "fish are obtained from the inland rivers by poisoning them, but this can only be done when the water is low. a dam is thrown across a certain portion, and the poison placed within it. it generally consists of cocculus indicus (berries) pounded with rice; croton oil seeds, etc." valangai.--valangai, valangan, valangamattan, or balagai, meaning those who belong to the right-hand faction, has, at times of census, been returned as a sub-division, synonym or title of deva-dasis, holeyas, nokkans, panisavans, paraiyans, and saliyans. some deva-dasis have returned themselves as belonging to the left-hand (idangai) faction. valayakara chetti.--a tamil synonym of gazula balijas who sell glass bangles. the equivalent vala chetti is also recorded. valekara.--a badaga form of billekara or belted peon. the word frequently occurs in badaga ballads. taluk peons on the nilgiris are called valekaras. vali sugriva.--a synonym of the lambadis, who claim descent from vali and sugriva, the two monkey chiefs of the ramayana. valinchiyan.--see velakkattalavan. valiyatan (valiya, great, tan, a title of dignity).--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a title of nayar. vallabarayan.--a title of occhan. vallamban.--the vallambans are a small tamil cultivating class living in the tanjore, trichinopoly, and madura districts. they are said [ ] to be "the offspring of a vellalan and a valaiya woman, now a small and insignificant caste of cultivators. some of them assert that their ancestors were the lords of the soil, for whose sole benefit the vellalans used to carry on cultivation. tradition makes the vellambans to have joined the kallans in attacking and driving away the vellalans. it is customary among the vallambans, when demising land, to refer to the fact of their being descendants of the vallambans who lost vallam, i.e., the vallama nadu in tanjore, their proper country." some vallambans claim to be flesh-eating vellalas, or to be superior to kallans and maravans by reason of their vellala ancestry. they call themselves vallamtotta vellalas, or the vellalas who lost vallam, and say that they were vellalas of vallam in the tanjore district, who left their native place in a time of famine. portions of the madura and tanjore districts are divided into areas known as nadus, in each of which a certain caste, called the nattar, is the predominant factor. for example, the vallambans and kallans are called the nattars of the palaya nadu in the sivaganga zemindari of the madura district. in dealing with the tribal affairs of the various castes inhabiting a particular nadu, the lead is taken by the nattars, by whom certain privileges are enjoyed, as for example in the distribution to them, after the brahman and zamindar, of the flowers and sacred ashes used in temple worship. for the purposes of caste council meetings the vallambans collect together representatives from fourteen nadus, as they consider that the council should be composed of delegates from a head village and its branches, generally thirteen in number. it is noted by mr. f. r. hemingway that the vallambans "speak of five sub-divisions, namely, chenjinadu, amaravatinadu, palayanadu, melnadu, and kilnadu. the mel and kilnadu people intermarry, but are distinguishable by the fact that the former have moustaches, and the latter have not. the women dress like the nattukottai chettis. tattooing is not allowed, and those who practice it are expelled from the caste. the men generally have no title, but some who enjoy state service inams call themselves ambalakaran. the melnadu people have no exogamous divisions, though they observe the rule about kovil pangolis. the kilnadus have exogamous kilais, karais, and pattams." as examples of exogamous septs, the following may be cited:--solangal (chola), pandiangal (pandyan), nariangal (jackal), and piliyangal (tiger). the headman of the vallambans is referred to generally as the servaikaran. the headman of a group of nadus is entitled nattuservai, while the headman of a village is known as ur servai, or simply servai. marriage is celebrated between adults, and the remarriage of widows is not objected to. it is stated [ ] that "the maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter is claimed as a matter of right by a boy, so that a boy of ten may be wedded to a mature woman of twenty or twenty-five years, if she happens to be unmarried and without issue. any elderly male member of the boy's family--his elder brother, uncle, or even his father--will have intercourse with her, and beget children, which the boy, when he comes of age, will accept as his own, and legitimatise." this system of marriage, in which there is a marked disparity in the ages of the contracting couple, is referred to in the proverb: "the tali should be tied at least by a log of wood." the marriage rites are as a rule non-brahmanical, but in some well-to-do families the services of a brahman purohit are enlisted. the presence of the umbalakaran or caste headman at a marriage is essential. on the wedding day the contracting couple offer, at their homes, manaipongal (boiled rice), and the alangu ceremony is performed by waving coloured rice round them, or touching the knees, shoulders, and head with cakes, and throwing them over the head. the wrist-threads, consisting of a piece of old cloth dyed with turmeric, are tied on by the maternal uncle. cooked rice and vegetables are placed in front of the marriage dais, and offered to the gods. four betel leaves are given to the bridegroom, who goes round the dais, and salutes the four cardinal points of the compass by pouring water from a leaf. he then sits down on a plank on the dais, and hands the tali (marriage badge) to his sister. taking the tali, she proceeds to the bride's house, where the bride, after performing the alangu ceremony, is awaiting her arrival. on reaching the house, she asks for the bride's presents, and one of her brothers replies that such a piece of land, naming one, is given as a dowry. the bridegroom's sister then removes the string of black and gold beads, such as is worn before marriage, from the bride's neck, and replaces it by the tali. the conch shell should be blown by women or children during the performance of manaipongal, and when the tali is tied. the bride is conveyed to the house of the bridegroom, and sits with him on the dais while the relations make presents to them. the messenger who conveys the news of a death in the community is a paraiyan. the corpse is placed within a pandal (booth) supported on four posts, which is erected in front of the house. some paddy (unhusked rice) is poured from a winnow on to the ground, and rice is thrown over the face of the corpse. on the second day rice, and other articles of food, are carried by a barber to the spot where the corpse has been buried or burnt. if the latter course has been adopted, the barber picks out some of the remains of the bones, and hands them to the son of the deceased. on the third day, the widow goes round the pandal three times, and, entering within it, removes her tali string, and new clothes are thrown over her neck. on the sixteenth day the final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are performed. a feast is given, and new cloths are tied on the heads of those under pollution. pollution lasts for thirty days. the vallambans profess to be saivaites, but they consider periya nayaki of velangkudi as their tribal goddess, and each nadu has its own special deity, such as vembu aiyanar, nelliyandi aiyanar, etc. in some places the tribal deity is worshipped on a tuesday at a festival called sevvai (tuesday). on this day pots containing fermented rice liquor, which must have been made by the caste people and not purchased, are taken to the place of worship. on a friday, those families which are to take part in the festival allow a quantity of paddy (rice) to germinate by soaking it in water, and on the following tuesday flower spikes of the palmyra palm are added to the malted rice liquor in the pots. the pots of ordinary families may be placed in their houses, but those of the umbalakarans and servaikarans must be taken to the temple as representing the deity. into these pots the flower spikes should be placed by some respected elder of the community. a week later, a small quantity of rice liquor is poured into other pots, which are carried by women to the temple car, round which they go three times. they then throw the liquor into a tank or pond. the pots of the umbalakaran and servaikaran must be carried by young virgins, or grown-up women who are not under menstrual pollution. one of the women who carries these pots usually becomes possessed by the village deity. at the time of the festival, cradles, horses, human figures, elephants, etc., made by the potter, are brought to the temple as votive offerings to the god. valli ammai kuttam.--a synonym of the koravas, meaning followers of valli ammai, the wife of the god subrahmanya, whom they claim to have been a korava woman. vallodi.--the name denotes a settlement in the valluvanad taluk of malabar, and has been returned as a sub-division of nayar and samantan, to which the raja of valluvanad belongs. valluvan.--the valluvans are summed up by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as being "the priests of the paraiyans and pallans. tiruvalluvar, the famous tamil poet, author of the kural, belonged to this caste, which is usually regarded as a sub-division of paraiyans. it appears that the valluvans were priests to the pallava kings before the introduction of the brahmans, and even for some time after it. [ ] in an unpublished vatteluttu inscription, believed to be of the ninth century, the following sentence occurs 'sri velluvam puvanavan, the uvac'chan (oc'chan) of this temple, will employ daily six men for doing the temple service.' again, the valluvans must have formerly held a position at least equal to that of the vellalas, if the story that tiruvalluva nayanar married a vellala girl is true. [ ] he is said to have "refused to acknowledge the distinctions of caste, and succeeded in obtaining a vellala woman as his wife, from whom a section of the valluvans say it has its descent. as their ancestor amused himself in the intervals between his studies by weaving, they employ themselves in mending torn linen, but chiefly live by astrology, and by acting as priests of paraiyans, and officiating at their funerals and marriages, though some refuse to take part in the former inauspicious ceremony, and leave the duty to those whom they consider impure valluvans called paraiya tadas. another section of the valluvans is called alvar dasari or tavadadhari (those who wear the necklace of tulsi beads). both saivites and vaishnavites eat together, but do not intermarry. unlike paraiyans, they forbid remarriage of widows and even polygamy, and all males above twelve wear the sacred thread." according to one account, the valluvans are the descendants of an alliance between a brahman sage and a paraiyan woman, whose children complained to their father of their lowly position. he blessed them, and told them that they would become very clever astrologers, and, in consequence, much respected. at the travancore census, , the valluvans were defined as a sub-division of the pulayas, for whom they perform priestly functions. "both men and women are employed as astrologers and doctors, and are often consulted by all classes of people. in many villages they have the privilege of receiving from each ryot a handful of grain during the harvest time." [ ] of three valluvans, whom i interviewed at coimbatore, one, with a flowing white beard, had a lingam wrapped up in a pink cloth round the neck, and a charm tied in a pink cloth round the right upper arm. another, with a black beard, had a salmon-coloured turban. the third was wearing a discarded british soldier's tunic. all wore necklaces of rudraksha (elæocarpus ganitrus) beads, and their foreheads were smeared with oblong patches of sandal paste. each of them had a collection of panchangams, or calendars for determining auspicious dates, and a bundle of palm leaf strips (ulla mudyan) inscribed with slokas for astrological purposes. their professional duties included writing charms for sick people, preparing horoscopes, and making forecasts of good or evil by means of cabalistic squares marked on the ground. some valluvans would have us believe that those who officiate as priests are not true valluvans, and that the true valluvan, who carries out the duties of an astrologer, will not perform priestly functions for the paraiyans. the most important sub-divisions of the valluvans, returned at times of census, are paraiyan, tavidadari, and tiruvalluvan. from information supplied to me, i gather that there are two main divisions, called arupathu katchi (sixty house section) and narpathu katchi (forty house section). the former are supposed to be descendants of nandi gurukkal, and take his name as their gotra. the gotra of the latter is sidambara sayichya ayyamgar. sidambara, or chidambaram, is the site of one of the most sacred siva temples. the sub-division alvar claims descent from tiruppan alvar, one of the twelve vaishnava saints. in the tanjore district, the valluvans have exogamous septs or pattaperu, named after persons, e.g., marulipichan, govindazhvan, etc. the valluvans include in their ranks both vaishnavites and saivites. the majority of the latter, both males and females, wear the lingam. the affairs of the community are adjusted by a caste council and there are, in most places, two hereditary officers called kolkaran and kanakkan. at the betrothal ceremony the bride's money (pariyam), betel, jewels, flowers, and fruit, are placed in the future bride's lap. the money ranges from seven to ten rupees if the bridegroom's village is on the same side of a river as the bride's, and from ten to twenty rupees if it is on the other side. a small sum of money, called uramurai kattu (money paid to relations) and panda varisai (money paid in the pandal), is also paid by the bridegroom's party for a feast of toddy to the relations. this is the proper time for settling caste disputes by the village council. on the wedding day, the milk-post, consisting of a green bamboo pole, is set up, and a number of pots, brought from the potter's house, are placed near it. on the dais are set four lamps, viz., an ordinary brass lamp, kudavilakku (pot light), alankara vilakku (ornamental light), and paligai vilakku (seedling light). the bride and bridegroom bring some sand, spread it on the floor near the dais, and place seven leaves on it. cotton threads, dyed with turmeric, are tied to the pots and the milk-post. on the leaves are set cakes and rice, and the contracting couple worship the pots and the family gods. the valluvan priest repeats a jumble of corrupt sanskrit, and ties the kankanams (threads) on their wrists. they are then led into the house, and garlanded with jasmine or nerium flowers. the pots are arranged on the dais, and the sand is spread thereon close to the milk-post. into one of the pots the female relations put grain seedlings, and four other pots are filled with water by the bridegroom's party. a small quantity of the seedlings is usually wrapped up in a cloth, and placed over the seedling pot. next morning the bundle is untied, and examined, to see if the seedlings are in good condition. if they are so, the bride is considered a worthy one; if not, the bride is either bad, or will die prematurely. the usual nalagu ceremony is next performed, bride and bridegroom being anointed with oil, and smeared with phaseolus mungo paste. this is followed by the offering of food on eleven leaves to the ancestors and house gods. towards evening, the dais is got ready for its occupation by the bridal couple, two planks being placed on it, and covered with cloths lent by a washerman. the couple, sitting on the planks, exchange betel and paddy nine or twelve times, and rice twenty-seven times. the priest kindles the sacred fire (homam), and pours some ghi (clarified butter) into it from a mango leaf. the bridegroom is asked whether he sees arundati (the pole-star) thrice, and replies in the affirmative. the tali is shown the sky, smoked over burning camphor, and placed on a tray together with a rupee. after being blessed by those present, it is tied round the neck of the bride by the bridegroom, who has his right leg on her lap. on the second day there is a procession through the village, and, on the following day, the wrist-threads are removed. in some places, the valluvans, at their marriages, like the pallis and some other castes, use the pandamutti, or pile of pots reaching to the top of the pandal. the saivite lingam wearers bury their dead in a sitting posture in a niche excavated in the side of the grave. after death has set in, a cocoanut is broken, and camphor burnt. the corpse is washed by relations, who bring nine pots of water for the purpose. the lingam is tied on to the head, and a cloth bundle, containing a rupee, seven bilva (Ægle marmelos) leaves, nine twigs of the tulsi (ocimum sanctum), and nine leucas aspera flowers, to the right arm. the corpse is carried to the grave on a car surmounted by five brass vessels. the grave is purified by the sprinkling of cow's urine and cow-dung water before the corpse is lowered into it. on the way to the burial-ground, the priest keeps on chanting various songs, such as "this is kailasa. this is kailasa thillai (chidambaram). our request is this. nallia mutthan of the nandidarma gotra died on thursday in the month thai in the year subakruthu. he must enter the fourth stage (sayichyam), passing through salokam, samipa, and sarupa. he crosses the rivers of stones, of thorns, of fire, and of snakes, holding the tail of the bull nandi. to enable him to reach heaven safely, we pound rice, and put lights of rice." the priest receives a fee for his services, which he places before an image made on the grave after it has been filled in. the money is usually spent in making a sacred bull, lingam, or stone slab, to place on the grave. on the third day after death, the female relatives of the deceased pour milk within the house into a vessel, which is taken by the male relatives to the burial-ground, and offered at the grave, which is cleaned. a small platform, made of mud, and composed of several tiers, decreasing in size from below upwards, is erected thereon, and surmounted by a lingam. at the north and south corners of this platform, a bull and paradesi (mendicant) made of mud are placed, and at each corner leaves are laid, on which the offerings in the form of rice, fruits, vegetables, etc., are laid. the final death ceremonies are celebrated on the seventeenth day. a pandal (booth) is set up, and closed in with cloths. within it are placed a pot and five pestles and mortars, to which threads are tied. five married women, taking hold of the pestles, pound some rice contained in the pot, and with the flour make a lamp, which is placed on a tray. the eldest son of the deceased goes, with the lamp on his head, to an enclosure having an entrance at the four cardinal points. the enclosure is either a permanent one with mud walls, or temporary one made out of mats. within the enclosure, five pots are set up in the centre, and four at each side. the pots are cleansed by washing them with the urine of cows of five different colours, red, white, black, grey, and spotted. near the pots the articles required for puja (worship) are placed, and the officiating priest sits near them. the enclosure is supposed to represent heaven, and the entrances are the gates leading thereto, before which food is placed on leaves. the eldest son, with the lamp, stands at the eastern entrance, while siva is worshipped. the priest then repeats certain stanzas, of which the following is the substance. "you who come like siddars (attendants in the abode of siva) at midnight, muttering siva's name, why do you come near sivapadam? i will pierce you with my trident. get away. let these be taken to yamapuri, or hell." then siva and parvati, hearing the noise, ask "oh! sons, who are you that keep on saying hara, hara? give out truly your names and nativity." to which the reply is given "oh! lord, i am a devotee of that being who graced markandeya, and am a virasaiva by faith. i have come to enter heaven. we have all led pure lives, and have performed acts of charity. so it is not just that we should be prevented from entering. men who ill-treat their parents, or superiors, those addicted to all kinds of vice, blasphemers, murderers, perverts from their own faith and priests, and other such people, are driven to hell by the southern gate." at this stage, a thread is passed round the enclosure. the son, still bearing the lamp, goes from the eastern entrance past the south and western entrances, and, breaking the thread, goes into the enclosure through the northern entrance. the nandikol (hereditary village official) then ties a cloth first round the head of the eldest son, and afterwards round the heads of the other sons and agnates. the valluvans abstain from eating beef. though they mix freely with the paraiyans, they will not eat with them, and never live in the paraiyan quarter. the valluvans are sometimes called pandaram or valluva pandaram. in some places, the priests of the valluvans are vellala pandarams. valluvan.--a small inferior caste of fishermen and boatmen in malabar. [ ] valmika.--valmika or valmiki is a name assumed by the boyas and paidis, who claim to be descended from valmiki, the author of the ramayana, who did penance for so long in one spot that a white-ant hill (valmikam) grew up round him. in a note before me, valmiki is referred to as the spenser of india. in the north arcot manual, valmikulu, as a synonym of the vedans, is made to mean those who live on the products of ant-hills. val nambi.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as "a synonym for mussad. nambi is a title of brahmans, and val means a sword. the tradition is that the name arose from the ancestors of the caste having lost some of the privileges of the vedic brahmans owing to their having served as soldiers when malabar was ruled by the brahmans prior to the days of the perumals." valuvadi.--the valuvadis are returned, in the madras census report, , as cultivators in the pudukottai state. i am informed that the valuvadis are a section of the valaiyan caste, to which the zamindar of nagaram belongs. the name valuvadi was originally a title of respect, appended to the name of the nagaram zamindars. the name of the present zamindar is balasubramanya valuvadiar. thirty years ago there is said to have been no valuvadi caste. some valaiyans in prosperous circumstances, and others who became relatives of the nagaram zamindar by marriage, have changed their caste name, to show that they are superior in social status to the rest of the community. vamme.--a gotra of janappans, the members of which abstain from eating the fish called bombadai, because, when some of their ancestors went to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found a number of this fish in the water contained in the pot. vana palli.--a name, meaning forest palli, assumed by some irulas in south arcot. vandikkaran.--an occupational name for nayars who work as cartmen (vandi, cart) for carrying fuel. vandula or vandi raja.--a sub-division of bhatrazu, named after one vandi, who is said to have been a herald at the marriage of siva. vangu (cave).--a sub-division of irula. vani.--"the vanis or bandekars," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "have been wrongly classified in the census returns ( ) as oil-pressers; they are in reality traders. they are said to have come from goa, and they speak konkani. their spiritual guru is the head of the kumbakonam math." in the census report, , it is noted that vani, meaning literally a trader, is a konkani-speaking trading caste, of which bandekara is a synonym. "they ape the brahmanical customs, and call themselves by the curious hybrid name of vaisya brahmans." hari chetti has been returned as a further synonym. vaniyan.--the vaniyans are, mr. francis writes, [ ] "oil-pressers among the tamils, corresponding to the telugu gandlas, canarese ganigas, malabar chakkans, and oriya tellis. for some obscure reason, manu classed oil-pressing as a base occupation, and all followers of the calling are held in small esteem, and, in tinnevelly, they are not allowed to enter the temples. in consequence, however, of their services in lighting the temples (in token of which all of them, except the malabar vaniyans and chakkans, wear the sacred thread), they are earning a high position, and some of them use the sonorous title of joti nagarattar (dwellers in the city of light) and tiru-vilakku nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps). they employ brahmans as priests, practice infant marriage, and prohibit widow marriage, usually burn their dead, and decline to eat in the houses of any caste below brahmans. however, even the washermen decline to eat with them. like the gandlas they have two sub-divisions, ottai-sekkan and irattai-sekkan, who use respectively one bullock and two bullocks in their mills. oddly enough, the former belong to the right-hand faction, and the latter to the left. their usual title is chetti. the name vanuvan has been assumed by vaniyans, who have left their traditional occupation, and taken to the grain and other trades." "the word vanijyam," mr. h. a. stuart informs us, [ ] "signifies trade, and trade in oil, as well as its manufacture, is the usual employment of this caste, who assert that they are vaisyas, and claim the vaisya-apuranam as their holy book. they are said to have assumed the thread only within the last fifty or sixty years, and are reputed to be the result of a yagam (sacrifice by fire) performed by a saint called vakkuna maharishi. the caste contains four sub-divisions called kamakshiamma, visalakshiamma, ac'chu-tali, and toppa-tali, the two first referring to the goddesses principally worshipped by each, and the two last to the peculiar kinds of talis, or marriage tokens, worn by their women. they have the same customs as the beri chettis, but are not particular in observing the rule which forbids the eating of flesh. a bastard branch of the vaniyas is called the pillai kuttam, which is said to have sprung from the concubine of a vaniyan, who lived many years ago. the members of this class are never found except where vaniyans live, and are supposed to have a right to be fed and clothed by them. should this be refused, they utter the most terrible curse, and, in this manner, eventually intimidate the uncharitable into giving them alms." in the census report, , mr. stuart writes further that the vaniyans "were formerly called sekkan (oil-mill man), and it is curious that the oil-mongers alone came to be called vaniyan or trader. they have returned sub-divisions, of which only one, ilai vaniyan, is numerically important. one sub-division is iranderudu, or two bullocks, which refers to the use of two bullocks in working the mill. this separation of those who use two bullocks from those who employ only one is found in nearly every oil-pressing caste in india. the vaniyans of malabar resemble the nayars in their customs and habits, and neither wear the sacred thread, nor employ brahmans as priests. in north malabar, nayars are polluted by their touch, but in the south, where they are called vattakadans, they have succeeded in forcing themselves into the ranks of the nayar community. a large number of them returned nayar as their main caste." in this connection, mr. francis states [ ] that followers of the calling of oil-pressers (chakkans) are "known as vattakadans in south malabar, and as vaniyans in north malabar; but the former are the higher in social status, the nayars being polluted by the touch of the vaniyans and chakkans but not by that of the vattakadans. chakkans and vaniyans may not enter brahman temples. their customs and manners are similar to those of the nayars, who will not, however, marry their women." of the vaniyans of cochin, it is stated in the cochin census report, , that "they are vaisyas, and wear the sacred thread. in regard to marriage, inheritance, ceremonies, dress, ornaments, etc., there is practically no difference between them and the konkanis. but, as they do not altogether abstain from meat and spirituous liquors, they are not allowed free access to the houses of konkanis, nor are they permitted to touch their tanks and wells. they are saivites. they have their own priests, who are called panditars. they observe birth and death pollution for ten days, and are like brahmans in this respect. they are mostly petty merchants and shop-keepers. some can read and write malayalam, but they are very backward in english education." the oils expressed by the vaniyans are said to be "gingelly (sesamum indicum), cocoanut, iluppei (bassia longifolia), pinnei (calophyllum inophyllum), and ground-nut (arachis hypogæa). according to the sastras the crushing of gingelly seeds, and the sale of gingelly oil, are sinful acts, and no one, who does not belong to the vaniyan class, will either express or sell gingelly oil." [ ] when a vaniyan dies a bachelor, a post-mortem mock ceremony is performed as by the ganigas, and the corpse is married to the arka plant (calotropis gigantea), and decorated with a wreath made of the flowers thereof. vankayala (brinjal or egg plant: solanum melongena).--an exogamous sept of golla. the fruit is eaten by natives, and, stuffed with minced meat, is a common article of anglo-indian dietary. vanki (armlet).--a gotra of kurni. vannan.--the vannans are washermen in the tamil and malayalam countries. the name vannan is, mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "derived from vannam, beauty. there is a tradition that they are descendants of the mythological hero virabadra, who was ordered by siva to wash the clothes of all men, as an expiation of the sin of putting many people to death in daksha's yaga. hence the tamil washermen are frequently called virabadran. having to purify all the filthy linen of the villagers, they are naturally regarded as a low, unclean class of sudras, and are always poor. they add to their income by hiring out the clothes of their customers to funeral parties, who lay them on the ground before the pall-bearers, so that these may not step upon the ground, and by letting them out on the sly to persons wishing to use them without having to purchase for themselves. in social standing the vannans are placed next below the barbers. they profess to be saivites in the southern districts, and vaishnavites in the north. the marriage of girls generally takes place after puberty. widow remarriage is permitted among some, if not all, sub-divisions. divorce may be obtained by either party at pleasure on payment of double the bride-price, which is usually rs. - - . they are flesh-eaters, and drink liquor. the dead are either burned or buried. the pothara (or podora) vannans are of inferior status, because they wash only for paraiyans, pallans, and other inferior castes." it is noted, in the madura manual, that those who have seen the abominable substances, which it is the lot of the vannans to make clean, cannot feel any surprise at the contempt with which their occupation is regarded. in the tanjore manual, it is recorded that, in the rural parts of the district, the vannans are not allowed to enter the house of a brahman or a vellala; clothes washed by them not being worn or mixed up with other clothes in the house until they have undergone another wash by a caste man. it is on record that, on one occasion, a party of europeans, when out shooting, met a funeral procession on its way to the burial-ground. the bier was draped in many folds of clean cloth, which one of the party recognised by the initials as one of his bed-sheets. another identified as his sheet the cloth on which the corpse was lying. he cut off the corner with the initials, and a few days later the sheet was returned by the washerman, who pretended ignorance of the mutilation, and gave as an explanation that it must have been done, in his absence, by one of his assistants. on another occasion, a european met an eurasian, in a village not far from his bungalow, wearing a suit of clothes exactly similar to his own, and, on close examination, found they were his. they had been newly washed and dressed. the most important divisions numerically returned by vannans at times of census are pandiyan, peru (big), tamil, and vaduga (northerner). it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that vannan "is rather an occupational term than a caste title, and, besides the pandya vannans or vannans proper, includes the vaduga vannans or tsakalas of the telugu country, and the palla, pudara, and tulukka vannans, who wash for the pallans, paraiyans, and musalmans respectively. the pandya vannans have a headman called the periya manishan (big man). a man can claim the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter. at weddings, the bridegroom's sister ties the tali (marriage badge). nambis officiate. divorce is freely allowed to either party on payment of twice the bride-price, and divorcées may marry again. the caste god is gurunathan, in whose temples the pujari (priest) is usually a vannan. the dead are generally burnt, and, on the sixteenth day, the house is purified from pollution by a nambi." some vannans have assumed the name irkuli vellala, and rajakan and kattavaraya vamsam have also been recorded as synonyms of the caste name. the vannans of malabar are also called mannan or bannan. they are, mr. francis writes, [ ] "a low class of malabar washermen, who wash only for the polluting castes, and for the higher castes when they are under pollution following births, deaths, etc. it is believed by the higher castes that such pollution can only be removed by wearing clothes washed by mannans, though at other times these cause pollution to them. the washing is generally done by the women, and the men are exorcists, devil-dancers and physicians, even to the higher castes. their women are midwives, like those of the velakkatalavan and velan castes. this caste should not be confused with the mannan hill tribe of travancore." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "the mannans, a makkattayam caste of south malabar, apparently identical with the marumakkattayam vannans of the north, are a caste of washermen; and their services are indispensable to the higher castes in certain purificatory ceremonies when they have to present clean cloths (mattu). they are also devil-dancers and tailors. they practice fraternal polyandry in the south. mannans are divided into two endogamous classes, peru-mannans (peru, great), and tinda-mannans (tinda, pollution); and, in walavanad, into four endogamous classes called choppan, peru-mannan, punnekadan, and puliyakkodam. the tinda-mannan and puliyakkodam divisions perform the purificatory sprinklings for the others." the services of the mannan, mr. t. k. gopal panikkar writes, [ ] "are in requisition at the nayar thirandukalianam ceremonies on the attainment of puberty by a girl, when they sing ballads, and have to bring, for the girl's use, the mattu or sacred dress. then, on occasions of death pollution, they have a similar duty to perform. among the nayars, on the fourth, or rarely the third day after the menses, the woman has to use, during her bath, clothes supplied by mannan females. the same duty they have to perform during the confinement of nayar females. all the dirty cloths and bed sheets used, these mannan females have to wash." mr. s. appadorai iyer informs us that those mannans who are employed by the kammalan, or artisan class, as barbers, are not admitted into the mannan caste, which follows the more honourable profession of washing clothes. the mannans perform certain ceremonies in connection with mundian, the deity who is responsible for the weal or woe of cattle; and, at puram festivals, carry the vengida koda or prosperity umbrella, composed of many tiers of red, green, orange, black and white cloth, supported on a long bamboo pole, before the goddess. it is recorded by bishop whitehead [ ] that, in various places in malabar, there are temples in honour of bhagavati, at which the pujaris (priests) are of the vannan caste. "there is an annual feast called gurusi tarpanam (giving to the guru) about march, when the hot weather begins, and the people are at leisure. its object is to appease the wrath of the goddess. during the festival, the pujari sits in the courtyard outside the temple, thickly garlanded with red flowers, and with red kunkuma marks on his forehead. goats and fowls are then brought to him by the devotees, and he kills them with one blow of the large sacrificial sword or chopper. it is thought auspicious for the head to be severed at one blow, and, apparently, pujaris who are skilful in decapitation are much in request. when the head is cut off, the pujari takes the carcase, and holds it over a large copper vessel partly filled with water, turmeric, kunkuma, and a little rice, and lets the blood flow into it. when all the animals are killed, the pujari bails out the blood and water on the ground, uttering mantrams (sacred lines or verses) the while. the people stand a little way off. when the vessel is nearly empty, the pujari turns it upside down as a sign that the ceremony is ended. during these proceedings, a number of vannans, dressed in fantastic costumes, dance three times round the temple. during the festival, processions are held round the various houses, and special swords with a curved hook at the end, called palli val (great or honourable sword), are carried by the worshippers. these swords are worshipped during the dusserah festival in october, and, in some shrines, they form the only emblem of the deity. the tiyans have small shrines in their own gardens sacred to the family deity, which may be bhagavati, or some demon, or the spirit of an ancestor. once a year, vannans come dressed in fancy costume, with crowns on their heads, and dance round the courtyard to the sound of music and tom-toms, while a tiyan priest presents the family offerings, uncooked rice and young cocoanuts, with camphor and incense, and then rice fried with sugar and ghi (clarified butter)." in an account of the tiyans, mr. logan writes [ ] that "this caste is much given to devil-charming, or devil-driving as it is often called. the washermen (vannan) are the high priests of this superstition, and with chants, ringing cymbals, magic figures, and waving lights, they drive out evil spirits from their votaries of this caste at certain epochs in their married lives. one ceremony in particular, called teyyattam--a corrupt form of deva and attam, that is, playing at gods--takes place occasionally in the fifth month of pregnancy. a leafy arbour is constructed, and in front of it is placed a terrible figure of chamundi, the queen of the demons, made of rice flour, turmeric powder, and charcoal powder. a party of not less than eighteen washermen is organized to represent the demons and furies--kuttichattan (a mischievous imp), and many others. on being invoked, these demons bound on to the stage in pairs, dance, caper, jump, roar, fight, and drench each other with saffron (turmeric) water. their capers and exertions gradually work up their excitement, until they are veritably possessed of the devil. at this juncture, fowls and animals are sometimes thrown to them, to appease their fury. these they attack with their teeth, and kill and tear as a tiger does his prey. after about twenty minutes the convulsions cease, the demon or spirit declares its pleasure, and, much fatigued, retires to give place to others; and thus the whole night is spent, with much tom-tomming and noise and shouting, making it impossible, for europeans at least, to sleep within earshot of the din." vannattan.--a synonym of veluttedan, the caste of washermen, who wash for nayars and higher castes. vanni kula kshatriya.--a synonym of the pallis, who claim to belong to the fire race of kshatriyas. vanniyan.--a synonym of palli. the name further occurs as a sub-division of ambalakaran and valaiyan. some maravans also are known as vanniyan or vannikutti. ten (honey) vanniyan is the name adopted by some irulas in the south arcot district. vantari.--see telaga. vanuvan.--a name assumed by vaniyans who have abandoned their hereditary occupation of oil-pressing, and taken to trade in grain and other articles. varakurup.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a title of malayalam paravans. varige (millet).--an exogamous sept of kapu. variyar.--for the following note on the variyar section of the ambalavasis, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. the name is believed to be derived from parasava, which, according to yajnavalkya and other law-givers, is the name given to the son of a brahman begotten on a sudra woman, and suggests the fact that the variyar is no brahman, though the blood of the latter may course through his veins, and though such marriages were regarded as sacraments in early days. this is the derivation given by pachumuttalu in his keralaviseshamahatmya, who adds that the chief occupation of the variyars is to sweep the floor of the temples. in some of the asauchavidhis (works on pollution) of kerala, the commentator explains the word parasava as variya. many variyars add the title parasava to their name, when writing in sanskrit. some derive the word from varija or one born of water, in accordance with a tradition that parasurama created from water a class of persons for special service in temples, and to take the place of sudras, who, being meat-eaters, were ineligible for the same. others again, like the late professor sundaram pillay, would take variyar as being derived from varuka, to sweep. recently, some ingenuity has been displayed in splitting the word into two words, giving it a meaning equivalent to pseudo-aryan. the title asan, or teacher, is possessed by certain families, whose members have held the hereditary position of tutors in noblemen's houses. in mediæval times, many variyar families received royal edicts, conferring upon them the privileges of being tutors and astrologers. these special rights are even now possessed by them. the following legend is narrated concerning the origin of the variyars. a sudra woman removed a bone from within a temple in obedience to the wish of certain brahman priests, and was excommunicated from her caste. the priests, on hearing this, were anxious to better her condition, and made her the progenitor of a class of ambalavasis or temple servants, who were afterwards known as variyars. according to another legend, the corpse of a maran, which was found inside a nambutiri's house, was promptly removed by certain nayars, who on that account were raised in the social scale, and organised into a separate caste called variyar. there is a still further tradition that, in the treta yuga, a sudra woman had five sons, the first of whom became the progenitor of the tiyatunnis, and the second that of variyars. a fourth account is given in the keralamahatmya. a young brahman girl was married to an aged man. not confident in unaided human effort, under circumstances such as hers, she devoted a portion of her time daily to preparing flower garlands for the deity of the nearest temple, and conceived. but the brahman welcomed the little stranger by getting the mother thrown out of caste. her garlands could no longer be accepted, but, nothing daunted, she worked as usual, and made a mental offering of the garlands she prepared, which, through an unseen agency, became visible on the person of the deity. though the people were struck with shame at their unkind treatment of the innocent girl, they were not prepared to take her back. the variyan caste was accordingly constituted, and her child was brought up by the azhancheri tambrakkal, and accommodated in the padippura or out-house at the entrance gate. in the pasupata tantra, the variyars are called kailasavasins, or those who live in kailas, as they are supposed to be specially devoted to the worship of siva. kailasa is the abode of siva, whither the blessed go after death. the variyars of travancore are divided into four groups, called onattukara, venattukara, ilayetattunad (or ilayathu), and tekkumkur. the venattukaras have the privilege of interdining with the onattukaras, and having their ceremonies performed by priests from that group. but the ceremonies of the onattukaras appear to be performed without the venattukaras being admitted into their midst. the third and fourth groups take food in the houses of the first and second, though the reverse seldom happens. the variyars in british malabar are divided into several other groups. the variyars are generally well-read, especially in sanskrit, make excellent astrologers, and are also medical practitioners. a variyar's house is called variyam, as the pisharati's is known as pisharam. married women have the hair-knot on the left side of the head, like nayar ladies. they cover the breast with a folded cloth, and never wear a bodice or other innovations in the matter of dress. the marriage ornament is called matra, and is in the shape of a maddalam or drum. other neck ornaments are called entram and kuzhal. the todu, or ornament of nayar women, is worn in the ear-lobes. women mark their foreheads, like nambutiri ladies, with sandal paste. the variyars, pushpakans, and pisharatis, are said to constitute the three original garland-making castes of malabar, appointed by parasurama. at the present day, in all the important temples, except in south travancore, where kurukkals perform that function, garlands can only be prepared by one of these castes. the technical occupation of a variyar in a temple is called kazhakam, which is probably derived from the dravidian root kazhaku, to cleanse. kazhakam is of two kinds, viz., malakkazhakam or garland-making service, and talikkazhakam or sweeping service, of which the former is more dignified than the latter. under the generic term kazhakar are included making flower garlands for the temple, preparing materials for the offering of food, sweeping the beli offering, carrying lights and holding umbrellas when the god is carried in procession, having the custody of the temple jewels, etc. the variyar is at the beck and call of the temple priest, and has to do sundry little services from morning till evening. he is remunerated with some of the cooked food, after it has been offered to the deity. the variyars are to saivite temples what the pisharatis are to vaishnavite temples. their prayers are prominently addressed only to siva, but they also worship vishnu, subramanya, sasta, ganesa, and bhadrakali. their chief amusement is the farce called kuttappathakam, the hero of which is one vankala nikkan, and the heroine naityar. an ilayatu is the stage-manager, and a pisharati the actor. parangotan is the buffoon, and mappa his wife. in the eighteenth century, a grand festival lasting over twenty-eight days, called mamangam, was celebrated in british malabar. the above characters are represented as proceeding to this festival, which came off once in twelve years on the magha asterism in the month of magha, and is hence popularly called mahamagha. the variyar caste is governed in all matters by the nambutiri brahmans, but they have their own priests. the ilayatus believe that they were the preceptors of all the ambalavasi castes in former times, but were dislodged from that position owing to most of them employing priests from among their own caste men. even at the present day, ilayatus are known to express their displeasure when they are asked to drink water from a variyar's well. as, however, consecrated water from the nambutiris is taken to a variyar for its purification, they entertain no scruples about cooking their food there, provided they carry with them the aupasana fire. inheritance among the variyars of cochin and british malabar is in the female line (marumakkathayam). among the variyars of travancore, chiefly these belonging to the onattukara section, a kind of qualified makkathayam prevails, in accordance with which both sons and daughters have an equal right to inherit ancestral property. the eldest male member is entitled to the management of the estate in all undivided families. partition, however, is largely followed in practice. the tali-kettu ceremony of the variyars generally takes place before a girl reaches puberty, and, in the case of boys, after the ceremony of sivadiksha has been performed, that is between the twelfth and sixteenth years. if the marriage is in the kudi-vaippu form, or, in other words, if there is an intention on the part of both parties to treat the marital alliance as permanent, no separate sambandham need be celebrated afterwards; and, in all cases where marriages are celebrated between members of the same section, the kudi-vaippu form is in vogue. if a girl is unmarried when she reaches puberty, she is not permitted to take part in any religious ceremonies, or enter any temple until she is married. the first item of a variyar's marriage is ayani-unu, when the bridegroom, decked in new clothes and ornaments, dines sumptuously with his relations. he then goes in procession to the bride's house, and, after bathing, puts on clothes touched by the bride. after this some prayers are recited, and a sacrifice is offered. the bride is then brought to the marriage hall, and, all the brahmanical rites are strictly observed. after sunset, some grass and a leopard's skin are placed on the floor on which white cloth is spread. the bridegroom, who is seated on the northern side, worships ganapati, after which the couple take their seats on the cloth bed spread on the floor. lights are then waved in front of them. this ceremony is known as dikshavirikkuka. in the kudi-vaippu form of marriage, the bride is taken to the house of the bridegroom, where the dikshavirippu is observed. otherwise the marital rite becomes a mere tali-kattu ceremony, and the girl, when she comes of age, may receive clothes in token of conjugal connection with another person. when the first husband dies, clothes may be received from another variyar, or a brahman, whose wife the woman becomes. most of the ceremonies observed by malayali brahmans are also performed by the variyars, the vratas and upanayana being among those which are omitted. sivadiksha, as already indicated, is observed between the twelfth and sixteenth years. the festival lasts for four days, though the religious rites are over on the first day. at an auspicious hour, the priest and the variyar youth put on the tattu dress, or dress worn for ceremonial purposes, and worship a pot full of water with incense and flowers, the contents of which are then poured by the priest over the youth. the priest and a maran then perform the tonsure, and the youth bathes. some nambutiris are then engaged to perform the purificatory rite, after which the variyar wears the tattu as well as an upper cloth, marks his forehead with ashes and sandal paste, and decorates himself with jewels, rudraksha (elæocarpus ganitrus) beads, and flowers. alms are received by the young variyar from his mother, and he takes seven steps in a northerly direction which symbolise his pilgrimage to benares. it is only after the performance of this rite that the variyar is believed to become a grihastha (married person, as opposed to a bachelor). the funeral rites of the caste have been elaborated in many places. death pollution lasts for twelve days, and the sanchayana (milk ceremony) is observed on the seventh or ninth day. anniversary ceremonies are celebrated in memory of close relations, and others are propitiated by the performance of sradh, and the feeding of a variyar on a new-moon day. in an account of a royal wedding in travancore in , i read that "a number of variyars left the thevarathu koikal, or palace where worship is performed, for a compound (garden) close by to bring an areca palm. it is supposed that they do this task under divine inspiration and guidance. one man is given a small rod by the potti or priest in the palace, and, after receiving this, he dances forward, followed by his comrades, and all wend their way to a compound about a furlong away. on reaching the spot, they uproot a big areca palm without the use of any implement of iron, and take it away to the thevarathu koikal without its touching the ground, to the accompaniment of music. they then plant it in front of the portico, and do some puja (worship) after the manner of brahmans. the function is comparable to the dhwajarohanam, or hoisting of the flag during temple utsavams. the variyars dance round the tree, singing songs, and performing puja. a piece of white cloth is tied to the top of the tree, to serve as a flag, and a lamp is lighted, and placed at the foot of the tree." the variyars are described, in the gazetteer of malabar, as "a caste whose traditional duty is to sweep the temple precincts (varuga). at the present day, some members of the caste are important land-owners or petty chieftains, occupying a very high social position. they generally follow the marumakkatayam principle, but they have also a form of marriage called kudivekkal similar to the brahman sarvasvadhanam, by which the wife is adopted as a member of the family into which she marries, and her children also belong to it. the variyar's names and ceremonies indicate sivaite proclivities, just as those of the pisharodi are tinged with vishnavism. the variyar's house is called a variyam, and his woman-folk varassiars. this class is perhaps the most progressive among the ambalavasis, some of its members having received a western education and entered the learned professions." varugu bhatta.--a mendicant class, which begs from perikes. varuna.--some pattanavan fishermen have adopted the name of varunakula vellala or varunakula mudali after varuna the god of the waters. vasa (new).--a sub-division of kurubas, who are said to weave only white blankets. vasishta.--a brahmanical gotra adopted by khatris and toreyas. vasishta, one of the seven great rishis, was the son of mitra and varuna, whose quarrels with viswamitra are narrated in the ramayana. vastra.--one division of the koragas is called vastra, meaning cloths such as are used as a shroud for a corpse, which were given to them as an act of charity, the wearing of new cloths by them being prohibited. vastrala (cloth) further occurs as an exogamous sept of the karna sale and devanga weavers. vattakadan.--recorded as a sub-division of nayar, the occupation of which is expressing oil, chiefly for use in temples. mr. f. fawcett writes [ ] that, in north malabar, he has frequently been told by nayars of the superior classes that they do not admit the vattakadans to be nayars. according to them, the vattakadans have adopted the honorary affix nayar to their names quite recently. in the madras census report, , vattakadan is stated to be a synonym of vaniyan; and in the report, , this name is said to mean a native of vattakad, and to be given to the chakkans. vatte (camel).--a gotra of kurni. vatti.--vatti or vattikurup has been recorded at times of census as a sub-division of nayar, and a synonym of kavutiyan and tolkollan. vatti is said to mean one who prays for happiness. vayani.--the vayanis, vayinis, vaguniyans, or pavinis, are a section of madigas, the members of which play on a single-stringed mandoline, and go about from village to village, singing the praises of the village goddesses. each vayani has his recognised beat. he plays a prominent part in the celebration of the annual festival of the village goddess, and receives a sacred thread (kappu), which is usually tied to his mandoline, before the commencement of the festival. he regards himself as superior in social position to ordinary madigas, with whom he will not marry. the name vayani is said to be a corruption of varnane, meaning to describe. in some localities, e.g., the chingleput district, the vayani enjoys mirasi rights in connection with land. vedan.--the vedans are described by mr. h. a. stuart, in the north arcot manual, as having been "formerly hunters and soldiers, and it is this caste which furnished a considerable and valuable contingent to the early hindu kings, and later to the armies of hyder and tippoo. they are supposed by some to be the remnants of the earliest inhabitants of the peninsula, and identical with the veddahs of ceylon. they are also called valmikulu, which means those who live on the products of ant-hills (valmikum)." it is noted, in the census report, , that the two castes bedar (or boya) and vedan were, "through a misapprehension of instructions, treated as identical in the tabulation papers. the two words are, no doubt, etymologically identical, the one being canarese and the other tamil, but the castes are quite distinct." it may be noted that the name valmika or valmiki is assumed by the boyas, who claim descent from valmiki, the author of the ramayana, who did penance for so long in one spot that a white-ant hill grew up round him. in the madras census report, , the vedans are described as "a tamil-speaking labouring and hunting caste, the members of which were formerly soldiers, and subsequently dacoits. the name means a hunter, and is loosely applied to the irulas in some places (e.g., chingleput). there is some connection between the vedans and tamil vettuvans, but its precise nature is not clear. the vettuvans now consider themselves superior to the vedans, and are even taking to calling themselves vettuva vellalas. marriage (among the vedans) is either infant or adult. widows may marry their late husband's brother or agnates. some employ brahmans as priests. they either burn or bury their dead. they claim descent from kannappa nayanar, one of the sixty-three saivite saints. ambalakarans also claim to be descended from kannappa nayanar. in tanjore, the valaiyans declare themselves to have a similar origin. the title of the vedans is nayakkan." in the madura manual, the vedans are described as a very low caste, who get their living in the jungles. they are not numerous now. they appear to have been naked savages not very long ago, and their civilisation is far from complete. they are held in the greatest contempt by men of all classes. they are described further, in the coimbatore manual, as "a very degraded, poor tribe, living by basket-making, snaring small game, and so on. they speak a low canarese, and are as simple as savage. the delight of a party at the gift of a rupee is something curious." in the salem district some vedans are said [ ] to be "known by the caste name tiruvalar, who are distinguished as the kattukudugirajati, a name derived from a custom among them, which authorises temporary matrimonial arrangements." the following story in connection with bears and vedans is worthy of being placed on record. the bears are said to collect ripe wood-apples (feronia elephantum) during the season, and store them in the forest. after a small quantity has been collected, they remove the rind of the fruits, and heap together all the pulp. they then bring honey and petals of sweet-smelling flowers, put them on the heap of pulp, and thresh them with their feet and with sticks in their hands. when the whole has become a consistent mass, they feed on it. the vedan, who knows the season, is said to drive off the bears by shooting at them, and rob them of their feast, which is sold as karadi panchamritham, or bear delicacy made of five ingredients. the vedars of travancore are summed up by the rev. s. mateer [ ] as "living in jungle clearings or working in the rice fields, and formerly sold and bought as slaves. they have to wander about in seasons of scarcity in search of wild yams, which they boil and eat on the spot, and are thorough gluttons, eating all they can get at any time, then suffering want for days. polygamy is common, as men are not required to provide for the support of their wives. some, who have been converted to christianity, show wonderful and rapid improvement in moral character, civilisation and diligence." for the following note on the mala (hill) vedans of travancore, i am indebted to mrs. j. w. evans. [ ] "they live in wretched huts amid the rice-flats at the foot of the hills, and are employed by farmers to guard the crops from the ravages of wild beasts. the upper incisor teeth of both men and women are filed to a sharp point, like crocodile's fangs. one ugly old man, tiruvatiran by name (the name of a star), had the four teeth very slightly filed. on being pressed for the reason why he had not conformed to mala vedar fashion, he grinned, and said 'what beauty i was born with is enough for me.' probably the operation had been more painful than he could bear, or, may be, he could not afford to pay the five betel leaves and areca nuts, which are the customary fee of the filer. any man may perform the operation. a curved bill-hook, with serrated edge, is the instrument used. on being asked whether they had any tradition about the custom of tooth-filing, they replied that it was to distinguish their caste, and the god chattan would be angry if they neglected the custom. it may be noted that tooth-filing is also practiced by the jungle kadirs (q.v.). both males and females wore a cotton loin-cloth, mellowed by wear and weather to a subtle greenish hue. red and blue necklaces, interstrung with sections of the chank shell (turbinella rapa) adorned the necks and chests. one woman was of special interest. her neck and breasts were literally concealed by a medley of beads, shells, brass bells, and two common iron keys--these last, she said, for ornament. around her hips, over her cloth, hung several rows of small bones of pig and sambar (cervus unicolor). the mala vedans find these bones in the jungle. an aged priest said that he used to perform devil-dancing, but was now too stiff to dance, and had to labour like the younger men. the mala vedans apparently possess no temples or shrines, but hindus permit them to offer money at the hindu shrines from a distance, at times of sudden sickness or during other seasons of panic. their god chattan, or sattan, has no fixed abode, but, where the mala vedans are, there is he in the midst of them. they bury their dead in a recumbent posture, near the hut of the deceased. the mala vedans practice the primitive method of kindling fire by the friction of wood (also practiced by the kanakars), and, like the kanakars, they eat the black monkey. their implements are bill-hooks, and bows and arrows. they weave grass baskets, which are slung to their girdles, and contain betel, etc." the more important measurements of twenty-five mala vedans examined by myself were-- max. min. average. stature (cm.) . . . cephalic index . . . nasal index . . . the figures show that, like other primitive jungle tribes in southern india, the mala vedans are short of stature, dolichocephalic, and platyrhine. the following menstrual ceremony has been described [ ] as occurring among the vedans of travancore. "the wife at menstruation is secluded for five days in a hut a quarter of a mile from her home, which is also used by her at childbirth. the next five days are passed in a second hut, half way between the first and her house. on the ninth day her husband holds a feast, sprinkles his floor with wine, and invites his friends to a spread of rice and palm wine. until this evening, he has not dared to eat anything but roots, for fear of being killed by the devil. on the tenth day he must leave his house, to which he may not return until the women, his and her sister have bathed his wife, escorted her home, and eaten rice together. for four days after his return, however, he may not eat rice in his own house, or have connection with his wife." vedunollu.--a gotra of ganigas, members of which may not cut nyctanthes arbor-tristis. the flowers thereof are much used in hindu worship, as the plant is supposed to have been brought from heaven by krishna for his wife satyabhama. veginadu.--a sub-division of komatis, who belong to the vegi or vengi country, the former name of part of the modern kistna district. the vegina komatis are said to have entered the fire-pits with the caste goddess kanyakamma. vekkali puli (cruel-legged tiger).--an exogamous section of kallan. vel (lance).--a sub-division of malayalam paraiyans, and an exogamous sept or sub-division of kanikars in travancore. velanmar (spearmen) occurs as a name for the hill tribes of travancore. velakkattalavan.--velakkattalavan or vilakkattalavan is stated in the travancore census report, , to indicate chieftains among barbers, and to be the name for members of families, from which persons are selected to shave kings or nobles. in the madras census report, , velakkattalavan is said to be "the name in south malabar of the caste that shaves nayars and higher castes. the same man is called in north malabar valinchiyan, navidan, or nasiyan. in dress and habits the caste resembles nayars, and they call themselves nayars in the south. many returned their main caste as nayar. the females of this caste frequently act as midwives to nayars. in north malabar, the valinchiyan and nasiyan follow the nayar system of inheritance, whereas the navidan has inheritance in the male line; but, even amongst the latter, tali-kettu and sambandham are performed separately by different bridegrooms. in south malabar the caste generally follows descent in the male line, but in some places the other system is also found." sudra kavutiyan is recorded, in the madras census report, , as a synonym of velakkatalavan. velama.--the velamas, or, as they are sometimes called, yelamas, are a caste of agriculturists, who dwell in the telugu country and ganjam. concerning them mr. h. a. stuart writes as follows. [ ] "who the velamas were it seems difficult to decide. some say they form a sub-division of the balijas, but this they themselves most vehemently deny, and the balijas derisively call them guna sakala (or tsakala) vandlu (hunch-backed washermen). the pride and jealousy of hindu castes was amusingly illustrated by the velamas of kalahasti. the deputy tahsildar of that town was desired to ascertain the origin of the name guni sakalavandlu, but, as soon as he asked the question, a member of the caste lodged a complaint of defamation against him before the district magistrate. the nickname appears to have been applied to them, because, in the northern districts, some print chintzes, and, carrying their goods in a bundle on their backs, walk stooping like a laden washerman. this derivation is more than doubtful, for, in the godavari district, the name is guna sakalavandlu, guna being the big pot in which they dye the chintzes. some velamas say that they belong to the kammas, but divided from them in consequence of a difference of opinion on the subject of gosha, most velama females being now kept in seclusion. [in the kurnool manual it is noted that the velama women are supposed to be gosha, but, owing to poverty, the rule is not strictly observed.] both kammas and velamas, before they divided, are said to have adopted gosha from the muhammadans, but, finding that they were thus handicapped in their competition with other cultivating castes, it was proposed that the original custom of their ancestors should be reverted to. those who agreed signed a bond, which, being upon palm leaf, was called kamma, and from it they took this name. the dissentients retained gosha, and were therefore called outsiders or velamas. this does not, however, explain what the original name of the caste was, and the truth of the story is doubtful. since this dispute, the velamas have themselves had a split on the subject of gosha, those who have thrown it off being called adi or original velamas, and the others padma velamas. the velamas seem to have come south with the vijayanagara kings, and to have been made menkavalgars, from which position some rose to be poligars. now they are chiefly the hangers-on of poligars or cultivators. to distinguish them from the vellalas in the southern taluks, they call themselves telugu vellalas, but it seems very improbable that the velamas and vellalas ever had any connection with one another. they are styled naidus." [the velamas style themselves telugu vellalas, not because of any connection between the two castes, but because they are at the top of the telugu castes as the vellalas are of the tamil castes. for the same reason, vellalas are sometimes called arava (tamil) velamalu.] the most important sub-divisions returned by the velamas at the census, , were kapu, koppala, padma, ponneti, and yanadi. "it is," the census superintendent writes, "curious to find the yanadi sub-division so strongly represented, for there is at the present day a wide gulf between velamas and yanadis" (a telugu forest tribe). in the vizagapatam manual, a class of cultivators called yanadulu is referred to; and, in the madras census report, , it is recorded that entries under the name yanati "were clubbed with yanadi; but it has since been reported that, in bissam-acuttack taluk of the vizagapatam agency, there is a separate caste called yanati or yeneti dora which is distinct from yanadi." it would appear that, as in the south, the velamas call themselves telugu vellalas, so in the north they call themselves yanatis. concerning the guna velamas, the rev. j. cain writes [ ] that "in years gone by, members of this class, who were desirous of getting married, had to arrange and pay the expenses of two of the palli (fisherman) caste, but now it is regarded as sufficient to hang up a net in the house during the time of the marriage ceremony." the custom had its origin in a legend that, generations ago, when all the members of the caste were in danger of being swept off the face of the earth by some of their enemies, the pallis came to the rescue with their boats, and carried all the guna velamas to a place of safety. the guna velamas, mr. cain continues, were "formerly regarded as quite an inferior caste, but, as many members of it have been educated in anglo-vernacular schools, they have found their way into almost every department and risen in the social scale. their caste occupation is that of dyeing cloth, which they dip into large pots (gunas). the term guna tsakala is one of reproach, and they much prefer being called velamalu to the great disgust of the raca (raja) velamalu." to the raca velama section belong, among other wealthy land-owners, the rajas of bobbili, venkatagiri, pittapur, and nuzvid. at the annual samasthanam meeting, in , the maharaja of bobbili announced that "none of the velamavaru were working in any of the offices at the time when i first came to bobbili. there were then a small number acting as mere supervisors without clerical work. only from the commencement of my administration these people have been gradually taken into the office, and induced to read at the high school." for the following note on the velamas who have settled in the vizagapatam district, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the following sub-divisions of the caste may be noted:-- ( ) pedda or padma found chiefly in the bobbili taluk. those composing it are said to be the descendants of the military followers and dependents of pedda rajudu, the founder of the bobbili family, who received a territorial grant in from sher muhammad khan, the moghul fauzdar of chicacole. it is to this sub-division that orme refers, when he says [ ] that they "esteem themselves the highest blood of native indians, next to the brahmans, equal to the rajpoots, and support their pre-eminence by the haughtiest observances, insomuch that the breath of a different religion, and even of the meaner indians, requires ablution; their women never transfer themselves to a second, but burn with the husband of their virginity." the remarriage of widows is forbidden, and women remain gosha (in seclusion), and wear gold or silver bangles on both wrists, unlike those of the koppala section. the title of members of this sub-division is dora. ( ) kamma velama found chiefly in the kistna district, from which some families are said to have emigrated in company with the early rajas of vizianagram. they are met with almost solely in the town of vizianagram. the remarriage of widows is permitted, but females are gosha. the title is nayudu. ( ) koppala, or toththala, who do not shave their heads, but tie the hair in a knot (koppu) on the top of the head. they are divided into sections, e.g., naga (cobra), sankha (chank shell, turbinella rapa), tulasi (ocimum sanctum), and tabelu (tortoise). these have no significance so far as marriage is concerned. they are further divided into exogamous septs, or intiperulu, of which the following are examples:--nalla (black), doddi (court-yard, cattle-pen or sheep-fold), reddi (synonym of kapu). the custom of menarikam, by which a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter, is observed. a brahman officiates at marriages. widows are permitted to remarry seven times, and, by an unusual custom, an elder brother is allowed to marry the widow of his younger brother. women wear on the right wrist a solid silver bangle called ghatti kadiyam, and on the left wrist two bangles called sandelu, between which are black glass bangles, which are broken when a woman becomes a widow. the titles of members of this sub-division are anna, ayya, and, when they become prosperous, nayudu. in a note on the velamas of the godavari district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes that they "admit that they always arrange for a mala couple to marry, before they have a marriage in their own houses, and that they provide the necessary funds for the mala marriage. they explain the custom by a story to the effect that a mala once allowed a velama to sacrifice him in order to obtain a hidden treasure, and they say that this custom is observed out of gratitude for the discovery of the treasure which resulted. the rev. j. cain gives [ ] a similar custom among the velamas of bhadrachalam in the godavari district, only in this case it is a palli (fisherman) who has to be married." there is, a correspondent informs me, a regular gradation in the social scale among the velamas, kammas, and kapus, as follows:-- velama dora = velama esquire. kamma varu = mr. kamma. kapu. a complaint was once made on the ground that, in a pattah (title-deed), a man was called kamma, and not kamma varu. it is noted by mr. h. g. prendergast [ ] that the custom of sending a sword to represent an unavoidably absent bridegroom at a wedding is not uncommon among the telugu razus and velamas. velampan (rope-dancer).--possibly a name for the koravas of malabar, who perform feats on the tight-rope. velan.--as a diminutive form of vellala, velan occurs as a title assumed by some kusavans. velan is also recorded as a title of paraiyans in travancore. (see panan.) for the following note on the velans of the cochin state, i am indebted to mr. l. k. anantha krishna iyer. [ ] the velans, like the panans, are a caste of devil-dancers, sorcerers and quack doctors, and are, in the northern parts of the state, called perumannans or mannans (washermen). my informant, a perumannan at trichur, told me that their castemen south of the karuvannur bridge, about ten miles south of trichur, are called velans, and that they neither interdine nor intermarry, because they give mattu (a washed cloth) to carpenters to free them from pollution. the mannans, who give the mattu to izhuvans, do not give it to kammalans (artisan classes), who are superior to them in social status. the velans at ernakulam, cochin, and other places, are said to belong to eight illams. a similar division into illams exists among the perumannans of the trichur taluk. the perumannans of the chittur taluk have no knowledge of this illam division existing among them. the following story was given regarding the origin of the velans and mannans. once upon a time, when parameswara and his wife parvati were amusing themselves, the latter chanced to make an elephant with earth, which was accidentally trodden on by the former, whence arose a man who stood bowing before them. he was called the mannan because he came out of man (earth), and to him was assigned his present occupation. this tradition is referred to in the songs which are sung on the fourth day of a girl's first menses, when she takes a ceremonial bath to free her from pollution. the velans are found all over the southern parts of the state, as their brethren are in the northern parts. they live in thatched huts in cocoanut gardens, while the mannans occupy similar dwellings in small compounds either of their own, or of some landlord whose tenant they may be. when a girl attains puberty, she is at once bathed, and located in a room in the hut. her period of seclusion is four days. on the morning of the fourth day, she is seated in a pandal (booth) put up in front of the hut, and made to hold in her hand a leafy vessel filled with rice, a few annas and a lighted wick, when a few of the castemen sing songs connected with puberty till so late as one or two o'clock, when the girl is bathed. after this, the castemen and women who are invited are feasted along with the girl, who is neatly dressed and adorned in her best. again the girl takes her seat in the pandal and the tunes begin, and are continued till seven or eight o'clock next morning, when the ceremony comes to an end. the songsters are remunerated with three paras of paddy (unhusked rice), twenty-eight cocoanuts, thirteen annas and four pies, and two pieces of cloth. the songs are in some families postponed till the sixteenth day, or to the day of the girl's marriage. very poor people dispense with them altogether. the following is a translation of one of the songs. one day a girl and her friends were playing merrily on the banks of a river, when one of them noticed some blood on her dress. they took her home, and her parents believed it to have been caused by some wound, but on enquiry knew that their daughter was in her menses. the daughter asked her mother as to what she did with the cloth she wore during her menses, when she was told that she bathed and came home, leaving it on a branch of a mango tree. on further enquiry, she knew that the goddess ganga purified herself by a bath, leaving her cloth in the river; that the goddess earth buried it in earth; and that panchali returned home after a bath, leaving her dress on a branch of a banyan tree. unwilling to lose her dress, the girl went to the god parameswara, and implored his aid to get somebody to have her cloth washed. when muttering a mantram (prayer), he sprinkled some water, a few drops of which went up and became stars, and from a few more, which fell on the leaves of a banyan tree, there came out a man, to whom was assigned the task of washing the cloths of the women in their courses, wearing which alone the women are purified by a bath. when a young man of the velan caste has attained the marriageable age, his father and maternal uncle select a suitable girl as a wife, after a proper examination and agreement of their horoscopes. the preliminaries are arranged in the hut of the girl, and a portion of the bride's price, fifteen fanams, is paid. the auspicious day for the wedding is fixed, and the number of guests that should attend it is determined. the wedding is celebrated at the girl's hut, in front of which a shed is put up. the ceremony generally takes place at night. a few hours before it, the bridegroom and his party arrive at the bride's hut, where they are welcomed, and seated on mats spread on the floor in the pandal (shed). at the auspicious hour, when the relatives on both sides and the castemen are assembled, the bridegroom's enangan (relation by marriage) hands over a metal plate containing the wedding suit, the bride's price, and a few packets of betel leaves and nuts to the bride's enangan, who takes everything except the cloth to be given to the bride's mother, and returns the plate to the same man. the bridegroom's sister dresses the bride in the new cloth, and takes her to the pandal, to seat her along with the bridegroom, and to serve one or two spoonfuls of milk and a few pieces of plantain fruit, when the bride is formally declared to be the wife of the young man and a member of his family. the guests assembled are treated to a feast, after which they are served with betel leaves, nuts, and tobacco. the rest of the night is spent in merry songs and dancing. the songs refer to the marriage of sita, the wife of rama, of subhadra, wife of arjuna, and of panchali, wife of the pandavas. next morning, the bride's party is treated to rice kanji (gruel) at eight o'clock, and to a sumptuous meal at twelve o'clock, after which they repair to the bridegroom's hut, accompanied by the bride, her parents and relations, all of whom receive a welcome. the formalities are gone through here also, and the bride's party is feasted. on the fourth morning, the newly married couple bathe and dress themselves neatly, to worship the deity at the local temple. after dinner they go to the bride's hut, where they spend a week or two, after which the bridegroom returns to his hut with his wife. it is now that the bride receives a few ornaments, a metal dish for taking meals, a lamp, and a few metal utensils, which vary according to the circumstances of her parents. henceforward, the husband and wife live with the parents of the former in their family. among the mannans of the northern parts of the state, the following marriage customs are found to prevail. the bridegroom's father, his maternal uncle, enangan, and the third or middle man, conjointly select the girl after due examination and agreement of horoscopes. the preliminaries are arranged as before, and the day for the wedding is determined. at the auspicious moment on the wedding day, when the relatives on both sides and the castemen are assembled at the shed in front of the bride's hut, the bridegroom's father takes up a metal plate containing the wedding dress, the bride's price (twelve fanams), and a few bundles of betel leaves, nuts and tobacco, and repeats a formula, of which the substance runs thus. "a lighted lamp is placed in the shed. four mats are spread round it in the direction of east, west, north and south. a metal plate, containing rice, flowers and betel leaves, is placed in front of the lamp, and the elderly members of the caste and the relatives on both sides are assembled. according to the traditional custom of the caste, the young man's father, maternal uncle, enangan, and the middle man conjointly selected the girl after satisfying themselves with due agreement of horoscopes, and ascertaining the illams and kriyams on both sides. they have negotiated for the girl, and settled the day on which the marriage is to take place. in token of this, they have taken meals in the bride's family. the claims of the girl for two pieces of cloth for the onam festival, two fanams or nine annas for thiruwatira (a festival in dhanu, i.e., december-january), and vishu, are satisfied, and she is by the young man taken to the village festival. they have now come for the celebration of the wedding. there have been times when he has heard of fanams as the price of the bride, and has seen fanams as the price of the same, but it is now fanams. it thus varies, and may be increased or diminished according to the will, pleasure, and means of the parties. with four fanams as the price of the bride and eight fanams for ornaments, and with the bundles of betel leaves, nuts, and the wedding dress in a metal plate, may i, ye elderly members, give it to the girl's parents?" "shall i," answers the girl's father, "accept it?" receiving it, he gives it to his brother-in-law, who gives it to the enangan, and he takes everything in it except the wedding suit, which he hands over to the bridegroom's enangan, who gives it to the bridegroom's sister, to have the bride dressed in it. the other portions of the ceremony are the same as those described above. in palghat and the chittur taluk, the following declaration is made. "according to the customary traditions of the caste, when a young man of one locality comes to tame a girl of another locality, and takes her as his wife, ye elderly members assembled here, may these four bundles of betel leaves, four measures of rice, two pieces of cloth, and ten fanams be given to the bride's parents?" "shall these be accepted?" says the bride's enangan. when the bride accompanies the bridegroom to his hut, the following formal statement is made. "thrash thou mayst, but not with a stick. thou mayst not accuse her of bad conduct. thou mayst not cut off her ears, breasts, nose and tufts of hair. thou mayst not take her to a tank (to bathe), or to a temple (for swearing). thou mayst keep and protect her as long as thou wantest. when thou dost not want her, give her maintenance, and take back the children, for they are thine own." polygamy is not prohibited, but is rarely practiced by the velans and mannans. they are very poor, and find it difficult to support their wives and children born in a single married life. want of children, bodily defect or incurable disease, or want of additional hands for work, may sometimes induce them to take more than one wife. polyandry does not prevail among the velans, but is common among the mannans of the northern parts of the state. a velan woman who loses her husband may marry another of her caste, if she likes, a year after her husband's death. the formalities of the wedding consist in the husband giving two pieces of cloth to the woman who wishes to enter into wedlock with him. after this she forfeits all claim on the property of her former husband. among the mannans, a widow may marry any one of her brothers-in-law. a woman committing adultery with a member of her own caste is well thrashed. one who disposes of herself to a member of a lower caste is sent out of caste. she may then become a christian or muhammadan convert. if an unmarried young woman becomes pregnant, and this is known to her castemen, they convene a meeting, and find out the secret lover, whom they compel to take her as his wife. very often they are both fined, and the fine is spent on toddy. both among the velans and mannans, divorce is easy. a man who does not like his wife has only to take her to her original home and give charge of her to her parents, informing them of the circumstances which have induced him to adopt such a course. a woman who does not like her husband may relinquish him, and join her parents. in both cases, the woman is at liberty to marry again. when a woman is pregnant, the ceremony of pulikuti (drinking of tamarind juice) is performed for her during the ninth month at the hut of her husband. the juice is extracted from tamarind (tamarindus indica), kotapuli (garcinia cambogia), nerinjampuli (hibiscus surattensis) and the leaves of ambazhampuli (spondias mangifera). a large branch of ambazhampuli is stuck in the ground in the central courtyard, near which the pregnant woman is seated. the husband gives her three small spoonfuls, and then seven times with her cherutali (neck ornament) dipped in the juice. among the washermen, the woman's brother gives it three times to her. should her sister-in-law give it in a small vessel, she has a claim to two pieces of cloth. after this, a quarter measure of gingelly (sesamum) oil is poured upon her head, to be rubbed all over her body, and she bathes, using acacia intsia as soap. those of her relatives and the castemen who are invited are sumptuously fed. some of them crack jokes by asking the pregnant woman to promise her baby son or daughter to theirs when grown up. all bless her for a safe delivery and healthy child. a woman who is about to become a mother is lodged in a separate room for her delivery, attended by her mother and one or two grown-up women, who act as midwives. the period of pollution is fifteen days. for the first three days the woman is given a dose of dried ginger mixed with palmyra (borassus flabellifer) jaggery (crude sugar), and for the next three days a mixture of garlic and jaggery. her diet during the first three days is rice kanji with scrapings of cocoanut, which are believed to help the formation of the mother's milk. for the next three days, the juice of kotapuli (garcinia cambogia), cumin seeds, and kotal urikki (achyranthes aspera), and of the leaves of muringa (moringa pterygosperma) is given, after which, for a few more days, a dose of the flesh of fowl mixed with mustard, cumin seeds and uluva (trigonella foenum-græcum) boiled in gingelly oil is taken. she bathes in water boiled with medicinal herbs on the fourth, seventh, ninth, eleventh, and sixteenth days. on the morning of the sixteenth day, her enangathi (enangan's wife) cleans her room with water mixed with cow-dung, and sweeps the compound. wearing a mattu (washed cloth) brought by a washerman, she bathes to be freed from pollution. she may now enter the hut, and mingle with the rest of the family. among velans and mannans, the sons inherit the property of their fathers, but they are very poor, and have little or nothing to inherit. velans and mannans practice magic and sorcery. all diseases that flesh is heir to are, in the opinion of these people, caused by malignant demons, and they profess to cure, with the aid of their mantrams and amulets, people suffering from maladies. the muttering of the following mantram, and throwing of bhasmam (holy ashes), in propitiation of the small-pox demon is believed to effect a cure. ( ) om, oh! thou, pallyamma, mother with tusk-like teeth, that in demoniacal form appearest on the burning ground called omkara, with burning piles flaming around, with one breast on one of thy shoulders, and playing with the other as with a ball, with thy tongue stretched out and wound round thy head, with grass, beans, and pepper in thy left hand, with gingelly seeds and chama grains in thy right hand, that scatterest and sowest broadcast the seeds of small-pox; oh! let the seeds that thou hast sown, and those that thou hast not sown, dry up inside, and get charred outside. be thou as if intoxicated with joy! protect thou, protect thou! ( ) malign influence of birds on children. oh! thou round-eyed, short karinkali with big ears, born from the third incessantly burning eye of siva, come, come and be in possession. if this mantram be muttered sixteen times, and bhasmam thrown over the body of a child, the operator breathing violently the while, a cure will be effected. if the mantram be muttered in a vessel of water the same number of times, and the child bathed in it, the cure will be equally effective. ( ) to cure fits and fever. oh! thou swine-faced mother, thou catchest hold of my enemy, coming charging me, by the neck with thy tusks thrust into his body; draggest him on the ground, and standest slowly chewing and eating, thrusting thy tusks, rubbing again, and wearing down his body, chewing once more and again; thou, mother that controllest , demons presiding over all kinds of maladies, seventy-two bhiravans, eighteen kinds of epileptic fits (korka), twelve kinds of muyalis and all other kinds of illness, as also kandakaranans (demons with bell-shaped ears), be under my possession so long as i serve thee. this mantram should be repeated sixteen times, with bhasmam thrown on the body of the patient. ( ) oh! bhadrakali, thou hast drunk the full cup. oh! thou that holdest the sword of royalty in thy right hand, and that half sittest on a high seat. place under control, as i am piously uttering the mantrams to serve thee, all demons, namely yakshi, gandharvan, poomalagandharvan, chutali, nirali, nilankari, chuzali, and many others who cause all kinds of illness that flesh is heir to. oh! holy mother, bhadrakali, i vow by my preceptor. ( ) for devil driving. oh! thou, karinkutti (black dwarf) of vedapuram in vellanad, that pluckest the fruits of the right hand branch of the strychnine tree (strychnos nux-vomica), and keepest toddy in its shell, drinking the blood of the black domestic fowl, drumming and keeping time on the rind of the fruit, filling and blowing thy pipe or horn through the nose. oh! thou primeval black dwarf, so long as i utter the proper mantrams, i beg thee to cause such demons as would not dance to dance, and others to jump and drive them out. oh! thou, karinkutti, come, come, and enable me to succeed in my attempts. ( ) oh! thou goddess with face. oh! thou with face like that of a bear, and thou, a hunter. i utter thy mantrams and meditate upon thee, and therefore request thee to tread upon my enemies, burst open their bodies to drink their blood, and yawn to take complete rest; drive out such demons as cause convulsions of the body both from within and without, and all kinds of fever. scatter them as dust. i swear by thee and my preceptor. swahah. ( ) for the evil eye. salutations to thee, oh! god. even as the moon wanes in its brightness at the sight of the sun, even as the bird chakora (eraya) disappears at the sight of the moon; even as the great vasuki (king of serpents) vanishes at the sight of chakora; even as the poison vanishes from his head; so may the potency of his evil eye with thy aid vanish. ( ) to cause delay in the occurrence of menses. salutation to thee, oh! mars (the son of the goddess earth). if this mantram is muttered on a thread dyed yellow with turmeric, and if the thread be placed on both the palms joined together, and if the number of days to which the occurrence of the menses should be delayed be thought of, the postponement will be procured by wearing it either round the neck or the loins. the thread with a ring attached to it, and worn round the neck is equally effective. ( ) to prevent cows from giving milk. om, koss, dry up the liquid, kindly present me with thy gracious aspect. oh! thou with the great sword in thy hands, the great trident, dry up the cow's udder even as a tiger, i swear by thee and my preceptor. ( ) to cause cows to give milk. even as the swelling on the holy feet of mahadeva due to the bite of a crocodile has subsided and gone down, so go down. i swear by my preceptor. ( ) to remove a thorn from the sole of the foot. when parameswara and parvathi started on their hunting expedition, a thorn entered the foot of her lady-ship. it was doubted whether it was the thorn of a bamboo, an ant, or a strychnine tree. even so may this poison cease to hurt, oh! lord. i swear by my preceptor. ( ) to effect metamorphosis. take the head of a dog and burn it, and plant on it vellakutti plant. burn camphor and frankincense, and adore it. then pluck the root. mix it with the milk of a dog and the bones of a cat. a mark made with the mixture on the forehead will enable any person to assume the figure of any animal he thinks of. ( ) before a stick of the malankara plant, worship with a lighted wick and incense. then chant the sakti mantram times, and mutter the mantram to give life at the bottom. watch carefully which way the stick inclines. proceed to the south of the stick, and pluck the whiskers of a live tiger, and make with them a ball of the veerali silk, string it with silk, and enclose it within the ear. stand on the palms of the hand to attain the disguise of a tiger, and, with the stick in hand, think of a cat, white bull, or other animal. then you will, in the eyes of others, appear as such. ( ) take the nest of a crow from a margosa tree, and bury it at the cremation ground. then throw it into the house of your enemy. the house will soon take fire. ( ) take the ashes of the burial-ground on which an ass has been rolling on a saturday or sunday, and put it in the house of your enemy. the members of the family will soon quit the house, or a severe illness will attack them. the velans and mannans are animists, and worship demoniacal gods, such as chandan, mundian, kandakaranan, karinkutti, and chathan. all of them are separately represented by stones located underneath a tree in the corners of their compounds. offerings of sheep, fowls, plantain fruits, cocoanuts, parched rice and beaten rice, are made to them on the tenth of dhanu (last week in december), on a tuesday in makaram (january-february), and on kumbham bharani (second asterism in march-april). they also adore the goddess bhagavathi and the spirits of their departed ancestors, who are believed to exercise their influence in their families for good or evil. sometimes, when they go to cranganore to worship the goddess there, they visit the senior male members of the local nayar, kammalan and izhuvan families to take leave of them, when they are given a few annas with which they purchase fowls, etc., to be given as offerings to the local goddess. wooden or metal images, representing the spirits of their ancestors, are located in a room of their huts, and worshipped with offerings on new moon and sankranti nights. the velans and mannans either burn or bury the dead. the son is the chief mourner who performs the funeral rites, and the nephews and brothers take part in them. their priests are known as kurup, and they preside at the ceremonies. death pollution lasts for sixteen days, and on the morning of the sixteenth day the hut of the dead person is well swept and cleansed by sprinkling water mixed with cowdung. the members of the family, dressed in the mattu (a washed cloth worn before bathing) brought by the washerman, bathe to be free from pollution. the castemen, including their friends and relations, are invited and feasted. a similar funeral feast is also held at the end of the year. the chief occupation of the velans and mannans is the giving of mattu to brahmans, kshatriyas, anthalarajatis, nayars, kammalans and izhuvans, for wearing before going to bathe on the day on which they are freed from pollution. a girl or woman in her courses on the morning of the fourth day, a woman in confinement on the fifth, ninth, eleventh and sixteenth days, and all the members of a family under death pollution on the sixteenth day, have to use it. they bathe wearing the washed cloth, and return it as soon as the bath is over. it may either belong to the washerman, or have been previously given to him by the members of the family. he gets an anna or a measure of paddy for his service to a woman in her menses, and a para of paddy or six annas for birth and death pollutions. the velans give the mattu to all the castes above mentioned, while the mannans refuse to give it to the kammalans, and thereby profess themselves to be superior in status to them. they wash clothes to dress the idols in some of the high caste temples. their washing consists in first plunging the dirty cloths in water mixed with cowdung, and beating them on a stone by the side of a tank (pond), canal or river, and again immersing them in water mixed with wood ashes or charamannu, after which they are exposed to steam for a few hours, and again beaten on the stone, slightly moistening in water now and then, until they are quite clean. they are then dried in the sun, and again moistened with a solution of starch and indigo, when they are exposed to the air to dry. when dry, they are folded, and beaten with a heavy club, so as to be like those ironed. the velans of the cranganore, cochin, and kanayannur taluks, climb cocoanut trees to pluck cocoanuts, and get about eight to ten annas for every hundred trees they go up. they make umbrellas. some among them practice magic and sorcery, and some are quack doctors, who treat sickly children. some are now engaged in agricultural operations, while a few make beds, pillows, and coats. there are also a few of them in every village who are songsters, and whose services are availed of on certain ceremonial occasions, namely, on the bathing day of a girl in her first menses, on the wedding night, and when religious ceremonies are performed, and sacrifices offered to their gods. some are experts in drum-beating, and are invited by low caste people of the rural parts. the mannans also follow the same occupations. the velans and mannans eat at the hands of all castes above them, namely, brahmans, kshatriyas, nayars, and izhuvans. the former take food from kammalans, while the latter abstain from so doing. they do not eat the food prepared by kaniyans, panans, vilkurups, or other castes of equal or inferior status. they have to stand at a distance of twenty-four feet from brahmans. they have their own barbers, and are their own washermen. they stand far away from the outer wall of the temples of high castes. they are not allowed to take water from the wells of high caste sudras, nor are they allowed to live in their midst. the following note on the velans of travancore has been furnished by mr. n. subramani iyer. the word velan has been derived from vel a spear, and also from vela work. the usual title of the velans is panikkan. they are believed to be divided into four classes, viz., bharata velan, vaha velan, pana velan, and manna velan. while the last of these sections, in addition to their traditional occupation, are washermen and climbers of areca palm trees, the pana velans take sawing as a supplementary employment. some of the members of the first and second classes are also physicians. this classification is gradually going out of vogue. the velans are said traditionally to have been descended from siva, who, on one occasion, is believed to have removed the evil effects of the sorcery of demons upon vishnu by means of exorcism. as this kind of injury began to increase among men, a man and woman were created by this deity, to prevent its dire consequences. in the keralolpatti, this caste is mentioned as velakkuruppu. but at present the puranadis, who are the barbers and priests of this class, are known by this name. a puranadi means one who stands outside, and is not admitted as of equal rank with the velans proper. the puranadis are not washermen. commensal relations exist only between the male members of the velans and puranitis (puranadi females). the velans perform a number of useful services in the body politic of malabar. in the keralolpatti their duty is said to be the nursing of women in their confinement. in the kerala-visesha-mahatmya, exorcism, climbing of trees, and washing clothes, are mentioned as their occupations. there are various kinds of exorcism, the chief being velan tullal and velan pravarti. the former is a kind of masque performed by the velans for warding off the effects of the evil eye, and preventing the injurious influences of demons and spirits. atavi is a peculiar female divinity worshipped by the caste, by whose help these feats are believed to be performed in the main. she, and a host of minor gods and goddesses, are represented by them, and a dance commences. after it is over, all the characters receive presents. velan pravarti, or otuka, may either last for eleven days, or may be finished on a minor scale within three days, and in emergent cases even in one day. a puranadi acts as buffoon, and serves the purpose of a domestic servant on the occasion. this is called pallipana when performed in temples, pallipperu when in palaces, and velan pravarti or satru-eduppu in the case of ordinary people. this is also done with a view to prevent the effect of the evil eye. on the first day, a person representing the enchanted man or woman is placed in a temporary shed built for the purpose, and lights are waved before him. on the third day, a pit is dug, and a cock sacrificed. on the fourth day, the pattata bali, or human sacrifice, takes place. a person is thrown into a pit which is covered with a plank of wood, upon which sacrifices are offered. the buried person soon resuscitates himself, and, advancing as if possessed, explains the cause of the disease or calamity. on the eighth day, figures of snakes, in gold or silver, are enclosed in small copper vessels, and milk and fruit are offered to them. on the ninth day, the velans worship the lords of the eight directions, with brahma or the creator in the midst of them. on the tenth day, there is much festivity and amusement, and the mahabharata is sung in a condensed form. the chief of the velans becomes possessed, and prays that, as the pandavas emerged safely from the sorcery of the kauravas, the person affected by the calamity may escape unhurt. on the last day, animals are sacrificed at the four corners of the compound surrounding the house. no special rite is performed on the first day, but the ituvanabali, kuzhibali, pattatabali, kitangubali, patalabali, sarakutabali, pithabali, azhibali, digbali, and kumpubali, are respectively observed during the remaining ten days. the pana, of which rite the breaking of cocoanuts is the most important item, completes this long ceremony. it was once supposed that the bharata velans exorcised spirits in the homes of high caste hindus, the same work being done among the middle classes by the vaha velans, and among the low by the manna velans. this rule does not hold good at the present day. the velans are also engaged in the event of bad crops. besides standing thirty-two feet apart from hindu temples, and worshipping the divinities therein, the velans erect small sanctuaries for siva within their own compounds, called kuriyala. they worship this deity in preference to others, and offer tender cocoanuts, fried rice, sugar, and plantain fruits to him on the uttradam day in the month of august. velanati (foreign).--a sub-division of kapus, and other telugu castes, and of telugu brahmans. velanga (wood apple: feronia elephantum).--an exogamous sept of muka dora. velichchapad.--of the velichchapads, or oracles, of malabar, the following account is given by mr. f. fawcett. [ ] "far away in rural malabar, i witnessed the ceremony in which the velichchapad exhibited his quality. it was in the neighbourhood of a nayar house, to which thronged all the neighbours (nayars), men and women, boys and girls. the ceremony lasts about an hour. the nayar said it was the custom in his family to have it done once a year, but could give no account of how the custom originated; most probably in a vow, some ancestor having vowed that, if such or such benefit be received, he would for ever after have an annual performance of this ceremony in his house. it involved some expenditure, as the velichchapad had to be paid, and the neighbours had to be fed. somewhere about the middle of the little courtyard, always as clean as a dinner table, the velichchapad placed a lamp (of the malabar pattern) having a lighted wick, a kalasam (brass vessel), some flowers, camphor, saffron (turmeric) and other paraphernalia. bhagavati was the deity invoked, and the business involved offering flowers, and waving a lighted wick round the kalasam. the velichchapad's movements became quicker, and, suddenly seizing his sword (nandakam), he ran round the courtyard (against the sun, as sailors say) shouting wildly. he is under the influence of the deity who has been introduced into him, and he gives oracular utterances to the deity's commands. what he said i know not, and no one else seemed to know or care in the least, much interested though they were in the performance. as he ran, every now and then he cut his forehead with the sword, pressing it against the skin and sawing vertically up and down. the blood streamed all over his face. presently he became wilder and wilder, and whizzed round the lamp, bending forward towards the kalasam. evidently some deity, some spirit was present here, and spoke through the mouth of the velichchapad. this, i think, undoubtedly represents the belief of all who were present. when he had done whizzing round the kalasam, he soon became a normal being, and stood before my camera. the fee for the self-inflicted laceration is one rupee, some rice, etc. i saw the velichchapad about three days afterwards, going to perform elsewhere. the wound on his forehead had healed. the careful observer can always identify a velichchapad by the triangular patch over the forehead, where the hair will not grow, and where the skin is somewhat indurated." veliveyabadina razu.--the name, denoting razus who were thrown out, of a class said to be descended from razus who were excommunicated from their caste. [ ] veliyam.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a title of nayars. in the same report veliyattu is described as synonymous with pulikkappanikkan, a sub-division of nayar. vellaikaran (white man).--a tamil name for european. vellala.--"the vellalas," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are the great farmer caste of the tamil country, and they are strongly represented in every tamil district. the word vellalan is derived from vellanmai [vellam, water, anmai, management?] meaning cultivation, tillage. dr. oppert [ ] considers vellalan to be etymologically connected with pallan, palli, etc., the word meaning the lord of the vallas or pallas. the story of their origin is as follows. many thousands of years ago, when the inhabitants of the world were rude and ignorant of agriculture, a severe drought fell upon the land, and the people prayed to bhudevi, the goddess of the earth, for aid. she pitied them, and produced from her body a man carrying a plough, who showed them how to till the soil and support themselves. his offsprings are the vellalas, who aspire to belong to the vaisya caste, since that includes govaisyas, bhuvaisyas, and dhanavaisyas (shepherds, cultivators and merchants). a few, therefore, constantly wear the sacred thread, but most put it on only during marriages or funerals as a mark of the sacred nature of the ceremony." the traditional story of the origin of the vellalas is given as follows in the baramahal records. [ ] "in ancient days, when the god paramesvaradu and his consort the goddess parvati devi resided on the top of kailasa parvata or mount of paradise, they one day retired to amuse themselves in private, and by chance visvakarma, the architect of the devatas or gods, intruded on their privacy, which enraged them, and they said to him that, since he had the audacity to intrude on their retirement, they would cause an enemy of his to be born in the bhuloka or earthly world, who should punish him for his temerity. visvakarma requested they would inform him in what part of the bhuloka or earthly world he would be born, and further added that, if he knew the birth place, he would annihilate him with a single blow. the divine pair replied that the person would spring up into existence from the bowels of the earth on the banks of the ganga river. on this, visvakarma took his sword, mounted his aerial car, and flew through the regions of ether to the banks of the ganga river, where he anxiously waited the birth of his enemy. one day visvakarma observed the ground to crack near him, and a kiritam or royal diadem appeared issuing out of the bowels of the earth, which visvakarma mistook for the head of his adversary, and made a cut at it with his sword, but only struck off the kiritam. in the meantime, the person came completely out of the earth, with a bald pate, holding in his hand a golden ploughshare, and his neck encircled with garlands of flowers. the angry visvakarma instantly laid hold on him, when the gods brahma, vishnu and siva, and the supporters of the eight corners of the universe, appeared in all their glory, and interceded for the earth-born personage, and said to visvakarma thou didst vow that thou wouldst annihilate him with a single blow, which vow thou hast not performed; therefore with what justice hast thou a second time laid violent hands on him? since thou didst not succeed in thy first attempt, it is but equitable that thou shouldst now spare him. at the intercession and remonstrance of the gods, visvakarma quitted his hold, and a peace was concluded between him and his enemy on the following stipulation, viz., that the pancha jati, or five castes of silversmiths, carpenters, ironsmiths, stone-cutters, and braziers, who were the sons of visvakarma, should be subservient to the earth-born person. the deities bestowed on the person these three names. first bhumi palakudu or saviour of the earth, because he was produced by her. second, ganga kulam or descendant of the river ganga, by reason of having been brought forth on her banks. third, murdaka palakudu or protector of the plough, alluding to his being born with a ploughshare in his hand, and they likewise ordained that, as he had lost his diadem, he should not be eligible to sovereignty, but that he and his descendants should till the ground with this privilege, that a person of the caste should put the crown on the king's head at the coronation. they next invested him with the yegnopavitam or string, and, in order that he might propagate his caste, they gave him in marriage the daughters of the gods indra and kubera. at this time, the god siva was mounted on a white bullock, and the god dharmaraja on a white buffalo, which they gave him to plough the ground, and from which circumstance the caste became surnamed vellal warus or those who plough with white bullocks. after the nuptials, the deities departed to their celestial abodes. murdaka palakulu had fifty-four sons by the daughter of the god indra, and fifty-two by the daughter of the god kubera, whom he married to the one hundred and six daughters of nala kubarudu, the son of kubera, and his sons-in-law made the following agreement with him, viz., that thirty-five of them should be called bhumi palakulu, and should till the ground; thirty-five of them named vellal shetti, and their occupation be traffic; and thirty-five of them named govu shetlu, and their employment breeding and feeding of cattle. they gave the remaining one the choice of three orders, but he would not have any connexion with any of them, from whence they surnamed him agmurdi or the alien. the agmurdi had born to him two thousand five hundred children, and became a separate caste, assuming the appellation of agmurdi vellal waru. the other brothers had twelve thousand children, who intermarried, and lived together as one caste, though their occupations were different.... during the reign of krishna rayalu, whose capital was the city of vijayanagaram or city of victory, a person of the vellal caste, named umbhi or amultan mudaliyar, was appointed sarvadhikari or prime minister, who had a samprati or secretary of the caste of gollavaru or cowherds, whose name was venayaterthapalli. it so happened that a set of bhagavata sevar, or strolling players, came to the city, and one night acted a play in the presence of krishna rayalu and his court. in one of the acts, a player appeared in the garb and character of a female cowherd, and, by mimicking the actions and manners of that caste, afforded great diversion both to the raja and his courtiers. but no person seemed to be so much pleased as the prime minister, which being perceived by his secretary, he determined on making him pay dear for his mirth by turning the vellal caste into ridicule, and thus hurt his pride, and take revenge for the pleasure he expressed at seeing the follies of the cowherd caste exposed. for that purpose, he requested the players, when they acted another play, to dress themselves up in the habit of a female of the vellal caste. this scheme came to the ears of the prime minister, who, being a proud man, was sadly vexed at the trick, and resolved on preventing its being carried into execution; but, having none of his own caste present to assist him, and not knowing well how to put a stop to the business, he got into his palanquin, and went to a canardha shetti or headman of the right-hand caste, informed him of the circumstance, and begged his advice and assistance. the shetti replied 'formerly the left-hand caste had influence enough with government to get an order issued forbidding the right-hand caste to cultivate or traffic; therefore, when we quarrel again, do you contrive to prevent the ryots of the vellal caste from cultivating the ground, so that the public revenue will fall short, and government will be obliged to grant us our own terms; and i will save you from the disgrace that is intended to be put on you. the prime minister agreed to the proposal, and went home. at night, when the players were coming to the royal presence to act, and one of them had on the habit of a female of the vellal caste, the canardha shetti cut off his head, and saved the honour of the prime minister. the death of the player being reported to the raja krishna rayalu, he enquired into the affair, and finding how matters stood, he directed the prime minister and his secretary to be more circumspect in their conduct, and not to carry their enmity to such lengths.' since that time, the vellal castes have always assisted the right-hand against the left-hand castes." (see kammalan.) at the time of the census, , some vellalas claimed that they had been seriously injured in reputation, and handled with great injustice, in being classed as sudras by the municipal commissioners of madras in the classification of hindus under the four great divisions of brahmans, kshatriyas, vaisyas, and sudras. in their petition it was stated that "we shall first proceed to show that the vellalas do come exactly within the most authoritative definition given of vysias, and then point out that they do not come within the like definition of sudras. first then to the definition of vysia, manu, the paramount authority upon these matters, says in paragraph of his institutes:--'to keep herds of cattle, to bestow largesses, to sacrifice, to read the scripture, to carry on trade, to lend at interest, and to cultivate land, are prescribed or permitted to a vysia.'" in the course of the petition, the vellalas observed that "it is impossible to imagine that the vellalas, a race of agriculturists and traders, should have had to render menial service to the three higher classes; for the very idea of service is, as it needs must be, revolting to the vellala, whose profession teaches him perfect independence, and dependence, if it be, upon the sovereign alone for the protection of his proper interests. hence a vellala cannot be of the sudra or servile class. besides, that the vellalas are recognised as a respectable body of the community will also appear from the following. there was a ceremony called tulabharam (weighing in scales) observed by the ancient kings of, at some part of their lives, distributing in charity to the most deserving gold and silver equal to the weight of their persons; and tradition alleges that, when the kings of tanjore performed this ceremony, the right to weigh the king's person was accorded to the vellalan chettis. this shows that the vellalas have been recognised as a respectable body of mercantile men in charge of weights and measures (manu , chap. ). so also, in the halasya puranam of madura, it is said that, when the king somasundara pandien, who was supposed to be the very incarnation of siva, had to be crowned, there arose a contention as to who was to put the crown on his head. after much discussion, it was agreed that one of the vellalas, who formed the strength of the community (note the fact that manu says that vysia came from the thighs of the supreme deity, which, as an allegory, is interpreted to mean the strength of the state) should be appointed to perform that part of the ceremony. also, in kamban's ramayana, written , and odd years ago, it is said that the priest vasista handed the crown to a vellala, who placed it upon great rama's head." in 'the tamils eighteen hundred years ago,' mr. v. kanakasabhai writes that "among the pure tamils, the class most honoured was the arivar or sages. next in rank to the arivar were the ulavar or farmers. the arivars were ascetics, but, of the men living in society, the farmers occupied the highest position. they formed the nobility, or the landed aristocracy, of the country. they were also called vellalar, 'lords of the flood,' or 'karalar,' 'lords of the clouds,' titles expressive of their skill in controlling floods, and in storing water for agricultural purposes. the chera, chola and pandyan kings, and most of the petty chiefs of tamilakam, belonged to the tribe of vellalas. the poor families of vellalas who owned small estates were generally spoken of as the veelkudi-uluvar or 'the fallen vellalas,' implying thereby that the rest of the vellalas were wealthy land-holders. when karikal the great defeated the aruvalar, and annexed their territory to his kingdom, he distributed the conquered lands among vellala chiefs. [ ] the descendants of some of these chiefs are to this day in possession of their lands, which they hold as petty zamindars under the british government. [ ] the vellala families who conquered vadukam, or the modern telugu country, were called velamas, and the great zamindars there still belong to the velama caste. in the canarese country, the vellalas founded the bellal dynasty, which ruled that country for several centuries. the vellalas were also called the gangakula or gangavamsa, because they derived their descent from the great and powerful tribe named gangvida, which inhabited the valley of the ganges, as mentioned by pliny and ptolemy. a portion of mysore which was peopled mostly by vellalas was called gangavadi in the tenth and eleventh centuries of the christian era. another dynasty of kings of this tribe, who ruled orissa in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, was known as the gangavamsa.... in the earliest tamil grammar extant, which was composed by a brahman named tholkappiyan, in the first or second century b.c., frequent allusions are made to the arivar or sages. but, in the chapter in which he describes the classes of society, the author omits all mention of the arivar, and places the brahmins who wear the sacred thread as the first caste. the kings, he says, very guardedly, and not warriors, form the second caste, as if the three kings chera, chola and pandy could form a caste; all who live by trade belong to the third caste. he does not say that either the kings or the merchants wear the sacred thread. then he singles out the vellalas, and states that they have no other calling than the cultivation of the soil. here he does not say that the vellalas are sudras, but indirectly implies that the ordinary vellalas should be reckoned as sudras, and that those vellalas who were kings should be honoured as kshatriyas. this is the first attempt made by the brahmins to bring the tamils under their caste system. but, in the absence of the kshatriya, vaisya, and sudra castes in tamilakam, they could not possibly succeed; and to this day the vellala does not take meals at the hands of a padaiyadchi, who calls himself a kshatriya, or a merchant who passes for a vaisya." in speculating on the origin of the vellalas, mr. j. h. nelson [ ] states that "tradition uniformly declares them to be the descendants of foreign immigrants, who were introduced by the pandyas: and it appears to be extremely probable that they are, and that an extensive vellala immigration took place at a rather remote period, perhaps a little before or after the colonization of the tonda-mandala by adondai chakravarti. the vellalas speak a pure dialect of tamil, and no other language. i have not heard of anything extraordinary in the customs prevailing among them, or of any peculiarities pointing to a non-tamil origin.... with regard to the assertion so commonly made that the pandyas belonged to the vellala caste, it is observable that tradition is at issue with it, and declares that the pandyas proper were kshatriyas: but they were accustomed to marry wives of inferior castes as well as and in addition to wives of their own caste; and some of their descendants born of the inferior and irregularly married wives were vellalans, and, after the death of kun or sundara pandya, formed a new dynasty, known as that of the pseudo-pandyas. tradition also says that arya nayaga muthali, the great general of the sixteenth century, was dissuaded by his family priest from making himself a king on the ground that he was a vellalan, and no vellalan ought to be a king. and, looking at all the facts of the case, it is somewhat difficult to avoid coming to the conclusion that the reason assigned for his not assuming the crown was the true one. this, however, is a question, the settlement of which requires great antiquarian learning: and it must be settled hereafter." in the madras census report, , the vellalas are described as "a peace-loving, frugal, and industrious people, and, in the cultivation of rice, betel, tobacco, etc., have perhaps no equals in the world. they will not condescend to work of a degrading nature. some are well educated, and employed in government service, and as clerks, merchants, shop-keepers, etc., but the greater part of them are the peasant proprietors of the soil, and confine their attention to cultivation." in the madura manual, it is recorded that "most vellalans support themselves by husbandry, which, according to native ideas, is their only proper means of livelihood. but they will not touch the plough, if they can help it, and ordinarily they do everything by means of hired servants and predial slaves. in the sathaga of narayanan may be found a description of their duties and position in society, of which the following translation appears in taylor's work, the oriental mss. the vellalans, by the effect of their ploughing (or cultivation), maintain the prayers of the brahmans, the strength of kings, the profits of merchants, the welfare of all. charity, donations, the enjoyments of domestic life, and connubial happiness, homage to the gods, the sastras, the vedas, the puranas, and all other books, truth, reputation, renown, the very being of the gods, things of good report or integrity, the good order of castes, and (manual) skill, all these things come to pass by the merit (or efficacy) of the vellalan's plough. those vellalans who are not farmers, husbandmen, or gardeners, are employed in various ways more or less respectable; but none of them will condescend to do work of a degrading nature. some of them are merchants, some shop-keepers, some government servants, some sepoys, some domestic servants, some clerks, and so forth." in the tanjore manual, it is stated that "many vellalars are found in the government service, more especially as karnams or village accountants. as accountants they are unsurpassed, and the facility with which, in by-gone days, they used to write on cadjan or palmyra leaves with iron styles, and pick up any information on any given points from a mass of these leaves, by lamp-light no less than by daylight, was most remarkable. running by the side of the tahsildar's (native revenue officer) palanquin, they could write to dictation, and even make arithmetical calculations with strictest accuracy. in religious observances, they are more strict than the generality of brahmans; they abstain from both intoxicating liquors and flesh meat." in the coimbatore manual, the vellalas are summed up as "truly the backbone of the district. it is they who, by their industry and frugality, create and develop wealth, support the administration, and find the money for imperial and district demands. as their own proverb says:--the vellalar's goad is the ruler's sceptre. the bulk of them call themselves goundans." in the salem manual, the vellala is described as "frugal and saving to the extreme; his hard-working wife knows no finery, and the vellalichi, (vellala woman) willingly wears for the whole year the one blue cloth, which is all that the domestic economy of the house allows her. if she gets wet, it must dry on her; and, if she would wash her sole garment, half is unwrapped to be operated upon, which in its turn relieves the other half, that is then and there similarly hammered against some stone by the side of the village tank (pond), or on the bank of the neighbouring stream. their food is the cheapest of the 'dry' grains which they happen to cultivate that year, and not even the village feasts can draw the money out of a vellalar's clutches. it is all expended on his land, if the policy of the revenue administration of the country be liberal, and the acts of government such as to give confidence to the ryots or husbandmen; otherwise their hoarded gains are buried. the new moon, or some high holiday, may perhaps see the head of the house enjoy a platter of rice and a little meat, but such extravagance is rare." the vellalas are summed up by 'a native,' [ ] as being "found in almost every station of life, from the labourer in the fields to the petty zamindar (landholder); from the owner of plantations to the cooly who works at coffee-picking; from the deputy collector to the peon in his office." it is recorded, in the census report, , that a vellala had passed the m.a. degree examination of the madras university. the occupations of the vellalas whom i examined in madras were as follows:-- cart-driver. bricklayer. cooly. varnisher. painter. watchman. cultivator. gardener. compositor. railway fireman. peon. student. in an excellent summary of the vellalas [ ] mr. w. francis writes as follows. "by general consent, the first place in social esteem among the tamil sudra castes is awarded to them. to give detailed descriptions of the varying customs of a caste which numbers, as this does, over two and a quarter millions, and is found all over the presidency, is unnecessary, but the internal construction of the caste, its self-contained and distinct sub-divisions, and the methods by which its numbers are enhanced by accretions from other castes, are so typical of the corresponding characteristics of the madras castes, that it seems to be worth while to set them out shortly. "the caste is first of all split up into four main divisions, named after the tract of country in which the ancestors of each originally resided. these are ( ) tondamandalam, or the dwellers in the pallava country, the present chingleput and north arcot districts, the titles of which division are mudali, reddi and nainar; ( ) soliya (or sozhia), or men of the chola country, the tanjore and trichinopoly districts of the present day, the members of which are called pillai; ( ) pandya, the inhabitants of the pandyan kingdom of madura and tinnevelly, which division also uses the title of pillai; and ( ) konga, or those who resided in the konga country, which corresponded to coimbatore and salem, the men of which are called kavandans. the members of all these four main territorial divisions resemble one another in their essential customs. marriage is either infant or adult, the puranic wedding ceremonies are followed, and (except among the konga vellalas) brahmans officiate. they all burn their dead, observe fifteen days' pollution, and perform the karumantaram ceremony to remove the pollution on the sixteenth day. there are no marked occupational differences amongst them, most of them being cultivators or traders. each division contains both vaishnavites and saivites, and (contrary to the rule among the brahmans) differences of sect are not of themselves any bar to intermarriage. each division has pandarams, or priests, recruited from among its members, who officiate at funerals and minor ceremonies, and some of these wear the sacred thread, while other vellalas only wear it at funerals. all vellalas perform sraddhas (memorial services), and observe the ceremony of invoking their ancestors on the mahalaya days (a piece of ritual which is confined to the twice-born and the higher classes of sudras); all of them decline to drink alcohol or to eat in the houses of any but brahmans; and all of them may dine together. yet no member of any of these four main divisions may marry into another, and, moreover, each of them is split into sub-divisions (having generally a territorial origin), the members of which again may not intermarry. thus tondamandalam are sub-divided into the tuluvas, who are supposed to have come from the tulu country; the poonamallee (or pundamalli) vellalas, so called from the town of that name near madras; and the kondaikattis (those who tie their hair in a knot without shaving it). none of these three will intermarry. the soliya vellalas are sub-divided into the vellan chettis, meaning the vellala merchants (who are again further split up into three or four other territorial divisions); the kodikkals (betel-garden), who grow the betel-vine; and the kanakkilinattar, or inhabitants of kanakkilinadu. these three similarly may not intermarry, but the last is such a small unit, and girls in it are getting so scarce, that its members are now going to other sub-divisions for their brides. the pandya vellalas are sub-divided into the karkattas or karaikatus, who, notwithstanding the legends about their origin, are probably a territorial sub-division named from a place called karaikadu; the nangudis and panjais, the origin of whom is not clear; the arumburs and sirukudis, so called from villages of those names in the pandya country; the agamudaiyans, who are probably recruits from the caste of that name; the nirpusis, meaning the wearers of the sacred ashes; and the kottai vellalas or fort vellalas. these last are a small sub-division, the members of which live in srivaikuntam fort (in tinnevelly), and observe the strictest gosha (seclusion of females). though they are, as has been seen, a sub-division of a caste, yet their objection to marry outside their own circle is so strong that, though they are fast dying out because there are so few girls among them, they decline to go to the other sub-divisions for brides. [see kottai vellala.] the kongas are sub-divided into the sendalais (red-headed men), paditalais (leaders of armies), vellikkai (the silver hands), pavalamkatti (wearers of coral), malaiyadi (foot of the hills), tollakadu (ears with big holes), attangarais (river bank), and others, the origin of none of which is clearly known, but the members of which never intermarry. in addition to all these divisions and sub-divisions of the vellala caste proper, there are nowadays many groups which really belong to quite distinct castes, but which call themselves vellalas, and pretend that they belong to that caste, although in origin they had no connection with it. these nominally cannot intermarry with any of the genuine vellalas, but the caste is so widely diffused that it cannot protect itself against these invasions, and, after a few generations, the origin of the new recruits is forgotten, and they have no difficulty in passing themselves off as real members of the community. the same thing occurs among the nayars in malabar. it may be imagined what a mixture of blood arises from this practice, and how puzzling the variations in the cranial measurements of vellalas taken at random are likely to become. instances of members of other castes who have assumed the name and position of the vellalas are the vettuva vellalas, who are really vettuvans; the puluva vellalas, who are only puluvans; the illam vellalas, who are panikkans; the karaiturai (lord of the shore) vellalas, who are karaiyans; the karukamattai (palmyra leaf-stem) vellalas, who are shanans; the gazulu (bangle) vellalas, who are balijas; the guha (rama's boat-man) vellalas, who are sembadavans; and the irkuli vellalas, who are vannans. the children of dancing-girls also often call themselves mudali, and claim in time to be vellalas; and even paraiyans assume the title pillai, and trust to its eventually enabling them to pass themselves off as members of the caste." the name acchu vellala has been assumed by some karaiyans, and pattanavans call themselves varunakula vellala or varunakula mudali, after varuna, the god of the waters. at times of census, many hill malayalis return themselves as vellalas, in accordance with their tradition that they are vellalas who migrated to the hills. some thieving koravas style themselves aghambadiar vellala or pillai, and have to some extent adopted the dress and manners of the vellalas. [ ] in travancore, to which state some vellalas have migrated, males of the deva-dasi (dancing-girl) caste sometimes call themselves nanchinad vellalas. there is a tamil proverb to the effect that a kallan may come to be a maravan. by respectability he may develop into an agamudaiyan, and, by slow degrees, become a vellala. according to another proverb, the vellalas are compared to the brinjal (solanum melongena) fruit, which will mix palatably with anything. the account of the divisions and sub-divisions of the vellalas recorded above may be supplemented from various sources:-- . arampukutti, or arambukatti (those who tie flower-buds). according to mr. j. a. boyle, [ ] the name indicates vellalas with wreaths of the aram flower, which is one of the decorations of siva. they are, he writes, "a tribal group established in a series of villages in the ramnad territory. the family tradition runs that they emigrated five centuries ago from the tondamandalam, and that the migration was made in devendra vimanam or covered cars; and this form of vehicle is invariably used in marriage ceremonies for the conveyance of the bride and bridegroom round the village. the women never wear a cloth above the waist, but go absolutely bare on breast and shoulders. the two rivers which bound this district on the north and south are rigid limits to the travels of the women, who are on no pretext allowed to cross them. it is said that, if they make vows to the deity of a celebrated temple in tanjore, they have to perform their pilgrimage to the temple in the most perfect secrecy, and that, if detected, they are fined. intermarriage is prohibited 'beyond the rivers.' it is, with the men, a tradition never to eat the salt of the sirkar (government), or take any service under government." . chetti. the members of the vellalan subdivision of chetti are "said to be pure vellalas, who have taken the title of chetti. in ancient times, they had the prerogative of weighing the person of kings on occasion of the tulabharam ceremony. (see tulabharam.) they were, in fact, the trading class of the tamil nation in the south. but, after the immigration of the more skilful telugu komatis and other mercantile classes, the hereditary occupation of the vellan chettis gradually declined, and consequently they were obliged to follow different professions. the renowned poet pattanattar is said to have belonged to this caste." [ ] . karaikkat or karkatta. the name is said to mean vellalas who saved or protected the clouds, or waiters for rain. their original profession is said to have been rain-making. their mythological origin is as follows. "in old times, a quarrel happened between the raja of pandya desa and the god devendra, and things went to such lengths that the angry god commanded the clouds not to send down any rain on pandya desa, so that the inhabitants were sorely distressed by the severe drought, and laid their complaints before the raja, who flew into a rage, marched his army against devendra, defeated him in battle, seized on the clouds and put them in prison, in consequence of which not a drop of rain fell on any part of the bhuloka or earthly world, which threw the people into a great consternation, and the whole with one accord addressed their prayers to devendra, the god of the firmament, and beseeched him to relieve them from their present distress. devendra sent an ambassador to the raja of pandya desa, and requested that he would release the clouds, but he refused to do it unless they gave security for their future good behaviour, and likewise promise that they would never again withhold the rain from falling in due season on his kingdom. at this juncture, the vellal caste of pandya desa became security for the clouds, and, from that circumstance, were surnamed karakava vellal waru, or redeemers of the clouds." [ ] in an interesting account of the karaikat vellalas of the palni hills by lieutenant ward in , [ ] it is recorded that "their ceremonies, it is said, are performed by pandarams, although brahmans usually officiate as priests in their temples. they associate freely with the kunnavans, and can eat food dressed by them, as also the latter can eat food dressed by a karakat vellalan. but, if a kunnavan is invited to the house of a karakat vellalan, he must not touch the cooking utensils, or enter the cooking-room. wives are accustomed, it is supposed, to grant the last favor to their husband's relations. adultery outside the husband's family entails expulsion from caste, but the punishment is practically not very severe, inasmuch as a kunnavan can always be found ready to afford protection and a home to the divorcée. a man who disgraces himself by an illicit connection with a woman of a lower caste than his own is punished in a similar manner. formerly the punishment was in either case death." it is recorded [ ] that "in the karakat vellalas were accustomed to purchase and keep predial slaves of the poleiya caste, giving thirty fanams for a male, and fifty for a female. the latter was held to be the more valuable, as being likely to produce children for the benefit of her owner." it is said that, among the karaikkat vellalas, a peculiar ceremony, called vilakkidu kalyanam, or the auspicious ceremony of lighting the light, is performed for girls in the seventh or ninth year or later, but before marriage. the ceremony consists in worshipping ganesa and the sun at the house of the girls' parents. her maternal uncle gives her a necklace of gold beads and coral, and a new cloth. all the relations, who are invited to be present, make gifts to the girl. the women of this section wear this ornament, which is called kodachimani (hooked jewel), even after marriage. . kondaikatti. said [ ] to consider themselves as the highest and proudest of the vellalas, because, during the nabob's government, they were employed in the public service. they are extremely strict in their customs, not allowing their women to travel by any public conveyance, and punishing adultery with the utmost severity. kondaikatti literally means one who ties his hair in a knob on the top of his head, but the name is sometimes derived from kondai, a crown, in connection with the following legend. a quarrel arose between the komatis and vellalas, as to which of them should be considered vaisyas. they appeared before the king, who, being unable to decide the point at issue, gave each party five thousand rupees, and told them to return after trading for five years. the vellalas spent one-fifth of the sum which they received in cultivating land, while the komatis spent the whole sum in trading. at the end of the allotted time, the vellalas had a bumper crop of sugar-cane, and all the canes contained pearls. the komatis showed only a small profit. the king was so pleased with the vellalas, that he bestowed on them the right to crown kings. . kumbakonam. vellalas, who migrated from kumbakonam in the tanjore district to travancore. . kummidichatti. recorded, in the manual of the north arcot district, as a sub-division, regarded as low in position, which carried the pot (chatti) of fire at vellala funerals. it is said that, in default of kummidichattis, ordinary vellalas now have to carry their own fire at funerals. . nangudi or savalai pillaimar. (see nangudi.) . tendisai (southern country). they are found in the coimbatore district, and it has been suggested that they are only a branch of the konga vellalas. . tenkanchi. vellalas, who migrated from tenkasi in the tinnevelly district to travancore. (see todupuzha vellala.) . tuluva. immigrants from the tulu country, a part of the modern district of south canara. mr. nelson [ ] is of opinion that these are the original vellalas, who were invited to tondamandalam after its conquest by the chola king adondai chakravarti. they are now found in all the tamil districts, but are most numerous in north and south arcot and chingleput. it is noted, in carr's "descriptive and historical papers relating to the seven pagodas," that "adondai chiefly distinguished kanchipuram (conjeeveram) and tripati as his place of residence or capital. the era of adondai is not higher up than the seventh century of our reckoning. he is said to have brought the brahmans from sri sailam in telingana, and certainly attracted a large colony of sudra vellalas, or agriculturists, from tuluva or northern canara." at conjeeveram, there are a nattar and a desayi, whose authority, in olden times, extended over the whole presidency. the nattar must be a tuluva vellala, and the desai a ralla balija. the two offices conjointly are known as the nadu desam. the authority of these officers has in great measure ceased, but some still go to the nadu desam for appeal. for purposes of caste organisation, conjeeveram is regarded as the head-quarters. all sections of the tondamandalam vellalas are divided into twenty-four kottams and seventy-nine nadus. the latter are subject to the former. the following legendary account of the tondamandalam vellalas is given in the baramahal records. "during the reign of a certain raja of choladesa, a kingdom supposed to have comprised the present provinces south of the river kaveri, the countries between the kistna and kaveri were quite a wilderness, in which many families of the kurbavar caste or shepherds resided here and there in villages surrounded by mud walls. on a time, the raja came forth into the wilds to take the diversion of hunting, and, in traversing the woods, he came to a place in the vicinity of the present town of conjeeveram in the kingdom of arcot, where he met with a naga kanya or celestial nymph, fell in love with her, and asked her to yield to his embraces. she replied, 'if i consent to your proposal, and bear you a son, will you make him your successor in the kingdom?' he rejoined 'i will,' and she asked him who should witness his promise. he answered 'the earth and sky,' but she said that two witnesses were not sufficient, and that there must be a third. there happened to be a tree called adhonda near them, and the raja replied 'let the fruit of this adhonda tree be the third witness.' when she was satisfied respecting the witnesses, she granted the raja his desires, and, after he had remained with her a short time, he took his leave, and returned to his metropolis, and, in a little while, abdicated his throne in favour of his eldest son, who managed the affairs of the kingdom. to return to the naga kanya, she conceived and brought forth a son, who remained with her three or four years, and then visited the different rishis or hermits who resided in the forest, and learnt from them to use the sword, the bow and arrow, and the art of war, and obtained from them a knowledge of the whole circle of sciences. by this time he had attained the age of sixteen years, and, coming to his mother, he requested her to tell him who was his father. she answered 'thy father is the chola raja.' he replied 'i will go to him, but who is to bear witness to the truth of your assertion?' she rejoined 'the earth, sky, and the fruit of the adhonda tree are witness to what i have told you.' the son plucked one of the berries of the adhonda tree, hung it by a string to his neck, took his sword and other weapons, and set out for his father's capital. he one day took an opportunity of accompanying some of the nobles to the darbar, and called out to the old raja 'behold your son.' the raja replied 'i know nothing of thee;' upon which the young man repeated everything which his mother had told him, but it had no effect on the raja. when the son found that his father was determined not to acknowledge him he challenged him to single combat, but the raja, not thinking it proper to accept a challenge from a rash youth, demanded if he had any witnesses to prove his claim. he answered 'the earth and sky, and the fruit of the adhonda tree, which i wear suspended from my neck, are witnesses to the truth of my assertion.' this circumstance brought the old occurrence to the raja's recollection, and he owned his son, and told him that, as he had already abdicated the throne, he trusted he would not insist upon the fulfilling of the promise which had been made to his mother, but consent to live in a private station under the dominion of his elder half-brother. the young man nobly replied 'i with pleasure waive the performance of your promise, but point out to me your enemy, and assist me with some troops, and i will conquer a kingdom for myself.' the raja gave him an army, and directed him to subdue the kurubavaru or shepherds, to clear the woods, and to form himself a kingdom between the rivers kistna and kaveri. he accordingly advanced into the wilderness, and, without meeting much opposition, soon subjected the kurubavaru, who, knowing nothing of cultivation or sinking of tanks or watering the country from the rivers, and the conqueror wishing to introduce agriculture among them, he was obliged to repair to his father, and make known his difficulties. the raja was much pleased with the enterprising spirit of his son, conferred on him the title of adhonda chakra, wrote and permitted him to take with him such of the vellala caste as chose to emigrate. the young raja held out great encouragement, and got a number of adventurers of that caste to accompany him back, to whom he gave large grants of waste land, and told them to pitch upon such spots of ground as met with their approbation, and they fixed upon the forts, districts, and villages belonging to the kurubavaru caste, which consisted of twenty-four forts, eighty-one districts, and one thousand and nine hundred villages. this country was formerly named dandaka aranya. dandaka is the name of a famous rakshasa or giant, who is mentioned in the ramayana, and aranya signifies a wilderness. it was also called dhuntra nadu, or the middle country, and the new raja named it dhanda mandalam, or country of the tree dhonda, alluding to the fruit of the adhonda or dhonda tree, which bore testimony to his descent. the emigrants of the vellala caste surnamed themselves dhonda mandala vellala varu, and are now corruptly called tondamandala vellala varu." in connection with the sub-divisions of the vellalas, mr. hemingway, in a note on the vellalas of the trichinopoly district, gives some still further information. "the kondaikattis are so-called from the peculiar way in which they used to wear their hair--a custom no longer observed. they are split into two sections, called melnadu and kilnadu (westerns and easterns). the dakshinattans (south country men) are immigrants from tinnevelly. the members of the karaikkattar sub-division in the udaiyarpalaiyam taluk are rather looked down on by other vellalans as being a mixed race, and are also somewhat contemptuously called yeruttu-mattu (pack-bullocks), because, in their professional calling, they formerly used pack-bullocks. they have a curious custom by which a girl's maternal uncle ties a tali (marriage badge) round her neck when she is seven or eight years old. the panjukkara chettis live in the udaiyarpalaiyam taluk. the name is an occupational one, and denotes cotton-men, but they are not at the present day connected with the cotton trade. the solapuram (or cholapuram) chettis are apparently called after the village of that name in the kumbakonam taluk of tanjore. the solias (or cholias) are numerous and ubiquitous. they are generally regarded as of doubtful descent, since parvenus, who wish to be considered vellalans, usually claim to belong to this sub-division. the more respectable pandarams, the thambirans who own temples and matams, and the oduvar or adi saival, belong to the sozhia section. the uttunattu sub-division is local in origin. its head-quarters is the country round uttatur. the members thereof are the special devotees of the siva of that place. the arunattus (six nadus) are also called mottai (shaved) vellalans, apparently because they always shave their moustache, and wear only a very small kudumi (hair-knot). some of their customs are unlike those of the rest of the caste. they have exogamous septs, their widows always dress in white and wear no ornaments (a rule not universally observed in any other sub-division), they never marry their sister's daughter, and their wives wear the tali (marriage badge), like the panta reddis, on a golden thread. of their six nadus, three of which are supposed to have been located on each side of the aiyar river, only two are now recognised. these are the serkudi nadu in namakkal taluk and the omandur nadu of musiri. the yelur (seven villages) vellalas are very few and far between. there is a small colony of tuluvas, engaged in dyeing, at illuppur. the malaikandas are only found near the ratnagiri hill in the kulittalai taluk. they take their name from the fact that they are required to look at the ratnagiri hill when they get up in the morning. they are devotees of the god there. the kaniyalans (landowners) are scarce, but widely distributed, since the man who carries the pot of blood, when animals are sacrificed at festivals to the village goddesses, must belong to this sub-division. the kodikkal vellalans are so-called from their occupation of betel cultivation, which they still pursue largely." the konga vellalas differ so strikingly from the rest in many of their customs that a separate account of them is given. (see konga vellala.) it is noted by mr. hemingway that some vellalas "observe a curious custom (derived from brahmans) with regard to marriage, which is not unknown among other communities. a man marrying a second wife after the death of his first has to marry a plantain tree, and cut it down before tying the tali, and, in the case of a third marriage, a man has to tie a tali first to the erukkan (arka: calotropis gigantea) plant. the idea is that second and fourth wives do not prosper, and the tree and the plant are accordingly made to take their places." a peculiar ceremony, called sevvai (tuesday) pillayar, is performed by some vellala women. it is also called avvai nonbu, because the tamil poetess observed it. the ceremony takes place twice in the year, on a tuesday in the months of thai (february-march) and audi (august-september). it is held at midnight, and no males, even babies in arms, may be present at it, or eat the cakes which are offered. a certain number of women club together, and provide the necessary rice, which is measured on the back of the hand, or in a measure similar to those used by madras milk-sellers, in which the bottom is fixed high up in the cylinder. at the house where the ceremony is to be performed the rice is pounded into flour, and mixed with leaves of pongamia glabra and margosa (melia azadirachta). the mixture is then made into cakes, some flat, and some conical, to represent pillayar (ganesa). flowers, fruits, betel, turmeric, combs, kunkumam (red powder), and other articles required in connection with the pillayar worship, are also taken to the room in which the rites are performed. of these it has been impossible to gather an account, as the women refused to describe them, lest ruin should fall on their families. some say that, during the ceremony, the women are stark-naked. in an account of an annual ceremony at trichinopoly in connection with the festival of kulumai amman, who is the guardian deity against epidemics, bishop whitehead records [ ] that "a very fat pujari (priest) of the vellala caste is lifted up above the vast crowd on the arms of two men. some two thousand kids are then sacrificed, one after the other. the blood of the first eight or nine is collected in a large silver vessel holding about a quart, and handed up to the pujari, who drinks it. then, as the throat of each kid is cut, the animal is handed up to him, and he sucks, or pretends to suck the blood out of the carcase." of proverbs relating to the vellalas, the following may be cited:-- agriculture is no agriculture, unless it is performed by the vellalas. the vellala ruined himself by gaudy dress; the courtesan ruined herself by coquetry and affectation. of all the sections of the sudras, the vellala is foremost; and, of all the thefts committed in the world, those of the kallans are most notorious. though you may face an evil star, never oppose a vellala. though apparently the vellala will not ruin you, the palm leaf, on which he writes about you, will certainly ruin you for ever. in the madras census report, , vellala is recorded as a caste of jains. in this connection, it is noted by mr. hemingway that the nainans or nayinars (q.v.) and the karaikkattans of the udaiyarpalaiyam taluk are thought to be descended from jains who were converted to the hindu faith. vellan chetti.--a name, denoting vellala merchant, taken by some vellalas. velli (silver).--see belli. velnati.--a sub-division of kapu, named after the old velnadu division of the telugu country. veloma.--defined as "one of the two classes of sudras, viz., anuloma and veloma. the term veloma is applied to those born of a lower caste male and higher caste female." veluttedan.--the veluttedan is defined in the madras census report, , as "the washerman of the nayars and higher castes in malabar. he calls himself a nayar, and, in many cases, was returned as of that main caste, but these have been separated in abstraction. the caste is called vannattan in north malabar. the veluttedans follow the marumakkatayam law of inheritance in the north, and makkatayam in the south. they have tali-kettu and sambandham separately. their dress and habits are the same as those of nayars." in the madras census report, , bannata is given as a canarese synonym for the caste name. in the travancore and cochin census reports, , veluttetan and veluthedan are given respectively as an occupational title and sub-division of nayars. for the following note on the veluttedans of travancore, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. the name is believed to signify a place where clothes are bleached. in the early settlement records the designation recorded is ayavu, in all probability an old synonym for washing. the south travancore veluttedans are said to be divided into two endogamous septs, paravur and attingal, with four exogamous septs in each; but these distinctions may be said to have now lost their vigour and force. there is a current tradition that once upon a time a brahman was washing cloths for a friend, and was on that account thrown out of caste by parasurama. the occupation of the veluttedans is washing cloths for all high-caste hindus down to the sudras, in which profession, for neatness and purity at any rate, if not for promptitude, they stand above the vannans and chayakkarans of the east coast, both of whom have now entered the field in competition with them, and, at least in the most civilised parts of the state, not entirely without success. in no case do the castemen receive cloths from classes lower in social rank than the sudras, and this is pointed to with pride as one of the causes which keep them in their present elevated scale. it need hardly be said that, in their traditional occupation, the veluttedans are largely and materially assisted by their females, the veluttedathis. they do not live in a group together, but are conveniently scattered about, so as to avoid competition one with another. their main profession is, in many cases, supplemented by agriculture. there are absolutely no educated men among them, and, as long as machine-laundries are not introduced into the country, they have no reason to abandon the profession of their forefathers in pursuit of alien ones. in the matter of food and drink, as also in their dress and ornaments, they resemble the nayars. clothes, it may be mentioned, are never bought by veluttedans, as they are always in possession, though temporarily, of other peoples' apparel. tattooing prevails only in south travancore. they cannot enter brahmanical shrines, but are permitted to stand outside the talakkal or stone-paved walk round the inner sanctuary, by which the image is taken in daily procession. besides standing here and worshipping the higher hindu deities, they also engage in the propitiation of the minor village deities. there are two headmen in each village, who punish social delinquents, and preside over caste ceremonials. on the twenty-eighth day after the birth of a child, the name-giving ceremony is performed, and a thread is tied round the infant's neck. those who can afford it celebrate the first food-giving. the tali-tying and sambandham ceremonies are performed separately, just like nayars. the former is known as muhurtham or auspicious occasion. the marriage badge is called unta minnu or puliyilla minnu. the details of the marriage ceremony do not differ from those of the nayars. the ayani unu, bhutakkalam, appam poli, and avaltitti are all important items, and, at least in south travancore, seldom failed to be gone through. in poor families the mother, without any formal ceremonial, ties the tali of the girl before she is twelve years old, after an oblation of cooked food to the rising sun. this is called bhagavan tali, or god's marriage ornament. freedom of divorce and remarriage exist. the pulikuti (tamarind) is an indispensable ceremonial, to be gone through by a pregnant woman. inheritance devolves in the female line (marumakkattayam). the clothes washed by veluttedans are used by nambutiri brahmans, without previous washing as on the east coast, for all religious purposes; and clothes polluted by a member of a low caste are purified by the veluttedan sprinkling ashes and water over them. vemu (margosa or nim: melia azadirachta).--an exogamous sept of muka dora. vengai puli (cruel-handed tiger).--an exogamous section of kallan. veralu iche kapulu or velu iche kapulu (those who dedicate their fingers).--see morasu. veshya (sansk: beshya).--a name denoting prostitute, applied to dancing-girls. vetagiri.--a tamil class found in the chingleput district. the members thereof are employed in hunting, cultivation, and the manufacture of wild date baskets. their title is nayakan. vettaikaran (hunter).--an occupational name of boyas, irulas, and koravas, returned at times of census. vettile (betel vine: piper betle).--a kothu or tree of kondaiyamkotti maravans. vettiyan.--vettiyan is the name applied to one of the officials of a tamil paraiyan settlement, who is also called toti or thotti. the former title is said to be more respectful as an appellation than the latter, but this is a distinction without a difference. [ ] the name vettiyan is said to be equivalent to bittiyan (bitti, for nothing), or one who does service, e.g., collecting grass, firewood, etc., without remuneration. toti is derived from thott, to go round, as he is the purveyor of news, and has to summon people to appear before the village tribunal, or from tondu, to dig. the duties of the vettiyan are multifarious. he it is who goes round the rice fields, and diverts the water-courses to the various fields, according to the rights of the ryots (agriculturists). the vettiyan beats the drum for public notices and ceremonies. as a servant of government, he has to carry the revenue which has been collected to the treasury. he is sometimes entrusted with large sums of money, and has never been known to abscond with it. it is said that the village munsiff will trust the vettiyan, but not the taliari, who is never sent alone with money. the vettiyan is in charge of the burial ground, and those who repair thither have to pay him for his services. he is also the grave-digger, and officiates when a paraiyan corpse is burnt or buried. hence the tamil proverb against meddling in what ought to be left to some one else:--"let the vettiyan and corpse struggle together." at a paraiyan funeral, the vettiyan, in some places, carries the pot of fire to the grave. to bring down rain, some of the lower classes, instead of addressing their prayers to the rain-god varuna, try to induce a spirit or devata named kodumpavi (wicked one) to send her paramour sukra to the affected area. the belief seems to be that sukra goes away to his concubine for about six months, and, if he does not return, drought ensues. the ceremony consists in making a huge figure of kodumpavi in clay, which is placed on a cart, and dragged through the streets for seven to ten days. on the last day, the final death ceremonies of the figure are celebrated. it is disfigured, especially in those parts which are usually concealed. vettiyans, who have been shaved, accompany the figure, and perform the funeral ceremonies. this procedure is believed to put kodumpavi to shame, and to get her to induce sukra to return and stay the drought. at paraiyan marriages certain pots are worshipped, and it is, in some places, the vettiyan who says "the sun, the moon, the pots, and the owner of the girl have come to the marriage booth. so make haste, and fill the pots with water." the office of the vettiyan village official is hereditary, and the holder of it is entitled to some respect among his brethren, and to certain emoluments in kind, e.g., grain at the harvest season. there is a proverb that "whatever may be the wealth of the lord who comes to rule over him, his duty of supplying him with a bundle of grass is not to cease." this relates to the demands which were, and perhaps are still, made on him in rural parts of the country. in some places, lands, called vettiyan maniyam, are given rent-free to vettiyans. the vettiyan is said to possess the right of removing dead cattle from villages, and in return to supply leather for agricultural purposes. he is further said to make drum heads and tom-toms from raw hides. [ ] the vettiyans belong to the right-hand section during disputes between the right and left hand factions. vettuvan.--the tamil vettuvans are described, in the madras census report, , as "an agricultural and hunting caste, found mainly in salem, coimbatore, and madura. the name means 'a hunter.' they are probably of the same stock as the vedans, though the exact connection is not clear, but they now consider themselves superior to that caste, and are even taking to calling themselves vettuva vellalas. tradition says that the konga kings invited vettuvans from the chola and pandya countries to assist them against the keralas. another story says that the caste helped the chola king aditya varma to conquer the kongu country during the latter part of the ninth century. in paragraph of the census report, , reference is made to the belief that the vedans are identical with the veddahs of ceylon. in connection with this supposition, it is reported that the vettuvans worship a goddess called kandi-amman, which may possibly mean 'the goddess of kandy' (in ceylon). of the endogamous sections into which the caste is divided, the most numerically important are venganchi, kilangu (root), pasari, viragu (firewood), pannadai (sheath of the cocoanut leaf), and villi (bow). they have their own barbers, who seem also to form a separate sub-division, and are called vettuva ambattans or navidans, both of which words mean barber. they are said to refuse to serve any one lower than a konga vellala. nominally they are hindus, but they are said to worship the seven kannimars, or aboriginal goddesses, to whom the irulas also pay homage. they eat meat and drink alcohol, though some of those who are endeavouring to increase their social repute are taking to vegetarianism. widow marriage is forbidden. they either burn or bury the dead, but no ceremonies are performed for deceased ancestors. their customs are thus a curious mixture of those followed by high castes and low ones. their ordinary title is kavandan." of the malayalam vettuvans, who live in malabar and the southern portion of the south canara district, it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that they are "agricultural serfs, shikaris (hunters), and collectors of forest produce, who live in the malabar jungles. they have two endogamous sub-divisions, called kodi and peringala. the former keep their hair long, and their women wear a cloth. the latter have top-knots, and their women dress in leaves, which they wear only round their waists, and renew daily. the latter are an unclean set of people, who live in rude bamboo and reed huts, and will eat anything down to carrion. yet they consider themselves superior to cherumans and pulaiyans, and are careful not to be polluted by them. this same name is also borne by a class of masons and salt-workers in the low country in malabar." the malabar vettuvans are said to have a fantastic legend, showing that they were not originally as low as they are at the present day in the social scale. "it is related that one of their tribe went and asked a high-caste nayar to give him a daughter in marriage. the nayar offered to do so on condition that the whole tribe would come to his place and dance on berries, each one who fell to be shot with arrows. the tribe foolishly agreed to the condition, and went and danced, with the result that, as each one tripped and fell, he or she was mercilessly shot dead with arrows. a little girl who survived this treatment was secretly rescued, and taken away by a compassionate nayar, who married her into his family. from this union, the present day vettuvans affirm their origin is to be traced. up to this day they hold the caste of that particular nayar in very great veneration." [ ] the costume of these vettuvans has been described as follows. [ ] "the men wear a short loin-cloth, secured round the waist by a belt which is also used as a sling during hunting expeditions. they also wear brass ear-rings, and grow a bit of moustache, and a little stumpy beard. the dress of the women consists of three clusters of long leaves, suspended from the waist and tied on by a cheap girdle. according to a tribal legend, when, in the morning of time, costumes were being distributed by the deity to the various races of the earth, the vettuva women, being asked to choose between a costume which needed to be changed daily, and one which needed to be changed only yearly, readily expressed a preference for the former, and the deity, considering this an unpardonable piece of vanity, decreed that thenceforth the women should dress in leaves gathered fresh every morning. whenever it is suggested to them that they should adopt some more lasting apparel, the vettuva women answer that they are carrying out the mandate of the deity, and can abandon their present dress only if the deity appears in person, and sanctions a change." on the occasion of a recent visit of the governor of madras to south canara, a party of vettuvans was paraded before him. one of the men was wearing an aluminium coronation medal, and, on being asked by the collector who had given it to him, he folded his arms obsequiously, and replied 'my tamburan' (landlord). in a recent note on the leaf-wearing vettuvans, it is stated that "they believe that the sun travels, after it has set, through a hole in the bowels of the earth, and emerges at morning in the east. the way they calculate time is interesting. a vettuvan says that his children were born when his master sowed paddy (rice) on such and such hills. they are a very truthful lot, of good moral character, the chastity of their womankind being held very sacred." the malabar vettuvans are summed up by mr. t. k. gopal panikkar [ ] as being "not exactly slaves, but their social position justifies their classification amongst the slave races. they live on the cocoanut plantations of the nairs, and other well-to-do classes. they lead a hand-to-hand existence on the wages which they obtain for hedging and fencing cocoanut plantations, plucking cocoanuts, tilling, and other allied work. they live, with their wives and children, and sometimes other relations as well, in houses small but more decent-looking than the mere huts of the other lower classes. in point of caste restrictions they are certainly better circumstanced; and their daily contact with the higher classes in the ordinary concerns of life affords them greater facilities for increased knowledge and civilisation than their brother citizens of the slave races enjoy. they are much addicted to toddy-drinking, but their principal food is rice. their condition is never so intolerably wretched as that of the other classes. they are sometimes employed by cultivators for agricultural purposes. their females occupy themselves in the fields during the harvest season, but they also make thatch for houses of cocoanut leaves woven after a set model during the thatching season about december or january. their males wear ear-rings of brass, and their females adorn themselves with nose, finger, and neck ornaments of brass or beads. the one piece of cloth supplied annually by the masters, to whose plantations they are attached, forms the dress both for males and females, which they tie round their waists. they do not eat carrion, but are exceedingly fond of fish, the flesh of the civet, and the rat, and of some other animals not generally eaten by other classes. they observe death pollution like the higher classes of malabar, and the period of observance varies according to the particular class or caste, to which their masters belong. for instance, if they belong to a nair's plantation, such period is fifteen days, and, if to a brahmin's, it is ten days; nairs and brahmins observing pollution for these periods respectively. the priests who officiate at their ceremonials are selected from among their own tribesmen or enangers, whose express recognition is necessary to give validity to the performance of the ceremony. their marriage customs are very like those of the tiyyars, excepting that the feasting and revelry are not so pompous in their case. like the nairs, they retain the front knot. the only offences of general occurrence among them are petty cases of theft of cocoanuts, plantains, areca nuts, and roots of common occurrence. the vettuvans believe in a supreme creator, whom they name and invoke as paduchathampuram, i.e., the king who created us. likewise, they believe in certain evil deities, to whom they make offerings at particular times of the year. they are not, like the other classes, distinguished by loyalty to their masters, but are a very ungrateful sect, and their very name, viz., nambu vettuvan, has passed into a bye-word for ingratitude of all kinds." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "the vettuvans of chirakkal taluk are a low caste of jungle cultivators and basket makers, distinguished by the survival amongst their women of the custom of dressing in leaves, their only clothing being a kind of double fan-shaped apron of leaves tied round the waist with a rolled cloth. they live in huts made of split bamboo and thatched with elephant grass, called kudumbus. the vettuvans are divided into fourteen illams, which seem to be named after the house names of the janmis (landlords) whom they serve. their headmen, who are appointed by their janmis, are called kiran, or sometimes parakutti (drummer). amongst the vettuvans, when labour begins, the woman is put in a hole dug in a corner of the hut, and left there alone with some water till the cry of the child is heard." for the following note on the vettuvans of the cochin state, i am indebted to mr. l. k. anantha krishna aiyar. [ ] "the vettuvans are also called vettuva pulayas. they are pure agricultural labourers, taking part in every kind of work connected with agriculture, such as ploughing, sowing, weeding, transplanting, pumping water, and reaping. they are more day labourers. the males get two edangazhis of paddy (hardly worth annas), and the females an edangazhi and a half. in times of scarcity, they find it difficult to support themselves. "when an unmarried woman becomes pregnant, her parents, as soon as they become aware of the fact, inform their local headman (kanakkan or kuruppan), who convenes a meeting of the elderly members of the community for the purpose of summoning the secret lover, and prosecuting the necessary enquiries. in the event of the confession of the charge, he is asked to marry her. the matter does not end there. they go to the local thandan, and relate to him the incident, who thereupon gives him water in a vessel (kindi vellam). the woman is asked to drink this as well as some cow-dunged water, and is then made to let flow a few drops of blood from the body. after this he says 'dhosham thirnu' (free from guilt). should, however, the lover be unwilling to marry her, he is thrashed and placed under a ban. if they are related to each other, they are both turned out of caste. the woman who is freed from guilt can marry again. the thandan gets as his perquisite four annas out of the fine imposed, four packets of betel leaf, eight areca nuts, and three tobacco leaves. their headman also has a share of the fine, etc. the balance which then remains is spent on toddy, and beaten rice for those assembled. "the vettuvans profess the lower forms of hinduism. their chief gods are chevva, chathan, karinkutti, parakutti, kappiri and kandakaranan, and also namburi thamburan. they give regular offerings to them, lest the gods should become angry, and cause serious calamities to the members of their families. images of gods are made of bell-metal, and worshipped in their huts. the deceased ancestors are also worshipped as gods, to whom are given a different kind of offerings. toddy is an indispensable item in their offerings to them. in ooragam and its neighbourhood, when i took my notes on the vettuvans, i was told that there was no tree-tapping, and that toddy brought to them for sale was largely adulterated with water, and very costly. their gods were very angry, for they were not satisfied with it. they caused fever, deafness, blindness, and other disorders. they worship kali also. kumbhom bharani is an important festival to them. on the morning of this day, tunes are played in honour of the goddess. there are special songs called thottampattu. sacrifices are offered to the deity very early. a puja (worship) is also performed for the sword, anklets, and bells worn round the loins, all placed in front of the deity, and songs are again sung. one of them turns a velichchapad (oracle), who speaks as if by inspiration. wearing the above ornaments, they go to a temple, in front of which they empty out on a mat a few paras of paddy, and again play and sing. "the funeral ceremonies of the vettuvans are somewhat elaborate. when a member of the caste breathes his last, his relations, friends, and other castemen of the kara (settlement) are all informed of the event. they attend, and take part in the obsequies. the dead body is bathed, and dressed in a piece of new cloth. some gold, rubbed on a stone in water, is poured into his mouth by his sons and daughters. karuvanguka, or gurutvam vanguka, is an important ceremony performed by his sons and daughters. it consists in taking sixteen small bits of plantain leaves, with some rice on each, and placing them on the forehead, neck, chest, loins, thighs, hands, legs, feet, etc., washing the last two, and collecting the water, which is taken in by the members junior to him in the family. after this, the dead body is placed on the bier, which is carried by four persons to the grave. the nearest relatives of the family, four in number, called bhedakars, with a mundu (cloth) tied round their heads, walk in front of the procession. the grave is dug, and a new cloth is spread, and the corpse laid on it. it is filled in with layers of earth and stones, to prevent dogs and jackals from disturbing the dead body. all those who have accompanied the chief mourner bathe, and return home. the members of the family fast for the night. the eldest son, who is the chief mourner, bathes in the early morning, and offers the pinda bali (offering of rice) to the spirit of the departed for fifteen days. on the seventh day, the chief mourner, and the enangan, go to the graveyard, and level the slightly raised part of the grave. a piece of stone, kept near the foot, is taken, and placed on a leaf. some toddy, arrack (alcoholic liquor) and water of the tender cocoanut, are poured over it as offerings. by some magic, the spirit is supposed to be living in it. it is brought home, and placed in a cocoanut shell containing oil mixed with turmeric, and kept outside the hut until the pollution is over. the pollution lasts for fifteen days, and on the night of the fifteenth day they fast. on the morning of the sixteenth day, all the castemen of the kara who are invited bring with them rice, curry-stuffs, and toddy. rubbing themselves with oil, they all go to bathe, after which the enangan sprinkles cowdunged water, to show that they are freed from pollution. the stone is also purified by a dip in water, and then brought home. those who have assembled are fed, and then depart. the chief mourner, who has to perform the diksha, does not shave for a year, bathes in the early morning, and offers the bali before going to work. this he continues for a year, at the end of which he gets himself shaved, and celebrates a feast called masam in honour of the departed. the stone, representing the deceased, is placed on a seat in a conspicuous part of the hut. an image of wood or copper sometimes takes its place. it is thenceforward worshipped, and believed to watch over the welfare of the family. regular offerings are given to it on karkadagom and thulam sankranthi, onam, vishu, and the festival day of the local temple. "the castes below the vettuvans are pulayan, nayadi, and ullatan. they consider themselves superior to pulayas, and are careful not to be polluted by them. a vettuvan who is polluted by a nayadi or ulladan fasts for seven days, subsisting on water, tender cocoanuts, and toddy. on the eighth day he bathes, and takes his regular meals. as the vettuvans are chandalars, any distance less than sixty-four feet will pollute the higher castes. they stand at a distance of twenty-four feet from kammalar. nayadis and ullatans stand far from them. owing to their disabilities and low wages, many turn either christians or muhammadans, and work for wages of two and a half to three annas a day." there is a class of people in malabar called vettan or vettuvan, which must not be confused with the jungle vettuvan. these people were, it is said, [ ] "once salt-makers, and are now masons, earth-workers, and quarrymen. they are said to be divided into two classes, the marumakkattayam (with inheritance in the female line) regarded as indigenous to malabar, and the makkattayam (with inheritance from father to son), said to be immigrants from the south." vibhaka gunta.--recorded in the madras census report as "a low class of wandering beggars; clubbed with mala." some malas in the vizagapatam district possess gunta manyams, or petty fields, and supplement their income by begging. vignesvara.--a synonym for the elephant god ganesa, which occurs as a gotra of nagaralu. the equivalent vinayaka is a gotra of medara. vilkurup.--the vilkuruppu or vilkollakuruppu are the priests and barbers of the malayalam kammalans, and also makers of umbrellas and bows (vil) and arrows. in former times they supplied the latter articles for the malabar infantry. malabar and travancore are, par excellence, the home of the palm-leaf umbrella, which still holds its own against umbrellas of european manufacture, which were, in - , imported into india to the value of rs. , , . a native policeman, protecting himself from the sun with a long-handled palm umbrella, is a common object in towns and villages on the west coast. concerning the vilkurups of the cochin state, mr. l. k. anantha krishna aiyar writes as follows. [ ] "in former times, their occupations were training low caste men to arms and athletic feats, to use sticks in fighting, and also to the use of bows and arrows, and pial school teaching. in these days of civilisation, their services are no longer required for these purposes, and they are employed in shampooing, umbrella making, and quarrying laterite stones for building purposes. in nayar families, during tali-tying ceremonies, they have to give a bow and a few arrows. during the onam festival also, they have to give a bow and arrows to every nayar house, for which they get some paddy (rice), curry stuffs, a cocoanut, and some oil. when they are called in for shampooing, three oils are well boiled, and cooled. the patient lies on a plank, oil is poured over him, and every part of his body is well shampooed, and afterwards he is bathed in water boiled with medicinal herbs. the vilkurups eat at the hands of brahmans, nayars, izhuvans, and kammalans, but abstain from taking the food of barbers, washermen, panans, kaniyans, and other low castes. they have to stand at a distance of thirty-two feet from brahmans and nayars. pulayans and parayans have to stand at a great distance. they live in localities occupied by the izhuvans. they cannot approach the brahman temples, but have to stand far away from the outer wall. they are their own barbers and washermen." villasan (bowmen).--a synonym of malayalam kammalans, who formerly had to supply bows and arrows for the travancore army. villi.--villi (bow) or villiyan (bowmen) has been recorded as a synonym of the irulas of chingleput. villi also occurs as a sub-division of vettuvan, a hunting caste of the tamil country. villu vedan (huntsmen using bows).--a synonym of eravallar. vilyakara.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as "a sub-caste of servegara or kotegara." vilyakara, valekara and olekara are names indicating the occupation of a servant under government or a private individual. vinka (white-ant: termites).--an exogamous sept of jatapu. vipravinodi.--in a note on the vipravinodis, mr. c. hayavadana rao writes that they are said to be the descendants of a brahman by a lingayat woman. they are lingayats, and are called vipravinodi because they perform acrobatic feats before vipras, or brahmans. they generally travel about the country with their wives and children. one of their favourite feats is throwing up three stone or wooden balls in the air, and catching them, or rolling them over various parts of the body. when they perform before a mixed audience, they call themselves naravidya varu, which is said to be an abbreviated form of narulu mechche vidyalu chese varu, or those who perform feats which men praise. the dead are buried in a sitting posture. virabhadra.--a synonym of the tamil washermen (vannan), whose patron deity is virabhadra, from whom they claim descent. viragu (firewood).--a sub-division of vettuvan. virakudiyan.--a synonym of panisavans, who are engaged in blowing the conch shell on ceremonial occasions. virala (heroes).--an exogamous sept of golla and kapu. vira magali (a god).--an exogamous section of kallan. viramushti.--for the following account of the viramushtis in the vizagapatam district, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. they are lingayats, but do not, as a rule, wear the lingam, as it is the custom to postpone initiation until death, when the linga is tied on the corpse by a jangam before it is buried. those who are initiated during life wear the linga suspended from the neck. the viramushtis seem to have several sub-divisions, e.g., naga mallika (rhinacanthus communis), the roots of which are believed to cure snake-bite, puccha kaya (citrullus colocynthis), triputa (ipomoea turpethum), and ramadosa (cucumis melo). girls are married before or after puberty. the menarikam custom, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is observed. a voli (bride-price) of sixteen rupees, or half a tola of gold, in the form of jewelry, is given to the bride. the viramushtis are professional acrobats and mendicants, and are attached to the devangas and komatis. the following legends are current to account for their connection with these castes. in days gone by, there was, in a big town, a great lingayat mutt (monastery) named basavanna mandiram, presided over by a jangam priest named basavanna. the mutt contained three hundred crores of lingayat priests, and great wealth was stored in it. this the viramushtis guarded against thieves. a telaga, chikayya by name, who was a professional thief, determined to plunder the mutt, in order to satisfy his mistress. one night, when the viramushtis were fast asleep, he entered the mutt, but, when he saw a number of jangams engaged in devout worship, he abandoned his project, and determined to turn lingayat. accordingly, at day-break, he advanced to the place where the head of the mutt was seated, made known to him who he was, and informed him of his resolution. opinions were divided as to the fitness of receiving such an applicant, but it was finally decided that, if a man repented, he was a fit person to be received into the lingayat fold, as the linga recognises no caste. the linga was accordingly tied on his neck. from that time chikayya became a new man and a true jangam, and went from place to place visiting sacred shrines. one day he happened to be at a place where lived a merchant prince, who never dined except in the company of a jangam. on the suggestion of his wife nilakuntaladevi, an invitation to dine was sent to chikayya, who accepted it. after dinner, the merchant went out on business, and nilakuntaladevi, noticing what a beautiful man chikayya was, fell in love with him. he, however, rejected her advances, and ran away, leaving his knapsack behind him. nilakuntaladevi cut off her golden necklace, and, having placed it in the knapsack, ran after chikayya, and threw it at him, asking him to accept it. she then inflicted several cuts on herself, and, as soon as her husband returned home, complained that the jangam had stolen her necklace, and attempted to ravish her. information was sent to basayya, the head of the mutt, and a council meeting summoned, at which it was decided that chikayya should have his head cut off. the order to carry out this act was given to the viramushtis, who went in search of him, and at last found him beneath the shade of a tree overhanging the bank of a river, engaged in worshipping his linga, which was in his hand. on searching the knapsack, they found the necklace, and proceeded to cut off chikayya's head, which went several hundred feet up into the air, and travelled towards the mutt, whither the headless trunk followed on foot. on their return to the mutt, the viramushtis found that the three hundred crores of priests had been miraculously beheaded, and the place was a vast pool of blood. as soon, however, as the head and body of chikayya approached, they became re-united, and siva, appearing on the scene, translated him to kylas (heaven). at the same time, he restored the priests to life, and inflicted the following four curses on the viramushtis:--( ) they were not to build or use houses, and are consequently found living under trees outside villages; ( ) they were not to sleep on a cot; ( ) they were not to use the wild broom-stick; ( ) they were not to set up permanent ovens for cooking purposes, but to make impromptu stoves out of three stones. taking compassion on them, the devangas promised to give the viramushtis a small sum of money annually, and to contribute towards their marriage expenses. the viramushtis are said to have become attached to the komatis subsequent to the above incident. the story goes that some komatis asked them to delay for three and half hours the march of vishnuvardhana raja, who was advancing with a view to marrying the daughter of one of them, named vasavakanya (now deified into kanyakamma). this the viramushtis did by entertaining the raja with their acrobatic feats. meanwhile, the komatis made a number of fire-pits, and put an end to themselves. vishnuvardhana arrived too late, and had his head cut off. the viramushtis prayed to vasavakanya, inasmuch as they had lost both the raja, who promised them a grant of land in return for their performance, and herself, who had promised to give a lump of gold to each gotra. the komatis replied in a body that each family of their caste would in future give the viramushtis an annual present of money, and help in defraying the expenses of their marriages. in accordance with the above legends, the viramushtis usually beg only from devangas and komatis. when they approach a village, they generally halt under a tree, and, early in the morning, dress up as acrobats, and appear with daggers, sticks, etc., crying good luck! good luck! they caper about as they advance, and, when they reach a devanga or komati house, perform their acrobatic feats, and wind up with a eulogium of the caste. money and food are then doled out to them. whenever a devanga, lingayat komati, or other lingayat wants to make a hero (vira) of a deceased member of his family, he sends for a viramushti (or hero-maker), and has a slab planted, with a recognised ceremonial, at the spot where he is buried. in a further note on the viramushtis i am informed that they correspond to the virabhadra kayakams of the canarese lingayats, like whom they dress up, and adorn themselves with small lingams, the figure of virabhadra, a sword, a plate bearing a star, and heads of asuras (demons). every important saivite temple has one or two viramushtis attached to it, and they are supposed to be servants of the god siva. one of their chief duties is to guard the idol during processions, and on other occasions. if, during a car procession, the car will not move, the viramushtis cut themselves with their swords until it is set in motion. there is a tamil proverb that the siva brahman (temple priest) eats well, whereas the viramushti hurts himself with the sword, and suffers much. the custom is said to be dying out. the principal occupation of the viramushtis is begging from beri chettis, devangas, komatis, and washermen. in former days, they are said to have performed a ceremony called pavadam. when an orthodox lingayat was insulted, he would swallow his lingam, and lie flat on the ground in front of the house of the offender, who had to collect some lingayats, who would send for a viramushti. he had to arrive accompanied by a pregnant viramushti woman, pujaris (priests) of draupadi, pachaiamman and pothuraja temples, a sembadava pujari, pambaikarans, udukkaikarans, and some individuals belonging to the nearest lingayat mutt. arrived at the house, the pregnant woman would sit down in front of the person lying on the ground. with his sword the viramushti man then made cuts in his scalp and chest, and sprinkled the recumbent man with the blood. he would then rise, and the lingam would come out of his mouth. besides feeding the people, the offender was expected to pay money as pavadam to the viramushtis and mutts. some viramushtis style themselves vastad, or athletes, in reference to their professional occupation. viranattan.--the name denotes those who play on a drum called viranam. it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that the viranattans "were originally temple servants, but now do miscellaneous day labour. their females are prostitutes. their titles are mestri and mudali." viranollu.--viranollu and viththanollu are gotras of ganigas, who may not cut the wood-apple (feronia elephantum). virasaiva.--a synonym for lingayat. some lingayats claim to be virasaiva brahmans. visalakshiamma.--recorded, in the manual of the north arcot district, as a sub-division of vaniyan. visalakshiamma is the goddess of benares, who is said to be the sister of minakshi of madura and kamakshi of conjeeveram. visalakshi means literally one with beautiful eyes, and is a name of parvati, who is described as possessing large and beautiful eyes. viswakarma.--viswakarma and viswa brahman are synonyms for kammalan, the members of which class claim descent from the five faces of viswakarma, the architect of the gods. vitugula-vandlu.--a fanciful name, meaning hunters or gallants, adopted by boyas. vodari.--see odari. vodda.--see odde. vodo.--a small caste of oriya basket-makers and cultivators in the vizagapatam agency. vojali.--see ojali. vokkiliyan (cultivator).--a sub-division of kappiliyan, and tamil form of vakkaliga. (see okkiliyan.) vudupulavallu.--an occupational name for balijas, velamas, etc., who paint chintzes. vyadha (forest men).--a synonym of myasa bedars. vyapari.--a trading section of nayar. vyasa (the name of a sage or rishi).--a sub-division of balija. w wahabi.--the wahabis are a sect of muslim revivalists founded by muhammad ibn 'abdu'l wahhab, who was born in a.d. . wahabyism has been defined as the puritanism of islam, "hated by the so-called orthodox musalmans, as the lutherans were hated by leo, and the covenanters by claverhouse." [ ] it is recorded, in the manual of north arcot ( ), that since (the year of the vellore mutiny) "two alarms have been raised in the district, both at vellore, which is largely inhabited by muhammadans. the last alarm occurred in . early in may of that year, anonymous petitions were received by the joint magistrate and the assistant superintendent of police, stating that the wahabi muhammadans of vellore were in league against government, and had arranged a plot for the massacre of all the european residents, in which the th regiment of native infantry, then stationed at vellore, was deeply implicated. an east indian subordinate of the public works department also reported that he had overheard a muhammadan munshi of the small cause court speaking to a shopman of his faith about the seditious preaching of a certain khazi. the munshi was sent for, and described what he said had occurred in a certain mosque, where sedition had been openly advocated by a wahabi missionary who had recently arrived from hyderabad, as well as by others." it appeared, from the investigations of the inspector-general of police, that the whole affair had been nothing more than a conspiracy among the orthodox muhammadans to arouse alarm regarding the designs of the wahabis, and to prevent these sectarians from frequenting their mosques. wudder.--see odde. wynad.--returned, at times of census, as a territorial division of chetti. there are at gudalur near the boundary between the nilgiri district and malabar, and in the wynad, two classes called, respectively, mandadan chettis (q.v.) and wynadan chettis. the following account of the wynadan or wynaadan chettis is given in the gazetteer of the nilgiris. "they speak malayalam, and follow marumakkatayam (inheritance in the female line). they say they were originally vellalas from coimbatore, followed makkatayam (inheritance from father to son), spoke tamil, and wore the tamil top-knot. in proof of this, they point out that at their weddings they still follow certain tamil customs, the bridegroom wearing a turban and a red cloth with a silver girdle over it and being shaved, and the woman putting on petticoats and nose-rings. they have headmen called kolapallis, subordinate to whom are mantiris, but these are liable to be overruled by a nad council. no wedding may take place without the headman's leave. two forms of marriage are recognised. in one, the couple exchange garlands after the tamil fashion, and the father (a relic of the makkatayam system) conducts the ceremony. preliminaries are arranged by go-betweens, and the chief of the numerous rites is the placing of a bracelet on the girl's upper arm under a pandal (booth) before the priest and the assembled relatives. the other form is simpler. the bridegroom goes to the girl's house with some men friends, and, after a dinner there, a go-between puts on the bangle. before marriage, a tali-kettu ceremony resembling that of the nayars is often gone through, all the girls of a family who are of marriageable age having talis tied round their necks on the same day by a maternal uncle. married women are allowed intimacy with their husbands' brothers. widows are permitted to marry again. the dead are usually burnt, but those who have met their deaths by accidents and epidemics are buried. water from a vessel containing rice and a gold coin is poured into a dying person's mouth. should the spirit of the dead disturb the dreams of the relatives, a hut for it is built under an astrologer's directions close to the house, and in this lights are lit morning and evening, and periodical offerings of food are made. the wynaadan chettis reverence the deities in the ganapati, mahamari and kalimalai tambiran temples near sultan's battery, airu billi of the kurumbas, and one or two others. the women wear in their distended ear-lobes gold discs which are so characteristic of the nayars, and many necklaces. they wear two white cloths, tying one round the waist and another across their breasts." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that the wynad or wynaadan chettis "claim to be sudras, and are in appearance and customs very similar to the nayars. they are polluted by all castes below nayars. their marriage customs seem to be a mixture of east and west coast practices. they follow the marumakkattayam system, and perform the tali-kettu kalianam; but this is done on the tenth day after puberty, and two talis have to be tied on the girl, one by her maternal uncle, and one by the senior female of her house. they also celebrate a regular marriage ceremony, at which a bracelet is put on the bride's right arm, and bride and bridegroom garland each other; while next morning a kanam or bride-price has to be paid to the bride's karnavan (senior male in a family). they are bold shikaris (sportsmen), and tiger spearing is a favourite pastime, closely connected with their religion. "the tiger is encircled by a wall of netting six feet high, which is gradually closed up, and then speared. the carcass is not skinned, but is stretched on a pole, and hung up as a sacrifice to their deity." y yadava.--yadava, meaning descendants of king yadu, from whom krishna was descended, has been recorded as a synonym or title of idaiyan, and a sub-division of golla and koracha. there is a tradition among the idaiyans that krishna was brought up by their caste. yakari.--see ekari. yanadi.--the yanadis are a dark-skinned, platyrhine tribe, short of stature, who inhabit the telugu country. the name has been the subject of much etymological speculation. some derive it from a (privative) and nathu (lord or protector), and it may mean those who are not included in the ruling or principal caste. again, it has been derived from yanam (boat) and adi (means). but the yanadis are not known to have plied, nor do they now ply boats at sriharikota, their chief place of residence, which is on the coast. the word would seem to be derived from the sanskrit anadi, or those whose origin is not traceable. the people perhaps elongated the vowel-sound, so that it became yanadi. in like manner, the native graduate of the madras university talks of himself as being, not a b.a. or m.a., but b.ya. or m.ya. and a billiard-marker will call the game yeighty-yeight instead of eighty-eight. the tradition of the yanadis as to their origin is very vague. some call themselves the original inhabitants of the wilds in the neighbourhood of the pulicat lake, where they hunted and fished at will, until they were enslaved by the reddis. others say that the reddi (or manchi?) yanadis were originally chenchus, a small but superior class, and that they fled from oppression and violence from the mountains in the west, and amalgamated themselves with the common yanadis. the common deity of both chenchus and manchi yanadis is chenchu devudu. between the yanadi and the chenchu, however, there is no love lost. they can be seen living close together, but not intermingling, on the nallamalais, and they differ in their social customs. yanadi chenchu is said to be the name given by brahmans to the chenchus. [ ] the following legend concerning the yanadis is narrated by mackenzie. [ ] "of old, one named raghava brought with him sixty families from pacanatti district, locating himself with them at sriharicotta, and, clearing the country, formed raghavapuram. the people by degrees spread through a few adjoining districts. a rishi, who came from benares, and was named ambikesvarer, resided in mad'hyaranya (or the central wilderness), and there, daily bathing in a river, paid homage to siva. these wild people of their own accord daily brought him fruits and edibles, putting them before him. at length he inquired of them the reason. they replied that their country was infested by a terrible serpent, and they wished to be taught charms to destroy it, as well as charms for other needful purposes. he taught them, and then vanished away." it is an advantage for a european to have a yanadi as a camp servant, as he can draw water from any caste well. the yanadi can also wash, and carry water for brahmans. the animistic nature of their religion; the production of fire by friction; the primitive hunting and fishing stage in which a number remain; the almost raw animal food which they eat, after merely scorching or heating the flesh of the game they kill, indicate that the yanadis have not yet emerged from a primitive stage of culture. they make fire by friction with sticks from the following trees:-- protium caudatum (konda ragi). bauhinia racemosa (aree chettu). ficus. sp. (kallu jeevee chettu). ptereospermum suberifolium (tada). a tree belonging to the nat. order laurineæ. cordia monoica (female tree). two sticks are prepared, one short, the other long. in the former a square cavity is scooped out, and it is held firmly on the ground, while the long stick is twisted rapidly to and fro in the cavity. no charcoal powder is used, but a rag, or even dried leaves are set fire to. the head-quarters of the yanadis is the island of sriharikota in the nellore district. their primitive condition attracted notice in , when the island came into the possession of the government, which endeavoured to ameliorate their position by supplying them with a liberal allowance of grain, clothing, tobacco, and money, in return for the jungle produce, which they collected. the demand for labour naturally rose, and the government offered to pay to parents annas pies on the birth of a male, and anna pies on the birth of a female child--a bounty on productivity justified by special local causes. in , the government opened a school for the teaching of telugu, which was rendered attractive by offers of rice and clothing to those who attended it. an industrial department gave lessons in basket-making, and land was assigned for the cultivation of chay-root (oldenlandia umbellata), which yields the beautiful red dye formerly much employed in the dyeing of cotton fabrics, but has had its nose put out of joint by the introduction of aniline and alizarin dyes. but the industries proved unsuccessful, and the strength of the school gradually declined, so that it was abolished in . at the census, , the yanadis returned as many as sub-divisions, of which the two most important numerically were chenchu and manchi. a division into classes exists according to dietary, occupation, residence, etc. there are, for example, the reddi yanadis, the challa (refuse-eating), adavi, and kappala (frog-eaters). the reddi yanadis are a settled class, employed chiefly as cooks by the panta reddis. they do not mingle with the challa and adivi sections, whom they regard as out-castes. if a reddi yanadi woman's husband dies, abandons, or divorces her, she may marry his brother, and, in the case of separation or divorce, the two brothers will live on friendly terms with each other. the challas are also known as garappa (dry-land) or chatla (tree). they reside in huts on the borders of villages in the service of the community, and live on jungle produce, and by snaring and hunting game. the reddi and challa yanadis are occasionally employed as kavalgars, or village watchmen, in the kistna and godavari districts. in the venkatagiri zemindari the yanadis are among the recognised servants of the village community as procurers of charcoal for the blacksmith. the adavi yanadis are, as the name implies, jungle-men. the manchi or good yanadis are a small superior class. the yanadis of the north arcot district, it may be noted, are chenchu worshippers, and go by that name. they are non-frog-eaters, and do not permit the kappala, or frog-eaters, even to touch their pots. some yanadis of the nellore district feed on the refuse of the table. the somari, or idle yanadis, live in the kavali taluk of that district. they do scavenging work, and eat the refuse food thrown away by people from the leaf plate after a meal. the following are some of the house-names of families living in nellore, sriharikota, tada, and kambakam:-- (a) manchi yanadis-- bandi, cart. chembetti, hammer. chilakala, paroquet. dhoddi, sheep-fold. igala, house-fly. enthodu, a village. illa, of a house. kathtlula, sword. kanur, a village. kotlu, cow-shed. mekala, goat. manikala, measure. pamula, snake. tenkayala, cocoanut. totla, garden. tupakala, gun. udamala, water-lizard. jandayi, flag. marrigunta, pond near a fig-tree. (b) challa yanadi-- nerigi mekala, a kind of goat. elugu, bear. thirlasetti, name of a balija chetti. all these names represent exogamous septs. in every case, the house-name was known only to old men and women, and they, as a rule, did not know the house-names of their neighbours or relations. many of the names are derived from villages, or persons of other castes, on whose land they may live, and are probably new names adopted instead of the original ones. for the purpose of their register, forest officers invent prefixes by which yanadis with the same family name can be distinguished, e.g., kee chenchugadu, permadu budthagadu, to distinguish them from other chenchugadus, and budthagadus. the same practice is resorted to by planters, who give "estate names" to their coolies. yanadis will not eat with madigas or paraiyans, and observe some principle in partaking of the refuse of the table. thus, for a chinna yanadi to eat the refuse of the mondis, oddes, or yerukalas, would involve excommunication, which is always pronounced by a balija chetti, whose decision is final and binding. restoration to caste can be secured by undergoing a personal ordeal, by giving a feast, and promising good behaviour in the future. the ordeal takes the form of scalding of the tongue with hot gold by the balija chetti. it is curious that there has recently grown up a tendency for members of other castes to join the yanadi community. there are instances of barbers, weavers, fishermen, and even komatis being admitted into the yanadi fold. the headman, who goes by the name of kulampedda or pedda yanadi, exercises general social control over a group, known as a guddem, ordinarily of about twenty huts. he decides social questions, sometimes on his own responsibility, by excommunicating or fining; sometimes acting on the advice of a council of his castemen. until quite recently, the tribe remained under the guidance of a hereditary leader of sriharikota, who wielded immense power. the paraiyans have risen superior to the yanadis as a community, supplying among themselves their own artisans, weavers, carpenters, barbers, priests, teachers, etc., while the yanadis are only just beginning to move in this direction. the language of the yanadis is telugu, but some words are compounds of telugu and tamil, e.g., artichedi for plantain, pandikutti for pig. the yanadis know the forest flora well, and the uses of the various trees and shrubs, which yield good firewood, etc. they call the roller (coracias indica) the milk bird, in the belief that, when a cow goes dry, she will yield milk if a feather of the roller is put in the grass for her to swallow. the crow-pheasant (centropus sinensis) is to them the prickly-pear crow; florikin the ground peacock; the fan-tail snipe the pond snipe; and the pin-tail the rice field snipe. at the census, , , yanadis were returned as hindus, and as animists. their places of worship are not temples, but houses, called devara indlu (houses of the gods), set apart for every centre. they worship a household god, a village goddess of local importance, and a deity of wider repute and influence. chenchu devudu is invariably the household god. poleramma or ankamma is in charge of a local area for weal or woe. subbarayudu, venkateswaralu, panchala, narasimhulu, and others, are the gods who control destinies over a wider area. the yanadis are their own priests. the objects of worship take various forms: a wooden idol at sriharikota; bricks; stones; pots of water with margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves; images of gods drawn on the walls of their houses; or mere handfuls of clay squeezed into shape, and placed on a small platform erected under an aruka tree, which, like other hindus, they hold sacred. they use a red powder, flowers, turmeric, etc., for worship; burn camphor and incense; and distribute fruit, dhal (pulse of cajanus indicus), and the like. in worshipping ancestors, they resemble the kurumbas. the house of the gods is a sanctum, into which no polluting object is allowed to enter. the most pious perform rites every friday. at sriharikota they do so once a fortnight, or once a month. the ordinary yanadi only worships on occasion of a marriage, funeral, etc. a belief lingers that the pious are en rapport with the deity, who converses with them and even inspires them. the goddess receives animal sacrifices, but chenchu devudu is a strict vegetarian, whose votaries are bound, at times of worship, to subsist on a single daily meal of roots and fruits. the yanadis, like hindus, wear sect marks, and are even divided into vaishnavites and saivites. they are supposed, during worship, to endow inanimate objects, and the spirits of geographical features, with life and mind, and supernatural powers. some yanadis are converts to christianity. the yanadis live in low conical huts, rudely built of bamboo and palmyra leaves, grass, or millet stalks, with a small entrance, through which grown-up people have to creep. the hut affords protection from the sun and rain, but the yanadis generally cook, eat, and sleep outside. the staple food of the yanadis, apart from bazar purchases, consists of the following:-- animals:--sambar deer, wild goat, bear, porcupine, boar, land tortoise, hare, bandicoot and jerboa rat, varanus (lizard), mungoose, and fish. vegetables and fruit:--dioscorea (yams); pith and fruit of phoenix sylvestris (date palm); fruit kernel of cycas circinalis, eaten after thorough soaking in water; and fruits of eugenia alternifolia and jambolana (black plum), carissa carandas and spinarum, buchanania acuminata, and mimusops hexandra. they are, like the irulas of chingleput, very partial to sour and fermented rice-water, which is kept by the higher classes for cattle. this they receive in exchange for headloads of fuel. for some time past they have been stopped by the forest officers from drinking this pulusunillu, as it makes them lazy, and unfit for work. the marriage ceremony is no indispensable necessity. the adavi yanadis, as a rule, avoid it; the reddi yanadis always observe it. the parents rarely arrange alliances, the parties concerned managing for themselves. maturity generally precedes marriage. seduction and elopement are common occurrences, and divorce is easily obtained. adultery is no serious offence; widows may live in concubinage; and pregnancy before marriage is no crime. by nature, however, the yanadis are jealous of conjugal rights, and attached to their wives. widowhood involves no personal disfigurement, or denial of all the emblems of married life. a widow has been known to take, one after another, as many as seven husbands. the greater the number of her husbands, the more exalted is the status of a widow in society, and the stronger her title to settle disputes on questions of adultery, and the like. polygamy is common, and a yanadi is known to have had as many as seven wives, whom he housed separately, and with whom he lived by turns. the marriage ceremony is undergoing change, and the simple routine developing into a costly ceremonial, the details of which (e.g., the "screen scene") are copied from the marriage rites of higher castes in the telugu country. until quite recently, the flower of the tangedu (cassia auriculata) did duty for the tali, which is now a turmeric-dyed cotton thread with a gold bottu suspended from it. the auspicious hour is determined by a very simple process. the hour is noon, which arrives when a pole, two feet high, stuck vertically on the marriage platform, ceases to throw a shadow. the pole has superseded the arrow used of old, and sometimes a purohit is consulted, and gives the hour from his calendar. as a punishment for adultery, the unfaithful woman is, at sriharikota, made to stand, with her legs tied, for a whole day in the sun, with a basket full of sand on her head. the maternal uncle receives a measure of rice, a new cloth, and eight annas, at the head-shaving ceremony of his nephew. at this ceremony, which is a borrowed custom, the uncle plucks a lock of hair from the head of the lad, and ties it to a bough of the aruka tree. the head is shaved, and the lad worships the village goddess, to whom a fowl is offered. the guests are feasted, and the evening is spent in a wild torch-light dance. at the first menstrual period, a yanadi girl occupies a hut erected for the purpose, which must have within it at least one stick of strychnos nux-vomica, to drive away devils. on the ninth day the hut is burnt down, and the girl cleanses herself from pollution by bathing. a woman, after confinement, feeds for three days on the tender leaves, or cabbage of the date palm (phoenix sylvestris), and then on rice. margosa leaves, and sometimes the leaves of other trees, and the knife with which the umbilical cord was cut, are placed under the infant's head for six days. a net is hung in front of the door, to keep out devils. the baby is given a name by the soothsayer, who pretends to be in communication on the subject with the god or goddess. the yanadis pose as prophets of human destinies, and, like the nilgiri kurumbas, pretend to hold intercourse with gods and goddesses, and to intercede between god and man. every village or circle has one or more soothsayers, who learn their art from experts under a rigid routine. the period of pupilage is a fortnight spent on a dietary of milk and fruits with no cooked meat, in a cloister in meditation. the god or goddess ankamma, poleramma, venkateswaralu, subbaroyadu, or malakondroyadu, appears like a shadow, and inspires the pupil, who, directly the period of probation has ceased, burns camphor and frankincense. he then sings in praise of the deity, takes a sea bath with his master, gives a sumptuous feast, and becomes an independent soothsayer. the ardent soothsayer of old wrought miracles, so runs the story, by stirring boiling rice with his hand, which was proof against scald or hurt. his modern brother invokes the gods with burning charcoal in his folded hands, to the beat of a drum. people flock in large numbers to know the truth. the word is rangampattedhi in north arcot and sodi in nellore. the soothsayer arranges chenchu devudu and the local gods in a separate devara illu or house of god, which is always kept scrupulously clean, and where worship is regularly carried on. the auspicious days for soothsaying are friday, saturday, and sunday. the chief soothsayer is a male. the applicant presents him with betel nuts, fruit, flowers, and money. the soothsayer bathes, and sits in front of his house smeared with black, white, red, and other colours. his wife, or some other female, kindles a fire, and throws frankincense into it. he beats his drum, and sings, while a woman from within repeats the chant in a shrill voice. the songs are in praise of the deity, at whose and the soothsayer's feet the applicant prostrates himself and invokes their aid. the soothsayer feels inspired, and addresses the supplicant thus: "you have neglected me. you do not worship me. propitiate me adequately, or ruin is yours." the future is predicted in song. in these predictions the rural folk place abundant faith. the yanadis bury their dead. the corpse is laid on leaves in front of the hut, washed and clad. pelalu (parched rice) is thrown over the corpse by the son and all the agnates. it is eventually placed on a bier, covered with a new cloth, and carried to the burial ground, by the sons, or, in the absence thereof, the sapindas. at a fixed spot near the grave, on which all corpses are placed, a cross is drawn on the ground, the four lines of which represent the four cardinal points of the compass. close to the corpse are placed betel leaves and nuts, and a copper coin. all present then proceed to the spot where the grave is to be dug, while the corpse is left in charge of a yanadi called the bathyasthadu, who, as a rule, belongs to a different sept from that of the deceased. the corpse is laid on a cloth, face downwards, in the grave. the eldest son, followed by the other relatives, throws three handfuls of earth into the grave, which is then filled in. on their return home, the mourners undergo purification by bathing before entering their huts. in front of the dead man's hut, two broken chatties (pots) are placed, whereof one contains ash-water, the other turmeric-water. into each chatty a leafy twig is thrown. those who have been present at the funeral stop at the chatties, and, with the twig, sprinkle themselves first with the ash-water, and then with the turmeric-water. inside the hut a lighted lamp, fed with gingelly oil, is set up, before which those who enter make obeisance before eating. the chinnadinamu ceremony, whereof notice is given by the bathyasthadu, is usually held on the third day after death. every group (gudem) or village has its own bathyasthadu, specially appointed, whose duty it is to convey the news of death, and puberty of girls, to all the relatives. tupakis will never nominate a tupaki as their bathyastha, but will select from a mekala or any sept except their own. on the morning of the chinnadinamu, the eldest son of the deceased cooks rice in a new pot, and makes curries and cakes according to his means. these are made up into six balls, which are placed in a new basket, and taken to the burial-ground. on reaching the spot where the cross-lines were drawn, a ball of rice is placed thereon, together with betel leaves and nuts and a copper coin. the bathyasthadu remains in charge thereof, while those assembled proceed to the grave, whereon a pot of water is poured, and a stone planted at the spot beneath which the head lies. the stone is anointed with shikai (fruit of acacia concinna) and red powder, and milk poured over it, first by the widow or widower and then by the relations. this ceremony concluded, the son places a ball of rice at each corner of the grave, together with betel and money. milk is poured over the remaining ball, which is wrapped in a leaf, and buried over the spot where the abdomen of the deceased is situated. close to the grave, at the southern or head end, three stones are set up in the form of a triangle, whereon a new pot full of water is placed. a hole is made in the bottom of the pot, and the water trickles out towards the head of the corpse. this concludes the ceremony, and, as on the day of the funeral, purification by bathing, ash-water and turmeric-water, is carried out. the peddadinamu ceremony is performed on the sixteenth, or some later day after death. as on the chinnadinamu, the son cooks rice in a new pot. opposite the entrance to the hut a handful of clay is squeezed into a conical mass, representing the soul of the deceased, and stuck up on a platform. the eldest son, taking a portion of the cooked rice, spreads it on a leaf in front of the clay image, before which incense is burnt, and a lamp placed. the image, and the remainder of the food made up into four balls, are then carried by the son to a tank (pond). as soon as the relatives have assembled there, the recumbent effigy of a man is made, close to the edge of the tank, with the feet towards the north. the conical image is set up close to the head of the effigy, which is anointed by the relatives as at the chinnadinamu, except that no milk is poured over it. the four balls of rice are placed close to the hands and feet of the effigy, together with betel and money, and the son salutes it. the agnates then seat themselves in a row between the effigy and the water, with their hands behind their backs, so as to reach the effigy, which is moved slowly towards the water, into which it finally falls, and becomes disintegrated. the proceedings conclude with distribution of cloths and cheroots, and purification as before. the more prosperous yanadis now engage a brahman to remove the pollution by sprinkling water over them. during the peddadinamu incessant music and drum-beating has been going on, and is continued till far into the night, and sometimes the ceremonial is made to last over two days, in order that the yanadis may indulge in a bout of music and dancing. the yanadis are expert anglers, catching fish with a triangular net or wicker basket. they also excel in diving for and catching hold of fish concealed in crevices of rocks or buried in mud, and assist european sportsmen by marking down florikin. those who are unable to count bring in a string with knots tied in it, to indicate the number of birds marked. they catch bandicoot rats by a method known as voodarapettuta. a pot is stuffed with grass, into which fire is thrown. the mouth of the pot is placed against the hole made by the bandicoot, and smoke blown into the hole through a small slit in the pot. the animal becomes suffocated, and tries to escape through the only aperture available, made for the occasion by the yanadi, and, as it emerges, is killed. they are fearless in catching cobras, which they draw out of their holes without any fear of their fangs. they pretend to be under the protection of a charm, while so doing. a correspondent writes that a cobra was in his grounds, and his servant got a yanadi, who had charge of the adjoining garden, to dislodge it. the man was anxious to catch it alive, and then, before killing it, carefully removed the poison-sac with a knife, and swallowed it as a protection against snake-bite. the yanadis are good shikaris (huntsmen), and devoid of fear in the jungle. they hold licenses under the arms act, and being good shots, are great at bagging tigers, leopards, porcupines, and other big and small game. after an unsuccessful beat for spotted deer, a friend informs me, the yanadis engaged therein erected a cairn of twigs and stones several feet high, round which they danced with gradually quickening step, to the refrain in telugu 'nothing comes.' then, to the same tune, they danced round it in the opposite direction. the incantation concluded, the beat was continued and a stag duly appeared on the scene--and was missed! they gather honey from bee-hives on hill tops and cliffs which are precipitous and almost inaccessible, and perilous to reach. the man climbs down with the help of a plaited rope of pliant bamboo, fastened above to a peg driven firmly into a tree or other hard substance, and takes with him a basket and stick. he drives away the bees at the first swing by burning grass or brushwood beneath the hives. the next swing takes him closer to the hive, which he pokes with the stick. he receives the honey-comb in the basket, and the honey flows out of it into a vessel adjusted to it. when the basket and vessel are full, he shakes the rope, and is drawn up by the person in charge of it, who is almost always his wife's brother, so that there may be no foul play. he thus collects a considerable quantity of honey and wax, for which he receives only a subsistence wage from the contractor, who makes a big profit for himself. the following list of minor forest products, chiefly collected by government yanadis, is given in the nellore district gazette:-- chay root (oldenlandia umbellata), which, by a quaint misprint, appears as cheroot. kanuga (pongamia glabra). sarsaparilla (hemidesmus indicus). nux vomica (strychnos nux-vomica). tangedu (cassia auriculata). soap nut (sapindus trifoliatus). achilla weed (lichens). ishwarac (aristolochia indica). vishabuddi (sida carpinifolia). kukkapala (tylophora asthmatica). honey. rattan (calamus rotang). tamarind (tamarindus indicus). neredu (eugenia jambolana). surati bark (ventilago madraspatana). in the interests of the yanadis it is laid down, in the gazette, that "the yanadi villages must be encouraged, and the people paid at least once a week for the produce they collect. this must be done by the maistry (overseer) going up and down the main ride every day during the collection season, checking the collections, and paying for them on the spot. the yanadis will, of course, camp out in the reserve when collecting produce, and not return, as heretofore, every three days to sriharikota, thus wasting per cent. of their time in the mere coming and going, apart from the fact that, under the old system, the produce from some parts of the reserves was never collected at all, as no one visited them." the yanadis dance on festive occasions, at ceremonies, and occasionally for begging, smearing the body with turmeric, wearing flowers, singing meaningless songs, and drumming in rude fashion "dambukku, dambukku." their only wind instrument is the bag-pipe, but they play on the snake charmer's reed as an accompaniment. their dance is full of indecent suggestion. they have of late trained themselves for the stage, and there are several troupes of bhagavathulu. to the rev. g. n. thomssen, of the telugu mission, bapatla, i am indebted for the following account of a yanadi dance. "especially at night, they love to gather in some part of the jungle where they have their huts, and, having gathered a pile of palmyra leaves, burn them one by one as torches, while a number of men and women begin to dance their quaint, weird jungle dance, which is to represent the experiences of the hunters in their wanderings. the chief actors, or dancers, are dressed fantastically. they are almost nude, but dangling from their loins are palmyra baskets, in which they gather edible bulbs and roots, dead rats, snakes, etc., which are prized as something to fill the stomach. suddenly the actors fell on the ground. one of them cries out 'thelu' (scorpion). then the other asks where, and is shown the place where the scorpion is supposed to have stung the sufferer, while the choir sing:-- alas! the scorpion stings. o! o! the scorpion stings. which finger? ah! the middle one. as soon as i was stung, the poison into my head ascends. ayo! ayo! what shall i do? bring down the poison with yilledu. this chant is kept up for a long time, when suddenly another of the actors falls on the ground, and writhes like a snake. the yanadis are a very supple race, and, when dancing, especially when writhing on the ground, one sees a display of muscular action that makes one believe that the human body is capable of all the twists and turns of a serpent. when the actor is representing the man bitten by a snake, one hears quaint cries while the snake is sought in the hair, ears, and nose, basket and loin-cloth. the choir now sings the following:-- come down to catch the snake, o! snake-charmer, behold the standing snake. be sure the pipe sounds well. come, come, with the big snakes in the basket, and the little ones in the lock of your hair. when i went down the bank of the yerracheru, and saw the harvest cut, the cobra crawled beneath the harvester. ayo! ayo! ayo! to see this action song, and to hear these strange people, is one of the queerest experiences of native aboriginal life. the dancers, and the spectators who form the choir, all become very excited, and even the european, seeing the tamasha (spectacle), is infected with the excitement. the actors are bathed in perspiration, but the dance is kept up nevertheless, and only when their large stock of palmyra leaf torches is exhausted will they stop and take their rest." in their nomadic life the yanadis have learnt by experience the properties and uses of herbs and roots, with which they treat fever, rheumatism, and other diseases. they have their own remedies for cobra bite and scorpion sting. it is said that the yanadis alone are free from elephantiasis, which affects the remaining population of sriharikota. it is noted by the rev. g. n. thomssen that "while it has been impossible to gather these people into schools, because of their shyness and jungle wildness, christian missionaries, especially the american baptist missionaries, have succeeded in winning the confidence of these degraded children of nature, and many of them have joined the christian church. some read and write well, and a few have even learned english. we have a small, but growing settlement of christianised yanadis at bapatla." to sum up the yanadi. it is notorious that, in times of scarcity, he avoids the famine relief works, for the simple reason that he does not feel free on them. nevertheless, a few are in the police service. some are kavalgars (watchmen), farm labourers, scavengers, stone-masons or bricklayers, others are pounders of rice, or domestic servants, and are as a rule faithful. they earn a livelihood also in various subsidiary ways, by hunting, fishing, cobra-charming, collecting honey or fuel, rearing and selling pigs, practicing medicine as quacks, and by thieving. "an iron implement," mr. f. s. mullaly writes, [ ] called the sikkaloo kol, is kept by them ostensibly for the purpose of digging roots, but it is really their jemmy, and used in the commission of burglary. it is an ordinary iron tool, pointed at both ends, one end being fitted in a wooden handle. with this they can dig through a wall noiselessly and quickly, and many houses are thus broken into in one night, until a good loot is obtained. house-breakings are usually committed during the first quarter of the moon. yanadis confess their own crimes readily, but will never implicate accomplices.... women are useful in the disposal of stolen property. at dusk they go round on their begging tours selling mats, which they make, and take the opportunity of dropping a word to the women of cheap things for sale, and the temptation is seldom resisted. stolen property is also carried in their marketing baskets to the village grocer, the komati. among the wild (adavi) yanadis, women are told off to acquire information while begging, but they chiefly rely on the liquor-shopkeepers for news, which may be turned to useful account." [ ] yanati.--the yanatis, yenetis, or enetis, are a class of cultivators in the ganjam and vizagapatam districts, between whom and the yanadis some confusion has arisen. for example, it is noted, in the madras census report, , that it is curious to find the yanadi sub-division of the velamas so strongly represented, for there is at the present day a wide gulf between velamas and yanadis. again, in the census report, , it is noticed under the heading yanati that "entries of this name were clubbed with yanadi, but it has since been reported that, in bissumcuttack taluk of the vizagapatam agency, there is a separate caste called yanati or yeneti dora, which is distinct from either yanadi or konda dora." it is said that the yanatis of ganjam also go by the name of entamara and gainta or gayinta. yata.--the yatas are the toddy-drawers of ganjam and vizagapatam. the caste name is a corrupt form of ita, meaning date palm, from which the toddy is secured. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, that "toddy is obtained from the palmyra (borassus flabellifer) and date palm (phoenix sylvestris). the toddy-drawers are usually of the yata and segidi castes. the palmyra is tapped by cutting off the end of the flower spathe, and the date palm by making an incision, like an inverted v, close under the crown of leaves. in the zamindaris, little care is taken to see that date trees are not over-tapped, and hundreds of trees may be seen ruined, and even killed by excessive tapping." many members of the caste are engaged in the manufacture of baskets and boxes from palm leaves. the yatas are said to be responsible for a good deal of the crime in portions of the vizagapatam district. for the following note on the yatas of the vizagapatam district, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. they are a telugu-speaking people, and the caste is organised on the same lines as many other telugu castes. in each locality where they are settled, there is a headman called kulampedda, who, with the assistance of the caste elders, settles disputes and affairs affecting the community. the caste is, like other telugu castes, divided up into numerous intiperus or exogamous septs. the custom of menarikam, according to which a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter, is the rule. if the girl, whom a man claims in accordance with this custom, is not given to him, his mother raises such a howl that her brother is compelled by the castemen to come to terms. if he still refuses to give up his daughter, and bestows her on another man, the protest of his sister is said to destroy the happiness of the pair. girls are married before or after puberty. the marriage ceremonies last over three days, and are carried out either at the house of the bride or bridegroom, the former if the parents are prosperous and influential people in the community. a brahman officiates, and ties the satamanam on the bride's neck. on the evening of the third day, at the bride's house, presents called katnam, in the shape of rings, waist-bands, and a gold bangle for the right upper arm, are given to the bridegroom. the value of these presents bears a fixed proportion to that of the voli or bride-price. the pair live for three days at the bride's house, and then proceed to the house of the bridegroom, where they stay during the next three days. they then return to the home of the bride, where they once more stay for three days, at the end of which the bridegroom returns to his house. the consummation ceremony is a separate event, and, if the girl has reached puberty, takes place a few days after the marriage ceremony. the remarriage of widows is permitted. the satamanam is tied on the bride's neck by the kulampedda. divorce is also recognised, and a man marrying a divorced woman has to pay twelve rupees, known as moganaltappu, or new husband's fine. the divorced woman has to return all the jewellery which was given to her by her former husband. the dead are cremated, and a man of the washerman caste usually assists in igniting the pyre. there is an annual ceremony in memory of the dead, at which the house is cleaned, and purified with cow-dung. a meal on a more than usually liberal scale is cooked, and incense and camphor are burnt before the entrance to the house. food is then offered to the dead, who are invoked by name, and the celebrants of the rite partake of a hearty meal. the usual caste titles are naidu and setti. yeddula (bulls).--an exogamous sept of boya and kapu. yedu madala (seven madalas).--the name of a section of upparas, indicating the amount of the bride-price. a madala is equivalent to two rupees. yelka meti (good rat).--an exogamous sept of boya. yemme.--yemme, emme, or yemmalavaru, meaning buffalo or buffalo people, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of bedar or boya, kurni, kuruba, madiga, and vakkaliga. yenne (oil).--a sub-division of ganiga. yenuga.--yenuga or yenigala, meaning elephant, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of kapu, the members of which will not touch ivory. yenumala.--yenumala or yenamaloru, meaning buffalo or buffalo people, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of balija, boya, madiga, and odde. yeravallar.--see eravallar. yerlam.--a division of kapus, so called after a brahman girl named yerlamma, who was excommunicated for not being married, and bore children to a kapu. yerra (red).--a sub-division of golla and kapu, and an exogamous sept of devanga. yerudandi.--see erudandi. yogi gurukkal.--the yogi gurukkals are described in the madras census report, , as "a malayalam-speaking beggar caste. they are also priests in kali temples, and pial schoolmasters. they bury their dead in a sitting posture (like sanyasis)." the pial, it may be noted, is a raised platform under the verandah, or on either side of the door of a house, in which village schools are held. the yogi gurukkals are scattered about malabar, and their chief occupation seems to be the performance of worship to kali or durga. they officiate as priests for mukkuvans and tiyans. among the mukkuvans, puja (worship) to kali at the annual festival has to be done by a yogi gurukkal, whereas, on ordinary occasions, it may be done by a mukkuvan, provided that he has been initiated by a yogi gurukkal. in their customs, the yogi gurukkals closely follow the nayars. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "the yogi gurukkals of north malabar are a caste which, though low in the social scale, is not regarded as conveying distance pollution. they perform sakti puja in their own houses, to which no one outside the caste is allowed to attend; they also perform it for nayars and tiyans. they are celebrated sorcerers and exorcists, and are also schoolmasters by profession." zonnala (millet: sorghum vulgare).--zonnala, or the equivalent zonnakuti, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of kapu. the koyis hold a festival when the zonna crop is ready to be cut, at which a fowl is killed in the field, and its blood sprinkled on a stone set up for the purpose. printed by the superintendent, government press, madras. agents for the sale of madras government publications. in the east. r. cambray & co., calcutta. combridge & co., madras. t. coopooswami naicker & co., madras. higginbotham & co., mount road, madras. v. kalyanarama iyer & co., esplanade, madras. s. murthy & co., kapalee press, madras. g. a. natesan & co., madras. p. r. rama iyar & co., madras. radhabai atmaram sagun, bombay. sarasvati publishing house, popham's broadway, madras. e. seymour hale, bombay. [ ]t. k. sitarama aiyar, kumbakónam. d. b. taraporevala sons & co., bombay. temple & co., georgetown, madras. thacker & co. (limited), bombay. thacker, spink & co., calcutta. thompson & co., madras. in england. e. a. arnold, and , maddox street, bond street, w., london. b. h. blackwell, and , broad street, oxford. constable & co., , orange street, leicester square, w.c., london. deighton, bell & co., cambridge. t. fisher unwin, , adelphi terrace, w.c., london. grindlay & co., , parliament street, s.w., london. henry s. king & co., , cornhill, e.c., london. p. s. king & son, and , great smith street, westminster, s.w., london. kegan paul, trench, trübner & co., , gerrard street, soho, w., london. luzac & co., , great russell street, w.c., london. b. quaritch, , grafton street, new bond street, w., london. w. thacker & co., , creed lane, e.c., london. on the continent. friedländer & sohn, , carlstrasse, berlin. otto harrassowitz, leipzig. rudolf haupt, , dorrienstrasse, leipzig, germany. karl w. hiersemann, leipzig. ernest leroux, , rue bonaparte, paris. martinus nijhoff, the hague, holland. notes [ ] ind. ant. iv, . [ ] manners, customs, and observances. [ ] malabar law and custom, . [ ] tarwad: a marumakkathayam family, consisting of all the descendants in the female line of one common female ancestor. [ ] the todas, . [ ] malabar law and custom. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] gazetteer of malabar. [ ] monograph eth. survey, cochin no. , . [ ] ind. ant., ix, . [ ] ind. ant., ix. . [ ] f. s. mullaly. criminal classes of the madras presidency. [ ] monograph, eth. survey, bombay, no. , tigala, . [ ] malabar law and custom. [ ] lieutenant-general e. f. burton. an indian olio. [ ] monograph ethnog. survey of the cochin state, no. , izhuvas, . [ ] the tinnevelly shanars, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] a fanam is a small gold coin, worth about four annas, which was formerly current in southern india, but is no longer in circulation. [ ] other kinds of necklaces are the mullapu (jasmine flower) mala, avil (beaten rice) mala, so called from the shape of the links, mani mala or bead necklace, and pavizham (coral) mala. these are all worn by women. [ ] ordinarily, paddy is partly boiled before it is pounded to remove the husk. raw rice is obtained by pounding the paddy, which has not undergone any boiling. [ ] there must in all be five or seven females. [ ] the taboot is a model of a muhammadan mausoleum, intended to represent the tomb of husain, which is carried in procession during the moharram festival. [ ] manavalan = bridegroom; manavati = bride. [ ] an indian olio. [ ] the washerman of the nambutiris and nayars is called veluthedan. [ ] nayars are addressed as kammal by tiyans and artisans. [ ] the number twelve, so significant in malabar. [ ] nasrani (nazarene) is a term for christians on the west coast. [ ] indian review, oct. . [ ] the todas. . [ ] ney = ghi or clarified butter. [ ] aboriginal tribes of the nilgiri hills. [ ] madras diocesan magazine, november, . [ ] see madras museum bull., iv, , pl. xii. [ ] average . [ ] op. cit., appendix iv, . [ ] r. bache. royal magazine, august . [ ] ind. ant., iii, . [ ] description of a singular aboriginal race inhabiting the summit of the neilgherry hills, . [ ] op. cit. [ ] a phrenologist among the todas, . [ ] j. w. breeks. account of the primitive tribes and monuments of the nilgiris, . [ ] catalogue of the prehistoric antiquities, government museum, madras, . [ ] i have seen this plant growing on the grass in front of the paikara bungalow. [ ] op. cit. [ ] ellis. history of madagascar. [ ] tribes inhabiting the neilgherry hills. by a german missionary, . [ ] proc. cambridge philosoph. soc., xii, . [ ] "puzhutkina--shall i throw earth?" rivers. [ ] called by breeks ilata, which, dr. rivers suggests, is a badaga name. [ ] journey through mysore, canara, and malabar. [ ] gazetteer of the anantapur district. [ ] a. chatterton. monograph on tanning and working in leather. madras, . [ ] cf. tanti. risley, tribes and castes of bengal. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] mysore and coorg gazetteer. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] ibid. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] history of travancore, . [ ] malabar and its folk, madras, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] cf. nayadi. [ ] native life in travancore, . [ ] monograph, eth. survey, cochin, no. , . [ ] manual of the malabar district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] archæolog. survey of india. annual report, - . [ ] journey through mysore, canara and malabar. ed., . [ ] on the weapons, army organization, and political maxims of the ancient hindus, with special reference to gunpowder and fire-arms, madras, . [ ] vide f. hall's edition of h. h. wilson's vishnu purana, . iii. - . [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] native life in travancore. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] malabar law and custom, rd ed., . [ ] father coleridge's life and letters of st. francis xavier. [ ] history of tinnevelly. [ ] indian medical gazette, xli, , . [ ] cochin census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] n. sankuni wariar, ind. ant. xxi, . [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] ibid., . [ ] gazetteer of the tanjore district. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] the land of the permauls, or cochin, its past and its present, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] madras census report, , and manual of the north arcot district. [ ] see divakaram and chudamani nikhandu. [ ] see life of tiruvalluvar, in lazarus' edition of the kural. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] gazetteer of malabar. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the tanjore district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district; madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] malabar and its folk, . [ ] madras dioc: magazine, . [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] madras museum bull. iii, . . [ ] manual of the salem district. [ ] native life in travancore. [ ] madras museum, bull. iii, i, . [ ] crawley. the mystic rose. fide jagor. zeitsch: ethnol. xi, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] ind. ant. viii, . [ ] history of the military transactions in indostan. [ ] ind. ant. viii, . [ ] ind. ant. xx, . [ ] monograph eth. survey of cochin, no. , . [ ] madras museum bull. iii, , . [ ] rev. j. cain, ind. ant., viii, . [ ] madras census report, , and manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras journal of literature and science, - , p. , where the etymology of the name vellala is fully discussed. [ ] section iii. inhabitants, government press, madras, . [ ] thondai-nandalap-paddiyam. [ ] the zamindars of cheyur, chunampet, etc., in the chingleput district. [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] pen and ink sketches of south india. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] m. paupa rao naidu. history of railway thieves, . [ ] ind. ant. iii, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] baramahal records. [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] madras museum bull., v. , . [ ] manual of the salem district, . [ ] a. chatterton. monograph on tanning and working in leather, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] ibid. [ ] malabar and its folk, . [ ] monograph, ethnological survey of cochin, . [ ] gazetteer of malabar. [ ] monograph, eth. survey of cochin. [ ] ind. ant., x, , p. . [ ] manual of the kurnool district. [ ] catalogue raisonné of oriental manuscripts, iii, . [ ] notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency, . [ ] this note is based on an article by mr. ranga rao, with additions. [ ] agent for sale of the legislative department publications. gutenberg. castes and tribes of southern india by edgar thurston, c.i.e., superintendent, madras government museum; correspondant Étranger, société d'anthropologie de paris; socio corrispondante, societa, romana di anthropologia. assisted by k. rangachari, m.a., of the madras government museum. volume i--a and b government press, madras . preface. in , equipped with a set of anthropometric instruments obtained on loan from the asiatic society of bengal, i commenced an investigation of the tribes of the nilgiri hills, the todas, kotas, and badagas, bringing down on myself the unofficial criticism that "anthropological research at high altitudes is eminently indicated when the thermometer registers ° in madras." from this modest beginning have resulted:--( ) investigation of various classes which inhabit the city of madras; ( ) periodical tours to various parts of the madras presidency, with a view to the study of the more important tribes and classes; ( ) the publication of bulletins, wherein the results of my work are embodied; ( ) the establishment of an anthropological laboratory; ( ) a collection of photographs of native types; ( ) a series of lantern slides for lecture purposes; ( ) a collection of phonograph records of tribal songs and music. the scheme for a systematic and detailed ethnographic survey of the whole of india received the formal sanction of the government of india in . a superintendent of ethnography was appointed for each presidency or province, to carry out the work of the survey in addition to his other duties. the other duty, in my particular case--the direction of a large local museum--happily made an excellent blend with the survey operations, as the work of collection for the ethnological section went on simultaneously with that of investigation. the survey was financed for a period of five (afterwards extended to eight) years, and an annual allotment of rs. , provided for each presidency and province. this included rs. , for approved notes on monographs, and replies to the stereotyped series of questions. the replies to these questions were not, i am bound to admit, always entirely satisfactory, as they broke down both in accuracy and detail. i may, as an illustration, cite the following description of making fire by friction. "they know how to make fire, i.e., by friction of wood as well as stone, etc. they take a triangular cut of stone, and one flat oblong size flat. they hit one another with the maintenance of cocoanut fibre or copper, then fire sets immediately, and also by rubbing the two barks frequently with each other they make fire." i gladly place on record my hearty appreciation of the services rendered by mr. k. rangachari in the preparation of the present volumes. during my temporary absence in europe, he was placed in charge of the survey, and he has been throughout invaluable in obtaining information concerning manners and customs, as interpreter and photographer, and in taking phonograph records. for information relating to the tribes and castes of cochin and travancore, i gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to messrs. l. k. anantha krishna aiyer and n. subramani aiyer, the superintendents of ethnography for their respective states. the notes relating to the cochin state have been independently published at the ernakulam press, cochin. in the scheme for the ethnographic survey, it was laid down that the superintendents should supplement the information obtained from representative men and by their own enquiries by "researches into the considerable mass of information which lies buried in official reports, in the journals of learned societies, and in various books." of this injunction full advantage has been taken, as will be evident from the abundant crop of references in foot-notes. it is impossible to express my thanks individually to the very large number of correspondents, european and indian, who have generously assisted me in my work. i may, however, refer to the immense aid which i have received from the district manuals edited by mr. (now sir) h. a. stuart, i.c.s., and the district gazetteers, which have been quite recently issued under the editorship of mr. w. francis, i.c.s., mr. f. r. hemingway, i.c.s., and mr. f. b. evans, i.c.s. my thanks are further due to mr. c. hayavadana rao, to whom i am indebted for much information acquired when he was engaged in the preparation of the district gazetteers, and for revising the proof sheets. for some of the photographs of badagas, kurumbas, and todas, i am indebted to mr. a. t. w. penn of ootacamund. i may add that the anthropometric data are all the result of measurements taken by myself, in order to eliminate the varying error resulting from the employment of a plurality of observers. e. t. introduction. the vast tract of country, over which my investigations in connection with the ethnographic survey of south india have extended, is commonly known as the madras presidency, and officially as the presidency of fort st. george and its dependencies. included therein were the small feudatory states of pudukottai, banganapalle, and sandur, and the larger native states of travancore and cochin. the area of the british territory and feudatory states, as returned at the census, , was , square miles, and the population , , . the area and population of the native states of travancore and cochin, as recorded at the same census, were as follows:-- area. population. sq. miles. travancore , , , cochin , , briefly, the task which was set me in was to record the 'manners and customs' and physical characters of more than castes and tribes, representing more than , , individuals, and spread over an area exceeding , square miles. the native state of mysore, which is surrounded by the madras presidency on all sides, except on part of the west, where the bombay presidency forms the boundary, was excluded from my beat ethnographically, but included for the purpose of anthropometry. as, however, nearly all the castes and tribes which inhabit the mysore state are common to it and the madras presidency, i have given here and there some information relating thereto. it was clearly impossible for myself and my assistant, in our travels, to do more than carry out personal investigations over a small portion of the vast area indicated above, which provides ample scope for research by many trained explorers. and i would that more men, like my friends dr. rivers and mr. lapicque, who have recently studied man in southern india from an anthropological and physiological point of view, would come out on a visit, and study some of the more important castes and tribes in detail. i can promise them every facility for carrying out their work under the most favourable conditions for research, if not of climate. and we can provide them with anything from ° in the shade to the sweet half english air of the nilgiri and other hill-ranges. routine work at head-quarters unhappily keeps me a close prisoner in the office chair for nine months in the year. but i have endeavoured to snatch three months on circuit in camp, during which the dual functions of the survey--the collection of ethnographic and anthropometric data--were carried out in the peaceful isolation of the jungle, in villages, and in mofussil (up-country) towns. these wandering expeditions have afforded ample evidence that delay in carrying through the scheme for the survey would have been fatal. for, as in the pacific and other regions, so in india, civilisation is bringing about a radical change in indigenous manners and customs, and mode of life. it has, in this connection, been well said that "there will be plenty of money and people available for anthropological research, when there are no more aborigines. and it behoves our museums to waste no time in completing their anthropological collections." tribes which, only a few years ago, were living in a wild state, clad in a cool and simple garb of forest leaves, buried away in the depths of the jungle, and living, like pigs and bears, on roots, honey, and other forest produce, have now come under the domesticating, and sometimes detrimental influence of contact with europeans, with a resulting modification of their conditions of life, morality, and even language. the paniyans of the wynaad, and the irulas of the nilgiris, now work regularly for wages on planters' estates, and i have seen a toda boy studying for the third standard instead of tending the buffaloes of his mand. a toda lassie curling her ringlets with the assistance of a cheap german looking-glass; a toda man smeared with hindu sect marks, and praying for male offspring at a hindu shrine; the abandonment of leafy garments in favour of imported cotton piece-goods; the employment of kerosine tins in lieu of thatch; the decline of the national turban in favour of the less becoming pork-pie cap or knitted nightcap of gaudy hue; the abandonment of indigenous vegetable dyes in favour of tinned anilin and alizarin dyes; the replacement of the indigenous peasant jewellery by imported beads and imitation jewellery made in europe--these are a few examples of change resulting from western and other influences. the practice of human sacrifice, or meriah rite, has been abolished within the memory of men still living, and replaced by the equally efficacious slaughter of a buffalo or sheep. and i have notes on a substituted ceremony, in which a sacrificial sheep is shaved so as to produce a crude representation of a human being, a hindu sect mark painted on its forehead, a turban stuck on its head, and a cloth around its body. the picturesque, but barbaric ceremony of hook-swinging is now regarded with disfavour by government, and, some time ago, i witnessed a tame substitute for the original ceremony, in which, instead of a human being with strong iron hooks driven through the small of his back, a little wooden figure, dressed up in turban and body cloth, and carrying a shield and sabre, was hoisted on high and swung round. in carrying out the anthropometric portion of the survey, it was unfortunately impossible to disguise the fact that i am a government official, and very considerable difficulties were encountered owing to the wickedness of the people, and their timidity and fear of increased taxation, plague inoculation, and transportation. the paniyan women of the wynaad believed that i was going to have the finest specimens among them stuffed for the madras museum. an irula man, on the nilgiri hills, who was wanted by the police for some mild crime of ancient date, came to be measured, but absolutely refused to submit to the operation on the plea that the height-measuring standard was the gallows. the similarity of the word boyan to boer was once fatal to my work. for, at the time of my visit to the oddes, who have boyan as their title, the south african war was just over, and they were afraid that i was going to get them transported, to replace the boers who had been exterminated. being afraid, too, of my evil eye, they refused to fire a new kiln of bricks for the club chambers at coimbatore until i had taken my departure. during a long tour through the mysore province, the natives mistook me for a recruiting sergeant bent on seizing them for employment in south africa, and fled before my approach from town to town. the little spot, which i am in the habit of making with aspinall's white paint to indicate the position of the fronto-nasal suture and bi-orbital breadth, was supposed to possess vesicant properties, and to blister into a number on the forehead, which would serve as a means of future identification for the purpose of kidnapping. the record of head, chest, and foot measurements, was viewed with marked suspicion, on the ground that i was an army tailor, measuring for sepoy's clothing. the untimely death of a native outside a town, at which i was halting, was attributed to my evil eye. villages were denuded of all save senile men, women, and infants. the vendors of food-stuffs in one bazar, finding business slack owing to the flight of their customers, raised their prices, and a missionary complained that the price of butter had gone up. my arrival at one important town was coincident with a great annual temple festival, whereat there were not sufficient coolies left to drag the temple car in procession. so i had perforce to move on, and leave the brahman heads unmeasured. the head official of another town, when he came to take leave of me, apologised for the scrubby appearance of his chin, as the local barber had fled. one man, who had volunteered to be tested with lovibond's tintometer, was suddenly seized with fear in the midst of the experiment, and, throwing his body-cloth at my feet, ran for all he was worth, and disappeared. an elderly municipal servant wept bitterly when undergoing the process of measurement, and a woman bade farewell to her husband, as she thought for ever, as he entered the threshold of my impromptu laboratory. the goniometer for estimating the facial angle is specially hated, as it goes into the mouth of castes both high and low, and has to be taken to a tank (pond) after each application. the members of a certain caste insisted on being measured before p.m., so that they might have time to remove, by ceremonial ablution, the pollution from my touch before sunset. such are a few of the unhappy results, which attend the progress of a government anthropologist. i may, when in camp, so far as measuring operations are concerned, draw a perfect and absolute blank for several days in succession, or a gang of fifty or even more representatives of different castes may turn up at the same time, all in a hurry to depart as soon as they have been sufficiently amused by the phonograph, american series of pseudoptics (illusions), and hand dynamometer, which always accompany me on my travels as an attractive bait. when this occurs, it is manifestly impossible to record all the major, or any of the minor measurements, which are prescribed in 'anthropological notes and queries,' and elsewhere. and i have to rest unwillingly content with a bare record of those measurements, which experience has taught me are the most important from a comparative point of view within my area, viz., stature, height and breadth of nose, and length and breadth of head, from which the nasal and cephalic indices can be calculated. i refer to the practical difficulties, in explanation of a record which is admittedly meagre, but wholly unavoidable, in spite of the possession of a good deal of patience and a liberal supply of cheroots, and current coins, which are often regarded with suspicion as sealing a contract, like the king's shilling. i have even known a man get rid of the coin presented to him, by offering it, with flowers and a cocoanut, to the village goddess at her shrine, and present her with another coin as a peace-offering, to get rid of the pollution created by my money. the manifold views, which have been brought forward as to the origin and place in nature of the indigenous population of southern india, are scattered so widely in books, manuals, and reports, that it will be convenient if i bring together the evidence derived from sundry sources. the original name for the dravidian family, it may be noted, was tamulic, but the term dravidian was substituted by bishop caldwell, in order that the designation tamil might be reserved for the language of that name. dravida is the adjectival form of dravida, the sanskrit name for the people occupying the south of the indian peninsula (the deccan of some european writers). [ ] according to haeckel, [ ] three of the twelve species of man--the dravidas (deccans; sinhalese), nubians, and mediterranese (caucasians, basque, semites, indo-germanic tribes)--"agree in several characteristics, which seem to establish a close relationship between them, and to distinguish them from the remaining species. the chief of these characteristics is the strong development of the beard which, in all other species, is either entirely wanting, or but very scanty. the hair of their heads is in most cases more or less curly. other characteristics also seem to favour our classing them in one main group of curly-haired men (euplocomi); at present the primæval species, homo dravida, is only represented by the deccan tribes in the southern part of hindustan, and by the neighbouring inhabitants of the mountains on the north-east of ceylon. but, in earlier times, this race seems to have occupied the whole of hindustan, and to have spread even further. it shows, on the one hand, traits of relationship to the australians and malays; on the other to the mongols and mediterranese. their skin is either of a light or dark brown colour; in some tribes, of a yellowish brown. the hair of their heads is, as in mediterranese, more or less curled; never quite smooth, like that of the euthycomi, nor actually woolly, like that of the ulotrichi. the strong development of the beard is also like that of the mediterranese. their forehead is generally high, their nose prominent and narrow, their lips slightly protruding. their language is now very much mixed with indo-germanic elements, but seems to have been originally derived from a very primæval language." in the chapter devoted to 'migration and distribution of organisms,' haeckel, in referring to the continual changing of the distribution of land and water on the surface of the earth, says: "the indian ocean formed a continent, which extended from the sunda islands along the southern coast of asia to the east coast of africa. this large continent of former times sclater has called lemuria, from the monkey-like animals which inhabited it, and it is at the same time of great importance from being the probable cradle of the human race. the important proof which wallace has furnished by the help of chronological facts, that the present malayan archipelago consists in reality of two completely different divisions, is particularly interesting. the western division, the indo-malayan archipelago, comprising the large islands of borneo, java, and sumatra, was formerly connected by malacca with the asiatic continent, and probably also with the lemurian continent, and probably also with the lemurian continent just mentioned. the eastern division, on the other hand, the austro-malayan archipelago, comprising celebes, the moluccas, new guinea, solomon's islands, etc., was formerly directly connected with australia." an important ethnographic fact, and one which is significant, is that the description of tree-climbing by the dyaks of borneo, as given by wallace, [ ] might have been written on the anaimalai hills of southern india, and would apply equally well in every detail to the kadirs who inhabit those hills. [ ] an interesting custom, which prevails among the kadirs and mala vedans of travancore, and among them alone, so far as i know, in the indian peninsula, is that of chipping all or some of the incisor teeth into the form of a sharp pointed, but not serrated, cone. the operation is said to be performed, among the kadirs, with a chisel or bill-hook and file, on boys at the age of eighteen, and girls at the age of ten or thereabouts. it is noted by skeat and blagden [ ] that the jakuns of the malay peninsula are accustomed to file their teeth to a point. mr. crawford tells us further that, in the malay archipelago, the practice of filing and blackening the teeth is a necessary prelude to marriage, the common way of expressing the fact that a girl has arrived at puberty being that she had her teeth filed. in an article [ ] entitled "die zauberbilderschriften der negrito in malaka," dr. k. t. preuss describes in detail the designs on the bamboo combs, etc., of the negritos of malacca, and compares them with the strikingly similar designs on the bamboo combs worn by the kadirs of southern india. he works out in detail the theory that the design is not, as i called it [ ] an ornamental geometric pattern, but consists of a series of hieroglyphics. it is noted by skeat and blagden [ ] that "the semang women wore in their hair a remarkable kind of comb, which appears to be worn entirely as a charm against diseases. these combs were almost invariably made of bamboo, and were decorated with an infinity of designs, no two of which ever entirely agreed. it was said that each disease had its appropriate pattern. similar combs are worn by the pangan, the semang and sakai of perak, and most of the mixed (semang-sakai) tribes." i am informed by mr. vincent that, as far as he knows, the kadir combs are not looked on as charms, and the markings thereon have no mystic significance. a kadir man should always make a comb, and present it to his wife just before marriage or at the conclusion of the marriage ceremony, and the young men vie with each other as to who can make the nicest comb. sometimes they represent strange articles on the combs. mr. vincent has, for example, seen a comb with a very good imitation of the face of a clock scratched on it. in discussing the racial affinities of the sakais, skeat and blagden write [ ] that "an alternative theory comes to us on the high authority of virchow, who puts it forward, however, in a somewhat tentative manner. it consists in regarding the sakai as an outlying branch of a racial group formed by the vedda (of ceylon), tamil, kurumba, and australian races.... of these the height is variable, but, in all four of the races compared, it is certainly greater than that of the negrito races. the skin colour, again, it is true, varies to a remarkable degree, but the general hair character appears to be uniformly long, black and wavy, and the skull-index, on the other hand, appears to indicate consistently a dolichocephalic or long-shaped head." speaking of the sakais, the same authorities state that "in evidence of their striking resemblance to the veddas, it is perhaps worth remarking that one of the brothers sarasin who had lived among the veddas and knew them very well, when shown a photograph of a typical sakai, at first supposed it to be a photograph of a vedda." for myself, when i first saw the photographs of sakais published by skeat and blagden, it was difficult to realise that i was not looking at pictures of kadirs, paniyans, kurumbas, or other jungle folk of southern india. it may be noted en passant, that emigration takes place at the present day from the southern parts of the madras presidency to the straits settlements. the following statement shows the number of passengers that proceeded thither during :-- madras-- total. south arcot porto novo , cuddalore pondicherry tanjore negapatam and nagore , karikal , "the name kling (or keling) is applied, in the malay countries, to the people of continental india who trade thither, or are settled in those regions, and to the descendants of settlers. the malay use of the word is, as a rule, restricted to tamils. the name is a form of kalinga, a very ancient name for the region known as the northern circars, i.e., the telugu coast of the bay of bengal." [ ] it is recorded by dr. n. anandale that the phrase orang kling islam (i.e., a muhammadan from the madras coast) occurs in patani malay. he further informs us [ ] that among the labbai muhammadans of the madura coast, there are "certain men who make a livelihood by shooting pigeons with blow-guns. according to my labbai informants, the 'guns' are purchased by them in singapore from bugis traders. there is still a considerable trade, although diminished, between kilakarai and the ports of burma and the straits settlements. it is carried on entirely by muhammadans in native sailing vessels, and a large proportion of the musalmans of kilakarai have visited penang and singapore. it is not difficult to find among them men who can speak straits malay. the local name for the blow-gun is senguttan, and is derived in popular etymology from the tamil sen (above) and kutu (to stab). i have little doubt that it is really a corruption of the malay name of the weapon sumpitan." on the evidence of the very close affinities between the plants and animals in africa and india at a very remote period, mr. r. d. oldham concludes that there was once a continuous stretch of dry land connecting south africa and india. "in some deposits," he writes, [ ] "found resting upon the karoo beds on the coast of natal, out of species of mollusca and echinodermata collected and specifically identified, are identical with forms found in the cretaceous beds of southern india, the majority being trichinopoly species. from the cretaceous rocks of madagascar, six species of cretaceous fossils were examined by mr. r. b. newton in , of which three are also found in the ariyalur group (southern india). the south african beds are clearly coast or shallow water deposits, like those of india. the great similarity of forms certainly suggests continuity of coast line between the two regions, and thus supports the view that the land connection between south africa and india, already shown to have existed in both the lower and upper gondwána periods, was continued into cretaceous times." by huxley [ ] the races of mankind are divided into two primary divisions, the ulotrichi with crisp or woolly hair (negros; negritos), and the leiotrichi with smooth hair; and the dravidians are included in the australoid group of the leiotrichi "with dark skin, hair and eyes, wavy black hair, and eminently long, prognathous skulls, with well-developed brow ridges, who are found in australia and in the deccan." there is, in the collection of the royal college of surgeons' museum, an exceedingly interesting "hindu" skull from southern india, conspicuously dolichocephalic, and with highly developed superciliary ridges. some of the recorded measurements of this skull are as follows:-- length . cm. breadth . cm. cephalic index . nasal height . cm. nasal breadth . cm. nasal index . cm. another "hindu" skull, in the collection of the madras museum, with similar marked development of the superciliary ridges, has the following measurements:-- length . cm. breadth . cm. cephalic index nasal height . cm. nasal breadth . cm. nasal index . i am unable to subscribe to the prognathism of the dravidian tribes of southern india, or of the jungle people, though aberrant examples thereof are contained in the collection of skulls at the madras museum, e.g., the skull of a tamil man (caste unknown) who died a few years ago in madras (pl. i-a). the average facial angle of various castes and tribes which i have examined ranged between ° and °, and the inhabitants of southern india may be classified as orthognathous. some of the large earthenware urns excavated by mr. a. rea, of the archæological department, at the "prehistoric" burial site at aditanallur in the tinnevelly district, [ ] contained human bones, and skulls in a more or less perfect condition. two of these skulls, preserved at the madras museum, are conspicuously prognathous (pl. i-b). concerning this burial site m. l. lapieque writes as follows. [ ] "j'ai rapporté un specimen des urnes funéraires, avec une collection assez complète du mobilier funéraire. j'ai rapporté aussi un crâne en assez bon état, et parfaitement déterminable. il est hyperdolichocéphale, et s'accorde avec la série que le service d'archéologie de madras a déja réunie. je pense que la race d'adichanallour appartient aux proto-dravidiens." the measurements of six of the most perfect skulls from aditanallur in the madras museum collection give the following results:-- cephalic cephalic cephalic length, breadth, index. cm. cm. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the following extracts from my notes show that the hyperdolichocephalic type survives in the dolichocephalic inhabitants of the tamil country at the present day:-- class number cephalic index below . examined. palli . ; . ; ; . ; . ; . . paraiyan . ; . ; . ; . . vellala . ; . . by flower and lydekker, [ ] a white division of man, called the caucasian or eurafrican, is made to include huxley's xanthochroi (blonde type) and melanochroi (black hair and eyes, and skin of almost all shades from white to black). the melanochroi are said to "comprise the greater majority of the inhabitants of southern europe, north africa, and south-west asia, and consist mainly of the aryan, semitic, and hamitic families. the dravidians of india, the veddahs of ceylon, and probably the ainus of japan, and the maoutze of china, also belong to this race, which may have contributed something to the mixed character of some tribes of indo-china and the polynesian islands, and have given at least the characters of the hair to the otherwise negroid inhabitants of australia. in southern india they are largely mixed with a negrito element, and, in africa, where their habitat becomes coterminous with that of the negroes, numerous cross-races have sprung up between them all along the frontier line." in describing the "hindu type," topinard [ ] divides the population of the indian peninsula into three strata, viz., the black, mongolian, and the aryan. "the remnants of the first," he says, "are at the present time shut up in the mountains of central india under the name of bhils, mahairs, ghonds, and khonds; and in the south under that of yenadis, kurumbas, etc. its primitive characters, apart from its black colour and low stature, are difficult to discover, but it is to be noticed that travellers do not speak of woolly hair in india. [ ] the second has spread over the plateaux of central india by two lines of way, one to the north-east, the other to the north-west. the remnants of the first invasion are seen in the dravidian or tamil tribes, and those of the second in the jhats. the third more recent, and more important as to quality than as to number, was the aryan." in speaking further of the australian type, characterised by a combination of smooth hair with negroid features, topinard states that "it is clear that the australians might very well be the result of the cross between one race with smooth hair from some other place, and a really negro and autochthonous race. the opinions held by huxley are in harmony with this hypothesis. he says the australians are identical with the ancient inhabitants of the deccan. the features of the present blacks in india, and the characters which the dravidian and australian languages have in common, tend to assimilate them. the existence of the boomerang in the two countries, and some remnants of caste in australia, help to support the opinion." of the so-called boomerangs of southern india, the madras museum possesses three (two ivory, one wooden) from the tanjore armoury (pl. ii). concerning them, the dewan of pudukkottai writes to me as follows. "the valari or valai tadi (bent stick) is a short weapon, generally made of some hard-grained wood. it is also sometimes made of iron. it is crescent-shaped, one end being heavier than the other, and the outer end is sharpened. men trained in the use of the weapon hold it by the lighter end, whirl it a few times over their shoulders to give it impetus, and then hurl it with great force against the object aimed at. it is said that there were experts in the art of throwing the valari, who could at one stroke despatch small game, and even man. no such experts are now forthcoming in the pudukkottai state, though the instrument is reported to be occasionally used in hunting hares, jungle fowl, etc. its days, however, must be counted as past. tradition states that the instrument played a considerable part in the poligar wars of the last century. but it now reposes peacefully in the households of the descendants of the rude kallan and maravan warriors, preserved as a sacred relic of a chivalric past, along with other old family weapons in their puja (worship) room, brought out and scraped and cleaned on occasions like the ayudha puja day (when worship is paid to weapons and implements of industry), and restored to its place of rest immediately afterwards." at a kallan marriage, the bride and bridegroom go to the house of the latter, where boomerangs are exchanged, and a feast is held. this custom appears to be fast becoming a tradition. but there is a common saying still current "send the valai tadi, and bring the bride." [ ] it is pointed out by topinard, [ ] as a somewhat important piece of evidence, that, in the west, about madagascar and the point of aden in africa, there are black tribes with smooth hair, or, at all events, large numbers of individuals who have it, mingled particularly among the somalis and the gallas, in the region where m. broca has an idea that some dark, and not negro, race, now extinct, once existed. at the meeting of the british association, , mr. w. crooke gave expression to the view that the dravidians represent an emigration from the african continent, and discounted the theory that the aryans drove the aboriginal inhabitants into the jungles with the suggestion that the aryan invasion was more social than racial, viz., that what india borrowed from the aryans was manners and customs. according to this view, it must have been reforming aborigines who gained the ascendancy in india, rather than new-comers; and those of the aborigines who clung to their old ways got left behind in the struggle for existence. in an article devoted to the australians, professor r. semon writes as follows. "we must, without hesitation, presume that the ancestors of the australians stood, at the time of their immigration to the continent, on a lower rung of culture than their living representatives of to-day. whence, and in what manner, the immigration took place, it is difficult to determine. in the neighbouring quarter of the globe there lives no race, which is closely related to the australians. their nearest neighbours, the papuans of new guinea, the malays of the sunda islands, and the macris of new zealand, stand in no close relationship to them. on the other hand, we find further away, among the dravidian aborigines of india, types which remind us forcibly of the australians in their anthropological characters. in drawing attention to the resemblance of the hill-tribes of the deccan to the australians, huxley says: 'an ordinary cooly, such as one can see among the sailors of any newly-arrived east india vessel, would, if stripped, pass very well for an australian, although the skull and lower jaw are generally less coarse.' huxley here goes a little too far in his accentuation of the similarity of type. we are, however, undoubtedly confronted with a number of characters--skull formation, features, wavy curled hair--in common between the australians and dravidians, which gain in importance from the fact that, by the researches of norris, bleek, and caldwell, a number of points of resemblance between the australian and dravidian languages have been discovered, and this despite the fact that the homes of the two races are so far apart, and that a number of races are wedged in between them, whose languages have no relationship whatever to either the dravidian or australian. there is much that speaks in favour of the view that the australians and dravidians sprang from a common main branch of the human race. according to the laborious researches of paul and fritz sarasin, the veddas of ceylon, whom one might call pre-dravidians, would represent an off-shoot from this main stem. when they branched off, they stood on a very low rung of development, and seem to have made hardly any progress worth mentioning." in dealing with the australian problem, mr. a. h. keane [ ] refers to the time when australia formed almost continuous land with the african continent, and to its accessibility on the north and north-west to primitive migration both from india and papuasia. "that such migrations," he writes, "took place, scarcely admits of a doubt, and the rev. john mathew [ ] concludes that the continent was first occupied by a homogeneous branch of the papuan race either from new guinea or malaysia, and that these first arrivals, to be regarded as true aborigines, passed into tasmania, which at that time probably formed continuous land with australia. thus the now extinct tasmanians would represent the primitive type, which, in australia, became modified, but not effaced, by crossing with later immigrants, chiefly from india. these are identified, as they have been by other ethnologists, with the dravidians, and the writer remarks that 'although the australians are still in a state of savagery, and the dravidians of india have been for many ages a people civilized in a great measure, and possessed of literature, the two peoples are affiliated by deeply-marked characteristics in their social system as shown by the boomerang, which, unless locally evolved, must have been introduced from india.' but the variations in the physical characters of the natives appear to be too great to be accounted for by a single graft; hence malays also are introduced from the eastern archipelago, which would explain both the straight hair in many districts, and a number of pure malay words in several of the native languages." dealing later with the ethnical relations of the dravidas, mr. keane says that "although they preceded the aryan-speaking hindus, they are not the true aborigines of the deccan, for they were themselves preceded by dark peoples, probably of aberrant negrite type." in the 'manual of administration of the madras presidency,' dr. c. macleane writes as follows. "the history proper of the south of india may be held to begin with the hindu dynasties formed by a more or less intimate admixture of the aryan and dravidian systems of government. but, prior to that, three stages of historical knowledge are recognisable; first, as to such aboriginal period as there may have been prior to the dravidian; secondly, as to the period when the aryans had begun to impose their religion and customs upon the dravidians, but the time indicated by the early dynasties had not yet been reached. geology and natural history alike make it certain that, at a time within the bounds of human knowledge, southern india did not form part of asia. a large southern continent, of which this country once formed part, has ever been assumed as necessary to account for the different circumstances. the sanscrit pooranic writers, the ceylon boodhists, and the local traditions of the west coast, all indicate a great disturbance of the point of the peninsula and ceylon within recent times. [ ] investigations in relation to race show it to be by no means impossible that southern india was once the passage-ground, by which the ancient progenitors of northern and mediterranean races proceeded to the parts of the globe which they now inhabit. in this part of the world, as in others, antiquarian remains show the existence of peoples who used successively implements of unwrought stone, of wrought stone, and of metal fashioned in the most primitive manner. [ ] these tribes have also left cairns and stone circles indicating burial places. it has been usual to set these down as earlier than dravidian. but the hill coorumbar of the palmanair plateau, who are only a detached portion of the oldest known tamulian population, erect dolmens to this day. the sepulchral urns of tinnevelly may be earlier than dravidian, or they may be dravidian.... the evidence of the grammatical structure of language is to be relied on as a clearly distinctive mark of a population, but, from this point of view, it appears that there are more signs of the great lapse of time than of previous populations. the grammar of the south of india is exclusively dravidian, and bears no trace of ever having been anything else. the hill, forest, and pariah tribes use the dravidian forms of grammar and inflection.... the dravidians, a very primeval race, take a by no means low place in the conjectural history of humanity. they have affinities with the australian aborigines, which would probably connect their earliest origin with that people." adopting a novel classification, dr. macleane, in assuming that there are no living representatives in southern india of any race of a wholly pre-dravidian character, sub-divides the dravidians into pre-tamulian and tamulian, to designate two branches of the same family, one older or less civilised than the other. the importance, which has been attached by many authorities to the theory of the connection between the dravidians and australians, is made very clear from the passages in their writings, which i have quoted. before leaving this subject, i may appropriately cite as an important witness sir william turner, who has studied the dravidians and australians from the standpoint of craniology. [ ] "many ethnologists of great eminence," he writes, "have regarded the aborigines of australia as closely associated with the dravidians of india. some also consider the dravidians to be a branch of the great caucasian stock, and affiliated therefore to europeans. if these two hypotheses are to be regarded as sound, a relationship between the aboriginal australians and the european would be established through the dravidian people of india. the affinities between the dravidians and australians have been based upon the employment of certain words by both people, apparently derived from common roots; by the use of the boomerang, similar to the well-known australian weapon, by some dravidian tribes; by the indian peninsula having possibly had in a previous geologic epoch a land connection with the austro-malayan archipelago, and by certain correspondences in the physical type of the two people. both dravidians and australians have dark skins approximating to black; dark eyes; black hair, either straight, wavy or curly, but not woolly or frizzly; thick lips; low nose with wide nostrils; usually short stature, though the australians are somewhat taller than the dravidians. when the skulls are compared with each other, whilst they correspond in some particulars, they differ in others. in both races, the general form and proportions are dolichocephalic, but in the australians the crania are absolutely longer than in the dravidians, owing in part to the prominence of the glabella. the australian skull is heavier, and the outer table is coarser and rougher than in the dravidian; the forehead also is much more receding; the sagittal region is frequently ridged, and the slope outwards to the parietal eminence is steeper. the australians in the norma facialis have the glabella and supra-orbital ridges much more projecting; the nasion more depressed; the jaws heavier; the upper jaw usually prognathous, sometimes remarkably so." of twelve dravidian skulls measured by sir william turner, in seven the jaw was orthognathous, in four, in the lower term of the mesognathous series; one specimen only was prognathic. the customary type of jaw, therefore, was orthognathic. [ ] the conclusion at which sir william turner arrives is that "by a careful comparison of australian and dravidian crania, there ought not to be much difficulty in distinguishing one from the other. the comparative study of the characters of the two series of crania has not led me to the conclusion that they can be adduced in support of the theory of the unity of the two people." the dravidians of southern india are divided by sir herbert risley [ ] into two main groups, the scytho-dravidian and the dravidian, which he sums up as follows:-- "the scytho-dravidian type of western india, comprising the maratha braahmans, the kunbis and the coorgs; probably formed by a mixture of scythian and dravidian elements, the former predominating in the higher groups, the latter in the lower. the head is broad; complexion fair; hair on face rather scanty; stature medium; nose moderately fine, and not conspicuously long. "the dravidian type extending from ceylon to the valley of the ganges, and pervading the whole of madras, hyderabad, the central provinces, most of central india, and chutia nagpur. its most characteristic representatives are the paniyans of the south indian hills and the santals of chutia nagpur. probably the original type of the population of india, now modified to a varying extent by the admixture of aryan, scythian, and mongoloid elements. in typical specimens, the stature is short or below mean; the complexion very dark, approaching black; hair plentiful with an occasional tendency to curl; eyes dark; head long; nose very broad, sometimes depressed at the root, but not so as to make the face appear flat." it is, it will be noted, observed by risley that the head of the scytho-dravidian is broad, and that of the dravidian long. writing some years ago concerning the dravidian head with reference to a statement in taylor's "origin of the aryans," [ ] that "the todas are fully dolichocephalic, differing in this respect from the dravidians, who are brachycephalic," i published [ ] certain statistics based on the measurements of a number of subjects in the southern districts of the madras presidency. these figures showed that "the average cephalic index of members of different castes and tribes was . ; and that, in only out of the individuals, did the index exceed . so far then from the dravidian being separated from the todas by reason of their higher cephalic index, this index is, in the todas, actually higher than in some of the dravidian peoples." accustomed as i was, in my wanderings among the tamil and malayalam folk, to deal with heads in which the dolichocephalic or sub-dolichocephalic type preponderates, i was amazed to find, in the course of an expedition in the bellary district (in the canarese area), that the question of the type of the dravidian head was not nearly so simple and straightforward as i had imagined. my records of head measurements now include a very large series taken in the plains in the tulu, canarese, telugu, malayalam, and tamil areas, and the measurements of a few maratha (non-dravidian) classes settled in the canarese country. in the following tabular statement, i have brought together, for the purpose of comparison, the records of the head-measurements of representative classes in each of these areas:-- ======================================================================== | |number | cephalic index |number | |of |=========================|of times class | language |subjects|average|maximum,|minimum,|index | |examined| | cm. | cm. |was | | | | | |or above ==============+=============+========+=======+========+========+======== sukun sale | marathi | | . | . | . | suka sale | do. | | . | . | . | vakkaliga | canarese | | . | . | . | billava | tulu | | . | . | . | rangari | marathi | | . | . | . | agasa | canarese | | . | . | . | bant | tulu | | . | . | . | kapu | telugu | | . | . | . | tota balija | do. | | . | . | . | boya | do. | | . | . | . | dasa banajiga | canarese | | . | . | . | ganiga | do. | | . | . | . | golla | telugu | | . | . | . | kuruba | canarese | | . | . | . | bestha | telugu | | . | . | . | pallan | tamil | | . | . | . | mukkuvan | malayalam | | . | . | . | nayar | do. | | . | . | . | vellala | tamil | | . | . | . | agamudaiyan | do. | | . | . | . | paraiyan | do. | | . | . | . | palli | do. | | . | . | . | tiyan | malayalam | | . | . | . | ======================================================================== the difference in the character of the cranium is further brought out by the following tables, in which the details of the cephalic indices of typical classes in the five linguistic areas under consideration are recorded:-- (a) tulu. billava. ** ** * *** ***** ****** ** ** average. *** ***** ******** **** **** * * * (b) canarese. vakkaliga. * ** ***** ** ***** ******* ** *** *** average. *** ** *** *** ** ** * * * * * (c) telugu. kapu. * ******* ** ** ******* ****** * average. **** **** ******* ** *** * * * (d) vellala. tamil. * * *** ********** ******* ** average. ****** *** **** ** * (e) malayalam. nayar. ** ***** ***** ****** * average. ****** **** **** *** ** * these tables not only bring out the difference in the cephalic index of the classes selected as representative of the different areas, but further show that there is a greater constancy in the tamil and malayalam classes than in the tulus, canarese and telugus. the number of individuals clustering round the average is conspicuously greater in the two former than in the three latter. i am not prepared to hazard any new theory to account for the marked difference in the type of cranium in the various areas under consideration, and must content myself with the observation that, whatever may have been the influence which has brought about the existing sub-brachycephalic or mesaticephalic type in the northern areas, this influence has not extended southward into the tamil and malayalam countries, where dravidian man remains dolicho- or sub-dolichocephalic. as an excellent example of constancy of type in the cephalic index, i may cite, en passant, the following results of measurement of the todas, who inhabit the plateau of the nilgiri hills:-- ** ******* *********** ******* ************** average. ********************* ********* ****** * * * * i pass on to the consideration of the type of cranium among various brahman classes. in the following tables, the results of measurement of representatives of tulu, canarese, marathi, tamil and malayalam brahmans are recorded:-- ============================================================================= | |number | cephalic index |number | |of |==========================|of times class | language |subjects| | | |index | |examined|average.|maximum.|minimum.|was | | | | | |or above ===============+================+========+========+========+========+======== shivalli | tulu | | . | . | . | mandya | canarese | | . | . | . | karnataka | do. | | . | . | . | smarta | | | | | | (desastha) | marathi [ ] | | . | . | | tamil | | | | | | (madras city)| tamil | | . | | | nambutiri | malayalam [ ] | | . | | | pattar | tamil [ ] | | . | . | . | ============================================================================= (a) tulu. shivalli. * * * **** *** *** ** average. *** **** ** ** * * * * (b) canarese. karnataka smarta. * ** ** ** ****** *** **** ***** ********** average. ** ***** **** **** ** ** * * * ** * (c) tamil. madras city. * ** * * ** *** **** **** average. ****** ***** ***** ** ** * * (d) tamil. pattar. ** * *** ** *** average. **** ***** * ** * * taking the evidence of the figures, they demonstrate that, like the other classes which have been analysed, the brahmans have a higher cephalic index, with a wider range, in the northern than in the southern area. there is a tradition that the shivalli brahmans of the tulu country came from ahikshetra. as only males migrated from their home, they were compelled to take women from non-brahman castes as wives. the ranks are said to have been swelled by conversions from these castes during the time of sri madhvacharya. the shivalli brahmans are said to be referred to by the bants as mathumaglu or mathmalu (bride) in allusion to the fact of their wives being taken from the bant caste. besides the shivallis, there are other tulu brahmans, who are said to be recent converts. the matti brahmans were formerly considered low by the shivallis, and were not allowed to sit in the same line with the shivallis at meal time. they were only permitted to sit in a cross line, separated from the shivallis, though in the same room. this was because the matti brahmans were supposed to be mogers (fishing caste) raised to brahmanism by one vathiraja swami, a sanyasi. having become brahmans, they could not carry on their hereditary occupation, and, to enable them to earn a livelihood, the sanyasi gave them some brinjal (solanum melongena) seeds, and advised them to cultivate the plant. from this fact, the variety of brinjal, which is cultivated at matti, is called vathiraja gulla. at the present day, the matti brahmans are on a par with the shivalli brahmans, and have become disciples of the sodhe mutt (religious institution) at udipi. in some of the popular accounts of brahmans, which have been reduced to writing, it is stated that, during the time of mayura varma of the kadamba dynasty, [ ] some andhra brahmans were brought into south canara. as a sufficient number of brahmans were not available for the purpose of yagams (sacrifices), these andhra brahmans selected a number of families from the non-brahman caste, made them brahmans, and chose exogamous sept names for them. of these names, manoli (cephalandra indica), perala (psidium guyava), kudire (horse), and ane (elephant) are examples. a character, with which i am very familiar, when measuring the heads of all sorts and conditions of natives of southern india, is the absence of convexity of the segment formed by the posterior portion of the united parietal bones. the result of this absence of convexity is that the back of the head, instead of forming a curve gradually increasing from the top of the head towards the occipital region, as in the european skull figured in plate iiia, forms a flattened area of considerable length almost at right angles to the base of the skull as in the "hindu" skull represented in plate iiib. this character is shown in a marked degree in plate iv, which represents a prosperous linga banajiga in the canarese country. in discussing racial admixture, quatrefages writes as follows. [ ] "parfois on trouve encore quelques tribus qui ont conservé plus on moins intacts tous les caractères de leur race. les coorumbas du malwar [malabar] et du coorg paraissent former un noyau plus considérable encore, et avoir conservé dans les jungles de wynaad une indépendence à peu près complète, et tous leurs caractères ethnologiques." the purity of blood and ethnological characters of various jungle tribes are unhappily becoming lost as the result of contact metamorphosis from the opening up of the jungles for planter's estates, and contact with more civilised tribes and races, both brown and white. in illustration, i may cite the kanikars of travancore, who till recently were in the habit of sending all their women into the seclusion of the jungle on the arrival of a stranger near their settlements. this is now seldom done, and some kanikars have in modern times settled in the vicinity of towns, and become domesticated. the primitive short, dark-skinned and platyrhine type, though surviving, has become changed, and many leptorhine or mesorhine individuals above middle height are to be met with. the following are the results of measurements of kanikars in the jungle, and at a village some miles from trivandrum, the capital of travancore:-- =========================================================== | stature cm. | nasal index. ==============+=======================+==================== | av. | max. | min. | av. | max. | min. jungle | . | . | . | . | | . domesticated | . | . | | . | . | . =========================================================== some jungle chenchus, who inhabit the nallamalai hills in the kurnool district, still exhibit the primitive short stature and high nasal index, which are characteristic of the unadulterated jungle tribes. but there is a very conspicuous want of uniformity in their physical characters, and many individuals are to be met with, above middle height, or tall, with long narrow noses. a case is recorded, in which a brick-maker married a chenchu girl. and i was told of a boya man who had married into the tribe, and was living in a gudem (chenchu settlement). ========================================================= | stature cm. | nasal index. ==============+=====================+==================== | av. | max.| min. | av. | max. |min. | . | | . | . | . | . ========================================================= by the dolichocephalic type of cranium which has persisted, and which the chenchus possess in common with various other jungle tribes, they are still, as shown by the following table, at once differentiated from the mesaticephalic dwellers in the plains near the foot of the nallamalais:-- ================================================ | | number of | cephalic| times the | index. | index was | | or over. ========================+=========+============= chenchus | . | gollas | . | boyas | . | tota balijas | . | kapus | . | upparas | . | mangalas | . | verukalas | . | medaras | . | ================================================ in a note on the jungle tribes, m. louis lapicque, [ ] who carried out anthropometric observations in southern india a few years ago, writes as follows. "dans les montagnes des nilghirris et d'anémalé, situées au coeur de la contrée dravidienne, on a signalé depuis longtemps des petits sauvages crépus, qu'on a même pensé pouvoir, sur des documents insuffisants, identifier avec les negritos. en réalité, it n'existe pas dans ces montagnes, ni probablement nulle part dans l'inde, un témoin de la race primitive comparable, comme pureté, aux andamanais ni même aux autres negritos. ce que l'on trouve là, c'est simplement, mais c'est fort précieux, une population métisse qui continue au delà du paria la série générale de l'inde. au bord de la forêt vierge ou dans les collines partiellement défrichées, il y a des castes demi-parias, demi-sauvages. la hiérachie sociale les classe au-dessous du paria: on peut même trouver des groupes ou le facies nègre, nettement dessiné, est tout à fait prédominant. ehbien, dans ces groupes, les chevelures sont en général frisées, et on en observe quelques-unes qu'on peut même appeler crépues. on a donc le moyen de prolonger par l'imagination la série des castes indiennes jusq'au type primitif qui était (nous n'avons plus qu'un pas à faire pour le reconstruire), un nègre.... nous sommes arrives à reconstituer les traits nègres d'un type disparu en prolongeant une série graduée de métis. par la même méthode nous pouvons déterminer théoriquement la forme du crâne de ce type. avec une assez grande certitude, je crois pouvoir affirmer, après de nombreuses mesures systématiques, que le nègre primitif de l'inde était sousdolichocéphale avec un indice voisin de ou . sa taille, plus difficile à préciser, car les conditions de vie modifient ce caractère, devait être petite, plus haute pourtant que celle des andamanais. quant au nom qu'il convient de lui attribuer, la discussion des faits sociaux et linguistiques sur lesquels est fondée la notion de dravidien permet d'établir que ce nègre était antérieur aux dravidiens; il faut done l'appeller prédravidien, ou, si nous voulons lui donner un nom qui ne soit pas relatif à une autre population, on peut l'appeler nègre paria." in support of m. lapicque's statement that the primitive inhabitant was dolichocephalic or sub-dolichocephalic, i may produce the evidence of the cephalic indices of the various jungle tribes which i have examined in the tamil, malayalam, and telugu countries:-- =================================================== | cephalic index. |==========+==========+========== | average. | maximum. | minimum. ==================+==========+==========+========== kadir | . | . | . irula, chingleput | . | . | . kanikar | . | . | . mala vedan | . | . | . panaiyan | . | . | . chenchu | . | . | . sholaga | . | . | . paliyan | . | . | . irula, nilgiris | . | . | . kurumba | . | . | . =================================================== it is worthy of note that haeckel defines the nose of the dravidian as a prominent and narrow organ. for risley has laid down [ ] that, in the dravidian type, the nose is thick and broad, and the formula expressing the proportionate dimension (nasal index) is higher than in any known race, except the negro; and that the typical dravidian, as represented by the male paharia, has a nose as broad in proportion to its length as the negro, while this feature in the aryan group can fairly bear comparison with the noses of sixty-eight parisians, measured by topinard, which gave an average of . . in this connection, i may record the statistics relating to the nasal indices of various south indian jungle tribes:-- ==================================================== | nasal index. |================================ | average. | maximum. | minimum. ===================+==========+==========+========== paniyan | . | . | . kadir | . | . | . kurumba | . | . | . sholaga | . | . | . mala vedan | . | . | . irula, nilgiris | . | . | . kanikar | . | . | . chenchu | . | . | . ==================================================== in the following table, i have brought together, for the purpose of comparison, the average stature and nasal index of various dravidian classes inhabiting the plains of the telugu, tamil, canarese, and malayalam countries, and jungle tribes:-- ====================================================== | | nasal | |linguistic area.| index.| stature. ===================+================+=======+========= paniyan | jungle tribe | . | . kadir | do. | . | . kurumba | do. | . | . sholaga | do. | . | . irula, nilgiris | do. | . | . mala vedan | do. | . | . kanikar | do. | . | . chenchu | do. | . | . pallan | tamil | . | . mukkuvan | malayalam | . | . paraiyan | tamil | . | . palli | do. | . | . ganiga | canarese | . | . bestha | telugu | . | . tiyan | malayalam | . | . kuruba | canarese | . | . boya | telugu | . | . tota balija | do. | . | . agasa | canarese | . | . agamudaiyan | tamil | . | . golla | telugu | . | . vellala | tamil | . | . vakkaliga | canarese | . | . dasa banajiga | do. | . | . kapu | telugu | . | . nayar | malayalam | . | . ====================================================== this table demonstrates very clearly an unbroken series ranging from the jungle men, short of stature and platyrhine, to the leptorhine nayars and other classes. in plate v are figured a series of triangles representing (natural size) the maxima, minima, and average nasal indices of brahmans of madras city (belonging to the poorer classes), tamil paraiyans, and paniyans. there is obviously far less connection between the brahman minimum and the paraiyan maximum than between the brahman and paraiyan maxima and the paniyan average; and the frequent occurrence of high nasal indices, resulting from short, broad noses, in many classes has to be accounted for. sir alfred lyall somewhere refers to the gradual brahmanising of the aboriginal non-arayan, or casteless tribes. "they pass," he writes, "into brahmanists by a natural upward transition, which leads them to adopt the religion of the castes immediately above them in the social scale of the composite population, among which they settle down; and we may reasonably guess that this process has been working for centuries." in the madras census report, , mr. h. a. stuart states that "it has often been asserted, and is now the general belief, that the brahmans of the south are not pure aryans, but are a mixed aryan and dravidian race. in the earliest times, the caste division was much less rigid than now, and a person of another caste could become a brahman by attaining the brahmanical standard of knowledge, and assuming brahmanical functions; and, when we see the nambudiri brahmans, even at the present day, contracting alliances, informal though they be, with the women of the country, it is not difficult to believe that, on their first arrival, such unions were even more common, and that the children born of them would be recognised as brahmans, though perhaps regarded as an inferior class. however, those brahmans, in whose veins mixed blood is supposed to run, are even to this day regarded as lower in the social scale, and are not allowed to mix freely with the pure brahman community." popular traditions allude to wholesale conversions of non-brahmans into brahmans. according to such traditions, rajas used to feed very large numbers of brahmans (a lakh of brahmans) in expiation of some sin, or to gain religious merit. to make up this large number, non-brahmans are said to have been made brahmans at the bidding of the rajas. here and there are found a few sections of brahmans, whom the more orthodox brahmans do not recognise as such, though the ordinary members of the community regard them as an inferior class of brahmans. as an instance may be cited the marakas of the mysore province. though it is difficult to disprove the claim put forward by these people, some demur to their being regarded as brahmans. between a brahman of high culture, with fair complexion, and long, narrow nose on the one hand, and a less highly civilised brahman with dark skin and short broad nose on the other, there is a vast difference, which can only be reasonably explained on the assumption of racial admixture; and it is no insult to the higher members of the brahman community to trace, in their more lowly brethren, the result of crossing with a dark-skinned, and broad-nosed race of short stature. whether the jungle tribe are, as i believe, the microscopic remnant of a pre-dravidian people, or, as some hold, of dravidians driven by a conquering race to the seclusion of the jungles, it is to the lasting influence of some such broad-nosed ancestor that the high nasal index of many of the inhabitants of southern india must, it seems to me, be attributed. viewed in the light of this remark, the connection between the following mixed collection of individuals, all of very dark colour, short of stature, and with nasal index exceeding , calls for no explanation:-- ======================================================== | stature. | nasal | nasal | nasal | |height. |breadth.| index. ==================+==========+========+========+======== | cm. | cm. | cm. | vakkaliga | | . | . | . moger | | . | . | . saiyad muhammadan | | . | | . kammalan | . | . | | . chakkiliyan | . | . | | . vellala | . | . | . | . malaiyali | . | | . | . konga vellala | | . | . | . pattar brahman | . | . | . | . odde | . | . | | smarta brahman | | . | . | . palli | . | . | . | . pallan | . | . | . | bestha | . | . | . | mukkuvan | . | | | agasa | . | . | . | tamil paraiyan | | | . | ======================================================== i pass on to a brief consideration of the languages of southern india. according to mr. g. a. grierson [ ] "the dravidian family comprises all the principal languages of southern india. the name dravidian is a conventional one. it is derived from the sanskrit dravida, a word which is again probably derived from an older dramila, damila, and is identical with the name of tamil. the name dravidian is, accordingly, identical with tamulian, which name has formerly been used by european writers as a common designation of the languages in question. the word dravida forms part of the denomination andhra-dravida-bhasha, the language of the andhras (i.e., telugu), and dravidas (i.e., tamilians), which kumarila bhatta (probably th century a.d.) employed to denote the dravidian family. in india dravida has been used in more than one sense. thus the so-called five dravidas are telugu, kanarese, marathi, gujarati, and tamil. in europe, on the other hand, dravidian has long been the common denomination of the whole family of languages to which bishop caldwell applied it in his comparative grammar, and there is no reason for abandoning the name which the founder of dravidian philology applied to this group of speeches." the five principal languages are tamil, telugu, malayalam, canarese, and oriya. of these, oriya belongs to the eastern group of the indo-aryan family, and is spoken in ganjam, and a portion of the vizagapatam district. the population speaking each of these languages, as recorded at the census, , was as follows:-- tamil , , telugu , , malayalam , , oriya , , canarese , , in the preparation of the following brief summary of the other vernacular languages and dialects, i have indented mainly on the linguistic survey of india, and the madras census report, . savara.--the language of the savaras of ganjam and vizagapatam. one of the munda languages. concerning the munda, linguistic family, mr. grierson writes as follows. "the denomination munda (adopted by max müller) was not long allowed to stand unchallenged. sir george campbell in proposed to call the family kolarian. he was of opinion that kol had an older form kolar, which he thought to be identical with kanarese kallar, thieves. there is absolutely no foundation for this supposition. moreover, the name kolarian is objectionable, as seeming to suggest a connexion with aryan which does not exist. the principal home of the munda languages at the present day is the chota nagpur plateau. the munda race is much more widely spread than the munda languages. it has already been remarked that it is identical with the dravidian race, which forms the bulk of the population of southern india." gadaba.--spoken by the gadabas of vizagapatam and ganjam. one of the munda languages. kond, kandhi, or kui.--the language of the kondhs of ganjam and vizagapatam. gondi.--the language of the gonds, a tribe which belongs to the central provinces, but has overflowed into ganjam and vizagapatam. gattu.--a dialect of gondi, spoken by some of the gonds in vizagapatam. koya or koi.--a dialect of gondi, spoken by the koyis in the vizagapatam and godavari districts. poroja, parja, or parji.--a dialect of gondi. tulu.--the language largely spoken in south canara (the ancient tuluva). it is described by bishop caldwell as one of the most highly developed languages of the dravidian family. koraga.--spoken by the koragas of south canara. it is thought by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] to be a dialect of tulu. bellera.--spoken by the belleras of south canara, and regarded as a dialect of canarese or tulu. toda.--the language of the todas of the nilgiri hills, concerning which dr. w. h. r. rivers writes as follows. [ ] "bernhard schmid, [ ] who wrote in , appears to have known more of the true toda language than any one who has written since, and he ascribes two-thirds of the toda vocabulary to tamil, and was unable to trace the remaining third to any other language. caldwell [ ] believed the language of the todas to be most closely allied to tamil. according to pope, [ ] the language was originally old canarese with the addition of a few tamil forms, but he has included in his vocabulary words which have probably been borrowed from the badagas." kota.--a mixture of canarese and tamil spoken by the kotas of the nilgiri hills. badaga.--the language of the badagas of the nilgiri hills. said to be an ancient form of canarese. irula.--spoken by the irulas of the nilgiris, and said to be a dialect of tamil. according to mr. stuart, kasuba or kasuva is another dialect of tamil spoken by the sub-division of the irulas which bears the same name. kurumba.--spoken by the kurumbas of the nilgiri hills, malabar, and mysore, and regarded as a dialect of canarese. konkani.--a dialect of marathi, spoken almost entirely in the south canara district by sarasvat and konkani brahmans and roman catholic christians. marathi.--in the tanjore district, the descendants of the former maratha rajas of tanjore speak this language. it is also spoken in the bellary district, which was formerly under maratha dominion, by various maratha castes, and in the feudatory state of sandur. patnuli or khatri.--a dialect of gujarati, spoken by the patnulkarans who have settled for the most part in the town of madura. they are immigrants from saurashtra in gujarat, who are said to have come south at the invitation of the nayak kings of madura. lambadi.--the language of the nomad lambadis, brinjaris, or sugalis. it is described by mr. w. francis [ ] as a patois "usually based on one of the local vernaculars, and embroidered and diversified with thieves' slang and expressions borrowed from the various localities in which the tribe has sojourned. cust thought that lambadi was semi-dravidian, but the point is not clear, and it has been classed as indo-aryan." korava or yerukala.--a dialect of tamil spoken by the nomad caste bearing these names. like the lambadis, they have a thieves' slang. vadari.--recorded as a vulgar telugu dialect spoken by a wandering tribe of quarrymen in the bombay presidency, the berars, and elsewhere. they are doubtless oddes or wudder navvies, who have migrated from their home in the telugu country. table a. ========================================================================== | | | length cm. | breadth cm. | index. |index |no.| caste or |==============+==============+==============| and | | tribe. | av.|max.|min.| av.|max.|min.| av.|max.|min.|over. ====+===+=============+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====== | |badaga, | | | | | | | | | | | | nilgiris | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | m. | |kanikar | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | m. | |mappilla, | | | | | | | | | | | | muhammadan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | j. | |kadir | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | m. | |tiyan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |palli | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |irula | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | |toda, | | | | | | | | | | | | nilgiris | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | j. | |kaanikar | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |ambattan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | j. | |mala vedan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |paraiyan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | m. | |cheruman | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | m. | |paniyan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |agamudaiyan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | |kota, | | | | | | | | | | | | nilgiris | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |vellala | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |smarta | | | | | | | | | | | | brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |malaiyali | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | j. | |chenchu | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | m. | |nayar | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |pattar | | | | | | | | | | | | brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |malasar | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | j. | |urali | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |chakkiliyan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | j. | |sholaga | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |madiga, | | | | | | | | | | | | adoni | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |kammalan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | m. | |mukkuvan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |sheik | | | | | | | | | | | | muhammadan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |dayare | | | | | | | | | | | | muhammadan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |saiyad | | | | | | | | | | | | muhammadan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | j. | |paliyan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | j. | |irula | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |pallan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |idaiyan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tam.| |pathan | | | | | | | | | | | | muhammadan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | m. | |pulayan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | j. | |kurumba | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |madiga, | | | | | | | | | | | | hospet | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |sedan | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |toreya | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | mar.| |desastha | | | | | | | | | | | | brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |mala | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |bestha | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |kuruba, | | | | | | | | | | | | mysore | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |odde | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |golla | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |dasa | | | | | | | | | | | | banajiga | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |komati, | | | | | | | | | | | | adoni | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |okkiliyan, | | | | | | | | | | | | coimbatore | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |boya | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tu. | |bant | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |kapu | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |tota | | | | | | | | | | tel.| | balija | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |madhva | | | | | | | | | | | | brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |bedar, | | | | | | | | | | | | hospet | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |uppara | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |linga | | | | | | | | | | | | banajiga, | | | | | | | | | | | | sandur | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |karnataka | | | | | | | | | | | | smarta | | | | | | | | | | | | brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |padma | | | | | | | | | | | | sale | . | .| . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |kuruba, | | | | | | | | | | | | hospet | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |telugu | | | | | | | | | | | | banajiga | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |panchala | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |holeya | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |bedar, | | | | | | | | | | | | adoni | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | mar.| |rangari | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |togata | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tu. | |billava | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |linga | | | | | | | | | | | | banajiga, | | | | | | | | | | | | adoni | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |hebbar | | | | | | | | | | | | brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |mandya | | | | | | | | | | | | brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tu. | |shivalli | | | | | | | | | | | | brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |ganiga | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |devanga | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | tel.| |komati | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | c. | |vakkaliga, | | | | | | | | | | | | mysore | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | mar.| |suka | | | | | | | | | | | | sale | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | mar.| |sukun | | | | | | | | | | | | sale | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | ========================================================================== table b. ====+===+============================+=================+================= | | | stature cm. | nasal index. == |no.| caste or tribe. +=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+===== | | | av. | max.|min. | av. | max.|min. ====+===+============================+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+===== m. | |nayar | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |hebbar brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |karnataka smarta brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |dayare muhammadan | . | . | . | . | . | . mar.| |madhva brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . tu. | |bant | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |sheik muhammadan | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |ambattan | . | . | . | . | . | . tu. | |billava | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |sedan | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |dasa banajiga | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |kapu | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |mandya brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |vakkaliga, mysore | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |vellala | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |padma sale | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |okkiliyan | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |kuruba, mysore | . | . | . | . | . | . mar.| |rangari | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |idaiyan | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |k mati, sandur | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |linga banajiga | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |golla | . | . | . | . | . | . m. | |tiyan | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |agamudaiyan | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |tota balija | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |linga banajiga, sandur | . | . | . | . | . | . mar.| |sukun sale | . | . | . | . | . | . mar.| |suka sale | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |panchala | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |kuruba, hospet | . | . | . | . | . | . .. | |toda, nilgiris | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |boya | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |telugu banajiga | . | . | . | . | . | . m. | |mappilla, muhammadan | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |holeya | . | . | . | . | . | . ... | |badaga, nilgiris | . | . | . | . | . | . mar.| |desastha brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |bestha | . | . | . | . | .| . c. | |toreya | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |mala | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |pathan muhammadan | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |pattar brahman | . | . | . | . | . | . ...| |kota, nilgiris | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |palli | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |kammalan | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |odde | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |bedar, hospet | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |madiga, hospet | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |togata | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |malaiyali | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |komati, adoni | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |palli | . | . | . | . | . | . m. | |cheruman | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |chakkiliyan | . | . | . | . | . | . m. | |pulayan | . | . | . | . | . | . c. | |bedar, adoni | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |paraiyan | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |urali | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |irula | . | . | . | . | . | . tel.| |madiga, adoni | . | . | . | . | . | . m. | |mukkuvan | . | . | . | . | . | . m. | |kanikar | . | . | . | . | . | . tam.| |pallan | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |chenchu | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |pulayan | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |kanikar | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |mala vedan | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |irula | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |sholaga | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |kurumba | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |malasar | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |kadir | . | . | . | . | . | . j. | |paniyan | . | . | . | . | . | . ============================================================================ castes and tribes of southern india. abhisheka.--abhisheka pandarams are those who are made to pass through some ceremonies in connection with saiva agama. acchu tali.--a sub-division of vaniyan. the name refers to the peculiar tali (marriage badge) worn by married women. acchuvaru.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as "oriya-speaking carriers of grain, etc., on pack bullocks. treated as a sub-division of gaudo." the acchuvarus are not oriya people, but are attached to the devanga weavers, and receive their name from the fact that they do acchupani, i.e., thread the long comb-like structures of the hand-loom. they correspond to the jatipillais of the kaikolan weavers, who do acchuvelai. acchu vellala.--a name assumed by some pattanavans. achan.--achan, meaning father or lord, was returned, at the cochin census, , as a title of nayars. according to mr. wigram [ ] it is used as a title of the following:-- . males in the royal family of palghat. . the minister of the calicut raja, known as mangat achan. . the minister of the cochin raja, known as paliyat achan. . the minister of the second raja of calicut, known as chenli achan. acharapakam chetti.--one of the sub-divisions of the chettis, generally grouped among the beri chettis (q.v.). achari.--see asari. adapadava (man of the wallet).--a name, referring to the dressing-bag which barbers carry, applied to lingayat barbers in south canara. adapapa.--returned in the madras census report, , as a sub-caste of balija. the name is applied to female attendants on the ladies of the families of zamindars, who, as they are not allowed to marry, lead a life of prostitution. their sons call themselves balijas (see khasa). adavi (forest or jungle).--the name of a sub-division of yanadis, and also of a section of gollas in mysore. [ ] adaviyar.--adaviyar or ataviyar is the name of a class of tamil-speaking weavers found in the tanjore and tinnevelly districts. addaku (bauhinia racemosa).--a sept of jatapu. the leaves of this tree are largely used as food platters, in madras, and generally on the east coast. addapu singa.--mendicants who beg only from mangalas in the telugu country. adhigari.--defined by mr. wigram [ ] as the head of the amsam or parish in malabar, corresponding to the manigar (village munsiff) in east coast districts and patel in south canara. the title adhigari (one in power) is assumed by some agamudaiyans, and adhikari occurs as an exogamous sept of the badagas, and the title of village headman among some oriya castes. in south canara, it is a sept of stanika. adi (primitive or original).--the name of a division of linga balijas, and of velamas who have abandoned the practice of keeping their females gosha (in seclusion). it is also applied by the chenchus to the original members of their tribe, from whom the man-lion narasimha obtained his bride chenchita. adichchan.--a sub-division of nayar. adikal (slaves or servants).--included among the ambalavasis. it is recorded, in the travancore census report, , that "tradition states that sankaracharya, to test the fidelity of certain brahmins to the established ordinances of caste, went to a liquor-shop, and drank some stimulants. not recognising that the obligations, from which adepts like sankara were free, were none the less binding on the proletariat, the brahmins that accompanied the sage made this an excuse for their drinking too. sankara is said to have then entered a foundry, and swallowed a cup of molten metal, and handed another to the brahmins, who had apparently made up their minds to do all that may be done by the acharya. but they begged to differ, apologised to him as atiyals or humble servants, and accepted social degradation in expiation of their sinful presumption. they are now the priests in temples dedicated to bhadrakali, and other goddesses who receive offerings of liquor. they practise sorcery, and aid in the exorcising of spirits. they have the upanayana-samskara, and wear the sacred thread. the simantam ceremony is not performed. they are to repeat the gayatri (hymn) ten times, and observe eleven days' death pollution. their own caste-men act as priests. the atiyammamar wear the same jewellery as the nambutiri women, but they do not screen themselves by a cadjan (palm leaf) umbrella when they go out in public, nor are they accompanied by a nayar maid." adimittam.--an occupational sub-division of marans, who clean the court-yards of temples in travancore. adisaivar.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as "a sub-caste of vellala. they are singers of devara hymns in saiva temples." the name indicates those who have been saivites from the beginning, as opposed to recent saivites. adisaivas are saivites, who have survived the absorbing influence of the lingayat sect. saivites who profess the lingayat doctrines are known as virasaivas. some pandarams, who belong to the sozhia sub-division of the vellalas, regularly recite tamil verses from thevaram and tiruvachagam in saivite temples. this being their profession, they are also called oduvar (readers or reciters). aditya varada.--kurubas, who worship their god on sunday. adiyan.--adiyan (adi, foot) has been defined [ ] as meaning literally "a slave, but usually applied to the vassals of tamburans and other powerful patrons. each adiyan had to acknowledge his vassalage by paying annually a nuzur (gift of money) to his patron, and was supposed also to be ready to render service whenever needed. this yearly nuzur, which did not generally exceed one or two fanams, was called adima-panam" (slave money), adima meaning feudal dependency on a patron. adiyodi.--adiyodi or atiyoti, meaning slave or vassal, has been returned at times of census as a sub-division of samantan. it is, mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "the caste of the kadattanad rajah in north malabar. the tradition is that, when he was driven out of his territories in and around calicut by the zamorin, he took shelter under the rajah of chirakkal, who gave him the kadattanad country to hold as his vassal. some atiyotis advance no pretension to be above nayars in rank." adutton (a bystander).--a synonym for kavutiyan, a caste of malayalam barbers. in like manner, the name ambattan for tamil barbers is said to be derived from the sanskrit amba (near), s'tha (to stand), indicating that they stand near to shave their clients or treat their patients. agamudaiyan.--the agamudaiyans, mr. w. francis writes, [ ] are "a cultivating caste found in all the tamil districts. in chingleput, north arcot, salem, coimbatore and trichinopoly, they are much less numerous than they were thirty years ago. the reason probably is that they have risen in the social scale, and have returned themselves as vellalas. within the same period, their strength has nearly doubled in tanjore, perhaps owing to the assumption of the name by other castes like the maravans and kallans. in their manners and customs they closely follow the vellalas. many of these in the madura district are the domestic servants of the marava zamindars." the agamudaiyans who have settled in the north arcot district are described [ ] by mr. h. a. stuart as "a class of cultivators differing widely from the agamudaiyans of the madura district. the former are closely allied to the vellalas, while the latter are usually regarded as a more civilised section of the southern maravans. it may be possible that the agamudaiyans of north arcot are the descendants of the first immigrants from the madura district, who, after long settlement in the north, severed all connexions with their southern brethren." in some districts, agamudaiyan occurs as a synonym of vellalas, pallis and melakkarans, who consider that agamudaiyan is a better caste name than their own. the agamudaiyans proper are found in the tanjore, madura, and tinnevelly districts. it is noted in the tanjore manual that ahamudaiyar (the equivalent of agamudaiyan) is "derived from the root aham, which, in tamil, has many significations. in one of these, it means a house, in another earth, and hence it has two meanings, householder and landholder; the suffix udeiyar indicating ownership. the word is also used in another form, ahambadiyan, derived from another meaning of the same root, i.e., inside. and, in this derivation, it signifies a particular caste, whose office it was to attend to the business in the interior of the king's palace, or in the pagoda." "the name," mr. j. h. nelson writes, [ ] "is said by the rev. g. u. pope, in his edition of the abbé dubois' work, [ ] to be derived from aham, a temple, and padi, a step, and to have been given to them in consequence of their serving about the steps of temples. but, independently of the fact that madura pagodas are not approached by flights of steps, this seems to be a very far-fetched and improbable derivation of the word. i am inclined to doubt whether it be not merely a vulgar corruption of the well-known word ahamudeiyan, possessor of a house, the title which tamil brahmans often use in speaking of a man to his wife, in order to avoid the unpolite term husband. or, perhaps, the name comes from aham in the sense of earth, and pati, master or possessor." concerning the connection which exists between the maravans, kallans, and agamudaiyans (see kallan), the following is one version of a legend, which is narrated. the father of ahalya decided to give her in marriage to one who remained submerged under water for a thousand years. indra only managed to remain thus for five hundred years, but gautama succeeded in remaining for the whole of the stipulated period, and became the husband of ahalya. indra determined to have intercourse with her, and, assuming the guise of a cock, went at midnight to the abode of gautama, and crowed. gautama, thinking that daybreak was arriving, got up, and went to a river to bathe. while he was away, indra assumed his form, and accomplished his desire. ahalya is said to have recognised the deception after two children, who became the ancestors of the maravans and kallans, were born to her. a third child was born later on, from whom the agamudaiyans are descended. according to another version of the legend, the first-born child is said to have faced gautama without fear, and agamudaiyan is accordingly derived from aham or agam, pride, and udaiyan, possessor. there is a tamil proverb to the effect that a kallan may come to be a maravan. by respectability he may develope into an agamudaiyan, and, by slow degrees, become a vellala, from which he may rise to be a mudaliar. of the three castes, kallan, maravan and agamudaiyan, the last are said to have "alone been greatly influenced by contact with brahmanism. they engage brahman priests, and perform their birth, marriage, and death ceremonies like the vellalas." [ ] i am told that the more prosperous agamudaiyans in the south imitate the vellalas in their ceremonial observances, and the poorer classes the maravans. agamudaiyan has been returned, at times of census, as a sub-division of maravan and kallan. in some places, the agamudaiyans style themselves sons of sembunattu maravans. at ramnad, in the madura district, they carry the fire-pot to the burning ground at the funeral of a maravan, and also bring the water for washing the corpse. in the tanjore district the agamudaiyans are called terkittiyar, or southerners, a name which is also applied to kallans, maravans, and valaiyans. the ordinary title of the agamudaiyans is servaikkaran, but many of them call themselves, like the vellalas, pillai. other titles, returned at times of census, are adhigari and mudaliar. at the census, , the following were returned as the more important sub-divisions of the agamudaiyans:--aivali nattan, kottaipattu, malainadu, nattumangalam, rajaboja, rajakulam, rajavasal, kallan, maravan, tuluvan (cf. tuluva vellala) and servaikkaran. the name rajavasal denotes those who are servants of rajas, and has been transformed into rajavamsa, meaning those of kingly parentage. kottaipattu means those of the fort, and the agamudaiyans believe that the so-called kottai vellalas of the tinnevelly district are really kottaipattu agamudaiyans. one sub-division of the agamudaiyans is called sani (cow-dung). unlike the maravans and kallans, the agamudaiyans have no exogamous septs, or kilais. it is recorded, in the mackenzie manuscripts, that "among the maravas, the kings or the rulers of districts, or principal men, are accustomed to perform the ceremony of tying on the tali, or in performing the marriage at once in full, with reference to females of the agambadiyar tribe. the female children of such marriages can intermarry with the maravas, but not among the agambadiyar tribe. on the other hand, the male offspring of such marriages is considered to be of the mother's tribe, and can intermarry with the agambadiyas, but not in the tribe of the maravas." i am told that, under ordinary circumstances, the offspring of a marriage between a maravan and agamudaiyan becomes an agamudaiyan, but that, if the husband is a man of position, the male issues are regarded as maravans. adult marriage appears to be the rule among the agamudaiyans, but sometimes, as among the maravans, kallans and other castes, young boys are, in the southern districts, sometimes married to grown-up girls. the marriage ceremonial, as carried out among the poorer agamudaiyans, is very simple. the sister of the bridegroom proceeds to the home of the bride on an auspicious day, followed by a few females carrying a woman's cloth, a few jewels, flowers, etc. the bride is seated close to a wall, facing east. she is dressed up in the cloth which has been brought, and seated on a plank. betel leaves, areca nuts, and flowers are presented to her by the bridegroom's sister, and she puts them in her lap. a turmeric-dyed string or garland is then placed round the bride's neck by the bridegroom's sister, while the conch shell (musical instrument), is blown. on the same day the bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom, and a feast is held. the more prosperous agamudaiyans celebrate their marriages according to the puranic type, which is the form in vogue amongst most of the tamil castes, with variations. the astrologer is consulted in order to ascertain whether the pair agree in some at least of the points enumerated below. for this purpose, the day of birth, zodiacal signs, planets and asterisms under which the pair were born, are taken into consideration:-- . varam (day of birth).--days are calculated, commencing with the first day after the new moon. counting from the day on which the girl was born, if the young man's birthday happens to be the fourth, seventh, thirteenth, sixteenth, or seventeenth, it is considered good. . ganam (class or tribe).--there are three ganams, called manusha, deva, and rakshasa. of the twenty-seven asterisms, aswini, bharani, etc., some are manusha, some deva, and some rakshasa ganam. ashtham and swathi are considered to be of deva ganam, so individuals born under these asterisms are regarded as belonging to deva ganam. those born under the asterisms bharani, rogini, puram, puradam, uththaradam, etc., belong to the manusha ganam. under rakshasa ganam are included krithika, ayilyam, makam, visakam, and other asterisms. the bridal pair should belong to the same ganam, as far as possible. manusha and deva is a tolerable combination, whereas rakshasa and deva, or rakshasa and manusha, are bad combinations. . sthridirgam (woman's longevity).--the young man's birthday should be beyond the thirteenth day, counting from the birthday of the girl. . yoni (female generative organs).--the asterisms are supposed to belong to several animals. an individual belongs to the animal to which the asterism under which he was born belongs. for example, a man is a horse if his asterism is aswini, a cow if his asterism is uththirattadhi, and so on. the animals of husband and wife must be on friendly terms, and not enemies. the elephant and man, horse and cow, dog and monkey, cat and mouse, are enemies. the animals of man and wife should not both be males. nor should the man be a female, or the wife a male animal. . rasi (zodiacal sign).--beginning from the girl's zodiacal sign, the young man's should be beyond the sixth. . rasyathipathi (planet in the zodiacal sign).--the ruling planets of the zodiacal signs of the pair should not be enemies. . vasyam.--the zodiacal signs of the pair should be compatible, e.g., midunam and kanni, singam and makaram, dhanus and minam, thulam and makaram, etc. . rajju (string).--the twenty-seven asterisms are arranged at various points on four parallel lines drawn across three triangles. these lines are called the leg, thigh, abdomen, and neck rajjus. the vertices of the triangles are the head rajjus. the asterisms of the pair should not be on the same rajju, and it is considered to be specially bad if they are both on the neck. . vriksham (tree).--the asterisms belong to a number of trees, e.g.:-- aswini, strychnos nux-vomica. bharani, phyllanthus emblica. krithikai, ficus glomerata. puram, butea frondosa. hastham, sesbania grandiflora. thiruvonam, calotropis gigantea. uththirattadhi, melia azadirachta. some of the trees are classed as milky, and others as dry. the young man's tree should be dry, and that of the girl milky, or both milky. . pakshi (birds).--certain asterisms also belong to birds, and the birds of the pair should be on friendly terms, e.g., peacock and fowl. . jadi (caste).--the zodiacal signs are grouped into castes as follows:-- brahman, karkatakam, minam, and dhanus. kshatriya, mesham, vrischikam. vaisya, kumbam, thulam. sudra, rishabam, makaram. lower castes, midhunam, singam, and kanni. the young man should be of a higher caste, according to the zodiacal signs, than the girl. after ascertaining the agreement of the pair, some close relations of the young man proceed to some distance northward, and wait for omens. if the omens are auspicious, they are satisfied. some, instead of so going, go to a temple, and seek the omens either by placing flowers on the idol, and watching the direction in which they fall, or by picking up a flower from a large number strewn in front of the idol. if the flower picked up, and the one thought of, are of the same colour, it is regarded as a good omen. the betrothal ceremony is an important event. as soon as the people have assembled, the bridegroom's party place in their midst the pariyam cloth and jewels. some responsible person inspects them, and, on his pronouncing that they are correct, permission is given to draw up the lagna patrika (letter of invitation, containing the date of marriage, etc.). vigneswara (the elephant god ganesa) is then worshipped, with the lagna patrika in front of him. this is followed by the announcement of the forthcoming marriage by the purohit (priest), and the settlement of the amount of the pariyam (bride's money). for the marriage celebration, a pandal (booth) is erected, and a dais, constructed of clay and laterite earth, is set up inside it. from the day on which the pandal is erected until the wedding day, the contracting couple have to go through the nalagu ceremony separately or together. this consists in having their bodies smeared with turmeric paste (phaseolus mungo paste), and gingelly (sesamum) oil. on the wedding day, the bridegroom, after a clean shave, proceeds to the house of the bride. the finger and toe-nails of the bride are cut. the pair offer pongal (boiled rice) to the family deity and their ancestors. a square space is cleared in the centre of the dais for the sacred fire (homam). a many-branched lamp, representing the thousand-eyed indra, is placed to the east of the square. the purohit, who is regarded as equivalent to yama (the god of death), and a pot with a lamp on it representing agni devata, occupy the south-east corner. women representing niruti (a devata) are posted in the south-west corner. the direction of varuna (the god of water) being west, the bridegroom occupies this position. the best man, who represents vayu (the god of wind) is placed in the north-west corner. as the position of kubera (the god of wealth) is the north, a person, with a bag full of money, is seated on that side. a grinding-stone and roller, representing siva and sakthi, are placed in the north-east corner, and, at their side, pans containing nine kinds of seedlings, are set. seven pots are arranged in a row between the grinding-stone and the branched lamp. some married women bring water from seven streams or seven different places, and pour it into a pot in front of the lamp. the milk-post (pal kambam) is set up between the lamp and the row of pots. this post is usually made of twigs of ficus religiosa, ficus bengalensis, and erythrina indica, tied together and representing brahma, vishnu, and siva. sometimes, however, twigs of odina wodier, and green bamboo sticks, are substituted. at the close of the marriage ceremonies, the erythrina or odina twig is planted, and it is regarded as a good sign if it takes root and grows. the sacred fire is kindled, and the bridegroom goes through the upanayana (thread investiture) and other ceremonies. he then goes away from the house in procession (paradesa pravesam), and is met by the bride's father, who brings him back to the pandal. the bride's father and mother then wash his feet, and rings are put on his toes (kalkattu, or tying the leg). the purohit gives the bridegroom a thread (kankanam), and, after washing the feet of the bride's father and mother, ties it on his wrist. a thread is also tied on the left wrist of the bride. the pair being seated in front of the sacred fire, a ceremony called nandisradham (memorial service to ancestors) is performed, and new clothes are given to the pair. the next item is the tying of the tali (marriage badge). the tali is usually tied on a turmeric-dyed thread, placed on a cocoanut, and taken round to be blessed by all present. then the purohit gives the tali to the bridegroom, and he ties it on the bride's neck amidst silence, except for the music played by the barber or melakkaran musicians. while the tali is being tied, the bridegroom's sister stands behind the bride, holding a lamp in her hand. the bridegroom ties one knot, and his sister ties two knots. after the tali-tying, small plates of gold or silver, called pattam, are tied on the foreheads of the pair, and presents of money and cloths are made to them by their relations and friends. they then go seven times round the pandal, and, at the end of the seventh round, they stand close to the grinding-stone, on which the bridegroom places the bride's left foot. they take their seats on the dais, and the bridegroom, taking some parched rice (pori) from the bride's brother, puts it in the sacred fire. garlands of flowers are given to the bride and bridegroom, who put them on, and exchange them three or five times. they then roll flowers made into a ball. this is followed by the waving of arathi (coloured water), and circumambulation of the pandal by the pair, along with the ashtamangalam or eight auspicious things, viz., the bridesmaid, best man, lamp, vessel filled with water, mirror, ankusam (elephant goad), white chamara (yak's tail fly-flapper), flag and drum. generally the pair go three times round the pandal, and, during the first turn, a cocoanut is broken near the grinding-stone, and the bride is told that it is siva, and the roller sakthi, the two combined being emblematical of ardanarisvara, a bisexual representation of siva and parvathi. during the second round, the story of arundati is repeated to the bride. arundati was the wife of the rishi vasishta, and is looked up to as a model of conjugal fidelity. the morning star is supposed to be arundati, and the purohit generally points it out to the bridal pair at the close of the ceremonial, which terminates with three homams. the wedding may be concluded in a single day, or last for two or three days. the dead are either buried or cremated. the corpse is carried to the burning or burial-ground on a bier or palanquin. as the agamudaiyans are saivites, pandarams assist at the funeral ceremonies. on the second or third day after death, the son and others go to the spot where the corpse was buried or burnt, and offer food, etc., to the deceased. a pot of water is left at the spot. those who are particular about performing the death ceremonies on an elaborate scale offer cooked food to the soul of dead person until the fifteenth day, and carry out the final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) on the sixteenth day. presents are then given to brahmans, and, after the death pollution has been removed by sprinkling with holy water (punyaham), a feast is given to the relatives. the agamudaiyans worship various minor deities, such as aiyanar, pidari, and karupannaswami. agaru.--agaru, or avaru, is recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small caste of telugu cultivators in vizagapatam and ganjam, who are also sellers of vegetables and betel leaves. agaru is said to mean betel in their language, which they call bhasha, and contains a good deal of oriya. an extensive colony of agarus is settled at nellimerla near vizianagram. both males and females engage in the cultivation of the betel vine, and different kinds of greens, which find a ready sale in the vizianagram market. marriage is usually after puberty, and an oriya brahman officiates. the dead are burnt. agarwal.--a few members of this upper india trading caste, who deal in grain and jewellery, and are also bankers and usurers, have been returned at times of census. agasa.--in the south canara district, there are three distinct classes of washermen, viz., ( ) konkani christians; ( ) canarese-speaking washermen, who seem to be allied to the agasas of mysore; ( ) tulu-speaking washermen. the tulu-speaking agasas follow the aliya santana law of inheritance (in the female line). madivala (madi, a clean cloth) is a synonym for agasa. the word agasa is derived from agasi, a turban. the agasas of mysore have been described as follows. [ ] "the agasa is a member of the village hierarchy, his office being hereditary, and his remuneration being grain fees from the ryots. besides washing, he occasionally ekes out his substance by carrying on his donkeys grain from place to place. he is also employed in bearing the torch in marriage and other public ceremonies. the principal object of worship is the pot of boiling water (ubbe), in which dirty clothes are steeped. animals are sacrificed to the god with the view of preventing the clothes being burnt in the ubbe pot. under the name of bhuma deva, there are temples dedicated to this god in some large towns, the service being conducted by pujaris (priests) of the agasa caste. the agasas are vishnuvaits, and pray to vishnu, pattalamma, and the saktis. their gurus (religious preceptors) are satanis. a unique custom is attached to the washerman's office. when a girl-wife attains puberty, it is the duty and privilege of the washerman to carry the news, accompanied by certain presents, to her husband's parents, for which the messenger is duly rewarded." the tulu madivalas of the south canara district, like other tulu castes, have exogamous septs or balis. they will wash clothes for all castes above the billavas. they also supply cloths for decorating the marriage booth and funeral cars, and carry torches. they worship bhuthas (devils), of whom the principal one seems to be jumadi. at the time of kolas (bhutha festivals), the madivalas have the right to cut off the heads of the fowls or goats, which are sacrificed. the animals are held by pombadas or paravas, and the madivala decapitates them. on the seventh day after the birth of a child, the washerwoman ties a thread round its waist. for purificatory ceremonies, the madivali should give washed clothes to those under pollution. in their ceremonial observances, the madivalas closely follow the bants. in some places, they have a headman called, as among the bants, gurikara or guttinaya. at marriages, the pouring of the dhare water over the united hands of the bride and bridegroom is the duty of the father or maternal uncle of the bride, not of the headman. some maratha washermen call themselves dandu (army) agasa. the insigne of the washermen at conjeeveram is a pot, such as that in which clothes are boiled. agastya (the name of a sage).--an exogamous sept of kondaiyamkottai maravans. agni (fire).--an exogamous sept of the kurubas and gollas, and sub-division of the pallis or vanniyans. the equivalent aggi occurs as an exogamous sept of boya. the pallis claim to be agnikula kshatriyas, i.e., to belong to the fire race of kshatriyas. agraharekala.--a sub-division of bhatrazu, meaning those who belong to the agraharam, or brahman quarter of a village. ahir.--a few members of this upper india caste of cowherds have been returned at times of census. ahmedi.--returned, at times of census, as a general name for muhammadans. aivattukuladavaru (people of fifty families).--a synonym for bakuda. aiya.--aiya or ayya, meaning father, is the title of many classes, which include dasari, devanga, golla, idiga, jangam, konda dora, komati, koppala velama, linga balija, mangala, muka dora, paidi, satani, servegara, and tambala. it is further a title of the patnulkarans, who claim to be brahmans, and a sub-division of the tamil pallans. aiyar occurs very widely as a title among tamil brahmans, and is replaced in the telugu and canarese countries by bhatlu, pantulu, and sastrulu. it is noted by the rev. a. margöschis that "the honorific title aiyar was formerly used exclusively by brahmans, but has now come to be used by every native clergyman. the name which precedes the title will enable us to discover whether the man is christian or hindu. thus yesudian aiyar means the aiyar who is the servant of jesus." the rev. g. u. pope, the well-known tamil scholar, was known as pope aiyar. aiyanar.--a sub-division of kallan, named after aiyanar, the only male deity among the grama devata or village deities. aiyarakulu.--in the madras census report, , aiyarakam is summed up as being a caste of telugu cultivators, who, in their social and religious observances, closely follow the kapus and balijas, may intermarry with telagas, and will accept drinking water from the hands of gollas. according to mr. c. hayavadana rao, to whom i am indebted for the following note, the aiyarakulu are a section of kapus, who rose in the social scale by royal favour. the name is derived from aiya and rikam, denoting the act of being an aiya or distinguished person. the aiyarakulu state that their forefathers were soldiers in the vizianagram army, and rendered great services to the rajas. they have a story to the effect that, on one occasion, they proceeded on an expedition against a golconda force, and gave so much trouble to the muhammadan commander thereof that, after putting them to the sword, he proceeded to their own country, to destroy their homes. on hearing of this, the women, dressing themselves in male attire, advanced with bayonets and battle-axes against the muhammadans, and drove them off in great disorder. the raja, in return for their gallant conduct, adorned their legs with silver bangles, such as the women still wear at the present day. the aiyarakulu are divided into gotras, such as naga (cobra), tabelu (tortoise), etc., which are strictly totemistic, and are further divided into exogamous septs or intiperulu. the custom of menarikam, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is in force. girls are married before puberty, and a brahman officiates at the wedding rites, during which the bride and bridegroom wear silver sacred threads, which are subsequently converted into rings. some aiyarakulu call themselves razus, and wear the sacred thread, but interdine and intermarry with other members of the community. the remarriage of widows, and divorce are forbidden. the principal occupation of the aiyarakulus is cultivating, but, in some parts, many of them are cart-drivers plying between the plains of vizagapatam and the agency tracts. the usual title of members of the caste is patrudu. akasam (sky).--an exogamous sept of devanga. akattu charna.--a sub-division of nayar. akattulavar.--a name, indicating those inside (in seclusion or gosha), by which nambutiri and elayad and other females are called. akshantala (rice grain).--a gotra of odde. akshathayya is the name of a gotra of gollas, who avoid rice coloured with turmeric and other materials. akula (betel leaf: piper betle).--an exogamous sept of kamma and bonthuk savara, and a sub-division of kapu. the presentation of betel leaves and areca nuts, called pan-supari, as a complimentary offering is a wide-spread indian custom. ala.--a sub-division of golla. alagi (pot).--an exogamous sept of vakkaliga. alavan.--the alavans are summed up, in the madras census report, , as "workers in salt-pans, who are found only in madura and tinnevelly. their titles are pannaiyan and muppan. they are not allowed to enter hindu temples." in the travancore census report, , it is recorded that "the alavans or uppalavans (salt alavans) are so called because they work in alams or salt-pans. three or four centuries ago, seven families of them are said to have been brought over from the pandyan territory to travancore, to work in the salt-pans. it is said that there are at tamarakkulam, puttalam, and other places in south travancore, inscriptions recording their immigration, but these have not been deciphered. they speak tamil. they are flesh-eaters. drinking is rare among them. burial was the rule in ancient days, but now the dead are sometimes burned. tattooing is a general custom. the tutelary deities are sasta and bhadrakali. as a class the alavans are very industrious. there are no better salt labourers in all southern india." albino.--the picture drawn by the abbé dubois [ ] of albino natives is not a pleasant one. "this extreme fairness," he says, "is unnatural, and makes them very repulsive to look at. in fact, these unfortunate beings are objects of horror to every one, and even their parents desert them. they are looked upon as lepers. they are called kakrelaks as a term of reproach. kakrelaks are horrible insects, disgustingly dirty, which give forth a loathsome odour, and shun the day and its light. the question has been raised as to whether these degenerate individuals can produce children like themselves, and afflicted with nyctalopia. such a child has never come under my observation; but i once baptised the child of a female kakrelak, who owed its birth to a rash european soldier. these unfortunate wretches are denied decent burial after death, and are cast into ditches." this reference to albinos by the observant abbé may be amplified by the notes taken on several albino natives in madras and mysore, which show, inter alia, that the lot of the present day albino is not an unhappy one. chinna abboye, æt. . shepherd caste. rope (insigne of office) round waist for driving cattle, and tying the legs of cows when milking them. yellowish-white hair where long, as in the kudumi. bristles on top of shaved head pure white. greenish-brown iris. father dark; mother, like himself, has white hair and pink skin. one brother an albino, married. one child of the usual native type. cannot see well in glare of sunlight, but sees better towards sunset. screws his eyelids into transverse slits. mother kind to him. vembu achari, æt. . artist. kudumi (top-knot) yellowish-white. white eyebrows and moustache. bright pink lips, and pink complexion. iris light blue with pink radiating striæ and pink peripheral zone. sees best in the evening when the sun is low on the horizon. screws up his eyelids to act as a diaphragm. mother, father, brothers and sisters, all of the ordinary native type. no relations albino, as far as he knows. engaged to be married. people like himself are called chevapu (red-coloured), or, in derision, vellakaran (european or white man). children sometimes make game of him, but people generally are kind to him. moonoosawmy, æt. . belongs to the weaver class, and is a well-to-do man. albino. had an albino sister, and a brother of the ordinary type. is the father of ten children, of whom five are albinos. they are on terms of equality with the other members of their community, and one daughter is likely to be married to the son of a prosperous man. ----, æt. . fisherman caste. albino. his maternal uncle had an albino daughter. has four brothers, of whom two are albinos. cannot stand the glare of the sun, and is consequently unable to do outdoor work. moves freely among the members of his community, and could easily secure a wife, if he was in a position to support one. ----, æt. . rajput. hardware merchant. his father, of ordinary native type, had twelve children, five of whom were albino, by an albino wife, whose brother was also albino. married to a woman of native type, and had one non-albino child. his sister, of ordinary native type, has two albino children. iris light blue. hair yellowish. complexion pink. keeps left eye closed, and looks through a slit between eyelids of right eye. people call him in canarese kempuava (red man). they are kind to him. alia.--the alias are an oriya cultivating caste, found mainly in the gumsur taluk of ganjam. in the madras census report, , it is suggested that the name is derived from the sanskrit holo, meaning a plough. the further suggestions have been made that it is derived from alo, meaning crop, or from ali, a killa or taluk of orissa, whence the aliyas have migrated. in social position the alias rank below the bhondaris and odiyas, who will not accept water touched by them. various titles occur within the caste, e.g., biswalo, bonjo, bariko, jenna, kampo, kondwalo, lenka, mahanti, molla nahako, patro, podhano, podiyali, ravuto, siyo, and swayi. like other oriya castes, the alias have gotras, and the marriage rules based on titles and gotras are peculiar. a podhano man may, for example, marry a podhano girl, if their gotras are different. further, two people, whose gotras are the same, may marry if they have a different title. thus, a man, whose gotra is goru and title podhano, may marry a girl of a family of which the gotra is goru, but title other than podhano. infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she goes through a mock marriage ceremony, in which the bridegroom is represented by a brass vessel or an arrow. like many other oriya castes, the aliyas follow the chaitanya form of vaishnavism, and also worship various takuranis (village deities). alige (drum).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. aliya santanam.--inheritance in the female line. the equivalent, in the canara country, of the malayali marumakkathayam. allam (ginger).--an exogamous sept of mala. allikulam (lily clan).--returned, at times of census, as a sub-division of anappan. alvar.--an exogamous sept of toreya. alvar is a synonym of garuda, the winged vehicle of vishnu. alvar dasari occurs as a sub-division of valluvans, which claims descent from tiruppan alvar, one of the vaishnava saints. amaravatiyavaru.--a name, denoting people of amaravati on the kistna river, recorded [ ] as a sub-division of desabhaga madigas. amaravati also occurs as a sub-division, or nadu, of vallamban. ambalakkaran.--in the madras census report, , mr. h. a. stuart writes that "ambalakkaran (ambalam, an open place [ ]) is the usual designation of a head of a village in the maravan and kallan districts, and it is, or was the common agnomen of kallans. i am not able to state what is the precise connection between the ambalakkaran and kallan castes, but, from some accounts which i have obtained, the ambalakkarans seem to be very closely connected, if not identical with muttiriyans (telugu mutracha), who have been classed as village watchmen; and this is borne out by the sub-divisions returned, for, though no less than , individuals have given ambalakkaran as the sub-division also, yet, of the sub-divisions returned, muttiriyan and mutracha are the strongest. marriage is usually deferred until after puberty, and widow re-marriage is permitted, but there does not seem to be the same freedom of divorce at will as is found among kallans, maravans, etc. the dead are either burnt or buried. the consumption of flesh and liquor is allowed. their usual agnomen is said to be servaikkaran, but the titles muttiriyan, ambalakkaran, malavarayan, mutarasan, and vannian are also used. the usual agnomen of muttiriyans, on the other hand, is said to be nayakkan (naik)." in the madras census report, , the ambalakkarans are summed up as follows. "a tamil caste of cultivators and village watchmen. till recently the term ambalakkaran was considered to be a title of the kallans, but further enquiries have shown that it is the name of a distinct caste, found chiefly in the trichinopoly district. the ambalakkarans and muttiriyans of a village in musiri taluk wrote a joint petition, protesting against their being classified as kallans, but nevertheless it is said that the kallans of madura will not eat in ambalakkaran's houses. there is some connection between ambalakkarans, muttiriyans, mutrachas, uralis, vedans, valaiyans, and vettuvans. it seems likely that all of them are descended from one common parent stock. ambalakkarans claim to be descended from kannappa nayanar, one of the sixty-three saivite saints, who was a vedan or hunter by caste. in tanjore the valaiyans declare themselves to have a similar origin, and in that district ambalakkaran and muttiriyan seem to be synonymous with valaiyan. [some valaiyans have ambalakkaran as a title.] moreover, the statistics of the distribution of the valaiyans show that they are numerous in the districts where ambalakkarans are few, and vice versâ, which looks as though certain sections of them had taken to calling themselves ambalakkarans. the upper section of the ambalakkarans style themselves pillai, which is a title properly belonging to vellalas, but the others are usually called muppan in tanjore, and ambalakkaran, muttiriyan, and servaigaran in trichinopoly. the headman of the caste panchayat (council) is called the kariyakkaran, and his office is hereditary in particular families. each headman has a peon called the kudi-pillai, whose duty it is to summon the panchayat when necessary, and to carry messages. for this he gets an annual fee of four annas from each family of the caste in his village. the caste has certain endogamous sections. four of them are said to be muttiriyan or mutracha, kavalgar, vanniyan, and valaiyan. a member of any one of these is usually prohibited by the panchayats from marrying outside it on pain of excommunication. their customs are a mixture of those peculiar to the higher castes and those followed by the lower ones. some of them employ brahmans as purohits (priests), and wear the sacred thread at funerals and sraddhas (memorial services for the dead). yet they eat mutton, pork, and fowls, drink alcohol, and allow the marriage of widows and divorced women." muttiriyan and kavalgar both mean watchman. vanniyan is certainly a separate caste, some members of which take ambalakkaran as a title. the ambalakkarans are apparently valaiyans, who have separated themselves from the main stock on account of their prosperity. for the following note, i am indebted to mr. f. r. hemingway. the ambalakkarans or muttiriyans are more numerous in the trichinopoly district and pudukkottai than in any other part of the presidency. though they have been treated as separate castes, they appear to be one and the same in this district, generally calling themselves muttiriyan in the trichinopoly taluk, and ambalakkaran elsewhere, and having no objection to either name. they admit they are called valaiyans, but repudiate any connection with the caste of that name, and explain the appellation by a story that, when siva's ring was swallowed by a fish in the ganges, one of their ancestors invented the first net (valai) made in the world. as relics of their former greatness they point to the thousand-pillared mantapam at srirangam, which is called muttarasan koradu, and a big matam at palni, both of which, they say, were built by their kings. to the latter every household of the caste subscribes four annas annually. they say that they were born of the sweat (muttu, a pearl or bead of perspiration) of parama-siva. the caste is divided into a number of nadus, the names and number of which are variously given. some of these are ettarai, koppu, adavattur, tirampalaiyam, vimanayakkanpalaiyam in the trichinopoly taluk, and amur, savindippatti, and karungali in musiri taluk. widow remarriage is allowed in some of these nadus, and not in others. they use the titles muttiriyan, ambalakkaran, servaikaran, and kavalkaran. they admit their social inferiority to the vellalans, kallans, nattamans, and reddis, from all of whom they will accept meals, but consider themselves superior to pallis, uralis, uppiliyans, and valaiyans. their usual occupation is cultivation, but they have also taken to petty trade, and some earn a living as masons and kavalgars (watchmen). they wear the sacred thread during their marriages and funerals. they have panchayats for each village and for the nadu, and have also a number of the patnattu chettis, who are recognized as elders of the caste, and sit with the head of the nadu to decide cases of adultery, etc. ambalavasi.--this is summed up, in the madras census report, , as "a generic name applied to all classes of temple servants in malabar. there are many sub-divisions of the caste, such as poduval, chakkiyar, nambiyassan, pidaran, pisharodi, variyan, nambi, teyyambadi, etc., which are assigned different services in the hindu temples, such as the preparation of garlands, the sweeping of the floor, the fetching of fire-wood, the carrying of the idols in procession, singing, dancing, and so on. like most of the temple servant classes, they are inferior to the lower brahmans, such as the mussads, and food will not be taken from the hands of most of them even by nayars." in the travancore census report, , it is noted that "the term ambalavasi (one who lives in a temple) is a group-name, and is applied to castes, whose occupation is temple service. the keralamahatmya speaks of them as kshetravasinah, which means those who live in temples. they are also known as antaralas, from their occupying an intermediate position between the brahmans and the brahmanical kshatriyas of malabar on the one hand, and the sudras on the other. while according to one view they are fallen brahmans, others, such as the writer of the keralolpatti, would put them down as an advance from the sudras. the castes recognised as included in the generic name of ambalavasi are:-- nambiyassan. nambiyar. pushpakan. pisharati. puppalli. variyar. chakkiyar. nattupattan. brahmani or daivampati. tiyattunni. adikal. kurukkal. nambidi. poduval. pilappalli. "all these castes are not connected with pagodas, nor do the muttatus, who are mainly engaged in temple service, come under this group, strictly speaking. the rationale of their occupation seems to be that, in accepting duty in temples and consecrating their lives to the service of god, they hope to be absolved from the sins inherited from their fathers. in the case of ascent from lower castes, the object presumably is the acquisition of additional religious merit.... the delinquent brahman cannot be retained in the brahmanic function without lowering the standard of his caste. he had, therefore, to be allotted other functions. temple service of various kinds, such as garland-making for the pushpakan, variyar and others, and popular recitation of god's works for the chakkiyar, were found to hold an intermediate place between the internal functions of the brahmans and the external functions of the other castes, in the same sense in which the temples themselves are the exoteric counterparts of an esoteric faith, and represent a position between the inner and the outer economy of nature. hence arose probably an intermediate status with intermediate functions for the antaralas, the intermediates of hindu society. the kshatriyas, having commensal privileges with the brahmans, come next to them in the order of social precedence. in the matter of pollution periods, which seem to be in inverse ratio to the position of the caste, the brahmans observe days, the kshatriyas days, and the sudras of malabar (nayars) days. the ambalavasis generally observe pollution for days. in some cases, however, it is as short as , and in others as long as and even , but never days." it is further recorded, in the cochin census report, , that "ambalavasis (literally temple residents) are persons who have the privilege of doing service in temples. most of the castes have grown out of sexual relations between members of the higher and lower classes, and are therefore anulomajas and pratilomajas. [ ] they may be broadly divided into two classes, ( ) those that wear the sacred thread, and ( ) those that do not wear the same. adikal, chakkiyar, nambiyar or pushpakan, and tiyyattu nambiyar belong to the threaded class, while chakkiyar, nambiyar, pisharoti, variyar, puthuval, and marar are non-threaded. though all ambalavasis have to do service in temples, they have many of them sufficiently distinct functions to perform. they are all governed by the marumakkathayam law of inheritance (through the female line); some castes among them, however, follow the makkathayam system (from father to son). a nambiyar, pisharoti, or variyar marries under special circumstances a woman of his own caste, and brings home his wife into the family, and their issue thus become members of the father's family, with the right of inheriting the family property, and form themselves into a fresh marumakkathayam stock. in the matter of tali-kettu (tali-tying) marriage, and marriage by union in sambandham (alliance), they follow customs similar to those of nayars. so far as the employment of brahman as priests, and the period of birth and death pollution are concerned, there are slight differences. the threaded classes have gayatri (hymn). the purificatory ceremony after birth or death pollution is performed by nambudris, but at all funeral ceremonies, such as pinda, sradha, etc., their own caste men officiate as priests. the nambudris can take meals cooked by a brahman in the house of any of the ambalavasis except marars. in fact, if the nambudris have the right of purification, they do not then impose any restrictions in regard to this. all ambalavasis are strict vegetarians at public feasts. the ambalavasis sit together at short distances from one another, and take their meals. their females unite themselves in sambandham with their own caste males, or with brahmans or kshatriyas. brahmans, kshatriyas, or nambidis cannot take water from them. though a great majority of the ambalavasis still follow their traditional occupations, many of them have entered the public service, and taken to more lucrative pursuits." the more important sections of the ambalavasis are dealt with in special articles. ambattan.--for the following note i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the ambattans are the tamil barbers, or barber-surgeons. the word is usually derived from the sanskrit amba (near) and s'tha (to stand), i.e., he who stands near to shave his clients, or treat his patients. in like manner, the kavutiyan caste of malayalam barbers is called adutton, signifying bystander. the ambattan corresponds to the mangala of the telugu country, the vilakkatalavan of malabar, the kshauraka of the canarese brahmans, and the hajam of muhammadans. not improbably the name refers to the original occupation of medicine-man, to which were added later the professions of village barber and musician. this view seems to receive some support from the current tradition that the ambattans are the descendants of the offspring of a vaisya woman by a brahman, to whom the medical profession was allotted as a means of livelihood. in this connection, it may be noted that the ambattan women are the recognised midwives of the hindu community in the tamil country. it is impossible to say how far the above tradition is based on the verse of manu, the ancient law-giver, who says that "from a brahmana with the daughter of a vaisya is born a son called an ambashtha." in a succeeding verse, he states that as children of a brahmana by a woman of one of the three lower castes, the ambashthas are one of the six base-born castes or apasada. he says further that brahmans may eat of a barber's food--a permission which, it is hardly necessary to say, they do not avail themselves of. a single exception is, however, noteworthy. at the temple of jugganath, within the temple precincts, neither the barber, nor the food which he prepares, and is partaken of by the higher classes, including brahmans, conveys pollution. the pujari, or officiating priest, at this famous temple is a barber, and brahmans, except those of the extreme orthodox section, partake of his preparations of rice, after they have been offered to the presiding deity. this is, apparently, the only case in which the rule laid down by manu is followed in practice. it is not known how far the text of manu is answerable for the popular sanskrit saying, which calls the barber a "good sudra." there is an opinion entertained in certain quarters that originally the barber's touch did not pollute, but that his shaving did. it is an interesting fact that, though the ambattans are one of manu's base-born castes, whose touch causes pollution which requires the pouring of water over the head to remove it, they are one of the most brahmanised of the lower castes. nothing, perhaps, shows this so well as their marriage ceremonies, throughout which a brahman officiates. on the first two days, homam or sacred fire, fed with ghi (clarified butter) is kindled. on the third day, the tali (marriage badge) is placed in a circular silver or brass thattu (dish), and touched with the forefinger of the right hand first by the presiding brahman, followed by other brahmans, men of superior castes, and the caste-men headed by the perithanakkaran or head-man. it is then, amid weird music, tied to the bride's neck before the sacred fire. during this ceremony no widows may be present. the relations of the bride and bridegroom scatter rice on the floor in front of the bridal pair, after the brahman priest and head-man. this rice, which is called sesham (remainder), is strictly the perquisite of the local washerman. but it is generally purchased by the headman of the family, in which the marriage is taking place, and handed over, not to the washerman, but to the perithanakkaran. the brahman receives as his fee money and a pair of silk-bordered cloths; and, till the latter are given to him, he usually refuses to pronounce the necessary mantras (prayers). he also receives the first pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts), plantains, and cocoanuts. each day he has to get rid of the pollution caused by entering a barber's house by bathing. during the fourth and fifth days, homam is burnt, and shadangu, or merry-making between the bride and bridegroom before the assembled spectators, takes place, during which the bride sings songs, in which she has been coached from infancy. on the fifth day the removal of the kankanam, or threads which have been tied round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom, is performed, after the priest's account has been settled. among the konga vellalas of the salem district, it is the ambattan who officiates at the marriage rites, and ties the tali, after formally proclaiming to those present that he is about to do so. brahmans are invited to the wedding, and are treated with due respect, and presented with money, rice, and betel. it would appear that, in this case, the brahman has been ousted, in recent times, from his priestly functions by the ambattan. the barber, when he ties the tali, mutters something about brahman and vedas in a respectful manner. the story goes that, during the days of the chera, chola, and pandya kings, a brahman and an ambattan were both invited to a marriage feast. but the brahman, on his arrival, died, and the folk, believing his death to be an evil omen, ruled that, as the brahman was missing, they would have an ambattan; and it has ever since been the custom for the ambattan to officiate at weddings. a girl, when she reaches puberty, has to observe pollution for eleven days, during which she bathes daily, and is presented with a new cloth, and adorned by a girl who is said to have "touched" her. this girl has to bathe before she can take her meals, or touch others. every morning, a dose of pure gingelly (sesamum indicum) oil, mixed with white of egg, is administered. the dietary must be strictly vegetarian. on the twelfth day, the girl who has been through the ceremonial has a final bath, and enters the house after it has been purified (punyavachanam). the rule, once a widow always a widow, is as true of ambattans as of high-class brahmans. and, if asked whether the remarriage of widows is permitted, they promptly reply that they are not washermen. the dead are cremated, with the exception of young children, who are buried. the death ceremonies are conducted by a brahman priest, who is remunerated for his services with money and a cloth. gifts of money and cloths are also made to other brahmans, when the days of pollution are over. annual memorial ceremonies (sradh) are performed, as by brahmans. it is a privilege (they consider it as such) of the ambattans to cremate the bodies of village paupers other than brahmans. and, on ordinary occasions of death, they lead the son or person who is entitled to light the funeral pyre, with a brass pot in their hands, round the corpse, and indicate with a burning cinder the place to which the light must be applied. as a community the ambattans are divided into saivites and vaishnavites. members of the latter section, who have been branded by their brahman guru with the chank and chakram, abstain from animal food, and intoxicating drinks. intermarriage between the two sections is allowed, and commonly practised. they belong to the right-hand faction, and will not eat with komatis, who belong to the left. they have, however, no objection to shaving komatis. the ambattans of the chingleput district are divided into four sections, each of which is controlled by a perithanakkaran. one of these resides in madras, and the other three live respectively at poonamallee, chingleput, and karunguzhi in the madurantakam taluk of the chingleput district. ambattans are now-a-days found over the whole tamil area of the madras presidency. originally, free movement into the various parts of the presidency was far from easy, and every ambattan, wherever he might migrate to, retained his subjection to the chief or headman of his native village. thus, perhaps, what was at first a tribal division gradually developed into a territorial one. each perithanakkaran has under him six hundred, or even a thousand kudithalakkarans, or heads of families. his office being hereditary, he is, if only a minor, treated with respect and dignity. all the preliminaries of marriage are arranged by him. on important occasions, such as settling disputes, he is assisted by a panchayat, or council of elders. in this way are settled quarrels, questions arising out of adultery, or non-payment of fines, which it is his duty to collect. he is further responsible for the marriage rice-money, which is added to a communal tax of / annas per family, which is imposed annually for charitable purposes. the charities take the form of the maintenance of chattrams, or places where pilgrims are fed free of charge at holy places. two such institutions are maintained in the chingleput district, the centre of the ambattan community, one at tirupporur, the other at tirukalikundram. at these places brahmans are given free meals, and to other caste hindus sadabath, or things necessary for meals, are presented. sometimes the money is spent in building adjuncts to holy shrines. at srirangam, for example, the ambattans, in days gone by, built a fine stone mantapam for the local temple. if the perithanakkaran cannot satisfactorily dispose of a case with the assistance of the usual panchayat (council), it is referred to the higher authority of the kavarai or desai setti, or even to british courts as a last resource. the barber has been summed up by a district official [ ] as "one of the most useful of the village servants. he leads an industrious life, his services being in demand on all occasions of marriages, feasts, and funerals. he often combines in himself the three useful vocations of hair-dresser, surgeon, and musician. in the early hours of the morning, he may be seen going his rounds to his employers' houses in his capacity of shaver and hair-cutter. later on, he will be leading the village band of musicians before a wedding procession, or playing at a temple ceremony. yet again he may be observed paying his professional visits as vythian or physician, with his knapsack of surgical instruments and cutaneous drugs tucked under his arm. by long practice the barber becomes a fairly skilful operator with the knife, which he uses in a rough and ready manner. he lances ulcers and carbuncles, and even essays his hand in affections of the eye, often with the most disastrous results. it is the barber who takes away cricks and sprains, procures leeches for those wishing to be bled, and otherwise relieves the physical ills of his patients. the barber woman, on the other hand, is the accoucheuse and midwife of the village matrons. it may be said without exaggeration that many of the uterine ailments which furnish patients to the maternity wards of the various hospitals in this country are attributable to the rude treatment of the village midwife." the ambattan will cut the nails, and shave not only the head and face, but other parts of the body, whereas the telugu barber will shave only down to the waist. the depilatory operations on women are performed by female hair-dressers. barbers' sons are taught to shave by taking the bottom of an old well-burnt clay cooking-pot, and, with a blunt knife, scraping off the collected carbon. they then commence to operate on pubescent youths. the barber who shaves europeans must not be a caste barber, but is either a muhammadan or a non-caste man. quite recently, a youthful ambattan had to undergo ceremonial purification for having unconsciously shaved a paraiyan. paraiyans, malas, and other classes of the lower orders, have their own barbers and washermen. razors are, however, sometime lent to them by the ambattans for a small consideration, and cleansed in water when they are returned. parasitic skin diseases are said to originate from the application of a razor, which has been used on a number of miscellaneous individuals. and well-to-do hindus now keep their own razor, which the barber uses when he comes to shave them. in the southern districts, it is not usual for the ambattans to go to the houses of their customers, but they have sheds at the backs of their own houses, where they attend to them from daybreak till about mid-day. occasionally, when sent for, they will wait on brahmans and high-class non-brahmans at their houses. numbers of them, besides, wait for customers near the riverside. like the english hair-cutter, the ambattan is a chatter-box, retails the petty gossip of the station, and is always posted in the latest local news and scandal. the barbers attached to british regiments are migratory, and, it is said, have friends and connections in all military cantonments, with whom they exchange news, and hold social intercourse. the ambattan fills the rôle of negotiator and go-between in the arrangement of marriages, feasts, and funeral. he is, moreover, the village physician and surgeon, and, in the days when blood-letting was still in vogue, the operation of phlebotomy was part of his business. in modern times, his nose has, like that of the village potter, been put out of joint by civil hospitals and dispensaries. his medicines consist of pills made from indigenous drugs, the nature of which he does not reveal. his surgical instrument is the razor which he uses for shaving, and he does not resort to it until local applications, e.g., in a case of carbuncle, have failed. in return for his multifarious services to the villagers, the ambattan was given a free grant of land, for which he has even now to pay only a nominal tax. but, in the days when there was no survey or settlement, if the barber neglected his duties, he was threatened with confiscation of his lands. at the present day, however, he can sell, mortgage, or make a gift thereof. as the ambattans became divided up into a number of families, their duties in the village were parcelled out among them, so that each barber family became attached to certain families of other castes, and was entitled to certain rights from them. among other claims, each barber family became entitled to three or four marakkals of paddy (unhusked rice), which is the perquisite of the married members thereof. it may be noted that, in village communities, lands were granted not only to the barber, but also to village officials such as the blacksmith, carpenter, washerman, astrologer, priest, dancing-girl, etc. in his capacity of barber, the ambattan is called nasivan (unholy man), or, according to the census reports, nasuvan (sprung from the nose), or navidan. he is also known as panditan or pariyari (doctor), and kudimaghan (son of the ryot). the last of these names is applied to him especially on occasions of marriage, when to call him nasivan would be inauspicious. the recognised insigne of his calling is the small looking-glass, which he carries with him, together with the razor, and sometimes tweezers and ear-pick. he must salute his superiors by prostrating himself on his stomach, folding his arms, and standing at a respectful distance. he may not attend at brahman houses on new or full-moon days, tuesday, saturday, and special days such as ekadasi and dwadasi. the most proper days are sunday and monday. the quality of the shave varies with the skill of the individual, and there is a tamil proverb "go to an old barber and a new washerman." stories are extant of barbers shaving kings while they were asleep without waking them, and it is said that the last raja of tanjore used to be thus entertained with exhibitions of their skill. the old legend of the barber who, in return for shaving a raja without awakening him, requested that he might be made a brahman, and how the court jester tennali raman got the raja to cancel his agreement, has recently been re-told in rhyme. [ ] it is there described how the barber lathered the head "with water alone, for soap he had none." the modern barber, however, uses soap, either a cheap quality purchased in the bazar, or a more expensive brand supplied by his client. by a curious corruption, hamilton's bridge, which connects the triplicane and mylapore divisions of the city of madras, has become converted into ambattan, or barber's bridge. and the barber, as he shaves you, will tell how, in days before the bridge was built, the channel became unfordable during a north-east monsoon flood. a barber, who lived on the triplicane side, had to shave an engineer, whose house was on the mylapore side. with difficulty he swam across, and shaved the sahib while he was asleep without waking him, and, in return, asked that, in the public interests, a bridge should be built over the channel. ambattans of travancore.--for the following note i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyer. the barbers of travancore are called by various designations, those in central and south travancore preferring to be known by the name of kshaurakan or kshaurakkaran, a corruption of the sanskrit kshuraka, while ambattan seems to find general favour in the south. a curious name given to the caste throughout travancore is pranopakari, or one who helps the souls, indicating their priestly functions in the ceremonials of various castes. a contraction of this name found in the early settlement records is pranu. the members of those families from which kings and noblemen have at any time selected their barbers are called vilakkittalavan, or more properly vilakkuttalayan, meaning literally those who shave heads. in north travancore many families are in possession of royal edicts conferring upon them the title of panikkar, and along with it the headmanship of the barber families of the village in which they reside. others have the title of vaidyan or doctor, from the secondary occupation of the caste. endless endogamous septs occur among the barbers, and, at trivandrum, there are said to be four varieties called chala vazhi, pandi vazhi, attungal vazhi, and peruntanni vazhi. but it is possible to divide all the kshaurakans of travancore into three classes, viz., malayalam-speaking ambattans, who follow the makkathayam law of inheritance; ( ) malayalam-speaking ambattans who follow the marumakkathayam law of inheritance; ( ) tamil-speaking barbers, who have in many localities adopted malayalam as their mother-tongue, and indicate their recent conversion in this direction by preserving unchanged the dress and ornaments of their womenkind. in pattanapuram, for example, there is a class of malayalam-speaking barbers known as pulans who immigrated into that taluk from the tamil country about two hundred years ago, and reveal their kinship with the tamil-speaking barbers in various ways. in kottayam and some other north travancore taluks, a large number of barbers may be described as recent converts of this character. in theory at least, the makkathayam and marumakkathayam ambattans may be said to form two distinct endogamous groups, of which the former regard themselves as far superior to the latter in social position. sometimes the makkathayam ambattans give their girls in marriage to the marumakkathayam ambattans, though the converse can never hold good. but, in these cases, the girl is not permitted to re-enter the paternal home, and associate with the people therein. a local tradition describes the travancore kshaurakans as pursuing their present occupation owing to the curse of surabhi, the divine calf. whatever their origin, they have faithfully followed their traditional occupation, and, in addition, many study medicine in their youth, and attend to the ailments of the villagers, while the women act as midwives. when a high-caste hindu dies, the duty of supplying the fuel for the funeral pyre, and watching the burning ground, devolves on the barber. in their dress and ornaments the travancore barbers closely resemble the nayars, but some wear round gold beads and a conch-shaped marriage jewel round the neck, to distinguish their women from those of the nayars. this, however, does not hold good in south travancore, where the women have entirely adopted the nayar type of jewelry. tattooing prevails to a greater extent among the barbers than among other classes, but has begun to lose its popularity. the barbers not only worship the ordinary hindu deities, but also adore such divinities as murti, maden, and yakshi. the corpses of those who die as the result of accident or contagious disease, are buried, not burnt. a sorcerer is called on to raise the dead from the grave, and, at his instance, a kuryala or small thatched shed is erected, to provide a sanctum for the resurrected spirit. every year, in the month of makaram (january-february), the day on which the utradam star falls is taken as the occasion for making offerings to these spirits. in every village certain families had bestowed on them by the chieftains of kerala the right of deciding all questions affecting the caste. all social offences are tried by them, and the decision takes the form of an order to celebrate iananguttu or feast of the equals, at which the first article served on the leaf placed before the assembled guests is not food, but a sum of money. the tali-kettu and sambandham ceremonies are celebrated, the former before, and the latter after the girl has reached puberty. the preliminary rites of betrothal and kapu-kettu (tying the string round the wrist) over, the bridegroom enters the marriage hall in procession. there are no vedic rites; nor is there any definite priest for the marriage ceremony. the conch-shell is blown at odd intervals, this being considered indispensable. the festivities last for four days. a niece and nephew are regarded as the most legitimate spouses of a son and daughter respectively. after the cremation or burial of a corpse, a rope is held by two of the relations between the dead person's remains and the karta (chief mourner), and cut in two, as if to indicate that all connection between the karta and the deceased has ceased. this is called bandham aruppu, or severing of connection. pollution lasts for sixteen days among all sections of the barbers, except the tamils, who regain their purity after a death in the family on the eleventh day. ambiga.--a synonym of kabbera. ambojala (lotus: nelumbium).--a house-name of korava. amma (mother).--a sub-division of pallan and paraiyan. it is also the title of the various goddesses, or mothers, such as ellamma, mariamma, etc., which are worshipped as grama devatas (village deities) at the temples known as amman-koil. ammukkuvan.--a sub-division of katalarayan. [ ] (see valan.) anapa (dolichos lablab).--a gotra of komati. anasa (ferrule).--a gotra of kurni. anchu (edge or border).--a gotra of kurni. andara (pandal or booth).--a sept of kuruba. ande.--ande (a pot) as a division of the kurubas refers to the small bamboo or wooden vessel used when milking goats. it further denotes a division of the koragas, who used to wear a pot suspended from their necks, into which they were compelled to spit, so as not to defile the highway. anderaut.--recorded, in the census report, , as a sub-division of kurumba. probably a form of ande kuruba. raut is frequently a title of headmen among lingayats. andi.--in a note on andis in the madras census report, , mr. w. francis writes that "for a brahman or an ascetic, mendicancy was always considered an honourable profession, to which no sort of shame attached. manu says 'a brahman should constantly shun worldly honour, as he would shun poison, and rather constantly seek disrespect as he would seek nectar'; and every brahman youth was required to spend part of his life as a beggar. the jains and buddhists held the same views. the hindu chattrams [ ] and uttupuras, the jain pallis, and the buddhist viharas owe their origin to this attitude, they being originally intended for the support of the mendicant members of these religions. but persons of other than the priestly and religious classes were expected to work for their living, and were not entitled to relief in these institutions. begging among such people--unless, as in the case of the pandarams and andis, a religious flavour attaches to it--is still considered disreputable. the percentage of beggars in the tamil districts to the total population is . , or more than twice what it is in the telugu country, while in malabar it is as low as . . the telugus are certainly not richer as a class than the tamils, and the explanation of these differences is perhaps to be found in the fact that the south is more religiously inclined than the north, and has more temples and their connected charities (religion and charity go hand in hand in india), and so offers more temptation to follow begging as a profession. andis are tamil beggars. they are really inferior to pandarams, but the two terms are in practice often indiscriminately applied to the same class of people. pandarams are usually vellalas by caste, but andis are recruited from all classes of sudras, and they consequently have various sub-divisions, which are named after the caste to which the members of each originally belonged, such as the jangam andis, meaning beggars of the jangam caste, and the jogi andis, that is, andis of the jogi caste. they also have occupational and other divisions, such as the kovil andis, meaning those who do service in temples, and the mudavandis or the lame beggars. andi is in fact almost a generic term. all andis are not beggars however; some are bricklayers, others are cultivators, and others are occupied in the temples. they employed brahman priests at their ceremonies, but all of them eat meat and drink alcohol. widows and divorcées may marry again. among the tinnevelly andis, the sister of the bridegroom ties the tali (marriage badge) round the bride's neck, which is not usual." in the madras census report, , the andis are summed up as "beggars who profess the saiva faith. they may be found in all the tamil districts, begging from door to door, beating a small gong with a stick. the andis differ from most other castes, in that a person of any caste may join their community. some of them officiate as priests in village temples, especially when large sacrifices of goats, buffaloes, and pigs are made. they usually bury the dead. they have returned sub-divisions, of which the most important are the following:--jangam, komanandi, lingadari, mudavandi, and uppandi. komanam is the small loin cloth, and a komanandi goes naked, except for this slight concession to decency. mudam means lame, and the mudavandis (q.v.) are allowed to claim any deformed child belonging to the konga vellala caste. the etymology of uppandi is difficult, but it is improbable that it has any connection with uppu, salt. in the tanjore manual, it is noted that "in its ordinary acceptation the word andi means houseless beggars, and is applied to those who profess the saiva faith. they go out every morning, begging for alms of uncooked rice, singing ballads or hymns. they play on a small gong called semakkalam with a stick, and often carry a conch shell, which they blow. they are given to drinking." it is recorded [ ] that "south indian beggars are divided into two classes, panjathandi and paramparaiandi. the former are famine-made beggars, and the latter are beggars from generation to generation. the former, a common saying goes, would rob from the person of a child at a convenient opportunity, while the latter would jump into a well, and pick up a child which had fallen into it by an accident, and make it over to its parents." andi (a god) occurs as an exogamous section of sirukudi kallans. andinia.--recorded by mr. f. fawcett as an inferior sub-division of dombs, who eat frogs. anduran.--a sub-division of nayar potters, who manufacture earthenware articles for use in temples. the name is derived from andur, a place which was once a fief under the zamorin of calicut. ane (elephant).--an exogamous sept of holeya, kappiliyan, kuruba, kadu kurumba, moger, and gangadikara vakkaliga. yenigala or yenuga (elephant) is further an exogamous sept of kapus, who will not touch ivory. anai-kombu (elephant tusk) occurs as a sub-division of idaiyan. angarakudu (the planet mars).--a synonym of mangala. anja.--in the madras census report, , ajna is returned as a sub-division of pallan. this, however, seems to be a mistake for anja (father), by which name these pallans address their fathers. anju nal (five days).--recorded in the salem manual, as a name given to pallis who perform the death ceremony on the fifth day after death. anjuttan (men of the five hundred).--recorded at times of census, as a sub-division of panan, and a synonym of velan. in the gazetteer of malabar, it appears as a sub-division of mannans, who are closely akin to the velans. the equivalent anjuttilkar occurs as a synonym for tenkanchi vellalas in travancore. anna (brother).--the title of numerous classes, e.g., dasari, gavara, golla, konda dora, koppala velama, mangala, mila, paidi, and segidi. annam (cooked rice).--an exogamous sept of gamalla and togata. annavi.--a title of savalakkarans, who play on the nagasaram (reed instrument) in temples. antalavar.--recorded in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. antarala.--a synonym of ambalavasi, denoting those who occupy an intermediate position between brahmans and sudras. antarjanam (inside person).--a term applied to nambutiri brahman females, who live in seclusion. [ ] anuloma.--one of the two classes of sudras, viz., anuloma and veloma. the term anuloma is applied to those born of a higher-caste male and a lower-caste female, e.g., barbers are said to be the offspring of a brahman and a vaisya woman. anumala (seeds of dolichos lablab).--an exogamous sept of devanga. the equivalent anumolla occurs as an exogamous sept of kamma. anuppan.--the anuppans are described, in the madras census report, , as "a small caste of canarese farmers, found chiefly in the districts of madura, tinnevelly, and coimbatore. their original home appears to have been mysore or south canara, probably the former. their language is a corrupt form of canarese. the most important sub-division is allikulam (lily clan). some of them are saivites, and others vaishnavites. brahmans are employed as priests by the vaishnavites, but not by the saivites. remarriage of widows is practised, but a woman divorced for adultery cannot remarry during the life-time of her husband." in the gazetteer of the madura district, it is stated that "the anuppans are commonest in the kambam valley. they have a tradition regarding their migration thither, which closely resembles that current among the kappiliyans and tottiyans (q.v.). local tradition at kambam says that the anuppans were in great strength here in olden days, and that quarrels arose, in the course of which the chief of the kappiliyans, ramachcha kavandan, was killed. with his dying breath he cursed the anuppans, and thenceforth they never prospered, and now not one of them is left in the town. their title is kavandan. they are divided into six territorial groups called medus, which are named after three villages in this district, and three in tinnevelly. over each of these is a headman called the periyadanakkaran, and the three former are also subject to a guru who lives at sirupalai near madura. these three are divided again into eighteen kilais or branches, each of which intermarries only with certain of the others. caste panchayats (councils) are held on a blanket, on which (compare the tottiyan custom) is placed a pot of water containing margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves, to symbolise the sacred nature of the meeting. women who go astray with men of other castes are expelled, and various ceremonies, including (it is said) the burying alive of a goat, are enacted to show that they are dead to the community. the right of a man to his paternal aunt's daughter is as vigorously maintained as among the kappiliyans and tottiyans, and leads to the same curious state of affairs (i.e., a woman, whose husband is too young to fulfil the duties of his position, is allowed to consort with his near relations, and the children so begotten are treated as his). no tali (marriage badge) is tied at weddings, and the binding part of the ceremonies is the linking, on seven separate occasions, of the little fingers of the couple. like the kappiliyans, the anuppans have many caste and family deities, a number of whom are women who committed sati." (see kappiliyan). apoto.--apoto, or oppoto, is a sub-division of gaudos, the occupation of which is palanquin-bearing. appa (father).--a title of members of various telugu and canarese castes, e.g., idiga, kannadiyan, linga balija, and tambala. arab.--a muhammadan territorial name, returned at times of census. in the mysore census report, , the arabs are described as itinerant tradesmen, whose chief business is horse-dealing, though some deal in cloths. aradhya.--for the following note i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the aradhyas are a sect of brahmans found mainly in the four northern districts of the madras presidency, and to a smaller extent in the cuddapah and kurnool districts. a few are also found in the mysore state. they differ in almost every important respect from other brahmans. basava, the founder of the lingayat religion, was born in a family of brahmans, who, with others round about them, were apparently the first converts to his religion. according to mr. c. p. brown, [ ] they were "in all probability his personal friends; he persuaded them to lay aside their name, and call themselves aradhya or reverend.' they revere the four aradhyas, visionary personages of the lingayat creed, of whom very little is known. at all social and religious functions, birth, marriage, initiation and funerals, four vases of water are solemnly placed in their name, and then invoked to preside over them. their names are revanaradhya, marularadhya, ekoramaradhya, and panditaradhya. in four ages, it is said, these four successively appeared as precursors of the divine basava, and were, like basava, brahmans. a purana, known as the panditaradhya charitra, is named after the last of these. versions thereof are found both in canarese and telugu. a sanskrit poem, called siddhanta sikhamani, represents revanaradhya as a human manifestation of one of the ministers of siva. as might be expected, the members of this sect are staunch saivites. they wear both the brahminical sacred thread, and the linga suspended from another thread. they revere in particular ganapathi. the lingam which they wear they usually call the prana lingam, or life lingam. the moment a child, male or female, is born, it is invested with the lingam; otherwise it is not considered to have pranam or life. the popular belief is that, if by some accident the lingam is lost, a man must either fast until he recovers it, or not survive so dire a calamity. this is a fixed dogma with them. a man who loses his prana linga stands up to his neck in water, and repeats mantrams (sacred formulæ) for days together; and, on the last day, the lost lingam comes back to him miraculously, if he has been really orthodox in his life. if he does not succeed in recovering it, he must starve and die. the theory is that the lingam is the life of the man who wears it, and, when it is lost beyond recovery, he loses his own life. incredible stories of miraculous recoveries of the lingam are told. in one case, it is said to have returned to its owner, making a loud noise in water; and in another it was found in a box under lock and key. in this connection, the following story is narrated by colonel wilks. [ ] "poornia, the present minister of mysore, relates an incident of a lingayat friend of his, who had unhappily lost his portable god, and came to take a last farewell. the indians, like more enlightened nations, readily laugh at the absurdities of every sect but their own, and poornia gave him better counsel. it is a part of the ceremonial preceding the sacrifice of the individual that the principal persons of the sect should assemble on the bank of some holy stream, and, placing in a basket the lingam images of the whole assembly, purify them in the sacred waters. the destined victim in conformity to the advice of his friend, suddenly seized the basket, and overturned its contents into the rapid caveri. now, my friends, said he, we are on equal terms; let us prepare to die together. the discussion terminated according to expectation. the whole party took an oath of inviolable secrecy, and each privately provided himself with a new image of the lingam." aradhyas, as has been indicated, differ from other brahmans in general in some of their customs. before they partake of food, they make an offering of it to the lingam which they are wearing. as they cannot eat without making this offering, they have the entire meal served up at the commencement thereof. they offer the whole to the lingam, and then begin to eat. they do not accept offerings distributed in temples as other brahmans do, because they have already been offered to the god, and cannot therefore be offered again to the lingam. unlike other lingayats, aradhyas believe in the vedas, to which they give allegorical interpretations. they are fond of reading sanskrit, and a few have been well-known telugu poets. thus, palapuri somanatha, who lived in the fourteenth century a.d., composed the basava purana and the panditaradhya charitra, and the brothers piduparthi somanatha and the basavakavi, who lived in the sixteenth century, composed other religious works. aradhyas marry among themselves, and occasionally take girls in marriage from certain of the niyogi sub-divisions of the northern circars. this would seem to show that they were themselves niyogis, prior to their conversion. they do not intermarry with aruvelu niyogis. unlike other brahmans, they bury their dead in a sitting posture. they observe death pollution for ten days, and perform the ekodishta and other brahminical ceremonies for their progenitors. they perform annually, not the brahminical sradha, but the aradhana. in the latter, there is no apasavyam (wearing the sacred thread from right to left), and no use of gingelly seeds and dharba grass. nor is there homam (raising the sacrificial fire), parvanam (offering of rice-balls), or oblation of water. widows do not have their heads shaved. the title of the aradhyas is always aradhya. arakala.--a small class of cultivators, recorded mainly from the kurnool district. the name is possibly derived from araka, meaning a plough with bullocks, or from arakadu, a cultivator. arampukatti.--the name, denoting those who tie flower-buds or prepare garlands, of a sub-division of vellalas. aranadan, see ernadan. arane (lizard).--an exogamous sub-sept of kappiliyan. arashina (turmeric).--a gotra or exogamous sept of agasa, kurni, kuruba, and odde. the equivalent pasupula occurs as an exogamous sept of devanga. in southern india, turmeric (curcuma) is commonly called saffron (crocus). turmeric enters largely into hindu ceremonial. for example, the practice of smearing the face with it is very widespread among females, and, thinking that it will give their husbands increase of years, women freely bathe themselves with turmeric water. the use of water, in which turmeric has been infused, and by which they give the whole body a bright yellow colour, is prescribed to wives as a mark of the conjugal state, and forbidden to widows. [ ] to ward off the evil eye, a vessel containing turmeric water and other things is waved in front of the bridal couple at weddings. or they are bathed in turmeric water, which they pour over each other. the tali or bottu (gold marriage badge) is attached to a cotton thread dyed with turmeric, and, among some castes, the tying together of the hands of the bride and bridegroom with such a thread is the binding portion of the ceremony. arasu or rajpinde.--"this caste," mr. lewis rice writes ( ):-- [ ] "are relatives of or connected with the rajahs of mysore. during the life-time of the late maharaja, they were divided into two factions in consequence of the refusal of thirteen families headed by the dalavayi (the chief of the female branch) to pay respect to an illegitimate son of his highness. the other eighteen families consented to the rajah's wishes, and treat the illegitimate branch, called komarapatta, as equals. the two divisions intermarry and eat together, and the family quarrel, though serious at the time, is not likely to be permanent. they are employed chiefly under government and in agriculture, most of the former being engaged in the palace at mysore. rajpindes are both vishnavites and sivites, and their priests are both brahmans and lingayat waders." in the madras census report, , arasu (= raja or king) is given as a sub-division of the tamil pallis and paraiyans. urs appears as a contracted form of arasu in the names of the mysore royal family, e.g., kantaraj urs. arathi.--the name, indicating a wave offering to avert the evil eye, of an exogamous sept of kuruba. arati (plantain tree).--an exogamous sept of chenchu. arava.--arava, signifying tamil, has been recorded as a sub-division of some telugu classes, e.g., golla and velama. the name, however, refers to tamil idaiyans and vellalas, who have settled in the telugu country, and are known respectively as arava golla and arava velama. in some places in the telugu country, tamil paraiyans, employed as servants under europeans, horse-keepers, etc., are known as arava malalu (malas). the irulas of the north arcot district are, in like manner, sometimes called arava yanadis. arava also occurs as a division of tigalas, said to be a section of the tamil pallis, who have settled in mysore. an ingenious suggestion has been made that arava is derived from ara, half, vayi, mouthed, in reference to the defective tamil alphabet, or to the termination of the words being mostly in consonants. aravan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. arayan.--see valan. archaka.--archaka, or umai archaka, is a title of occhans, who are priests at temples of grama devatas (village deities). are.--a synonym for marathi. the name occurs as a sub-division of kunchigar and kudubi. in south canara arya kshatri occurs as the equivalent of are, and, in the telugu country, are kapu refers to marathi cultivators. arya kuttadi is a tamil synonym of marathi dommaras. concerning the ares, mr. h. g. stuart writes as follows. [ ] "of the total number of , ares, , are found in south canara, bellary and anantapur, and these are true ares. of the rest i am not able to speak with certainty, as the term arya, which is a synonym of are, is also used as an equivalent of marathi, and sometimes in a still wider sense. the true ares are husbandmen of maratha origin. they wear the sacred thread, have brahmans as their priests, and give allegiance to the head of the sringeri mutt. marriage of girls takes place either before or after puberty, and the remarriage of widows is not allowed. a husband may divorce his wife for adultery, but a wife cannot divorce her husband. when the guilt of a woman is proved, and the sanction of the guru obtained, the husband performs the act of divorce by cutting a pumpkin in two at a place where three ways meet. the use of animal food is allowed, but intoxicating liquors are forbidden." the ares of south canara, mr. stuart writes further, [ ] "usually speak marathi or konkani, but in the kasaragod taluk, and possibly in other parts too, they speak canarese. their exogamous septs are called manathanas. they use the dhare form of marriage (see bant), but the pot contains a mixture of water, milk, ghee (clarified butter), honey and curds instead of the usual plain water." the marathi-speaking areyavaru or aryavaru of the south canara district follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (from father to son). for ceremonial purposes, they engage shivalli brahmans. an interesting feature of the marriage rites is that the bridegroom makes a pretence of going to a battle-field to fight, presumably to show that he is of kshatriya descent. the ceremony is called dandal jatai. the bridegroom ties a bead on the neck of the bride if of the powar sept, and a disc if of the edar sept. the areyavaru eat fowls and fish. the former are killed after certain mantrams (prayers) have been uttered, and, if a priest is available, it is his duty to despatch the bird. the caste deity is ammanoru (durga), in the worship of whom the areyavaru, like other maratha castes, employ gondala mendicants. are (bauhinia racemosa).--a gotra of kurni. ari.--the aris or dutans are described, in the travancore census report, , as a "small but interesting community confined to a village in the tovala taluk. by traditional occupation they are the ambalavasis of the saivaite temple of darsanamkoppa. they are strict vegetarians, wear the brahminical thread, perform all the brahminical ceremonies under the guidance of brahman priests, and claim a position equal to that of the aryappattars. but they are not allowed to dine with the brahmans, or to enter the mandapa in front of the garbhagriha, the inner sanctuary of a hindu shrine. their dress and ornaments are like those of the tamil brahmans, and their language is tamil. their period of pollution, however, is as long as fifteen days." ari (ebony).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. arigala.--arigala, denoting a dish carried in procession, occurs as an exogamous sept of mutracha. arigala and arika, both meaning the millet paspalum scrobiculatum, are septs of jatapu and panta reddi. the latter may not use the grain as food. arikuravan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. arisi.--a sub-division of savara. ariyar.--ariyar or ariyanattu chetti is given as a caste title by pattanavans. ariyur.--ariyur or ariviyur is the name of a sub-division of nattukottai chettis. arli (ficus religiosa).--an exogamous sept of stanika. arudra (lady-bird).--an exogamous sept of kalingi. arupathukatchi (sixty house section).--a sub-division of valluvan. arupattanalu taleikattu (sixty-four, who covered their heads).--a sub-division of chetti. aruththukattatha.--the name, meaning those who do not tie the tali a second time, of a section of paraiyans who do not allow the remarriage of widows. aruva.--the aruvas are an interesting caste of cultivators along the sea-coast in the berhampur taluk of ganjam. they say that they are descended from the offspring of alliances between patanis (muhammadans) and oriya women. like other oriya castes, they have a number of titles, e.g., nayako, patro, podhano, ponda, mondolo, and mollana, some of which seem to be exogamous, and there are also numerous exogamous septs or bamsams. the headman is styled nayako, and he is assisted by a bhollobhaya. both these offices are hereditary. the aruvas say that they belong to two vedas, viz., the males to atharva veda, and the females to yajur veda. muhammadans are believed by them to be atharvavedis. a member of the caste, called mollana, officiates on ceremonial occasions. a pure oriya casteman will not allow his son to marry his sister's daughter, but this is permitted in most places by the aruvas. the marriage ceremonial, except in a few points of detail, conforms to the general oriya type. on the day before the wedding, a milk-post of bamboo is erected, and in front of it a new cloth, and various articles for worship are placed. when the fingers of the contracting couple are linked together, and at other stages of the marriage rites, the mollana recites certain formulæ, in which the words bismillahi and allah occur. the dead are always buried. in former days, stone slabs, with arabic or hindustani legends in oriya characters inscribed on them, used to be set up over the grave. for these, two sticks are now substituted. the corpse of a dead person is sewn up in a kind of sack. as it is being lowered into the grave, the mollana recites formulæ, and those present throw earth over it before the grave is filled in. they then take their departure, and the mollana, standing on one leg, recites further formulæ. on the following day, bitter food, consisting of rice and margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves, is prepared, and given to the agnates. on the third day after death, the burial-ground is visited, and, after water has been poured over the grave, a cloth is spread thereon. on this relations of the deceased throw earth and food. a purificatory ceremony, in which ghi (clarified butter) is touched, is performed on the fifteenth day. on the fortieth day, the mollana officiates at a ceremony in which food is offered to the dead person. the aruvas do not take part in any muhammadan ceremonial, and do not worship in mosques. most of them are paramarthos, and all worship various hindu deities and takuranis (village gods). at their houses, the god is represented by a mass of mud of conical shape, with an areca nut on the top of it. in recent times, a number of aruva families, owing to a dispute with the mollana, do not employ him for their ceremonials, in which they follow the standard oriya type. they neither interdine nor intermarry with other sections of the community, and have become an independent section thereof. arya.--arya or ariya (noble) occurs as a class of pattar brahmans, a division of samagaras, and an exogamous sept of kurubas. some pattanavans call themselves ariya nattu chetti (chettis of the country of chiefs), ariyar, or ayyayirath thalaivar (the five thousand chiefs). asadi.--the asadis of the bellary district are summed up, in the madras census report, , as "a sub-caste of mala or holeya, which, in bellary, are almost interchangeable terms. they are prostitutes and dancers." among the madigas, men called asadi, who have undergone an initiation ceremony, go about, in company with the matangis (dedicated prostitutes), playing on an instrument called the chaudike, and singing the praises and reciting the story of ellamma. (see madiga.) asan (teacher).--the title of variyans, who have held the hereditary position of tutors in noblemen's families. also a title of pisharati and kanisan. asari.--in most parts of the madras presidency, mr. h. a. sturat writes, "asari (or achari) is synonymous with kammalan, and may denote any of the five artizan castes, but in malabar it is practically confined to the carpenter caste. the asari of malabar is the brahman of the kammala castes. the kammala castes generally pollute nayars by approaching within twelve feet, and brahmans by coming within thirty-six feet; but an asari with his measuring rod in his hand has the privilege of approaching very near, and even entering the houses of higher castes without polluting them. this exception may have arisen out of necessity." at the census, , some sayakkarans (tamil dyers) returned asari as a title. in a government office, a short time ago, the head clerk, a brahman named rangachari, altered the spelling of the name of a kammalan from velayudachari to velayudasari in the office books, on the ground that the former looked brahmanical. ashtakshari (eight syllables).--a sub-division of satanis, who believe in the efficacy of the eight syllables om-na-mo-na-ra-ya-na-ya in ensuring eternal bliss. the name ashtabhukkulu, or those who eat the eight greedily, also occurs as a sub-division of the same people. ashtalohi.--the name, meaning workers in eight metals, of a small class of oriya artizans. according to one version the eight metals are gold, silver, bell-metal, copper, lead, tin, iron, and brass; according to another, gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, load-stone, iron, and steel. ashtikurissi.--ashtikurissi (ashti, a bone) or attikurissi is an occupational sub-division of nayars and marans, who officiate at the funerals of nambutiri brahmans and nayars, and help in collecting the remains of the bones after cremation. asili.--the name for telugu toddy-drawers in the cuddapah district. (see idiga.) asupani.--an occupational name for marans who play on the temple musical instruments asu and pani. asvo (horse).--an exogamous sept of ghasi. atagara or hatagara.--a sub-division of devanga. aththi (ficus glomerata).--an exogamous sept of stanika. atikunnan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. atreya.--a brahmanical gotra of bhatrazus. atreyas are descendants of atri, a rishi who is regarded by some as one of the ten prajapatis of manu. atta (mother).--a sub-division of pallan. attangarai (river-bank).--a sub-division of konga vellala. attikankana (cotton marriage thread).--a sub-division of kurubas, who tie a cotton thread round the wrist at weddings. atumpatram.--a name, meaning an object which dances, for deva-dasis in travancore. aunvallur (possessors of cattle).--a fanciful name for idaiyans. avaru.--a synonym of agaru. aviri (indigofera tinctoria).--an exogamous sept of padma sales, who use indigo in the manufacture of coloured cloth fabrics. avisa (sesbania grandiflora).--a gotra of medara. avu (snake).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. avula (cow).--an exogamous sept of balija, boya, golla, kapu, korava, mutracha, and yerukala. ayar (cow-herd).--a synonym or sub-division of idaiyan and kolayan. ayodhya (oudh).--a sub-division of kapus, who say that they originally lived in oudh. azhati.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a synonym of pisharati. badaga.--as the todas are the pastoral, and the kotas the artisan tribe of the nilgiris, so the agricultural element on these hills is represented by the badagas (or, as they are sometimes called, burghers). their number was returned, at the census, , as , against , kotas, and todas. though the primary occupation of the badagas is agriculture, there are among their community schoolmasters, clerks, public works contractors, bricklayers, painters, carpenters, sawyers, tailors, gardeners, forest guards, barbers, washermen, and scavengers. many work on tea and coffee estates, and gangs of badagas can always be seen breaking stones on, and repairing the hill roads. others are, at the present day, earning good wages in the cordite factory near wellington. some of the more prosperous possess tea and coffee estates of their own. the rising generation are, to some extent, learning tamil and english, in addition to their own language, which is said to resemble old canarese. and i have heard a youthful badaga, tending a flock of sheep, address an errant member thereof in very fluent billingsgate. there were, in - , thirty-nine badaga schools, which were attended by , pupils. in , one badaga had passed the matriculation of the madras university, and was a clerk in the sub-judge's court at ootacamund. a newspaper discussion was carried on a few years ago as to the condition of the badagas, and whether they are a down-trodden tribe, bankrupt and impoverished to such a degree that it is only a short time before something must be done to ameliorate their condition, and save them from extermination by inducing them to emigrate to the wynad and vizagapatam. a few have, in recent years, migrated to the anaimalai hills, to work on the planters' estates, which have been opened up there. one writer stated that "the tiled houses, costing from rs. to rs. , certainly point to their prosperity. they may frequently borrow from the labbai to enable them to build, but, as i do not know of a single case in which the labbai has ever seized the house and sold it, i believe this debt is soon discharged. the walled-in, terraced fields immediately around their villages, on which they grow their barley and other grains requiring rich cultivation, are well worked, and regularly manured. the coats, good thick blankets, and gold ear-rings, which most badagas now possess, can only, i think, point to their prosperity, while their constant feasts, and disinclination to work on sundays, show that the loss of a few days' pay does not affect them. on the other hand, a former native official on the nilgiris writes to me that "though the average badaga is thrifty and hard-working, there is a tendency for him to be lazy when he is sure of his meal. when a person is sick in another village, his relatives make it an excuse to go and see him, and they have to be fed. when the first crop is raised, the idler pretends that 'worms' have crept into the crop, and the gods have to be propitiated, and there is a feast. marriage or death, of course, draws a crowd to be fed or feasted. all this means extra expenditure, and a considerable drain on the slender income of the family. the rowthan (muhammadan merchant) from the tamil country is near at hand to lend money, as he has carried his bazar to the very heart of the badaga villages. first it is a bag of ragi (food grain), a piece of cloth to throw on the coffin, or a few rupees worth of rice and curry-stuff doled out by the all-accommodating rowthan at a price out of all proportion to the market rate, and at a rate ranging from six pies to two annas for the rupee. the ever impecunious badaga has no means of extricating himself, with a slender income, which leaves no margin for redeeming debts. the bond is renewed every quarter or half year, and the debt grows by leaps and bounds, and consumes all his earthly goods, including lands. the advent of lawyers on the hills has made the badagas a most litigious people, and they resort to the courts, which means expenditure of money, and neglect of agriculture." in the funeral song of the badagas, which has been translated by mr. gover, [ ] one of the crimes enumerated, for which atonement must be made, is that of preferring a complaint to the sirkar (government), and one of their numerous proverbs embodies the same idea. "if you prefer a complaint to a magistrate, it is as if you had put poison into your adversary's food." but mr. grigg writes, [ ] "either the terrors of the sirkar are not what they were, or this precept is much disregarded, for the court-house at ootacamund is constantly thronged with badagas, and they are now very much given to litigation." i gather from the notes, which bishop whitehead has kindly placed at my disposal, that "when the badagas wish to take a very solemn oath, they go to the temple of mariamma at sigur, and, after bathing in the stream and putting on only one cloth, offer fruits, cocoanuts, etc., and kill a sheep or fowl. they put the head of the animal on the step of the shrine, and make a line on the ground just in front of it. the person who is taking the oath then walks from seven feet off in seven steps, putting one foot immediately in front of the other, up to the line, crosses it, goes inside the shrine, and puts out a lamp that is burning in front of the image. if the oath is true, the man will walk without any difficulty straight to the shrine. but, if the oath is not true, his eyes will be blinded, and he will not be able to walk straight to the shrine, or see the lamp. it is a common saying among badagas, when a man tells lies, 'will you go to sigur, and take an oath?' oaths are taken in much the same way at the temple of mariamma at ootacamund. when a hindu gives evidence in the court at ootacamund, he is often asked by the judge whether he will take an oath at the mariamma temple. if he agrees, he is sent off to the temple with a court official. the party for whom he gives evidence supplies a goat or sheep, which is killed at the temple, the head and carcase being placed in front of the image. the witness steps over the carcase, and this forms the oath. if the evidence is false, it is believed that some evil will happen to him." the name badaga or vadugan means northerner, and the badagas are believed to be descended from canarese colonists from the mysore country, who migrated to the nilgiris three centuries ago owing to famine, political turmoil, or local oppression in their own country. it is worthy of notice, in this connection, that the head of the badagas, like that of the todas and kotas, is dolichocephalic, and not of the mesaticephalic or sub-brachycephalic type, which prevails throughout mysore, as in other canarese areas. average. cephalic cephalic cephalic length. breadth. index. cm. cm. badaga . . . toda . . . kota . . . of the mysorean heads, the following are a few typical examples:-- average. cephalic cephalic cephalic length. breadth. index. cm. cm. ganiga . . . bedar . . . holeya . . . mandya brahman . . . vakkaliga . . . concerning the origin of the badagas, the following legend is current. seven brothers and their sisters were living on the talamalai hills. a muhammadan ruler attempted to ravish the girl, whom the brother saved from him by flight. they settled down near the present village of bethalhada. after a short stay there, the brothers separated, and settled in different parts of the nilgiris, which they peopled. concerning the second brother, hethappa, who had two daughters, the story goes that, during his absence on one occasion, two todas forced their way into his house, ravished his wife, and possessed themselves of his worldly effects. hearing of what had occurred, hethappa sought the assistance of two balayaru in revenging himself on the todas. they readily consented to help him, in return for a promise that they should marry his daughters. the todas were killed, and the present inhabitants of the village hulikallu are supposed to be the descendants of the balayaru and badaga girls. the seven brothers are now worshipped under the name hethappa or hetha. in connection with the migration of the badagas to the nilgiris, the following note is given in the gazetteer of the nilgiris. "when this flitting took place there is little to show. it must have occurred after the foundation of the lingayat creed in the latter half of the twelfth century, as many of the badagas are lingayats by faith, and sometime before the end of the sixteenth century, since in the catholic priests from the west coast found them settled on the south of the plateau, and observing much the same relations with the todas as subsist to this day. the present state of our knowledge does not enable us to fix more nearly the date of the migration. that the language of the badagas, which is a form of canarese, should by now have so widely altered from its original as to be classed as a separate dialect argues that the movement took place nearer the twelfth than the sixteenth century. on the other hand, the fact (pointed out by dr. rivers [ ]) that the badagas are not mentioned in a single one of the todas' legends about their gods, whereas the kotas, kurumbas, and irulas, each play a part in one or more of these stories, raises the inference that the relations between the badagas and the todas are recent as compared with those between the other tribes. a critical study of the badaga dialect might perhaps serve to fix within closer limits the date of the migration. as now spoken, this tongue contains letters (two forms of r for instance) and numerous words, which are otherwise met with only in ancient books, and which strike most strangely upon the ear of the present generation of canarese. the date when some of these letters and words became obsolete might possibly be traced, and thus aid in fixing the period when the badagas left the low country. it is known that the two forms of r, for example, had dropped out of use prior to the time of the grammarian kesiraja, who lived in the thirteenth century, and that the word betta (a hill), which the badagas use in place of the modern bettu, is found in the thirteenth century work sabdamanidarpana." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the nilgiris, that "nellialam, about eight miles north-west of devala as the crow flies, is the residence of the nellialam arasu (urs), who has been recognised as the janmi (landlord) of a considerable area in the munanad amsam, but is in reality a canarese-speaking lingayat of canarese extraction, who follows the ordinary hindu law of inheritance, and is not a native of the wynad or of malabar. family tradition, though now somewhat misty, says that in the beginning two brothers named sadasiva raja urs and bhujanga raja urs moved (at some date and for some reason not stated) from ummattur (in the present chamarajnagar taluk of mysore), and settled at malaikota, the old fort near kalhatti. their family deities were bhujangesvara and ummattur urakatti, which are still worshipped as such. they brought with them a following of bedars and badagas, and thereafter always encouraged the immigration to the hills of more canarese people. the village of bannimara, a mile west of kalhatti, is still peopled by bedars who are said to be descendants of people of that caste who came with the two brothers; and to this day, when the badagas of the plateau have disputes of difficulty, they are said to go down to nellialam with presents (kanikai) in their hands, and ask the arasu to settle their differences, while, at the time of their periodical ceremonies (manavalai) to the memory of their ancestors, they send a deputation to nellialam to invite representatives of the arasu to be present." close to the village of bethalhada is a row of cromlechs carved with figures of the sun and moon, human beings, animals, etc., and enclosed within a stone kraal, which the badagas claim to be the work of their ancestors, to whom periodical offerings are made. at the time of my visit, there were within one of the cromlechs a conch shell, lingam, bell, and flowers. a number of these sculptured cromlechs at sholur, melur, and other spots on the nilgiris, are described and figured by breeks, [ ] who records that the cromlech at jakata kambe is interesting as being the place of the yearly sacrifice performed by the badagas of the jakaneri grama (village) by their kani kurumba. and he adds that the badagas would seem to have usually selected the neighbourhood of these cromlechs for their temples, as for example, at melur, kakusi, h'laiuru, tudur, and jakatada. it is recorded [ ], in connection with the legends of the badagas, that "in the heart of the banagudi shola, not far from the dodduru group of cromlechs, is an odd little shrine to karairaya, consisting of a ruined stone hut surrounded by a low wall, within which are a tiny cromlech, some sacred water-worn stones, and sundry little pottery images representing a tiger, a mounted man, and some dogs. these keep in memory, it is said, a badaga who was slain in combat with a tiger; and annually a festival is held, at which new images are placed there, and vows are paid. a kurumba makes fire by friction and burns incense, throws sanctified water over the numerous goats brought to be sacrificed, to see if they will shiver in the manner always held necessary in sacrificial victims, and then slays, one after the other, those which have shown themselves duly qualified. hulikal drug, usually known as the drug, is a precipitous bluff at the very end of the range which borders on the south the great ravine which runs up to coonoor. it is named from the neighbouring village of hulikal, or tiger's stone, and the story goes that this latter is so called because in it a badaga killed a notorious man-eater which had long been the terror of the country side. the spot where the beast was buried is shown near the pillaiyar temple to the south of hulikal village, and is marked by three stones. burton says there used formerly to be a stone image of the slain tiger thereabouts. some two miles south-east of konakarai in a place known as kottai-hada, or the fort flat, lie the remains of the old fort udaiya raya kota. badaga tradition gives a fairly detailed account of udaiya raya. it says he was a chief who collected the taxes for the ummattur rajas, and that he had also a fort at kullanthorai, near sirumugai, the remains of which are still to be seen. he married a woman of netlingi hamlet of nedugula, named muddu gavari, but she died by the wrath of the gods because she persuaded him to celebrate the annual fire-walking festival in front of the fort, instead of at the customary spot by the mahalingasvami temple about half a mile off. anaikatti is a hamlet situated in the jungle of the moyar valley. the stream which flows past it tumbles over a pretty fall on the slopes of birmukku (bimaka) hill. the badagas call the spot kuduraihallo, or the ravine of the horse, and say the name was given it because a badaga, covered with shame at finding that his wife gave him first sort rice but his brother who lived with them only second sort, committed suicide by jumping his horse down the fall." according to mr. grigg, the badagas recognise eighteen different "castes or sects." these are, however, simplified by mr. s. m. natesa sastri [ ] into six, "five high castes and one low caste." they are-- . udaya. | . haruva. | . adhikari. | high caste. . kanaka. | . badaga. | . toreya low caste. "udayas are lingayats in religion, and carry the sivalinga--the siva image--tied round their necks. they claim to be superior to all the other badagas, and are regarded as such. they are priests to all the badagas of the lingayat class, and are strict vegetarians. they do not intermarry with any of the other high caste badaga sects. udaya was, and is the title assumed by the maisur rajas, and those badagas, by being thus designated as a caste, claim superior blood in their veins." the lingayat badagas are commonly called lingakutti. "next in rank come the haruvas. from their name being so closely connected with the aryas--the respectable--and from their habit of wearing the brahmanical thread, we are warranted in believing that they must originally have been the poor brahman priests of the badagas that migrated to this country (the nilgiris), though they have now got themselves closely mingled with the badagas. these haruvas are also strict vegetarians, and act as priests." it has been suggested that the haruvas (jumper) derive their name from the fire-walking ceremony, which they perform periodically. a further, and more probable suggestion has been made to me that haruva comes from a canarese word meaning to beg or pray; hence one who begs or prays, and so a brahman. the canarese basava purana frequently uses the word in sense. "the adhikaris are to a certain extent vegetarians. the other two high castes, and of course the low caste toreyas also, have no objection of any kind to eating flesh. it is also said that the vegetarian adhikari, if he marries into a flesh-eating caste of the badagas, betakes himself to this latter very readily." the kanakas are stated by mr. grigg to be the accountants, who were probably introduced when the hills were under the sway of the tamil chiefs. this would, however, seem to be very improbable. "the toreyas are regarded as sons and servants to the five high caste badaga sects--to the haruvas especially. they are the lowest in the scale, and they are prohibited from intermarrying with the other or high caste badagas, as long as they are sons to them." the toreya does the menial duties for the tribe. he is the village servant, carries the corpses to the burning-ground, conveys the news of a death from village to village, is the first to get shaved when a death occurs, and is sent along with a woman when she is going to visit her mother or mother-in-law at a distance from her own home. "the udayas, adhikaris and kanakas are lingayats in religion, and the other three, the haruvas, badagas, and toreyas are saivites." of the six divisions referred to, the udayas and toreyas are endogamous, but intermarriage is permissible between the other four. at the census, , a large number of badagas returned as their sub-division vakkaliga, which means cultivator, and is the name of the great cultivating caste of mysore. seven miles west of coonoor is a village named athikarihatti, or village of the athikari or adhikari section of the badagas. "the story goes that these people, under a leader named karibetta raya, came from sarigur in mysore territory, and settled first at nelliturai (a short distance south-west of mettupalaiyam) and afterwards at tudur (on the plateau west of kulakambi) and tadasimarahatti (to the north-west of melur), and that it was they who erected the sculptured cromlechs of tudur and melur. tudur and tadasimarahatti are now both deserted; but in the former a cattle kraal, an old shrine, and a pit for fire-walking may still be seen, and in the latter another kraal, and one of the raised stone platforms called mandaikallu by the badagas. tradition says that the badagas left these places and founded athikarihatti and its hamlets instead, because the kurumbas round about continually troubled them with their magic arts, and indeed killed by sorcery several of their most prominent citizens." [ ] like other canarese people, the badagas have exogamous septs or kulas, of which mari, madhave (marriage), kasturi (musk), and belli (silver) are examples. a very large number of families belong to the mari and madhave septs, which were time after time given as the sept name in reply to my enquiries. it may be noted that belli occurs as an exogamous sept of the canarese classes vakkaliga, toreya, and kuruba, and kasturi is recorded in my notes as a sept of the vakkaligas and telugu kammas. the badagas dwell in extensive villages, generally situated on the summit of a low hillock, composed of rows of comfortable thatched or tiled houses, and surrounded by the fields, which yield the crops. the houses are not separate tenements, but a line of dwellings under one continuous roof, and divided by party walls. sometimes there are two or three, or more lines, forming streets. each house is partitioned off into an outer (edumane) and inner apartment (ozhaga or ogamane). if the family has cows or buffaloes yielding milk, a portion of the latter is converted into a milk-house (hagottu), in which the milk is stored, and which no woman may enter. even males who are under pollution, from having touched or passed near a kota or paraiyan, or other cause, may not enter it until they have had a ceremonial bath. to some houses a loft, made of bamboo posts, is added, to serve as a store-house. in every badaga village there is a raised platform composed of a single boulder or several stones with an erect stone slab set up thereon, called suththu kallu. there is, further, a platform, made of bricks and mud, called mandhe kallu, whereon the badagas, when not working, sit at ease. in their folk-tales men seated thereon are made to give information concerning the approach of strangers to the village. strangers, who are not badagas, are called holeya. the rev. g. richter gives [ ] badaga holeya as a division of the lowly holeyas, who came to coorg from the mysore country. in front of the houses, the operations of drying and threshing grain are carried out. the cattle are kept in stone kraals, or covered sheds close to the habitations, and the litter is kept till it is knee or waist deep, and then carried away as manure for the badaga's land, or planters' estates. "nobody," it has been said, [ ] "can beat the badaga at making mother earth produce to her utmost capacity, unless it be a chinese gardener. to-day we see a portion of the hill side covered with rocks and boulders. the badagas become possessed of this scene of chaos, and turn out into the place in hundreds, reducing it, in a few weeks, to neat order. the unwieldy boulders, having been rolled aside, serve their purpose by being turned into a wall to keep out cattle, etc. the soil is pounded and worried until it becomes amenable to reason, and next we see a green crop running in waves over the surface. the badagas are the most progressive of all the hill tribes, and always willing to test any new method of cultivation, or new crops brought to their notice by the nilgiri horticultural society." writing in , harkness states [ ] that "on leaving his house in the morning the burgher pays his adoration to the god of day, proceeds to the tu-el or yard, in which the cattle have been confined, and, again addressing the sun as the emblem of siva, asks his blessing, and liberates the herd. he allows the cattle to stray about in the neighbourhood of the village, on a piece of ground which is always kept for this purpose, and, having performed his morning ablutions, commences the milking. this is also preceded by further salutations and praises to the sun. on entering the house in the evening, the burgher addresses the lamp, now the only light, or visible emblem of the deity. 'thou, creator of this and of all worlds, the greatest of the great, who art with us, as well in the mountain as in the wilderness, who keepeth the wreaths that adorn the head from fading, who guardeth the foot from the thorn, god, among a hundred, may we be prosperous.'" the badaga understands the rotation of crops well. on his land he cultivates bearded wheat (beer ganji), barley, onions, garlic, potatoes, kire (amarantus), samai (panicum miliare), tenai (setaria italica), etc. "among the badagas," mr. natesa sastri writes, "the position of the women is somewhat different from what it is among most peoples. every badaga has a few acres to cultivate, but he does not mainly occupy himself with them, for his wife does all the out-door farm work, while he is engaged otherwise in earning something in hard cash. to a badaga, therefore, his wife is his capital. her labour in the field is considered to be worth one rupee per day, while an average male badaga earns merely three annas. a badaga woman, who has not her own acres to cultivate, finds work on some other lands. she thus works hard for her husband and family, and is quite content with the coarsest food--the korali (setaria italica) flour--leaving the better food to the male members of the family. this fact, and the hard work the badaga women have to perform, may perhaps account to some extent for the slight build of the badagas as a race. the male badaga, too, works in the field, or at his own craft if he is not a cultivator, but his love for ready cash is always so great that, even if he had a harvest to gather the next morning, he would run away as a cooly for two annas wages." further, mr. grigg states that "as the men constantly leave their villages to work on coffee plantations, much of the labour in their own fields, as well as ordinary household work, is performed by the women. they are so industrious, and their services of such value to their husbands, that a badaga sometimes pays or rupees as dowry for his wife." in the off season for cultivation, i am informed, the badaga woman collects faggots for home consumption, and stores them near her house, and the women prepare the fields for cultivation by weeding, breaking the earth, and collecting manure. in his report on the revenue settlement of the nilgiris ( ), mr. (now sir) r. s. benson notes that "concurrently with the so-called abolition of the bhurty (or shifting) system of cultivation, mr. grant abolished the peculiar system in vogue up to that time in kundahnad, which had been transferred from malabar to the nilgiris in . this system was known as erkadu kothukadu. under it, a tax of re. to re. - - was levied for the right to use a plough or er, and a tax of from to annas was levied for the right to use a hoe or kothu. the so-called patta issued to the ryot under this system was really no more than a license to use one or more hoes, as the case might be. it merely specified the amount payable for each instrument, but in no cases was the extent or position of the lands to be cultivated specified. the ryot used his implements whenever and wherever he pleased. no restrictions, even on the felling of forests, were imposed, so that the hill-sides and valleys were cleared at will. the system was abolished in . but, during the settlement, i found this erkadu kothukadu system still in force in the flourishing badaga village of kinnakorai, with some fifty houses." in connection with the local self-government of the badagas, mr. a. rajah bahadur mudaliar writes to me as follows. "in former days, the monegar was a great personage, as he formed the unit of the administration. the appointment was more or less hereditary, and it generally fell to the lot of the richest and most well-to-do. all disputes within his jurisdiction were placed before him, and his decision was accepted as final. in simple matters, such as partition of property, disputes between husband and wife, etc., the monegars themselves disposed of them. but, when questions of a complicated nature presented themselves, they took as their colleagues other people of the villages, and the disputes were settled by the collective wisdom of the village elders. they assembled at a place set apart for the purpose beneath a nim (melia azadirachta) or pipal tree (ficus religiosa) on a raised platform (ratchai), generally situated at the entrance to the village. the monegar was ex-officio president of such councils. he and the committee had power to fine the parties, to excommunicate them, and to readmit them to the caste. parents resorted to the monegar for counsel in the disposal of their daughters in marriage, and in finding brides for their sons. if any one had the audacity to run counter to the wishes of the monegar in matters matrimonial, he had the power to throw obstacles in the way of such marriages taking place. the monegar, in virtue of his position, wielded much power, and ruled the village as he pleased." in the old days, it is said, when he visited any village within his jurisdiction, the monegar had the privilege of having the best women or maids of the place to share his cot according to his choice. in former times, the monegar used to wear a silver ring as the badge of office, and some badagas still have in their possession such rings, which are preserved as heirlooms, and worshipped during festivals. the term monegar is, at the present day, used for the village revenue official and munsiff. i gather that each exogamous sept has its headman, called gouda, who is assisted by a parpattikaran, and decides tribal matters, such as disputes, divorce, etc. fines, when inflicted, go towards feasting the tribe, and doing puja (worship) to the gods. in the case of a dispute between two parties, one challenges the other to take an oath in a temple before the village council. a declaration on oath settles the matter at issue, and the parties agree to abide by it. it is the duty of the parpattikaran to make arrangements for such events as the heththeswami, devve and bairaganni festivals, and the buffalo sacrificing festival at konakkore. the parpattikaran takes part in the purification of excommunicated members of the tribe, when they are received back into it, for example, on release from prison. the tongue of the delinquent is burnt with a hot sandal stick, and a new waist thread put on. he is taken to the temple, where he stands amidst the assembled badagas, who touch his head with a cane. he then prostrates himself at the feet of the parpattikaran, who smears his forehead with sacred ashes. it is, further, the duty of the parpattikaran to be present on the occasion of the kannikattu (pregnancy) ceremony. a quarter of a century ago, a badaga could be at once picked out from the other tribes of the nilgiris by his wearing a turban. but, in the present advanced age, not only does the toda sometimes appear in the national head-dress, but even irulas and kurumbas, who only a short time ago were buried in the jungles, living like pigs and bears on roots, honey and other forest produce, turn up on sundays in the kotagiri bazar, clad in turban and coat of english cut. and, as the less civilised tribes don the turban, so the college student abandons this picturesque form of head-gear in favour of the less becoming and less washable porkpie cap, while the badaga men and youths glory in a knitted night-cap of flaring red or orange hue. the body of the badaga man is covered by a long body-cloth, sometimes with red and blue stripes, wrapped "so loosely that, as a man works in the fields, he is obliged to stop between every few strokes of his hoe, to gather up his cloth, and throw one end over his shoulder." male adornment is limited to gold ear-rings of a special pattern made by kotas or goldsmiths, a silver waist-thread, silver bangle on the wrist, and silver, copper, or brass rings. the women wear a white body-cloth, a white under-cloth tied round the chest, tightly wrapped square across the breasts, and reaching to the knees, and a white cloth worn like a cap on the head. as types of female jewelry and tattooing, the following examples may be cited:-- . tattooed on forehead with dashes, circles and crescent; spot on chin; double row of dots on each upper arm over deltoid; and devices and double row of dots on right forearm. gold ornament in left nostril. necklets of glass beads and silver links with four-anna piece pendent. silver armlet above right elbow. four copper armlets above left elbow. four silver and seven composition bangles on left forearm. two silver rings on right ring-finger; two steel rings on left ring-finger. . tattooed on forehead; quadruple row of dots over right deltoid; star on right forearm. . tattooed like the preceding on forehead and upper arm. spot on chin; elaborate device on right forearm; rayed star or sun on back of hand. . tattooed like the preceding on forehead and arm. triple row of dots on back and front of left wrist, and double row of dots, with circle surrounded by dots, across chest. toreya women are only allowed to wear bangles on the wrist. the tattoo marks on the foreheads of udayar women consist of a crescent and dot, and they have a straight line tattooed at the outer corners of the eyes. women of the other sub-divisions have on the forehead two circles with two vertical dashes between them, and a horizontal or crescentic dash below. the circles are made by pricking in the pigment over an impression made with a finger ring, or over a black mark made by means of such a ring. the operation is performed either by a badaga or korava woman. the former uses as needles the spines of carissa spinarum, and a mixture of finely powdered charcoal or lamp-black mixed with rice gruel. the marks on the forehead are made when a girl is about eight or nine years old, and do not, as stated by mr. natesa sastri, proclaim to the whole badaga world that a girl is of marriageable age. in colour the badagas are lighter than the other hill tribes, and the comparative pallor of the skin is specially noticeable in the females, whom, with very few exceptions, i was only able to study by surreptitious examination, when we met on the roads. in physique, the typical badaga man is below middle height, smooth-skinned, of slender build, with narrow chest and shoulders. badaga men have cicatrices on the shoulder and forearm as the result of branding with a fire-stick when they are lads, with the object, it is said, of giving strength, and preventing pain when milking or churning. in like manner, the todas have raised cicatrices (keloids) on the shoulder produced by branding with a fire-stick. they believe that the branding enables them to milk the buffaloes with perfect ease. the badagas have a very extensive repertoire of hora hesaru, or nicknames, of which the following are examples:-- one who eats in bed during the night. snorer. stupid. bald head. brown-eyed. thin and bony. big head. bandy-legged. one who returned alive from the burning ground. ripe fruit. big-thighed. blind. lame. big calves. piles. liar. cat-eyed. fond of pot-herbs. rheumatic. bad-tempered. left-handed. buffalo grazer. saliva dribbling. honey-eater. black. spleen. teeth. potato-eater. glutton. belly. itch legged. one who was slow in learning to walk. tall. thief-eyed. pustule-bodied. scarred. hairy. weak, like partially baked pots. strong, like portland cement. among the badagas, konga is used as a term of abuse. those who made mistakes in matching holmgren's wools, with which i tested them, were, always called konga by the onlookers. when two badagas meet each other, the elder touches the head of the younger with his right hand. this form of salutation is known as giving the head. a person of the badaga section gives the head, as it is called, to an udaiyar, in token of the superiority of the latter. when people belong to the same sept, they say "ba, anna, appa, thamma, amma, akka" (come, father, brother, mother, sister, etc.). but, if they are of different septs, they will say "ba, mama, mami, bava" (come, uncle, aunt, brother-in-law, etc.). "whenever," dr. rivers writes, [ ] "a toda meets a badaga monegar (headman), or an old badaga with whom he is acquainted, a salutation passes between the two. the toda stands before the badaga, inclines his head slightly, and says 'madtin pudia.' (madtin, you have come). the badaga replies 'buthuk! buthuk!' (blessing, blessing), and rests his hand on the top of the toda's head. this greeting only takes place between todas and the more important of the badaga community. it would seem that every badaga headman may be greeted in this way, but a toda will only greet other badaga elders, if he is already acquainted with them. the salutation is made to members of all the various castes of the badagas, except the toreyas. it has been held to imply that the todas regard the badagas as their superiors, but it is doubtful how far this is the case. the todas themselves say they follow the custom because the badagas help to support them. it seems to be a mark of respect paid by the todas to the elders of a tribe with which they have very close relations, and it is perhaps significant that no similar sign of respect is shown to toda elders by the badagas." every badaga family has its muttu kota, from whom it gets the agricultural implements, pots, hoes, etc. in return, the kotas receive an annual present of food-grains, mustard and potatoes. for a kota funeral, the badagas have to give five rupees or a quantity of rice, and a buffalo. the pots obtained from the kotas are not used immediately, but kept for three days in the jungle, or in a bush in some open spot. they are then taken to the outer apartment of the house, and kept there for three days, when they are smeared with the bark of meliosma pungens (the tud tree of the todas) and culms of andropogon schoenanthus (bzambe hullu). thus purified, the pots are used for boiling water in for three days, and may then be used for any purpose. the badagas are said to give a present of grain annually to the todas. every toda mand (or mad) seems to have its own group of badaga families, who pay them this gudu, as it is called. "there are," dr. rivers writes, "several regulations concerning the food of the palol (dairy man of a toda sacred dairy). any grain he eats must be that provided by the badagas. at the present time more rice is eaten than was formerly the case. this is not grown by the badagas, but nevertheless the rice for the palol must be obtained through them. the palol wears garments of a dark grey material made in the coimbatore district. they are brought to the palol by the badaga called tikelfmav. the earthenware vessels of the inner room (of the ti dairy) are not obtained from the kotas, like the ordinary vessels, but are made by hindus, and are procured through the badagas." the badagas live in dread of the kurumbas, and the kurumba constantly comes under reference in their folk-stories. the kurumba is the necromancer of the hills, and believed to be possessed of the power of outraging women, removing their livers, and so causing their death, while the wound heals by magic, so that no trace of the operation is left. he is supposed, too, to have the power of opening the bolts of doors by magic and effecting an entrance into a house at night for some nefarious purpose. the toda or badaga requires the services of the kurumba, when he fancies that any member of his family is possessed of the devil, or when he wants to remove the evil eye, to which he imagines that his children have been subjected. the kurumba does his best to remove the malady by repeating various mantrams (magical formulæ). if he fails, and if any suspicion is aroused in the mind of the toda or badaga that he is allowing the devil to play his pranks instead of loosing his hold on the supposed victim, woe betide him. the wrath of the entire village, or even the whole tribe, is raised against the unhappy kurumba. his hut is surrounded at night, and the entire household massacred in cold blood, and their huts set on fire. this is very cleverly carried out, and the isolated position of the kurumba settlements allows of very little clue for identification. in no less than fifty-eight kurumbas were thus murdered, and a smaller number in and . in the live inmates of a single hut were murdered, and their hut burnt to ashes, because, it was said, one of them who had been treating a sick badaga child failed to cure it. the crime was traced to some kotas in conjunction with badagas, but the district judge disbelieved the evidence, and all who were charged were acquitted. every badaga family pays an annual tax of four annas to the kurumbas, and, if a kurumba comes to a badaga hatti (village), a subscription is raised as an inducement to him to take his departure. the kurumba receives a fee for every badaga funeral, and for the pregnancy ceremony (kannikattu). it is noted by dr. rivers that "the toda sorcerers are not only feared by their fellow todas, but also by the badagas, and it is probably largely owing to fear of toda sorcery that the badagas continue to pay their tribute of grain. the badagas may also consult the toda diviners, and it is probable that the belief of the badagas in the magical powers of the todas is turned to good account by the latter. in some cases, todas, have been killed by badagas owing to this belief." among the todas, the duties of milking the buffaloes and dairy-work are entrusted to special individuals, whereas any badaga male may, after initiation, milk the cows and buffaloes, provided that he is free from pollution. every badaga boy, when he is about seven or nine years old, is made to milk a cow on an auspicious day, or on new year's day. the ceremony is thus described by mr. natesa sastri. "early in the morning of the day appointed for this ceremony, the boy is bathed, and appears in his holiday dress. a she-buffalo, with her calf, stands before his house, waiting to be milked. the parents, or other elder relations of the boy, and those who have been invited to be present on the occasion, or whose duty it is to be present, then conduct the boy to the spot. the father, or some one of the agnatic kindred, gives into the hands of the boy a bamboo vessel called hone, which is already very nearly full of fresh-drawn milk. the boy receives the vessel with both his hands, and is conducted to the buffalo. the elder relations show him the process, and the boy, sitting down, milks a small quantity into the hone. this is his first initiation into the duty of milking, and it is that he may not commit mistakes on the very first day of his milking that the hone is previously filled almost to the brim. the boy takes the vessel filled with milk into his house, and pours some of the sacred fluid into all his household eating vessels--a sign that from that day he has taken up on himself the responsibility of supplying the family with milk. he also throws some milk in the faces of his parents and relatives. they receive it very kindly, and bless him, and request him to continue thus to milk the buffaloes, and bring plenty and prosperity to the house. after this, the boy enters the milk-house (hagottu), and places milk in his hone there. from this moment, and all through his life, he may enter into that room, and this is therefore considered a very important ceremony." a cow or buffalo, which has calved for the first time, has to be treated in a special manner. for three or five days it is not milked. a boy is then selected to milk it. he must not sleep on a mat, or wear a turban, and, instead of tying his cloth round his waist, must wear it loosely over his body. meat is forbidden, and he must avoid, and not speak to polluting classes, such as irulas and kotas, and menstruating women. on the day appointed for milking the animal, the boy bathes, and proceeds to milk it into a new hone purified by smearing a paste of meliosma (tud) leaves and bark over it, and heating it over a fire. the milk is taken to a stream, where three cups are made of argyreia (minige) leaves, into which a small quantity of the milk is placed. the cups are then put in the water. the remainder of the milk in the hone is also poured into the stream. in some places, especially where a madeswara temple is close at hand, the milk is taken to the temple, and given to the pujari. with a portion of the milk some plantain fruits are made into a pulp, and given to an udaya, who throws them into a stream. the boy is treated with some respect by his family during the period when he milks the animal, and is given food first. this he must eat off a plate made of argvreia, or plantain leaves. besides the hagottu within the house, the badagas have, at certain places, separate dairy-houses near a temple dedicated to heththeswami, of which the one at bairaganni (or berganni) appears to be the most important. the dairy pujari is here, like the toda palol, a celibate. in , he was a young lad, whom my brahman assistant set forth to photograph. he was, however, met at a distance from the village by a headman, who assured him that he could not take the photograph without the sanction of fifteen villages. the pujari is not allowed to wander freely about the village, or talk to grown-up women. he cooks his own food within the temple grounds, and wears his cloth thrown loosely over his body. once a year, on the occasion of a festival, he is presented with new cloths and turban, which alone he may wear. he must be a strict vegetarian. a desire to marry and abandon the priesthood is believed to be conveyed in dreams, or through one inspired. before leaving the temple service, he must train his successor in the duties, and retires with the gains acquired by the sale of the products of the herd and temple offerings. the village of bairaganni is regarded as sacred, and possesses no holagudi (menstrual hut). bishop whitehead adds that "buffaloes are given as offerings to the temple at bairaganni, and become the property of the pujari, who milks them, and uses the milk for his food. all the villagers give him rice every day. he may only eat once a day, at about p.m. he cooks the meal himself, and empties the rice from the cooking-pot by turning it over once. if the rice does not come out the first time, he cannot take it at all. when he wants to get married, another boy is appointed in his place. the buffaloes are handed over to his successor." the following legend in connection with bairaganni is also recorded by bishop whitehead. "there is a village in the mekanad division of the nilgiris called nundala. a man had a daughter. he wanted to marry her to a man in the paranganad division about a hundred years ago. she did not wish to marry him. the father insisted, but she refused again and again. at last she wished to die, and came near a tank, on the bank of which was a tree. she sat under the tree and washed, and then threw herself into the tank. one of the men of bairaganni in the paranganad division saw the woman in a dream. she told him that she was not a human being but a goddess, an incarnation of parvati. the people of nundala built a strong bund (embankment) round the tank, and allow no woman to go on it. only the pujari, and badagas who have prepared themselves by fasting and ablution, are allowed to go on the bund to offer puja, which is done by breaking cocoanuts, and offering rice, flowers, and fruits. the woman told the man in his dream to build a temple at bairaganni, which is now the chief temple of heththeswami." concerning the initiation of a lingayat badaga into his religion, which takes place at about his thirteenth birthday, mr. natesa sastri writes as follows. "the priest conducts this ceremony, and the elder relations of the family have only to arrange for the performance of it. the priests belong to the udaya sect. they live in their own villages, and are specially sent for, and come to the boy's village for the occasion. the ceremony is generally done to several boys of about the same age on the same day. on the day appointed, all the people in the badaga village, where this ceremony is to take place, observe a strict fast. the cows and buffaloes are all milked very early in the morning, and not a drop of the milk thus collected is given out, or taken by even the tenderest children of the village, who may require it very badly. the udaya priest arrives near the village between a.m. and noon on the day appointed. he never goes into the village, but stops near some rivulet adjacent to it. the relations of the boy approach him with a new basket, containing five measures of uncooked rice, pulse, ghi, etc., and a quarter of a rupee--one fanam, as it is generally designated. the priest sits near the water-course, and lights a fire on the bank. perfumes are thrown profusely into it, and this is almost the only ceremony before the fire. the boys, whose turn it is to receive the linga that day, are all directed to bathe in the river. a plantain leaf, cut into one foot square, is placed in front of the fire towards the east of it. the lingas, kept in readiness by the parents of the boys, are now received by the priest, and placed on the leaves. the boys are asked to wash them--each one the linga meant for his wearing--in water and milk. then comes the time for the expenditure of all the collected milk of the morning. profusely the white fluid is poured, till the whole rivulet is nothing but a stream of milk. after the lingas are thus washed, the boys give them to the priest, who places them in his left palm, and, covering them with his right, utters, with all the solemnity due to the occasion, the following incantation, while the boys and the whole village assembled there listen to it with the most profound respect and veneration 'oh! siva, hara, basava, the lord of all the six thousand and three thousand names and glories, the lord of one lakh and ninety-six thousand ganas (body-guards of siva), the donor of water, the daily-to-be worshipped, the husband of parvati. oh! lord, o! siva linga, thy feet alone are our resort. oh! siva, siva, siva, siva.' while pronouncing this prayer, the priest now and then removes his right palm, and pours water and milk round the sacred fire, and over the lingas resting in his left palm. he then places each of the lingas in a cloth of one cubit square, rolls it up, and requests the boys to hold out their right palms. the young badaga receives it, repeats the prayer given about five times, and, during each repetition, the palm holding the linga tied up in the cloth is carried nearer and nearer to his neck. when that is reached (on the fifth utterance of the incantation), the priest ties the ends of the rolled up cloth containing the siva emblem loosely round the boy's neck, while the latter is all the while kneeling down, holding with both his hands the feet of the priest. after the linga has been tied, the priest blesses him thus: 'may one become one thousand to you. may you ever preserve in you the siva linga. if you do so, you will have plenty of milk and food, and you will prosper for one thousand years in name and fame, kine and coin.' if more than one have to receive the linga on the same day, each of them has to undergo this ceremony. after the ceremony is over, the priest returns to his village with the rice, etc., and fees. every house, in which a boy has received the linga, has to give a grand feast on that day. even the poorest badaga must feed at least five other badagas." the foregoing account of the investiture with the lingam apparently applies to the mekanad udayas. the following note is based on information supplied by the udayas of paranginad. the ceremony of investiture is performed either on new year's day or sivarathri by an udaya priest in the house of a respected member of the community (doddamane), which is vacated for the occasion. the houses of the boys and girls who are to receive lingams are cleaned, and festoons of tud and mango leaves, lime fruits, and flowers of leucas aspera (thumbe) are tied across the doorways, and in front of the house where the ceremony is to be performed. until the conclusion thereof, all the people of the village fast. the candidates, with their parents, and the officiating priest repair to the doddamane. the lingams are handed over to the priest, who, taking them up one by one, does puja to them, and gives them to the children. they in turn do puja, and the lingams, wrapped in pink silk or cotton cloths, are tied round their necks. the puja consists of washing the lingams in cow's urine and milk, smearing them with sandal and turmeric paste, throwing flowers on them, and waving incense and burning camphor before them. after the investiture, the novices are taught a prayer, which is not a stereotyped formula, but varies with the priest and village. like other lingayats, the udayas respect the jangam, but do not employ the jangama thirtham (water used for washing the jangam's feet) for bathing their lingams. in udaya villages there is no special menstrual hut (holagudi). milk is not regarded by them as a sacred product, so there is no hagottu in their houses. nor do they observe the manavalai festival in honour of ancestors. other ceremonies are celebrated by them, as by other badagas, but they do not employ the services of a kurumba. important agricultural ceremonies are performed by the badagas at the time of sowing and harvest. the seed-sowing ceremony takes place in march, and, in some places, e.g., the mekanad and paranginad, a kurumba plays an important part in it. on an auspicious day--a tuesday before the crescent moon--a pujari of the devve temple sets out several hours before dawn with five or seven kinds of grain in a basket and sickle, accompanied by a kurumba, and leading a pair of bullocks with a plough. on reaching the field selected, the pujari pours the grain into the cloth of the kurumba, and, yoking the animals to the plough, makes three furrows in the soil. the kurumba, stopping the bullocks, kneels on the ground between the furrows facing east. removing his turban, he places it on the ground, and, closing his ears with his palms, bawls out "dho, dho," thrice. he then rises, and scatters the grain thrice on the soil. the pujari and kurumba then return to the village, and the former deposits what remains of the grain in the store-room (attu). a new pot, full of water, is placed in the milk-house, and the pujari dips his right hand therein, saying "nerathubitta" (it is full). this ceremony is an important one for the badagas, as, until it has been performed, sowing may not commence. it is a day of feasting, and, in addition to rice, dolichos lablab is cooked. the other agricultural ceremony is called devve habba or tenai (setaria italica), and is usually celebrated in june or july, always on a monday. it is apparently performed in honour of the two gods mahalingaswami and hiriya udaya, to whom a group of villages will have temples dedicated. for example, the badagas in the neighbourhood of kotagiri have their hiriya udaya temple at tandanad, and mahalingaswami temple at kannermukku. this devve festival, which should on no account be pronounced duvve, which means burning-ground, is celebrated at one place, whither the badagas from other villages proceed, to take part in it. about midday, some badagas and the temple pujari go from the temple of hiriya udaya to that of mahalingaswami. the procession is usually headed by a kurumba, who scatters fragments of tud bark and wood as he goes on his way. the pujari takes with him the materials necessary for doing puja, and, after worshipping mahalingaswami, the party return to the hiriya udaya temple, where milk and cooked rice are offered to the various gods within the temple precincts. on the following day, all assemble at the temple, and a kurumba brings a few sheaves of setaria italica, and ties them to a stone set up at the main entrance. after this, puja is done, and the people offer cocoanuts to the god. later on, all the women of the madhave sept, who have given birth to a first-born child, come, dressed up in holiday attire, with their babies, to the temple. on this day they wear a special nose ornament, called elemukkuththi, which is only worn on one other occasion, at the funeral of a husband. the women do puja to hiriya udaya, and the pujari gives them a small quantity of rice on minige (argyreia) leaves. after eating this, they leave the temple in a line, and wash their hands with water given to them by the pujari. this ceremonial, performed by women of the madhave sept, is called mandedhanda. as soon as the devve festival is concluded, the reaping of the crop commences, and a measure or two of grain from the crop gathered on the first day, called nisal, is set apart for the mahalingaswami temple. the most important gods of the badagas are heththeswami, mahalingaswami, hiriya udaya, madeswara, mankali, jadeswami, and nilgiri rangaswami. and at the present day, some badagas proceed to the plains, to worship at the saivite temple at karamadai in coimbatore, or at nanjangod in mysore. the festival in honour of heththeswami is celebrated in the month of january at baireganni. it is sometimes called ermathohabba, as, with it, ploughing operations cease. it always commences on a monday, and usually lasts eight days. a sedan or devanga weaver comes with his portable hand-loom, and sufficient thread for weaving a dhubati (coarse cloth) and turban. at baireganni there is a special house, in which these articles are woven. but, at other places where the festival is observed, the badagas go to the weaver's village to fetch the required cloths. early on the second morning of the festival, some of the more respected badagas and the weaver proceed to the weaving house after bathing. the weaver sets up his loom, and worships it by offering incense, and other things. the badagas give him a new cloth, and a small sum of money, and ask him to weave a dhubati and two kachches (narrow strips of cloth). daily, throughout the festival, the badagas collect near the temple, and indulge in music and songs. until the last day, they are not permitted to set eyes on the god heththeswami. on the morning of the last day, the pujari, accompanied by all the badagas, takes the newly woven cloths to a stream, in which they are washed. when they are dry, all proceed to the temple, where the idol is dressed up in them, and all, on this occasion only, are allowed to look at it. devotees pay a small offering of money, which is placed on a tray near the idol. the crowd begins to disperse in the afternoon, and, on their way back to their villages, the wants of the travellers are attended to by people posted at intervals with coffee, fruit, and other articles of food. if the badagas have to go to a weaver's village for the cloths, the weaver is, when the order is given for them, presented with four annas, after he has bathed. when handing the money to him, the badagas bawl out "this is the fee for making the cloths to be worn by heththe iramasthi and parasakti parvati." on the last day of the festival, the cloths are washed, and one of them is made to represent an idol, which is decorated with waist and neck ornaments, and an umbrella. all prostrate themselves before it, and make offerings of money. fruits and other things are then offered to heththeswami and some recite the following prayer. "may all good acts be remembered, and all bad ones be forgotten. though there may be a thousand and one sins, may i reach the feet of god." the following further information in connection with the baireganni festival is given by bishop whitehead. "the people from other villages offer money, rice, fruits, umbrellas of gold or silver for the goddess, cloths, and buffaloes. the buffaloes are never killed, but remain as the property of the temple. the pujari calls the representatives of one village, and tells them what hetheswami says to him, e.g., 'this year you will have good [or bad] crops; cholera or small-pox, good [or bad] rain, etc.' as the people present their offerings, they prostrate themselves, kneeling down and touching the ground with their foreheads, and the pujari gives them some flowers, which they wear in their hair. the people and the pujari play on the kombu [horn], and ring bells while the offerings are being made. after the offerings have finished, all the men dance, in two companies, in front of the temple, one shouting 'how-ko, how-ko,' and the other 'is-holi.' the dance was taught them by the todas, and the words are toda." in connection with the jadeswami festival the ceremony of walking through fire [burning embers] is carried out at melur, tangalu, mainele, jakkanare, tenad, and nidugala. at melur and tangalu, the temples belong to the haruvas, who carry out all the details of ceremony. the temple at tenad is owned by the udayas, by whom the ceremonial is performed. in other places, the celebrants are badagas. the festival is observed, on an elaborate scale, at nidugala during the month of january. all those who are going to walk over the burning embers fast for eight days, and go through the rite on the ninth day. for its performance, monday is considered an auspicious day. the omens are taken by boiling two pots of milk side by side on two hearths. if the milk overflows uniformly on all sides, the crops will be abundant for all the villages. but, if it flows over on one side only, there will be plentiful crops for villages on that side only. the space over which the embers are spread is said to be about five yards long, and three yards broad. but, in some places, e.g., jakkanare and melur, it is circular as at the muhammadan fire-walking ceremony. for making the embers, the wood of eugenia jambolana and phyllanthus emblica are used. for boiling the milk, and setting fire to the wood, a light obtained by friction must be used. the process is known as niligolu, or upright stick. the vertical stick is made of a twig of rhodomyrtus tomentosus, which is rotated in a socket in a long thick piece of a bough of debregeasia velutina, in which a row of sockets has been made. the rotation is produced by a cord passed several times round the vertical stick, of which each end is pulled alternately. the horizontal block is pressed firmly on the ground by the toes of a man, who presses a half cocoanut shell down on the top of the vertical stick, so as to force it down into the socket. a badaga, who failed in an attempt to demonstrate the making of fire by this method, gave as an excuse that he was under worldly pollution, from which he would be free at the time of the fire-walking ceremony. though the badagas make fire by friction, reference is made in their folk legends, not to this mode of obtaining fire, but to chakkamukki (flint and steel), which is repeatedly referred to in connection with cremation. after the milk boiling ceremonial, the pujari, tying bells on his legs, approaches the fire pit, carrying milk freshly drawn from a cow, which has calved for the first time, and flowers of rhododendron arboreum, leucas aspera, or jasmine. after doing puja, he throws the flowers on the embers, and they should remain unscorched for a few seconds. he then pours some of the milk over the embers, and no hissing sound should be produced. the omens being propitious, he walks over the glowing embers, followed by an udaya, and the crowd of celebrants, who, before going through the ordeal, count the hairs on their feet. if any are singed, it is a sign of approaching ill fortune, or even death. in an account of the fire-walking ceremony, in , it is noted that "the badagas strongly repudiate the insinuation of preparing their feet to face the fire ordeal. it is done to propitiate jeddayswami, to whom vows are invoked, in token of which they grow one twist or plait of hair, which is treasured for years, and finally cut off as an offering to jeddayswami. numbers of chettis were catering to the crowd, offering their wares, bangles, gay-coloured handkerchiefs, as well as edibles. the kotas supplied the music, and an ancient patriarch worked himself up to a high pitch of inspiration, and predicted all sorts of good things for the badagas with regard to the ensuing season and crops." the following legend, relating to the fire-walking ceremony, is recorded by bishop whitehead. "when they first began to perform the ceremony fifty or sixty years ago, they were afraid to walk over the fire. then the stone image of mahalinga swami turned into a snake, and made a hole through the temple wall. it came out, and crawled over the fire, and then went back to the temple. then their fear vanished, and they walked over the embers. the hole is still to be seen in the temple." of the fire-walking ceremony at melur, the following account is given in the gazetteer of the nilgiris. "it takes place on the monday after the march new moon, just before the cultivation season begins, and is attended by badagas from all over merkunad. the inhabitants of certain villages (six in number), who are supposed to be the descendants of an early badaga named guruvajja, have first, however, to signify through their gottukars, or headmen, that the festival may take place; and the gottukars choose three, five, or seven men to walk through the fire. on the day appointed, the fire is lit by certain badaga priests and a kurumba. the men chosen by the gottukars then bathe, adorn themselves with sandal, do obeisance to the udayas of udayarhatti near keti, who are specially invited and feasted; pour into the adjacent stream milk from cows which have calved for the first time during the year; and, in the afternoon, throw more milk and some flowers from the mahalingasvami temple into the fire pit, and then walk across it. earth is next thrown on the embers, and they walk across twice more. a general feast closes the ceremony, and next day the first ploughings are done, the kurumba sowing the first seeds, and the priests the next lot. finally, a net is brought. the priest of the temple, standing over it, puts up prayers for a favourable agricultural season; two fowls are thrown into it, and a pretence is made of spearing them; and then it is taken and put across some game path, and some wild animal (a sambhar deer if possible) is driven into it, slain, and divided among the villagers. this same custom of annually killing a sambhar is also observed at other villages on the plateau, and in and special orders were passed to permit of its being done during the close season. latterly, disputes about precedence in the matter of walking through the fire at melur have been carried as far as the civil courts, and the two factions celebrate the festival separately in alternate years. a fire-walking ceremony also takes place annually at the jadayasvami temple in jakkaneri under the auspices of a sivachari badaga. it seems to have originally had some connection with agricultural prospects, as a young bull is made to go partly across the fire-pit before the other devotees, and the owners of young cows which have had their first calves during the year take precedence of others in the ceremony, and bring offerings of milk, which are sprinkled over the burning embers." at the sakalathi festival, in the month of october, badagas, towards evening, throw on the roofs of their houses flowers of plectranthus wightii, crotalaria obtecta, lobelia nicotianoefolia, achyranthes aspera, and leucas aspera. on the following day, they clean their houses, and have a feast. in the afternoon, numbers of them may be seen in the streets drawing in front of their houses pictures in wood-ashes of buffaloes, bulls, cows, ploughs, stars, sun and moon, snakes, lizards, etc. they then go into their houses, and wash their hands. taking up in his clean hands a big cake, on which are placed a little rice and butter, the badaga puts on it three wicks steeped in castor oil, and lights them. the cake is then waved round the heads of all the children of the house taken to a field, and thrown therein with the words "sakalathi has come." the cake-thrower returns home, and prostrates himself before a lamp placed in the inner room, and repeats a long formula, composed of the various synonyms of siva. in the month of november, a festival called dodda habba (big feast) is celebrated. in the afternoon, rice is cooked in whey within the hagottu, and eaten on minige leaves. throughout the day the villagers play at various ball games. a festival, which is purely local, is celebrated near konakore in honour of mahangkali. a buffalo is led to the side of a precipice, killed by a kurumba with a spear, and thrown over the edge thereof. there is a legend that, in olden days, a pujari used to put a stick in the crevice of a rock, and, on removing it, get the value of a buffalo in fanams (gold coins). but, on one occasion, he put the stick in a second time, in the hopes of gaining more money. no money, however, was forthcoming and, as a punishment for his greed, he died on the spot. all badaga villages, except those of the udayas, have a hut, called holagudi, for the exclusive use of women during their monthly periods. a few months before a girl is expected to reach puberty, she is sent to the holagudi, on a friday, four or five days before the new moon day. this is done lest, in the ordinary course of events, the first menstruation should commence on an inauspicious day. the girl remains in the holagudi one night, and returns home on the following day clad in new cloths, leaving the old ones in the hut. when she arrives at her house, she salutes all the people who are there, and receives their blessing. on sunday she goes to the houses of her relations, where she is given kadalai (cicer arietinum) and other food. she may not enter the inner apartment of her house until she has seen the crescent moon. badaga women observe five days menstrual pollution. if a woman discovers her condition before washing her face in the early morning, that day is included in the pollution period. otherwise, the period must be prolonged over six days. on the third day she bathes in cold water, using the bark of pouzolzia (thorekolu), and on the fourth day is allowed a change of clothing after a bath. on this day she leaves the hut, and passes a portion of the night in the verandah of her house. after cooking and eating her evening meal, she bathes, and enters the outer room. early on the following morning, the spot which she has occupied is cleaned, and she bathes in a stream. returning home, she eats her food in the outer room, where she remains till next morning. even children may not be touched by a menstruating woman. if, by chance, this happens, the child must be washed to remove the pollution, before it can be handled by others. this restriction is apparently not observed by any other tribe or caste. writing concerning marriage among the badagas, harkness states [ ] that "it is said to be common for one who is in want of labourers to promise his daughter in marriage to the son or other relative of a neighbour not in circumstances so flourishing as himself. and, these engagements being entered into, the intended bridegroom serves the father of his betrothed as one of his own family till the girl comes of age, when the marriage is consummated, and he becomes a partner in the general property of the family of his father-in-law." a man may marry a girl belonging to the same village as himself, if he and she are not members of the same exogamous sept. in most cases, however, all the inhabitants of a village are of the same sept, and a man has to take as his wife a girl from a village other than his own. among all sections of the badagas, adult marriage is the general rule, though infant marriage is also practised. marriage is preceded by a simple form of courtship, but the consent of the parents to the union is necessary. a girl does not suffer in reputation if she is rejected by a number of suitors, before she finally settles down. except among the udayas, the marriage ceremony is of a very simple nature. a day or two before that fixed for taking the girl to the house of her husband-elect, the latter proceeds to her village, accompanied by his brothers, who, as a token of respect, touch the feet of all the badagas who are assembled. the bride is taken to the house of the bridegroom, accompanied by the kota band. arrived there, she stands at the entrance, and her mother-in-law or sister-in-law brings water in a vessel, and pours it into her hands thrice. each time she lets the water fall over her feet. the mother-in-law then ties round her neck a string of beads (male mani), and leads her to the outer room (edumane), where cooked samai (panicum miliare) and milk is given to her. this she pretends to eat, and the bridegroom's sister gives her water to wash her hands with. the bride and two married women or virgins (preferably the bridegroom's sisters) go to a stream in procession, accompanied by the kota musicians, and bring therefrom water for cooking purposes in decorated new pots. the bride then salutes all her new relations, and they in turn give her their blessing. the ceremonial concludes with a feast, at the conclusion of which, in some cases, the bride and bridegroom sit on the raised verandah (pial), and receive presents. "though," a correspondent writes, "the badaga is simple, and his wants are few, he cannot resist the temptation of wine and women. the badaga woman can change husbands as often as she pleases by a simple system of divorce, and can also carry on with impunity intimacy within the pale of her own community. it is not uncommon to find badaga women changing husbands, so long as youth and vigour tempt them to do so, and confining themselves eventually to the last individual, after age and infirmity have made their mark, and render such frolics inexpedient." a former magistrate of the nilgiris informs me that he tried more than one case, in which a married man filed a complaint against another man for kidnapping or enticing away his wife for immoral purposes. the father of the woman was always charged as an abetter, and pleaded that, as no pariyam (bride price) had been paid by the husband, though he and the woman lived together as man and wife, no criminal offence could be proved against either the father or the abductor. polygamy is permitted, and the plurality of wives is a gain to the husband, as each wife becomes a bread-winner, and supports her children, and the man makes each wife superintend one department of the day's work. remarriage of widows is very common, and a widow may marry the brother of her deceased husband. it is said to be etiquette among the badagas that, when a woman's husband is away, she should be accessible to her brothers-in-law. instances occur, in which the husband is much younger than his wife, who, until he has reached maturity, cohabits with her paternal aunt's son, or some one whom she may have a fancy for. the marriage ceremony of the udayas is carried out on an elaborate scale, and is based on the type of ceremonial which is carried out by some castes in the plains. before dawn on the marriage day, the brothers and cousins of the bridegroom go, accompanied by some udayas and the kota band, to the forest, whence they bring two sticks of mimusops hexandra, to do duty as the milk-posts. the early hour is selected, to avoid the chance of coming across inauspicious objects. the sticks should be cut off the tree at a single stroke of the bill-hook, and they may not be laid flat on the ground, but placed on a blanket spread thereon. the udayas, who joined in the procession, collect twelve posts of mimusops as supports for the marriage booth (pandal). in front of the house, which is to be the scene of the wedding, two pits are dug, into which cow-dung water is poured. the pujari does puja to the milk-posts by offering sugar-cane, jaggery (crude sugar), etc., and ties two threads thereto. the posts are then placed in the pits by five people--the parents of the bridal couple and the priest. the booth, and dais or enclosure, are then erected close to the milk-posts. on the second day, the bridegroom's party, attended by kota musicians, dressed up in dancing costume, go to the house of the bride, where a feast is held. the bride then salutes a lamp, and prostrates herself at the feet of her parents, who bless her, saying "may your body and hands soon be filled (i.e., may you have a child), and may your life be prosperous." the bride is taken in procession to the house of the bridegroom, accompanied by some udayas, and a toreya carrying a bag of rice. at the entrance to the house she is blindfolded, and her mother-in-law pours water over her feet, and waves coloured water (arathi) in front of her. she then enters the house, right foot foremost, and sits on a mat. three married women, nearly related to the bridegroom, proceed, with the kota musicians, to a stream, carrying three pots decorated with leaves of leucas aspera. the priest does puja, and the pots are filled with water, and brought back in procession to the marriage dais. the water is poured into three vessels placed thereon three times by each of the three women. within the marriage enclosure, two raised platforms are set up by a toreya. the bridegroom, after going round the enclosure three times with his brothers and sisters, enters it, and bathes with the water contained in the vessels. he then dresses himself in new clothes, and is carried to the outer room by his maternal uncle. the bride is then treated in like manner, but is taken to the inner room. at a fixed auspicious hour, the bridal couple repair to the enclosure, where the bridegroom stands on a mat. a screen is held up by four or five men between him and the bride, who stands facing him, while the priest ties the ends of their clothes together. they then link their little fingers together, the screen is removed, and they seat themselves on the mat. the bridegroom's sister brings a tray with a mass of rice scooped out into a cavity to hold ghi for feeding a lighted wick (annadha arathi) on it, and, placing it before the bridal pair, sits down. the tali, consisting of a golden disc, is worshipped by the priest, and given to the bridegroom, who ties it on to the bride's neck. in some places it is tied by four or five elders, belonging to different villages, who are not widowers. the contracting couple then put on wreaths called sammandha malai, or wreaths establishing relationship, and the wrist threads are tied on. the bride's sister brings some rice and milk in a cup, into which the linked fingers of the bride and bridegroom are thrust. taking up some of the rice, they put it into each other's mouths three times. after they have washed their hands, the maternal uncle or priest asks them if they have seen aranjoti (the pole-star), and they reply in the affirmative. on the third day, presents are given to the newly-married couple, and the wrist threads are removed. going to a stream, they perform a mimic ceremony of sowing, and scatter cotton and rice seed in two small pans made by a toreya with cow-dung. widow remarriage is permitted among the udayas, and a widow may marry a cousin, but not her dead husband's brother. at the marriage ceremony, a priest makes a mark with sacred ashes on the foreheads of the contracting couple, and announces the fact of their union. it is noted by dr. rivers that "breeks has stated that the toda custom is that the house shall pass to the youngest son. it seems quite clear that this is wrong, and that this custom is absolutely unknown among the todas. it is, however, a badaga custom, and among them i was told that it is due to the fact that, as the sons of a family grow up and marry, they leave the house of the parents and build houses elsewhere. it is the duty of the youngest son to dwell with his parents, and support them as long as they live, and, when they die, he continues to live in the paternal home, of which he becomes the owner." a ceremony is performed in the seventh month of a woman's first pregnancy, which is important, inasmuch as it seals the marriage contract, and, after its performance, divorce can only be obtained through the decree of the panchayat (tribal council). moreover, if it has not been performed, a man cannot claim the paternity of the child. the ceremony is called kanni kattodu or kanni hakodu (thread tying or throwing). the husband and wife are seated in the midst of those who have assembled for the occasion, and the former asks his father-in-law whether he may throw the thread round his wife's neck, and, having received permission, proceeds to do so. if he gets the thread, which must have no knots in it, entangled in the woman's bunch of hair (kondai), which is made large for the occasion by the addition of false hair, he is fined three rupees. on the day of the ceremony, the man and his wife are supposed to be under pollution, and sit in the verandah to receive presents. the mats used by them for sleeping on are cleaned on the following morning, and they get rid of the pollution by bathing. a first confinement must not take place within the house, and the verandah is converted into a lying-in chamber, from which the woman is, after delivery, removed to the outer apartment, where she remains till she is free from pollution by catching sight of the crescent moon. if a woman has been delivered at her father's house, she returns to the home of her husband within a month of the birth of the child on an auspicious day. on arrival there, the infant is placed near the feet of an old man standing by a lamp within the milk-house. placing his right hand over the head of the infant, the old man blesses it, and a feast is held, before the commencement of which two cups, one containing milk, and the other cooked rice, are produced. all the relations take up a little of the milk and rice, and touch the tongue of the baby with them. a child receives its name on the seventh, ninth, or eleventh day. a sumptuous meal is given to the community, and the grandfather (paternal, if possible) milks a cow, and pours the milk into a brass cup placed in the milk-house. with it a little cooked samai grain is mixed. the babe is washed with water brought from a stream; marked on the forehead with sacred ashes; a turmeric-dyed thread is tied round its waist; a silver or iron bangle placed on its wrists; and a silver bead tied by a thread round its neck. thus decorated, the infant is taken up by the oldest man of the village who is not a widower, who gives it a name, which has already been chosen. the elder, and the child's parents and grandparents then place a little milk in its mouth. children, both male and female, go through a shaving ceremony, usually when they are seven months old. the infant is seated in the lap of a badaga, and, after water has been applied to its head by a badaga or a barber, the maternal uncle removes some of the hair with a razor, and then hands it over to another badaga or a barber to complete the operation. of the death rites as carried out by the badaga sub-division, the following note was recorded during a visit to kotagiri. when death is drawing near, a gold coin, called viraraya hana or fanam, dipped in butter or ghi, is given to the dying man to swallow. if he is too far gone to be capable of swallowing, the coin is, according to mr. natesa sastri, tied round the arm. but our informants told us that this is not done at the present day. "if," mr. gover writes, [ ] "the tiny coin slips down, well. he will need both gold and ghi, the one to sustain his strength in the dark journey to the river of death, the other to fee the guardian of the fairy-like bridge that spans the dreaded tide. if sense remains to the wretched man, he knows that now his death is nigh. despair and the gold make recovery impossible, and there are none who have swallowed the birianhana, and yet have lived. if insensibility or deathly weakness make it impossible for the coin to pass the thorax, it is carefully bound in cloth, and tied to the right arm, so that there may be nought to hinder the passage of a worthy soul into the regions of the blessed." the giving of the coin to the dying man is apparently an important item, and, in the badaga folk-tales, a man on the point of death is made to ask for a viraraya fanam. when life is extinct, the corpse is kept within the house until the erection of the funeral car (gudikattu) is completed. though gover states that the burning must not be delayed more than twenty-four hours, at the present day the badagas postpone the funeral till all the near relations have assembled, even if this necessitates the keeping of the corpse for two or three days. cremation may take place on any day, except tuesday. news of a death is conveyed to distant hamlets (hattis) by a toreya, who is paid a rupee for his services. on approaching a hamlet, he removes his turban, to signify the nature of his errand, and, standing on the side of a hill, yells out "dho! dho! who is in the hamlet?" having imparted his news, he proceeds on his journey to the next hamlet. on the morning of the day fixed for the funeral, the corpse is taken on a charpoy or native cot to an open space, and a buffalo led thrice round it. the right hand of the corpse is then lifted up, and passed over the horns of the buffalo. a little milk is drawn, and poured into the mouth of the corpse. prior to this ceremony, two or three buffaloes may be let loose, and one of them captured, after the manner of the todas, brought near the corpse, and conducted round the cot. the funeral car is built up in five to eleven tiers, decorated with cloths and streamers, and one tier must be covered with black chintz. at the funeral of a young man, the rev. a. c. clayton noticed that the car was surmounted by a flag, and hung about with bread, oranges, plantains, and the bag containing the books which the youth had used in the basel mission school. [ ] by the poorer members of the community the car is replaced by a cot covered with cloth, and surmounted by five umbrellas. immediately after the buffalo ceremony, the corpse is carried to the car, and placed in the lowest storey thereof, washed, and dressed in coat and turban. a new dhupati (coarse cloth) is wrapped round it. two silver coins (japanese yens or rupees) are stuck on the forehead. beneath the cot are placed a crowbar, and baskets containing cakes, parched paddy, tobacco, chick pea (cicer arietinum), jaggery and samai flour. a number of women, relations and friends of the dead man, then make a rush to the cot, and, sitting on it round the corpse, keep on waiting, while a woman near its head rings a bell. when one batch is tired, it is replaced by another. badaga men then pour in in large numbers, and salute the corpse by touching the head, toreyas and female relations touching the feet. of those who salute, a few place inside the dhupati a piece of white cloth with red and yellow stripes, which has been specially prepared for the purpose. all then proceed to dance round the car to the music of the kota band, near male relations removing their turban or woollen night cap, as a mark of respect, during the first three revolutions. most of the male dancers are dressed up in gaudy petticoats and smart turbans. "no woman," mr. natesa sastri writes, "mingles in the funeral dance if the dead person is a man, but, if the deceased is a woman, one old woman, the nearest relative of the dead, takes part in it." but, at the funerals of two men which we witnessed, a few women danced together with the men. usually the tribesmen continue to arrive until or p.m. relations collect outside the village, and advance in a body towards the car, some, especially the sons-in-law of the dead man, riding on ponies, some of them carrying samai grain. as they approach the car, they shout "ja! hoch; ja! hoch." the muttu kotas bring a double iron sickle with imitation buffalo horns on the tip, which is placed, with a hatchet, buguri (flute), and walking stick, on the car or on the ground beside it. when all are assembled, the cot is carried to an open space between the house and the burning-ground, followed by the car and a party of women carrying the baskets containing grain, etc. the car is then stripped of its trappings, and hacked to pieces. the widow is brought close to the cot, and removes her nose ornament (elemukkuthi), and other jewels. at both the funerals which we witnessed, the widow had a narrow strip of coloured chintz over her shoulders. standing near the corpse, she removed a bit of wire from her ear-rings, a lock of hair, and a palm leaf roll from the lobe of the ear, and tied them up in the cloth of her dead husband. after her, the sisters of the dead man cut off a lock of hair, and, in like manner, tied it in the cloth. women attached to a man by illegitimate ties sometimes also cut off a lock of hair, and, tying it to a twig of dodonæa viscosa, place it inside the cloth. very impressive is the recitation, or after-death confession of a dead man's sins by an elder of the tribe standing at the head of the corpse, and rapidly chanting the following lines, or a variation thereof, while he waves his right hand during each line towards the feet. the reproduction of the recitation in my phonograph never failed to impress the daily audience of badagas, kotas and todas. this is the death of andi. in his memory the calf of the cow belle has been set free. from this world to the other. he goes in a car. everything the man did in this world. all the sins committed by his ancestors. all the sins committed by his forefathers. all the sins committed by his parents. all the sins committed by himself. the estranging of brothers. shifting the boundary line. encroaching on a neighbour's land by removing the hedge. driving away brothers and sisters. cutting the kalli tree stealthily. cutting the mulli tree outside his boundary. dragging the thorny branches of the kotte tree. sweeping with a broom. splitting green branches. telling lies. uprooting seedlings. plucking growing plants, and throwing them in the sun. giving young birds to cats. troubling the poor and cripples. throwing refuse water in front of the sun. going to sleep after seeing an eclipse of the moon. looking enviously at a buffalo yielding an abundance of milk. being jealous of the good crops of others. removing boundary stones. using a calf set free at the funeral. polluting water with dirt. urinating on burning embers. ingratitude to the priest. carrying tales to the higher authorities. poisoning food. not feeding a hungry person. not giving fire to one half frozen. killing snakes and cows. killing lizards and blood-suckers. showing a wrong path. getting on the cot, and allowing his father-in-law to sleep on the ground. sitting on a raised verandah, and driving thence his mother-in-law. going against natural instincts. troubling daughters-in-law. breaking open lakes. breaking open reservoirs of water. being envious of the prosperity of other villages. getting angry with people. misleading travellers in the forest. though there be three hundred such sins, let them all go with the calf set free to-day. may the sins be completely removed! may the sins be forgiven! may the door of heaven be open! may the door of hell be closed! may the hand of charity be extended! may the wicked hand be shrivelled! may the door open suddenly! may beauty or splendour prevail everywhere! may the hot pillar be cooled! may the thread bridge [ ] become light! may the pit of perdition be closed! may he reach the golden pillar! holding the feet of the six thousand athis, holding the feet of the twelve thousand pathis, holding the feet of brahma, holding the feet of the calf set free to-day, may he reach the abode of siva! so mote it be. the recitation is repeated thrice, and a few badagas repeat the last words of each line after the elder. it was noticed by the rev. a. c. clayton that, during the recitation, the people surrounded the bier on three sides, leaving a lane open to the west. the sins of the dead man were transferred to another as sin-bearer, and finally passed away down the lane. as the ceremony witnessed by us differs materially from the account thereof given by gover nearly forty years ago, i may quote his description. "by a conventional mode of expression, the sum total of sins a man may do is said to be thirteen hundred. admitting that the deceased has committed them all, the performer cries aloud 'stay not their flight to god's pure feet.' as he closes, the whole assembly chants aloud 'stay not their flight.' again the performer enters into details, and cries 'he killed the crawling snake. it is a sin.' in a moment the last word is caught up, and all the people cry 'it is a sin.' as they shout, the performer lays his hand upon the calf. the sin is transferred to the calf. thus the whole catalogue is gone through in this impressive way. but this is not enough. as the last shout 'let all be well' dies away, the performer gives place to another, and again confession is made, and all the people shout 'it is a sin.' a third time it is done. then, still in solemn silence, the calf is let loose. like the jewish scapegoat, it may never be used for secular work." dr. rivers writes that "the badagas let loose a calf at a funeral, to bear the sins of the deceased. it is possible that the calf in the toda ceremony may have the same significance. if so, the practice has not improbably been borrowed, and the fact that the bell which is hung on the neck of the calf is kept by kotas or badagas suggests that the whole incident may have been borrowed by the todas from one or other of these races." at the funerals, of which we were spectators, no calf was brought near the corpse, and the celebrants of the rites were satisfied with the mere mention by name of a calf, which is male or female according to the sex of the deceased. at the funeral witnessed by the rev. a. c. clayton, a cow-buffalo was led three times round the bier, and a little of its milk, drawn at the time, put into the mouth of the corpse. then a buffalo calf was led thrice round the bier, and the dead man's hand laid on its head. by this act, the calf was supposed to receive all the sins of the deceased. it was then driven away to a great distance, that it might contaminate no one, and it was said that it would never be sold, but looked on as a dedicated sacred animal. if a dead man leaves a widow in a state of pregnancy, who has not performed the kanni kattodu or marriage thread ceremony, this must be gone through before the corpse is taken to the pyre, in order to render the child legitimate. the pregnant woman is, at the time of the funeral, brought close to the cot, and a near relation of the deceased, taking up a cotton thread, twisted in the form of a necklace without any knots, throws it round her neck. sometimes the hand of the corpse is lifted up with the thread, and made to place it round the neck. at the funeral of the young man, mr. clayton saw this ceremony performed on his pregnant wife. after a turmeric-dyed cord had been taken from the hands of the corpse and tied round her neck, she was again brought to the side of the bier, and her ear-rings, nose ornaments, and other articles of jewellery, were removed in token that she had become a widow. soon after the recitation of sins, all the agnates go to the house of the dead man, at the entrance to which a gunny-bag is spread, whereon a small quantity of paddy is poured, and a few culms of cynodon dactylon and a little cow-dung are placed on it. the eldest of the agnates, sickle in hand, takes some of the paddy, and moves on, raising both hands to his forehead. the other agnates then do the same, and proceed in indian file, males in front and females in the rear, to the corpse. round it they walk, men from left to right, and women in the reverse direction, and at the end of each circuit put some of the paddy on its face. the cot is then carried to the burning-ground, a woman heading the procession, and shaking the end of her cloth all the way. the corpse is laid on the pyre with its feet to the south, and the pyre lighted by the eldest son standing at the head. the sticks of which the car was constructed are added to the fuel, of which the pyre is built up. in some places the son, when lighting the pyre, repeats the words "being begotten by my father and mother, i, in the presence of all and the deva, set fire at the head after the manner of my ancestors and forefathers." the rev. a. c. clayton records that, before the procession started for the burning-ground, some female relatives of the dead man tied locks of their hair round the toes of the corpse, and others went three times round the bier. on the day following the funeral, the bereaved family distribute rice to all the badagas of the hamlet, and all the near relations of the deceased go to the burning-ground, taking with them two new pots. the fire is extinguished, and the fragments of the bones are collected. a tray is made of the fronds of the bracken fern (pteris aquilina) covered with a cloth, on which the bones are placed together with culms of cynodon grass and ghi. the badagas of the hamlet who are younger than the deceased salute the bones by touching them, and a few men, including the chief mourner, hold the tray, and convey it to the bone pit, which every hamlet possesses. into it the bones are thrown, while an elder repeats the words "become united with the line of your relations, with your class, and with the big people," or "may the young and old who have died, may all those who have died from time immemorial up to the present time, mingle in one." when the pit has been closed up, all return to the spot where the body was burnt, and, clearing a space, make a puddle, round which they stand, and throw into it a handful of korali (setaria italica), uttering the words "may deaths cease; may evils cease; may good prevail in the village; in virtue of the good deeds of the ancestors and forefathers, may this one mingle with them." this ceremony concluded, they repair to a stream, where a member of the bereaved family shaves a toreya partially or completely. some take a razor, and, after removing a patch of hair, pass the toreya on to a barber. all the agnates are then shaved by a badaga or a barber. the chief mourner then prostrates himself on the ground, and is blessed by all. he and the toreya proceed to the house of the deceased. taking a three-pronged twig of rhodomyrtus tomentosus, and placing a minige (argyreia) leaf on the prongs, he thrusts it into a rubbish heap near the house. he then places a small quantity of samai grain, called street food, on the leaf, and, after sprinkling it thrice with water, goes away. it was noted by harkness that, at the burning-ground, the son or representative of the deceased dropped a little grain into the mouth of the corpse, carrying in his left hand a small bar of iron, which is supposed to have a repulsive power over the spirits that hover about the dead. the final death ceremonies, or korambu, are celebrated on a sunday. towards evening the house of the deceased is cleansed with cow-dung, and badaga men assemble therein, sending away all women. the chief mourner, accompanied by two badagas carrying new pots, proceeds to a stream, where the pots are cleaned with cow-dung, and rubbed over with culms of andropogon schoenanthus. they are then filled with water, carried to the house, and deposited in the milk-room. at the entrance to the inner apartment, five agnates stand, holding a circular bamboo tray (kerachi) made of plaited bamboo, on which the chief mourner pours a small quantity of paddy, and spreads it with a sickle. the widow and other female relations come near, and cry. a few sickles or knives (preferably those which were used at the funeral) are placed on the tray, which is saluted by all the badagas present. the paddy is husked in a mortar, and the rice cooked with dolichos lablab, cicer arietinum, and other pulses, without the addition of salt. early on the following morning, the eldest son, taking a small quantity of the rice to the roof of the house, places seven balls made therefrom on plantain or minige leaves, and recites the names of the male and female ancestors and forefathers, his mother, father, and brothers. the remainder of the rice is eaten by relations. in some places, the whole of the rice is divided into seven balls, and taken outside the house. water is sprinkled over the roof, and a portion of the rice thrown thereon. standing up before the assembled badagas, an elder says "to-day we have acted up to the observances of our ancestors and forefathers. new ones should not be considered as old, or old as new. there is not a man carrying a head (wise man), or a woman carrying breasts (wise woman). may he become united with the men of his clan and caste." the funeral rites of the udayas differ in some important details from those of the badaga sub-division. the buffalo catching, and leading the animal round the corpse, are omitted. but a steer and heifer are selected, and branded on the thigh, by means of a hot iron, with the lingam and other emblems. bedecked with cloths and jewels, they are led to the side of the corpse, and made to stand on a blanket spread on the ground. they are treated as if they were lingams, and puja is done to them by offering cocoanuts and betel leaves, and throwing flowers over them. round their necks kankanams (marriage threads) are tied. they are made to turn so as to face away from the corpse, and their tails are placed in the hands thereof. an elder then proceeds with the recitation of the dead person's sins. the udayas bury their dead in a sitting posture in a cell dug out of the side of the grave, and, like the irulas, prefer to use a grave in which a previous burial has taken place. at the four corners of the grave they place in the ground a plant of leucas aspera, and pass a cotton thread laterally and diagonally across the grave, leaving out the side opposite the cell. two men descend into the grave, and deposit the corpse in its resting place with two lighted lamps. in , an elaborate badaga memorial ceremony for ancestors called manavalai, which takes place at long intervals, was celebrated on the nilgiris. i gather from the notes of a native official that an enormous car, called elu kudi teru (seven-storeyed car) was built of wood and bamboo, and decorated with silk and woollen fabrics, flags, and umbrellas. inside the ground floor were a cot with a mattress and pillow, and the stem of a plantain tree. the souls of the ancestors are supposed to be reclining on the cot, resting their heads on the pillow, and chewing the plantain, while the umbrellas protect them from the sun and rain. the ear ornaments of all those who have died since the previous ceremony should be placed on the cot. "a badaga fell and hurt himself during the erection of the car. whereupon, another badaga became possessed, and announced that the god was angry because a kurumba had something to do with the building of the structure. a council meeting was held, and the kurumba fined twenty-five rupees, which were credited to the god. sixty-nine petty bazars and three beer taverns had been opened for the convenience of all classes of people that had assembled. one very old badaga woman said that she was twelve years old when the first european was carried in a chair by the todas, and brought up the ghat to the nilgiris from coimbatore. on wednesday at a.m. people from the adjoining villages were announced, and the kota band, with the village people, went forward, greeted them, and brought them to the car. as each man approached it, he removed his turban, stooped over the pillow and laid his head on it, and then went to join the ring for the dance. the dancers wore skirts made of white long-cloth, white and cream silks and satins with border of red and blue trimming, frock dresses, and dressing-gowns, while the coats, blouses, and jackets were of the most gaudy colours of silk, velvet, velveteen, tweed, and home-spun. as each group of people arrived, they went first to the temple door, saluted the god, and went to the basement of the car to venerate the deceased, and then proceeded to dance for an hour, received their supplies of rice, etc., and cleared off. thursday and friday were the grandest days. nearly three thousand females, and six thousand males, assembled on thursday. to crown all the confusion, there appeared nearly a thousand badagas armed with new mamotis (spades). they came on dancing for some distance, rushed into the crowd, and danced round the car. these badagas belonged to a gang of public works, local fund, and municipal maistries. on the last day a sheep was slaughtered in honour of the deity. the musicians throughout the festivities were kotas and kurumbas. the dancing of the men of three score showed that they danced to music, and the stepping was admirable, while the dancing of young men did not show that they had any idea of dancing, or either taste or knowledge of music. they were merely skipping and jumping. this shows that the old art of the badaga dance is fast decaying." the cot is eventually burnt at the burning-ground, as if it contained a corpse. a kind of edible truffle (mylitta lapidescens) is known as little man's bread on the nilgiris. the badaga legendary name for it is pandva-unna-buthi, or dwarf bundle of food, [ ] i.e., food of the dwarfs, who are supposed once to have inhabited the nilgiris and built the pandu kulis or kistvaens. the story goes that lord elphinstone, a former governor of madras, was anxious to build a residence at kaiti. but the badagas, who had on the desired site a sacred tree, would not part with the land. the governor's steward succeeded in making the badaga headman drunk, and secured, for a rental of thirty-five rupees annually, the site, whereon a villa was built, which now belongs to the basel mission. [ ] in a recent work, [ ] mr. a. h. keane, in a note on the "dravidian aborigines," writes as follows. "all stand on the very lowest rung of the social ladder, being rude hillmen without any culture strictly so called, and often betraying marked negroid characters, as if they were originally negroes or negritos, later assimilated in some respects to their dravidian conquerors. as they never had a collective racial name, they should now be called, not dravidians or proto-dravidians, but rather pre-dravidians, as more collectively indicating their true ethnical relations. such are the kotas, irulas, badagas, and kurumbas." it may be pointed out that the badagas and kotas of the nilgiri plateau are not "wild tribes," have no trace of negroid characters, and no affinities with the kurumbas and irulas of the nilgiri slopes. the figures in the following table speak for themselves:-- =========+=======================+====================== | stature. | nasal index. +=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+====== | a | b | c | d | e | f =========+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+====== badaga | . | . | . | . | . | . kota | . | . | . | . | . | . irula | . | . | . | . | . | . kurumba | . | . | . | . | . | . =========+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+====== column headers: a = average cm. b = maximum cm. c = minimum cm. d = average. e = maximum. f = minimum. badagi.--the carpenter sub-division of panchalas. badhoyi.--the badhoyis are oriya carpenters and blacksmiths, of whom the former are known as badhoyi, and the latter as komaro. these are not separate castes, and the two sections both interdine and intermarry. the name badhoyi is said to be derived from the sanskrit vardhaki, which, in oriya, becomes bardhaki, and indicates one who changes the form, i.e., of timber. korti, derived from korto, a saw, occurs as the name of a section of the caste, the members of which are wood-sawyers. socially, the badhoyis occupy the same position as doluvas, kalinjis, and various other agricultural classes, and they do not, like the tamil kammalans, claim to be viswakarma brahmans, descended from viswakarma, the architect of the gods. the hereditary headman is called maharana, and, in some places, there seem to be three grades of maharana, viz., maharana, dondopato maharana, and swangso maharana. these headmen are assisted by a bhollobhaya or dolobehara, and there is a further official called agopothiria, whose duty it is to eat with an individual who is re-admitted into the caste after a council meeting. this duty is sometimes performed by the maharana. ordinary meetings of council are convened by the maharana and bhollobhaya. but, if a case of a serious nature is to be tried, a special council meeting, called kulo panchayat, is held in a grove or open space outside the village. all the maharanas and other officers, and representatives of five castes (panchapatako) equal or superior to the badhoyis in the social scale, attend such a council. the complainant goes to the swangso maharana, and, giving him fifty areca nuts, asks him to convene the council meeting. punishment inflicted by the caste council usually assumes the form of a fine, the amount of which depends on the worldly prosperity of the delinquent, who, if very indigent, may be let off with a reprimand and warning. sometimes offences are condoned by feeding brahmans or the badhoyi community. small sums, collected as fines, are appropriated by the headman, and large sums are set apart towards a fund for meeting the marriage expenses of the poorer members of the caste, and the expenditure in connection with kulo panchayats. concerning the marriage ceremonies, mr. d. mahanty writes as follows. "at a marriage among the badhoyis, and various other castes in ganjam, two pith crowns are placed on the head of the bridegroom. on his way to the bride's house, he is met by her purohit (priest) and relations, and her barber washes his feet, and presents him with a new yellow cloth, flowers, and kusa grass (also called dharbha grass). when he arrives at the house, amid the recitations of stanzas by the priest, the blowing of conch shells and other music, the women of the bride's party make a noise called hulu-huli, and shower kusa grass over him. at the marriage booth, the bridegroom sits upon a raised 'altar,' and the bride, who arrives accompanied by his maternal uncle, pours salt, yellow-coloured rice, and parched paddy (rice) over the head of the bridegroom, by whose side she seats herself. one of the pith crowns is removed from the bridegroom's forehead, and placed on that of the bride. various brahmanical rites are then performed, and the bride's father places her hand in that of the bridegroom. a bundle of straw is now placed on the altar, on which the contracting parties sit, the bridegroom facing east, and the bride west. the purohit rubs a little jaggery over the bridegroom's right palm, joins it to the palm of the bride, and ties their two hands together with a rope made of kusa grass (hasthagonti). a yellow cloth is tied to the cloths which the bridal pair are wearing, and stretched over their shoulders (gontiyala). the hands are then untied by a married woman. sradha is performed for the propitiation of ancestors, and the purohit, repeating some mantrams (prayers), blesses the pair by throwing yellow rice over them. on the sixth day of the ceremony, the bridegroom runs away from the house of his father-in-law, as if he was displeased, and goes to the house of a relation in the same or an adjacent village. his brother-in-law, or other male relation of the bride, goes in search of him, and, when he has found him, rubs some jaggery over his face, and brings him back." as an example of the stanzas recited by the purohit, the following may be cited:-- i have presented with my mind and word, and also with kusa grass and water. the witnesses of this are fire, brahmans, women, relations, and all the devatas. forgive this presentable faithful maid. i am performing the marriage according to the vedic rites. women are full of all kinds of faults. forgive these faults. brahma is the god of this maid. by the grace of the god vasudeva, i give to thee the bridegroom. the badhoyis are paramarthos, and follow the chaitanya form of vaishnavism. they further worship various village deities. the dead are cremated. the corpse of a dead person is washed, not at the house, but at the burning-ground. the most common caste title is maharana. but, in some zemindaris, such titles as bindhani rathno, and bindhani bushano, have been conferred by the zemindars on carpenters for the excellence of their work. the carpenters and blacksmiths hold inams or rent-free lands both under zemindars and under government. in return, they are expected to construct a car for the annual festival of the village deity, at which, in most places, the car is burnt at the conclusion of the festival. they have further to make agricultural implements for the villagers, and, when officials arrive on circuit, to supply tent-pegs, etc. bagata.--the bagatas, bhaktas, or baktas are a class of telugu fresh-water fishermen, who are said to be very expert at catching fish with a long spear. it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "on the dasara day they worship the fishing baskets, and also (for some obscure reason) a kind of trident." the trident is probably the fishing spear. some of the bagatas are hill cultivators in the agency tracts of vizagapatam. they account for their name by the tradition that they served with great devotion (bhakti) the former rulers of golgonda and madugula, who made grants of land to them in mokhasa tenure. some of them are heads of hill villages. the head of a single village is called a padal, and it may be noted that padala occurs as an exogamous sept of the kapus, of which caste it has been suggested that the bagatas are an offshoot. the overlord of a number of padals styles himself nayak or raju, and a mokhasadar has the title of dora. it is recorded, in the census report, , that "in the low country the bhaktas consider themselves to take the rank of soldiery, and rather disdain the occupation of ryots (cultivators). here, however (in hill madugulu in the vizagapatam district), necessity has divested them of such prejudices, and they are compelled to delve for their daily bread. they generally, nevertheless, manage to get the kapus to work for them, for they make poor farmers, and are unskilled in husbandry." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, that "matsya gundam (fish pool) is a curious pool on the macheru (fish river) near the village of matam, close under the great yendrika hill, , feet above the sea. a barrier of rocks runs right across the river there, and the stream plunges into a great hole and vanishes beneath this, reappearing again about a hundred yards lower down. just where it emerges from under the barrier, it forms a pool, which is crowded with mahseer of all sizes. these are wonderfully tame, the bigger ones feeding fearlessly from one's hand, and even allowing their backs to be stroked. they are protected by the madgole zamindars--who on several grounds venerate all fish--and by superstitious fears. once, goes the story, a brinjari caught one and turned it into curry, whereon the king of the fish solemnly cursed him, and he and all his pack-bullocks were turned into rocks, which may be seen there till this day. at sivaratri, a festival occurs at the little thatched shrine near by, the priest at which is a bagata, and part of the ritual consists in feeding the sacred fish. "in , certain envious bagatas looted one of the villages of the konda malas or hill paraiyans, a pushing set of traders, who are rapidly acquiring wealth and exalted notions, on the ground that they were becoming unduly arrogant. the immediate cause of the trouble was the fact that at a cockfight the malas' birds had defeated the bagatas'." in a note on the bagatas, mr. c. hayavadana rao writes that the caste is divided into exogamous septs or intiperulu, some of which occur also among the kapus, telagas, and vantaris. girls are married either before or after puberty, and the custom, called menarikam, which renders it a man's duty to marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is the general rule. an oriya or telugu brahman officiates at marriages, and the bride is presented with jewelry as a substitute for the bride-price (voli) in money. it is noted, in the census report, , that, at a wedding, the bridegroom is struck by his brother-in-law, who is then presented with a pair of new cloths. the bagatas are both vaishnavites and saivites, and the former get themselves branded on the arm by a vaishnava guru, who lives in the godavari district. the vaishnavites burn their dead, and the saivites bury them in the customary sitting attitude. satanis officiate for the former, and jangams for the latter. both sections perform the chinna and pedda rozu (big and little day) death ceremonies. the hill bagatas observe the itiga ponduga festival, which is celebrated by the hill classes in vizagapatam. bahusagara (many seas).--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a synonym of rangari. the rangaris are tailors and dyers, and the signification of the name is not clear. baidya.--see vaidyan. bainedu.--the bainedu, or bainedi, as they are called in the census report, , are the musicians and barbers of the malas and madigas. at the peddadinamu death ceremony of the gamallas, a mala bainedu takes part in the recitation of the story of ankamma, and in making the designs (muggu) on the ground. bairagi.--the bairagis are a class of religious mendicants, who roam about all over india, and are for the most part recruited from north indian castes. they are followers of ramanand, who founded the order at the end of the fourteenth, or beginning of the fifteenth century. according to common tradition, the schism of ramanand originated in resentment of an affront offered him by his fellow disciples, and sanctioned by his teacher. it is said that he had spent some time in travelling through various parts of india, after which he returned to the math, or residence of his superior. his brethren objected to him that in the course of his peregrinations it was impossible he could have observed that privacy in his meals, which is a vital observance of the ramanuja sect; and, as raghavanand admitted the validity of the objection, ramanand was condemned to feed in a place apart from the rest of the disciples. he was highly incensed at the order, and retired from the society altogether, establishing a schism of his own. [ ] the name bairagi is derived from the sanskrit vairagya (vi + rag), denoting without desire or passion, and indicates an ascetic, who has subdued his passions, and liberated himself from worldly desires. the bairagis are sometimes called bavaji or sadhu. the bairagis are vaishnavites, and bear the tengalai vaishnava mark (namam), made with sandal-paste or gopi, on the forehead. bairagis with a vadagalai mark are very rare. the bairagis wear necklaces of tulsi (ocimum sanctum) beads or lotus (nelumbium speciosum) seeds. every bairagi cooks his food within a space cleansed with cow-dung water by himself or his disciple, and will not leave the space until he has finished his meal. the bairagis are not particular about screening the space from the public gaze. they partake of one meal daily, in the afternoon, and are abstainers from flesh dietary. they live mainly on alms obtained in the bazars, or in choultries (rest-houses for travellers). they generally carry with them one or two brass vessels for cooking purposes, a salagrama stone and a conch-shell for worship, and a chillum (pipe) for smoking ganja (indian hemp) or opium. they are, as a rule, naked except for a small piece of cloth tied round the waist and passed between the thighs. some wear more elaborate body-clothing, and a turban. they generally allow the beard to grow, and the hair of the head is long and matted, with sometimes a long tail of yak or human hair tied in a knot on the top of the head. those who go about nearly naked smear ashes all over their bodies. when engaged in begging, some go through the streets, uttering aloud the name of some god. others go from house to house, or remain at a particular spot, where people are expected to give them alms. some bairagis are celibates, and others married. they are supposed to be celibates, but, as dr. t. n. bhattacharjee observes, [ ] the "monks of this order have generally a large number of nuns attached to their convents, with whom they openly live as man and wife." the bairagis are very particular about the worship of the salagrama stone, and will not partake of food without worshipping it. when so doing, they cover their head with a piece of cloth (ram nam ka safa), on which the name rama is printed in devanagiri characters. their face and shoulders are stamped, by means of brass stamps, with the word rama in similar characters. for the purpose of meditation, the bairagi squats on the ground, sometimes with a deer or tiger skin beneath him, and rests his hands on the cross-piece of his yoga-dandam, or bent stick. a pair of tongs is stuck in the ground on his right side, and sometimes fire is kept near it. it is noted by mr. j. c. oman [ ] that "a most elaborate ritual has been laid down for the guidance of bairagis in the daily routine of the indispensable business and duties of life, prescribing in minute detail how, for example, the ascetic should wash, bathe, sit down, perform pranayam (stoppage or regulation of respiration), purify his body, purge his mind, meditate on vishnu, repeat the gayatri (hymn) as composed for the special use of members of the sect, worship rama, sita, lakshman, bharata, and satringah, together with rama's bows and arrows, and, lastly, the monkey god hanuman." the bairagis have a guru or priest, whom they call mahant. some visit the celebrated temple near tirupati and pay their respects to the mahant thereof. baisya.--a sub-division of koronos of ganjam. baita kammara.--the name, meaning outside blacksmiths, applied to kamsala blacksmiths, who occupy a lowly position, and work in the open air or outside a village. [ ] bajantri.--a synonym of mangala, indicating their occupation as professional musicians. bakta.--see bagata. bakuda.--a sub-division of holeya. balanollu.--balanollu and badranollu are names of gotras of ganigas, the members of which may not cut erythroxylon monogynum. balasantosha.--the balasantosha or balasanta vandlu (those who please children) are described in the kurnool manual as "ballad reciters, whose chief stories are the bobbili katha, or the story of the siege of the fort of bobbili in vizagapatam by bussy; the kurnool nabob's katha or the story of the resumption of kurnool by the english; and the tale of the quarrels between ganga and parvati, the two wives of siva." balegara (bangle man).--an occupational sub-division of banajiga. balija.--the balijas are described by mr. francis [ ] as being "the chief telugu trading caste, scattered throughout all parts of the presidency. it is said to have two main sub-divisions, desa (or kota, a fort) and peta (street). the first of these includes those, whose ancestors are supposed to have been the balija (nayak) kings of madura, tanjore and vijayanagar, or provincial governors in those kingdoms; and to the second belong those, like the gazulu (bangle sellers) and perike (salt-sellers), who live by trade. in the tamil districts balijas are known as vadugans (telugu people) and kavarais. the descendants of the nayak or balija kings of madura and tanjore claim to be kshatriyas and of the kasyapa (a rishi) gotra, while the vijayanagar rais say they are lineal descendants of the sage bharadwaja. others trace their ancestry to the kauravas of the mahabharata. this kshatriya descent is, however, not admitted by other castes, who say that balijas are an offshoot of the kammas or kapus, or that they are a mixed community recruited from these and other telugu castes. the members of the caste none of them now wear the sacred thread, or follow the vedic ritual. the name kartakkal (governors) was returned by those who claim to be descendants of the nayak kings of madura and tanjore." in a letter submitted, from coimbatore, to mr. francis in connection with the census, , it was stated that "the balija people are kshatriyas of the lunar race, as can be proved by a reference to the bahgavatham, vishnupuranam, and brahmmandapuranam, etc.... in this connection, it will be interesting to note that one sevappa naidu married murthiammal, sister-in-law to achuta deva rayulu of narapathi samasthanam of vijayanagar, and as a marriage portion or dowry received the territory of tanjore, over which he ruled as king for a long period. it was at this time that the celebrated tirumalay naidu of madura took as wife one of the daughters of sevappa naidu's family. tirumalay's grandson, one chockalinga naidu, married mangammal, daughter of vijiaragavulu naidu, a grandson of the said tanjore sevappa naidu. it will thus be seen that the naidu rulers of tanjore, trichinopoly, and madura, were all relations of narapathi samasthanam of vijianagar. that these narapathies of vijianagaram were kshatriyas of the lunar race can be clearly seen by a reference to manucharithra, parijathapaharanam, prouda prabanda kavi charitra, etc., and that they were direct descendants of the great andra kings can be proved with equal satisfaction by referring to colonel mackenzie's mss., in the introduction of a. d. campbell's telugu grammar, and james prinsep's useful tables of andra kings will show that the andras were immediate descendants of the well-known yayathi raja of the lunar race." "the balijas," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are the trading caste of the telugu country, but they are now found in every part of the presidency. concerning the origin of this caste several traditions exist, but the most probable is that which represents them as a recent offshoot of the kapu or reddi caste. the caste is rather a mixed one, for they will admit, without much scruple, persons who have been expelled from their proper caste, or who are the result of irregular unions. the bulk of the balijas are now engaged in cultivation, and this accounts for so many having returned kapu as their main caste, for kapu is also a common telugu word used for a ryot (farmer). it is not improbable that there was once a closer connection than now between the kapus and the balijas, and the claim of the balijas to belong to the kapu caste may have a foundation in fact. in their customs there is very little difference between the kapus and balijas. their girls are married both before and after puberty. the re-marriage of widows is forbidden. they eat flesh, and alcohol is said to be freely indulged in [there is a proverb 'if a man be born a balija, he must crack the arrack bottle']. like the bogams and sanis, the balija females usually wear a petticoat instead of the long robe of ordinary hindus. the general name of the caste is naidu." "the balija naidu," it has been said, [ ] "is to be met with in almost every walk of life--railway station-masters, head coolies, bakers, butlers, municipal inspectors, tappal (post) runners, hawkers, and hotel-keepers. the title chetti is by some used in preference to naidu." it is noted in the bellary manual that the balijas "have by common consent obtained a high place in the social system of south india. some are land-owners, residing on and working their own property with the help of members of inferior castes; but the majority live by trade." at tirupati, a number of balija families are engaged in the red sanders wood (pterocarpus santalinus), carving industry. figures of swamis (deities), mythological figures, elephants, and miniature temple cars with flying cherubs and winged horses, are most abundantly carved: but domestic utensils in the shape of chembus, kinnis, cups, plates, etc., are turned on the lathe. large vessels are sometimes made of the wood of vepi or achamaram (hardwickia binata), which resembles red sanders wood, but is more liable to crack. the carved figures are sold to pilgrims and others who visit tirupati, and are also taken to conjeeveram, madura, and other places, at times when important temple festivals are celebrated. vessels made of red sanders wood carry no pollution, and can be used by women during the menstrual period, and taken back to the house without any purification ceremony. for the same reason, sanyasis (ascetics) use such vessels for doing puja. the name balija is said to be derived from the sanskrit bali (a sacrifice) and ja (born), signifying that the balijas owe their origin to the performance of a yagam. the legend is current that on one occasion siva wanted his consort parvati to appear before him in all her glory. but, when she stood before him, fully decorated, he laughed, and said that she was not as charming as she might be. on this, she prayed that siva would help her to become so. from his braid of hair siva created a being who descended on the earth, bearing a number of bangles and turmeric paste, with which parvati adorned herself. siva, being greatly pleased with her appearance, told her to look at herself in a looking-glass. the being, who brought the bangles, is believed to have been the ancestor of the gazula balijas. according to another version of the legend, parvati was not satisfied with her appearance when she saw herself in the looking-glass, and asked her father to tell her how she was to make herself more attractive. he accordingly prayed to brahma, who ordered him to perform a severe penance (thapas). from the sacrificial fire, kindled in connection therewith, arose a being leading a donkey laden with heaps of bangles, turmeric, palm leaf rolls for the ears, black beads, sandal powder, a comb, perfumes, etc. from this maha purusha who thus sprang from a sacrifice (bali), the balijas derived their origin and name. to him, in token of respect, were given flags, torches, and certain musical instruments. the desayis, or leaders of the right-hand faction, are said to be balijas by caste. in former days they had very great influences, and all castes belonging to the right-hand faction would obey the desayi chetti. even at the present day, the oddes and others refer their disputes to the desayi, and not to their own caste headman. in former times there were three principal desayis, who had their head-quarters at conjeeveram, cuddalore, and walajapet. the head desayi possesses a biruthu (insigne of office) in the form of a large brass ladle with a bell attached to it. on the occasion of balija marriages and funerals, this is sent through the chalavathi (a pariah), who is the servant of the desayi, and has the right of allu eduththal (taking a handful) when he goes to the bazaar, where he receives meat from the butcher, vegetables, etc., as his perquisite. the desayi's ladle is kept in the custody of the chalavathi (see desayi). the balijas, mr. stuart writes, [ ] "employ brahmans and satanis as their priests. the chief object of their worship is gauri, their caste deity. it is said that the malas are the hereditary custodians of the idol of gauri and her jewels, which the balijas get from them whenever they want to worship her. the following story is told to account for this. the kapus and balijas, molested by the muhammadan invaders on the north of the northern pennar, migrated to the south when the pennar was in full flood. being unable to cross the river, they invoked their deity to make a passage for them, for which it demanded the sacrifice of a first-born child. while they stood at a loss what to do, the malas who followed them boldly offered one of their children to the goddess. immediately the river divided before them, and the kapus and the balijas crossed it, and were saved from the tyranny of the muhammadans. ever since that time, the malas have been respected by the kapus and balijas, and the latter even deposited the images of gauri, the bull and ganesa, which they worshipped, in the house of a mala. i am credibly informed that the practice of leaving these images in the custody of malas is even now observed in some parts of the cuddapah district and elsewhere." of the numerous sub-divisions of the balijas, the following may be noticed:-- gazula, glass bangles. valaiyal or vala (bangle) chetti is the tamil equivalent. by some the sight of a gazula balija with his pile of bangles on his back is considered a good omen. in recent years, a scare has arisen in connection with an insect, which is said to take up its abode in imported german glass bangles, which compete with the indigenous industry of the gazulas. the insect is believed to lie low in the bangle till it is purchased, when it comes out and nips the wearer, after warning her to get her affairs in order before succumbing. a specimen of a broken bangle, from which the insect is stated to have burst forth and stung a girl in the wrist, was sent to me. but the insect was not forthcoming. gandavallu, or gundapodi vandlu. go about the villages, hawking turmeric, kunkumam (colour powder), kamela (mallotus philippinensis) dye powder, beads, combs, cosmetics and other articles. supposed to have been originally komatis. kavarai, tamil synonym for balija. linga. panchama. telugu or telaga. a synonym for balija in the northern circars. rajamahendram or musu kamma. the former denotes the town of rajahmundry, and the latter a special ear-ornament worn by women. tota, garden. ralla, precious stones. pagadala, coral. pusa, beads. racha, royal. vyasa. a sage (rishi) or hunter, whom the hunting classes claim as their ancestor. other sub-divisions, classified as balijas at the census, , were:-- jakkulas, among whom it was, at tenali in the kistna district, formerly customary for each family to give up one girl for prostitution. under the influence of social reform, a written agreement was a few years ago entered into to give up the practice. adapapa. female attendants on the ladies of the families of zamindars, who, as they are not allowed to marry, lead a life of prostitution. their sons call themselves balijas. in some places, e.g., the kistna and godavari districts, this class is known as khasa or khasavandlu. santa kavarai. returned as balijas in the chingleput district. ravut. returned in the salem district. said to have been formerly soldiers under the poligars. like other telugu castes, the balijas have exogamous septs (intiperu) and gotras. of the former, the following are examples:-- tupakala, musket. samudram, ocean. pappu, split pulse. gantla, bell. puli, tiger. balli, lizard. avula, cow. gandham, sandal paste or powder. jilakara, cummin seeds. miriyala, pepper. mutyala, pearls. narikella, cocoanut. nemili, peacock. pagadala, coral. pattindla, silk house. ratnala, precious stones. ungarala, rings. yenumala, buffalo. there is a saying that a balija who has no gotra must take the name of the pasuleti, or pasupuleti gotra. in like manner, a brahman orphan, whose gotra cannot be traced, is made to adopt the vathsa gotra. among the musu kammas, the consent of both the maternal uncle and elder sister's husband must be obtained before a girl is given in marriage. at the betrothal ceremony, the future bridegroom's relations proceed to the house of the girl, carrying the following articles on an odd number of trays beneath a cloth canopy (ulladam): mustard, fenugreek (trigonella foenumgræcum), cummin seeds, curds, jaggery, dhal (cajanus indicus), balls of condiments, tamarinds, pepper, twenty-one cakes, eleven cocoanuts, salt, plantains, flowers, a new cloth, black beads, a palm-leaf roll for the ear lobe, turmeric, a comb, and kunkumam (colour powder). a few rupees, called kongu mudi, to be given to the future mother-in-law, are also placed on the tray. the contracting parties exchange betel and a cocoanut, of which the latter is taken away by a member of the bridegroom's party, tied up in his body-cloth. the girl is seated on a plank, goes through the ceremony (nalagu) of being anointed with oil and paste, and is presented with a new cloth. wearing this, she sits on the plank, and betel, flowers, jewels, etc., are placed in her lap. a near female relation then ties a string of black beads round her neck. among the musu kammas, the milk-post, consisting of a green bamboo, with sometimes a branch of odina wodier, must be set up two days before the commencement of the marriage ceremonies. it is worshipped, and to it are tied an iron ring, and a string of cotton and wool twisted together (kankanam). a small framework, called dhornam, made of two sticks, across which cotton threads or pieces of cloth are stretched, is brought by a washerwoman, and given to the maternal uncle of the bridegroom, who ties it to the marriage booth. the marriage pots are brought from a potter's house beneath a cloth canopy (ulladam), and given to married couples, closely related to the bridegroom, who fetch water, and place the pots on the dais. some married women pour rice on a clean white cloth spread on the floor, and rub off the bran with their hands, while they sing songs. the cloth to be worn by the bridegroom is dipped in turmeric water by these women and dried. the balijas are very particular about the worship of their female ancestors (perantalu) and no auspicious ceremony can be commenced until perantalu puja has been performed. among the musu kammas, five women, who are closely related to the bridal couple, take only one meal a day, and try to keep free from pollution of all sorts. they go through the nalagu ceremony, and are presented with new cloths. among other sections, the wall is simply painted with turmeric dots to represent the ancestors. the ancestor worship concluded, the finger and toe-nails of the bridegroom are cut, and a musu kamma bridegroom is conducted to a temple of vigneswara (ganesa), if there is one near at hand. by other sections it is considered sufficient, if vigneswara worship is performed at the marriage booth. the musu kamma bridegroom is dressed up at the temple, and a bashingam (chaplet) tied on his forehead. an old-fashioned turban (paghai) is placed on his head, and a dagger (jimthadu) stuck into his waist-cloth. it is said that, in olden times, the balijas used to worship the dagger, and sacrifice sheep or goats at marriages. the bridegroom is next brought to the house where the wedding is being celebrated, and his brother-in-law washes his feet, and, after throwing flowers and rice over them, puts toe-rings and shoes thereon. the brahman purohit lights the sacred fire (homam), and pours ghi (clarified butter) therein, while he utters some verses, vedic or other. he then ties the kankanam (thread) on the bridegroom's wrist. the parents of the bride next proceed with the dharadhattam (gift of the girl) by pouring water and grains of rice into the hands of the bridegroom. vigneswara is then worshipped, and the bottu (marriage badge) is blessed by those assembled, and handed to the bridegroom. he, placing his right foot on that of the bride, who is separated from him by a screen, ties it round her neck. the couple then exchange seats, and rice is thrown in front of them. they next go thrice round the dais and milk-post, and, at the end of the first and second rounds, the foot of the bride is placed on a grinding stone. after the third round they gaze at the pole-star (arundati). into one of the marriage pots are put a pap-bowl, ring, and bracelet, which are picked out by the couple. if the pap-bowl is first got hold of by the bridegroom, the first-born child will be a boy; if the ring, it will be a girl. this rite concluded, the bridegroom makes a mark on the bride's forehead with collyrium. on the second day, the bridegroom makes a pretence of being angry, and stays in a garden or house near that in which the marriage ceremonies are conducted. the bride, and some of her relations, go to him in procession, and, treating him with great respect, bring him back. the sacred fire is lighted, and the bride enters the room in which the marriage pots (araveni) are kept. the bridegroom is stopped at the entrance thereto by a number of married women, and has to call his wife by her name, and pay a small sum of money for the arathi (coloured water), which is waved by the women, to ward off the evil eye. in some places, the sister of the bridegroom extracts a promise that his coral (daughter) shall be given in marriage to her pearl (son). he is then permitted to enter the room. on the third day, after homam has been performed by the brahman priest, the newly married couple go through a burlesque imitation of domestic life, after they have worshipped the posts of the booth, and perform a mimic ploughing ceremony, the bridegroom stirring up some earth in a basket with a stick or miniature plough. this, in some places, his sister tries to prevent him from doing by covering the basket with a cloth, and he has to say "i will give my coral to your pearl." his brother-in-law tries to squeeze his fingers between a pair of sticks called kitti, which was, in former times, a very popular form of torture as a means of extracting confession. the bride gives her husband some conji (rice-gruel) to refresh him after his pretended labour. at a marriage among the perikes (q.v.), a gunny-bag is said to be worshipped before the bottu is tied. a quantity of rice is measured on the first day of the ceremonies and tied up in a cloth. on the third day, the cloth is opened, and it is considered an auspicious sign if the quantity of rice exceeds that which was originally put into it. among the rajamahendram balijas, just before the nalagu ceremony, the knees, shoulders, and cheeks of the bride and bridegroom are touched with a pestle, while the names of their septs are called out. on the third day, the same process is repeated, but in the reverse order. a gazula balija bride must, when the bottu is tied, be dressed in a white cloth with red stripes, called sanna pappuli. with other sections, a white cloth dyed with turmeric is de rigeur. balija, it may be noted, is, in the north arcot manual, returned as a division of dasaris and idigas. the better classes of medaras (cane-splitters and mat-makers) are also taking to calling themselves balijas, and assume the title chetti. oddes and upparas sometimes style themselves odde balija and uppara balija. they belong to the right-hand section, which is headed by the desayi, who is a balija, and so describe themselves as belonging to the setti or chetti samayam (section). some members of the mila and vada fishing castes have adopted oda or vada (boat) balija as their caste name. ballala.--ballala, or bellala, was returned, at the census, , as the caste name of a number of individuals, indicating their claim to descent from the hoysal ballal kings of mysore. ballal is a title assumed by bant families of position. there is a proverb that, when a bant becomes powerful, he becomes a ballal. [ ] ballem (spear).--an exogamous sept of mala. balli (lizard).--an exogamous sept of balija. balolika.--a synonym of rajapuri. balu (bear).--a sept of domb. bana (big pot).--an exogamous sept of togatas, and a name for telugu washermen, who are sometimes called bana tsakala. bana is the telugu name for the pot which they use for boiling the clothes in. banajiga (vanik, tradesman).--canarese traders, many of whom are lingayats. see linga balija. banda.--banda, as applied to the mondi mendicant class, seems to be used in the sense of an obstinate fellow. some, however, maintain that it refers to a beggar who carries about a stone, and threatens to beat his brains out, if alms are not forthcoming. banda, meaning a rock, also occurs as an exogamous sept of odde. bandari.--bandari, denoting apparently the shrub dodondæa viscosa, is an exogamous sept of odde. it further occurs, in the sense of a temple treasurer, as an exogamous sept of devangas and padma sales, for whom the bandari acts as caste messenger. it is also the name of the assistant to the headman, or pattakar, of the okkiliyans, a title of konkani brahmans, and a synonym of kelasis. bandekara.--a synonym for konkani vanis (traders), who are said, in the madras census report, , to ape the brahmanical customs, and call themselves by the curious hybrid name of vasiya (or vaisya) brahman. bandi (cart).--an exogamous sept of kapu, kavarai, korava, kumbara, kurni, kuruba, mala, odde, stanika, and yanadi. it further occurs as a name for koravas, who drag the temple car at times of religious festival. vandikkaran (cartmen) is an occupational name for nayars, who work as cartmen for carrying fuel. bangaru mukkara (gold nose ornament).--a sub-division of kamma. baniya.--the baniyas or bunyas are immigrant traders and money-lenders (sowcars) from northern india, who have settled down in the southern bazars, where they carry on a lucrative business, and wax sleek and wealthy. bania also occurs as a synonym for the south indian trading caste, the komatis. it may be noted, as a little matter of history, that, in , the court of directors, in a letter to fort st. george, offered "twenty pounds reward to any of our servants or soldiers as shall be able to speak, write, and translate the banian language, and to learn their arithmetic." [ ] banjari.--a synonym of lambadi. banka (gum).--an exogamous sept of motati kapu. bannagara (a painter).--a synonym of chitrakara. bannan.--a synonym of vannan or mannan, recorded at times of census. in like manner bannata occurs as a canarese form of the malayalam veluttedan or vannattan. banni or vanni (prosopis spicigera).--an exogamous sept of kuruba and kurni. the tree is worshipped because on it "the five pandava princes hung up their arms when they entered virat nagra in disguise. on the tree the arms turned to snakes, and remained untouched till the owners returned." (lisboa.) bant.--for the following account of the bants i am mainly indebted to mr. h. a. stuart's description of them in the manual of south canara. the name bant, pronounced bunt, means in tulu a powerful man or soldier, and indicates that the bants were originally a military class corresponding to the nayars of malabar. the term nadava instead of bant in the northern portions of south canara points, among other indications, to a territorial organisation by nads similar to that described by mr. logan as prevailing in malabar. "the nayars," he writes, "were, until the british occupied the country, the militia of the district. originally they seem to have been organised into 'six hundreds,' and each six hundred seems to have had assigned to it the protection of all the people in a nad or country. the nad was in turn split up into taras, a dravidian word signifying originally a foundation, the foundation of a house, hence applied collectively to a street, as in tamil teru, in telugu teruvu, and in canarese and tulu teravu. the tara was the nayar territorial unit for civil purposes." it has been stated that "the malabar nair chieftain of old had his nad or barony, and his own military class; and the relics of this powerful feudal system still survive in the names of some of the taluks (divisions) of modern malabar, and in the official designations of certain nair families, whose men still come out with quaint-looking swords and shields to guard the person of the zamorin on the occasion of the rice-throwing ceremony, which formally constitutes him the ruler of the land. correspondingly, the bants of the northern parts of canara still answer to the territorial name of nad bants, or warriors of the nad or territory. it is necessary to explain that, in both ancient keralam and tulu, the functions of the great military and dominant classes were so distributed that only certain classes were bound to render military service to the ruling prince. the rest were lairds or squires, or gentleman farmers, or the labourers and artisans of their particular community, though all of them cultivated a love of manly sports." [ ] few traces of any such organisation as has been indicated now prevail, great changes having been made when the vijayanagar government introduced, more than five hundred years ago, a system of administration under which the local jain chiefs, though owing allegiance to an overlord, became more independent in their relations with the people of the country. under the bednur kings, and still more under the mysore rule, the power of the chiefs was also swept away, but the old organisation was not reverted to. the bants are now the chief land-owning and cultivating class in south canara, and are, with the exception of the billavas or toddy-drawers, the most numerous caste in the district. "at the present day, the bants of canara are largely the independent and influential landed gentry, some would say, perhaps, the substantial yeomanry. they still retain their manly independence of character, their strong and well developed physique, and they still carry their heads with the same haughty toss as their forefathers did in the stirring fighting days when, as an old proverb had it, 'the slain rested in the yard of the slayer,' and when every warrior constantly carried his sword and shield. both men and women of the bant community are among the comeliest of asiatic races, the men having high foreheads and well-turned aquiline noses." in a note on the agricultural economy of south canara, rao sahib t. raghaviah writes [ ] that "the ryot (cultivator) of south canara loves to make his land look attractive, and every field is lined with the lovely areca, and the stately palm. the slopes adjoining the rich fields are studded with plantations of jack, mango, cashew, plantain and other fruit and shade trees, and the ryot would not even omit to daub his trees with the alternate white and red bands, with which the east coast women love to adorn a marriage house or temple wall. these, with the regularly laid out and carefully embanked water-courses and streams, lend an air of enchantment to the whole scene. the ignorance prevailing among the women of the richer section of the landed classes (on the east coast) is so great that it is not uncommon to ridicule a woman by saying that what she knows about paddy (rice) is that it grows on a tree. but, in a district like south canara, the woman that does not know agriculture is the exception. i have often come across respectable women of the landed classes like the bants, shivallis, and nairs, managing large landed estates as efficiently as men. the south canara woman is born on the land, and lives on it. she knows when to sow, and when to reap; how much seed to sow, and how much labour to employ to plough, to weed, or to reap. she knows how to prepare her seed, and to cure her tobacco, to garner her grain, and to preserve her cucumbers through the coming monsoon. she knows further how to feed her cow, and to milk it, to treat it when sick, and to graze it when hale. she also knows how to make her manure, and how to use it without wasting a bit of it. she knows how to collect green leaves for her manure, and to help the fuel reserve on the hill slope above her house grow by a system of lopping the branches and leaving the standards. she knows also how to collect her areca nuts, and to prepare them for the market, and to collect her cocoanuts, and haggle for a high price for them with her customers. there is, in fact, not a single thing about agriculture which the south canara man knows, and which the south canara woman does not know. it is a common sight, as one passes through a paddy flat or along the adjoining slope, to see housewives bringing out handfuls of ashes collected in the oven over night, and depositing them at the root of the nearest fruit tree on their land." most of the bants are hindus by religion, and rank as sudras, but about ten thousand of them are jains. probably they originally assumed jainism as a fashionable addition to the ancestral demon worship, to which they all still adhere, whether they profess to be vaishnavites, saivites, or jains. it is probable that, during the political supremacy of the jains, a much larger proportion of the bants professed adherence to that religion than now-a-days. there are four principal sub-divisions of the caste, viz., masadika, who are the ordinary bants of tuluva; nadava or nad, who speak canarese, and are found in the northern part of south canara; the parivara, who do not follow the aliya santana system of inheritance; and the jains. members of these sub-divisions may not intermarry, but instances have occurred of marriage between members of the masadika and nad sub-divisions. nothing very definite is known of the origin of the bants, but tuluva seems, in the early centuries of the christian era, to have had kings who apparently were sometimes independent and sometimes feudatories of overlords, such as the pallavas, the early kadambas, the early chalukyans, the later kadambas, the western chalukyans, the kalachurians, and the hoysal ballals. this indicates a constant state of fighting, which would account for an important class of the population being known as bantaru or warriors; and, as a matter of course, they succeeded in becoming the owners of all the land which did not fall to the share of the priestly class, the brahmans. ancient inscriptions speak of kings of tuluva, and the bairasu wodears of karakal, whose inscriptions have been found at kalasa as early as the twelfth century, may have exercised power throughout tuluva or the greater part of it. but, when the vijayanagar dynasty became the overlords of canara in , there were then existing a number of minor chiefs who had probably been in power long before, and the numerous titles still remaining among the bants and jains, and the local dignities known as pattam and gadi, point to the existence from very early times of a number of more or less powerful local chieftains. the system peculiar to the west coast under which all property vests in females, and is managed by the seniors of the family, was also favourable to the continuance of large landed properties, and it is probable that it is only within comparatively recent times that sub-division of landed property became anything like as common as it is now. all the bants, except the parivara and a few jains follow this aliya santana system of inheritance, [ ] a survival of a time when the military followers of conquering invaders or local chiefs married women of the local land-owning classes, and the most important male members of the family were usually absent in camp or at court, while the women remained at the family house on the estate, and managed the farms. the titles and the pattams or dignities have always been held by the male members, but, as they also go with the landed property, they necessarily devolve on the sister's son of a deceased holder, whence has arisen the name aliya santana, which means sister's son lineage. a story is embodied in local traditions, attributing the origin of the system to the fiat of a king named bhutal pandya, until whose time makkala santana, or inheritance from father to son, generally obtained. "it is said that the maternal uncle of this prince, called deva pandya, wanted to launch his newly constructed ships with valuable cargo in them, when kundodara, king of demons demanded a human sacrifice. deva pandya asked his wife's permission to offer one of his sons, but she refused, while his sister satyavati offered her son jaya pandya for the purpose. kundodara, discovering in the child signs of future greatness, waived the sacrifice, and permitted the ships to sail. he then took the child, restored to him his father's kingdom of jayantika, and gave him the name of bhutal pandya. subsequently, when some of the ships brought immense wealth, the demon again appeared, and demanded of deva pandya another human sacrifice. on the latter again consulting his wife, she refused to comply with the request, and publicly renounced her title and that of her children to the valuable property brought in the ships. kundodara then demanded the deva pandya to disinherit his sons of the wealth which had been brought in the ships, as also of the kingdom, and to bestow all on his sister's son, jaya or bhutal pandya. this was accordingly done. and, as this prince inherited his kingdom from his maternal uncle and not from his father, he ruled that his own example should be followed by his subjects, and it was thus that the aliya santana law was established about a.d. ." [ ] it is noted by mr. l. moore [ ] that various judicial decisions relating to the aliya santana system are based to a great extent on a book termed aliya santanada kattu kattale, which was alleged to be the work of bhutala pandiya, who, according to dr. whitley stokes, the learned scholar who edited the first volume of the madras high court reports, lived about a.d. , but which is in reality a very recent forgery compiled about . as to this, dr. a. c. burnell observes as follows in a note in his law of partition and succession. "one patent imposture yet accepted by the courts as evidence is the aliya santanada kattu kattale, a falsified account of the customs of south canara. silly as many indian books are, a more childish or foolish tract it would be impossible to discover; it is about as much worthy of notice in a law court as 'jack the giant killer.' that it is a recent forgery is certain.... the origin of the book in its present state is well-known; it is satisfactorily traced to two notorious forgers and scoundrels about thirty years ago, and all copies have been made from the one they produced. i have enquired in vain for an old manuscript, and am informed, on the best authority, that not one exists. a number of recent manuscripts are to be found, but they all differ essentially one from another. a more clumsy imposture it would be hard to find, but it has proved a mischievous one in south canara, and threatens to render a large amount of property quite valueless. the forgers knew the people they had to deal with, the bants, and, by inserting a course that families which did not follow the aliya santana shall become extinct, have effectually prevented an application for legislative interference, though the poor superstitious folk would willingly (it is said) have the custom abolished." [ ] as a custom similar to aliya santana prevails in malabar, it no doubt originated before tuluva and kerala were separated. the small body of parivara bants, and the few jain bants that do not follow the aliya santana system, are probably the descendants of a few families who allowed their religious conversion to hinduism or jainism to have more effect on their social relations than was commonly the case. now that the ideas regarding marriage among the bants are in practice assimilated to a great extent to those of most other people, the national rule of inheritance is a cause of much heart-burning and quarrelling, fathers always endeavouring to benefit their own offspring at the cost of the estate. a change would be gladly welcomed by many, but vested interests in property constitute an almost insuperable obstacle. the bants do not usually object to the use of animal food, except, of course, the flesh of the cow, and they do not as a rule wear the sacred thread. but there are some families of position called ballals, amongst whom heads of families abstain from animal food, and wear the sacred thread. these neither eat nor intermarry with the ordinary bants. the origin of the ballals is explained by a proverb, which says that when a bant becomes powerful, he becomes a ballal. those who have the dignity called pattam, and the heads of certain families, known as shettivalas or heggades, also wear the sacred thread, and are usually managers or mukhtesars of the temples and bhutasthans or demon shrines within the area over which, in former days, they are said to have exercised a more extended jurisdiction, dealing not only with caste disputes, but settling numerous civil and criminal matters. the jain bants are strict vegetarians, and they abstain from the use of alcoholic liquors, the consumption of which is permitted among other bants, though the practice is not common. the jain bants avoid taking food after sunset. the more well-to-do bants usually occupy substantial houses on their estates, in many of which there is much fine wood-work, and, in some cases, the pillars of the porches and verandahs, and the doorways are artistically and elaborately carved. these houses have been described as being well built, thatched with palm, and generally prettily situated with beautiful scenic prospects stretching away on all sides. the bants have not as a rule largely availed themselves of european education, and consequently there are but few of them in the government service, but among these few some have attained to high office, and been much respected. as is often the case among high spirited people of primitive modes of thought, party and faction feeling run high, and jealousy and disputes about landed property often lead to hasty acts of violence. now-a-days, however, the last class of disputes more frequently lead to protracted litigation in the courts. the bants are fond of out-door sports, football and buffalo-racing being amongst their favourite amusements. but the most popular of all is cock-fighting. every bant, who is not a jain, takes an interest in this sport, and large assemblages of cocks are found at every fair and festival throughout south canara. "the outsider," it has been said, [ ] "cannot fail to be struck with the tremendous excitement that attends a village fair in south canara. large numbers of cocks are displayed for sale, and groups of excited people may be seen huddled together, bending down with intense eagerness to watch every detail in the progress of a combat between two celebrated village game-cocks." cock fights on an elaborate scale take place on the day after the dipavali, sankaranthi or vinayakachathurthi, and gokalashtami festivals, outside the village boundary. at hiriadaka, in october, , more than a hundred birds were tethered by the leg to the scrub jungle composed of the evergreen shrub ixora coccinea, or carried in the arms of their owners or youngsters. only males, from the town and surrounding villages, were witnesses of the spectacle. the tethered birds, if within range of each other, excited by the constant crowing and turmoil, indulged in an impromptu fight. grains of rice and water were poured into the mouths and over the heads of the birds before the fight, and after each round. the birds were armed with cunningly devised steel spurs, constituting a battery of variously curved and sinuous weapons. it is believed that the bhuta (demon) is appeased, if the blood from the wounds drops on the ground. the men, whose duty it is to separate the birds at the end of a round, sometimes receive nasty wounds from the spurs. the tail feathers of a wounded bird are lifted up, and a palm leaf fan or towel is waved to and fro over the cloacal orifice to revive it. the owner of a victorious bird becomes the possessor of the vanquished bird, dead or alive. at an exhibition of the products of south canara, during a recent visit of the governor of madras to mangalore, a collection of spurs was exhibited in the class "household implements." for the following note on buffalo races, i am indebted to mr. h. o. d. harding. "this is a sport that has grown up among a race of cultivators of wet land. it is, i believe, peculiar to south canara, where all the cultivation worth mentioning is wet. the bants and jains, and other landowners of position, own and run buffaloes, and the billava, or toddy drawer, has also entered the racing world. every rich bant keeps his kambla field consecrated to buffalo-racing, and his pair of racing buffaloes, costing from rs. to rs. , are splendid animals; and, except for an occasional plough-drawing at the beginning of the cultivation season, are used for no purpose all the year, except racing. the racing is for no prize or stakes, and there is no betting, starter, judge, or winning post. each pair of buffaloes runs the course alone, and is judged by the assembled crowd for pace and style, and, most important of all, the height and breadth of the splash which they make. most people know the common levelling plank used by the ryots (cultivators) all over india to level the wet field after ploughing. it is a plank some or feet long by or / feet broad, and on it the driver stands to give it weight, and the buffaloes pull it over the mud of a flooded rice-field. this is the prototype of the buffalo-racing car, and any day during the cultivating season in the tulu country one may see two boys racing for the love of the sport, as they drive their levelling boards. from this the racing car has been specialised, and, if a work of art for its own purpose, is not a car on which any one could or would wish to travel far. the leveller of utility is cut down to a plank about / by foot, sometimes handsomely carved, on which is fixed a gaily decorated wooden stool about inches high and inches across each way, hollowed out on the top, and just big enough to afford good standing for one foot. in the plank, on each side, are holes to let the mud and water through. the plank is fixed to a pole, which is tied to the buffalo's yoke. the buffaloes are decorated with coloured jhuls and marvellous head-pieces of brass and silver (sometimes bearing the emblems of the sun and moon), and ropes which make a sort of bridle. the driver, stripping himself to the necessary minimum of garments, mounts, while some of his friends cling, like ants struggling round a dead beetle, to the buffaloes. when he is fairly up, they let go, and the animals start. the course is a wet rice-field, about yards long, full of mud and water. all round are hundreds, or perhaps thousands of people, including pariahs who dance in groups in the mud, play stick-game, and beat drums. in front of the galloping buffaloes the water is clear and still, throwing a powerful reflection of them as they gallop down the course, raising a perfect tornado of mud and water. the driver stands with one foot on the stool, and one on the pole of the car. he holds a whip aloft in one hand, and one of the buffaloes' tails in the other. he drives without reins, with nothing but a waggling tail to hold on to and steer by. opening his mouth wide, he shouts for all he is worth, while, to all appearances, a deluge of mud and water goes down his throat. so he comes down the course, the plank on which he stands throwing up a sort of prince of wales' feathers of mud and water round him. the stance on the plank is no easy matter, and not a few men come to grief, but it is soft falling in the slush. marks are given for pace, style, sticking to the plank, and throwing up the biggest and widest splash. sometimes a kind of gallows, perhaps twenty feet high, is erected on the course, and there is a round of applause if the splash reaches up to or above it. sometimes the buffaloes bolt, scatter the crowd, and get away into the young rice. at the end of the course, the driver jumps off with a parting smack at his buffaloes, which run up the slope of the field, and stop of themselves in what may be called the paddock. at a big meeting perhaps a hundred pairs, brought from all over the tulu country, will compete, and the big men always send their buffaloes to the races headed by the local band. the roads are alive with horns and tom-toms for several days. the proceedings commence with a procession, which is not infrequently headed by a couple of painted dolls in an attitude suggestive of that reproductiveness, which the races really give thanks for. they are a sort of harvest festival, before the second or sugge crop is sown, and are usually held in october and november. devils must be propitiated, and the meeting opens with a devil dance. a painted, grass-crowned devil dancer, riding a hobby-horse, proceeds with music round the kambla field. then comes the buffalo procession, and the races commence. at a big meeting near mangalore, the two leading devil dancers were dressed up in masks, and coat and trousers of blue mission cloth, and one had the genitalia represented by a long piece of blue cloth tipped with red, and enormous testes. buffaloes, young and old, trained and untrained, compete, some without the plank attached to them, and others with planks but without drivers. accidents sometimes happen, owing to the animals breaking away among the crowd. on one occasion, a man who was in front of a pair of buffaloes which were just about to start failed to jump clear of them. catching hold of the yoke, he hung on to it by his hands, and was carried right down the course, and was landed safely at the other end. if he had dropped, he would have fallen among four pairs of hoofs, not to mention the planks, and would probably have been brained. it is often a case of owners up, and the sons and nephews of big bants, worth perhaps rs. , a year, drive the teams." to the above account, i may add a few notes made at a buffalo race-meeting near udipi, at which i was present. each group of buffaloes, as they went up the track to the starting-point, was preceded by the koraga band playing on drum, fife and cymbals, holeyas armed with staves and dancing, and a man holding a flag (nishani). sometimes, in addition to the flag, there is a pakke or spear on the end of a bamboo covered with strips of cloth, or a makara torana, i.e., festooned cloths between two bamboos. the two last are permitted only if the buffaloes belong to a bant or brahman, not if they are the property of a billava. at the end of the races, the ballala chief, in whose field they had taken place, retired in procession, headed by a man carrying his banner, which, during the races, had been floating on the top of a long bamboo pole at the far end of the track. he was followed by the koraga band, and the holeyas attached to him, armed with clubs, and dancing a step dance amid discordant noises. two nalkes (devil-dancers), dressed up in their professional garb, and a torch-bearer also joined in the procession, in the rear of which came the ballala beneath a decorated umbrella. in every village there are rakshasas (demons), called kambla-asura, who preside over the fields. the races are held to propitiate them, and, if they are omitted, it is believed that there will be a failure of the crop. according to some, kambla-asura is the brother of maheshasura, the buffalo-headed giant, from whom mysore receives its name. the koragas sit up through the night before the kambla day, performing a ceremony called panikkuluni, or sitting under the dew. they sing songs to the accompaniment of the band, about their devil nicha, and offer toddy and a rice-pudding boiled in a large earthen pot, which is broken so that the pudding remains as a solid mass. this pudding is called kandel adde, or pot pudding. on the morning of the races, the holeyas scatter manure over the field, and plough it. on the following day, the seedlings are planted, without, as in ordinary cases, any ploughing. to propitiate various devils, the days following the races are devoted to cock-fighting. the kamblas, in different places, have various names derived from the village deity, the chief village devil, or the village itself, e.g., janardhana devara, daivala, or udiyavar. the young men, who have the management of the buffaloes, are called bannangayi gurikara (half-ripe cocoanut masters) as they have the right of taking tender cocoanuts, as well as beaten rice to give them physical strength, without the special permission of their landlord. at the village of vandar, the races take place in a dry field, which has been ploughed, and beaten to break up the clods of earth. for this reason they are called podi (powder) kambla. a pair of buffaloes, belonging to the field in which the races take place, should enter the field first, and a breach of this observance leads to discussion and quarrels. on one occasion, a dispute arose between two bants in connection with the question of precedence. one of them brought his own pair of buffaloes, and the other a borrowed pair. if the latter had brought his own animals, he would have had precedence over the former. but, as his animals were borrowed, precedence was given to the man who brought his own buffaloes. this led to a dispute, and the races were not commenced until the delicate point at issue was decided. in some places, a long pole, called pukare, decorated with flags, flowers, and festoons of leaves, is set up in the kambla field, sometimes on a platform. billavas are in charge of this pole, which is worshipped, throughout the races, and others may not touch it. fines inflicted by the bant caste council are, i am informed, spent in the celebration of a temple festival. in former days, those found guilty by the council were beaten with tamarind switches, made to stand exposed to the sun, or big red ants were thrown over their bodies. sometimes, to establish the innocence of an accused person, he had to take a piece of red-hot iron (axe, etc.) in his hand, and give it to his accuser. at a puberty ceremony among some bants the girl sits in the courtyard of her house on five unhusked cocoanuts covered with the bamboo cylinder which is used for storing paddy. women place four pots filled with water, and containing betel leaves and nuts, round the girl, and empty the contents over her head. she is then secluded in an outhouse. the women are entertained with a feast, which must include fowl and fish curry. the cocoanuts are given to a washerwoman. on the fourth day, the girl is bathed, and received back at the house. beaten rice, and rice flour mixed with jaggery (crude sugar) are served out to those assembled. the girl is kept gosha (secluded) for a time, and fed up with generous diet. under the aliya santana system of inheritance, the high court has ruled that there is no marriage within the meaning of the penal code. but, though divorce and remarriage are permitted to women, there are formal rules and ceremonies observed in connection with them, and amongst the well-to-do classes divorce is not looked upon as respectable, and is not frequent. the fictitious marriage prevailing amongst the nayars is unknown among the bants, and a wife also usually leaves the family house, and resides at her husband's, unless she occupies so senior a position in her own family as to make it desirable that she should live on the family estate. the bants are divided into a number of balis (exogamous septs), which are traced in the female line, i.e., a boy belongs to his mother's, not to his father's bali. children belonging to the same bali cannot marry, and the prohibition extends to certain allied (koodu) balis. moreover, a man cannot marry his father's brother's daughter, though she belongs to a different bali. in a memorandum by mr. m. mundappa bangera, [ ] it is stated that "bali in aliya santana families corresponds to gotra of the brahmins governed by hindu law, but differs in that it is derived from the mother's side, whereas gotra is always derived from the father's side. a marriage between a boy and girl belonging to the same bali is considered incestuous, as falling within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity. it is not at all difficult to find out the bali to which a man or woman belongs, as one can scarcely be found who does not know one's own bali by rote. and the heads of caste, who preside at every wedding party, and who are also consulted by the elders of the boy or girl before an alliance is formed, are such experts in these matters that they decide at once without reference to any books or rules whether intermarriages between persons brought before them can be lawfully performed or not." as examples of balis among the bants, the following may be cited:-- bellathannaya, jaggery. bhuthiannaya, ashes. chaliannaya, weaver. edinnaya, hornet's nest. karkadabennai, scorpion. kayerthannaya (strychnos nux-vomica). kochattabannayya, or kajjarannayya, jack tree (artocarpus integrifolia). koriannaya, fowl. pathanchithannaya, green peas. perugadannaya, bandicoot rat. poyilethannaya, one who removes the evil eye. puliattannaya, tiger. ragithannaya, ragi (eleusine coracana). infant marriage is not prohibited, but is not common, and both men and girls are usually married after they have reached maturity. there are two forms of marriage, one called kai dhare for marriages between virgins and bachelors, the other called budu dhare for the marriage of widows. after a match has been arranged, the formal betrothal, called ponnapathera or nischaya tambula, takes place. the bridegroom's relatives and friends proceed in a body on the appointed day to the bride's house, and are there entertained at a grand dinner, to which the bride's relatives and friends are also bidden. subsequently the karnavans (heads) of the two families formally engage to perform the marriage, and plates of betel leaves and areca nuts are exchanged, and the betel and nuts partaken of by the two parties. the actual marriage ceremony is performed at the house of the bride or bridegroom, as may be most convenient. the proceedings commence with the bridegroom seating himself in the marriage pandal, a booth or canopy specially erected for the occasion. he is there shaved by the village barber, and then retires and bathes. this done, both he and the bride are conducted to the pandal by their relations, or sometimes by the village headman. they walk thrice round the seat, and then sit down side by side. the essential and binding part of the ceremony, called dhare, then takes place. the right hand of the bride being placed over the right hand of the bridegroom, a silver vessel (dhare gindi) filled with water, with a cocoanut over the mouth and the flower of the areca palm on the cocoanut, is placed on the joined hands. the parents, the managers of the two families, and the village headmen all touch the vessel, which, with the hands of the bridal pair, is moved up and down three times. in certain families the water is poured from the vessel into the united hands of the couple, and this betokens the gift of the bride. this form of gift by pouring water was formerly common, and was not confined to the gift of a bride. it still survives in the marriage ceremonies of various castes, and the name of the bant ceremony shows that it must once have been universal among them. the bride and bridegroom then receive the congratulations of the guests, who express a hope that the happy couple may become the parents of twelve sons and twelve daughters. an empty plate, and another containing rice, are next placed before the pair, and their friends sprinkle them with rice from the one, and place a small gift, generally four annas, in the other. the bridegroom then makes a gift to the bride. this is called sirdachi, and varies in amount according to the position of the parties. this must be returned to the husband, if his wife leaves him, or if she is divorced for misconduct. the bride is then taken back in procession to her home. a few days later she is again taken to the bridegroom's house, and must serve her husband with food. he makes another money present to her, and after that the marriage is consummated. according to another account of the marriage ceremony among some bants, the barber shaves the bridegroom's face, using cow's milk instead of water, and touches the bride's forehead with razor. the bride and bridegroom bathe, and dress up in new clothes. a plank covered with a newly-washed cloth supplied by a washerman, a tray containing raw rice, a lighted lamp, betel leaves and areca nuts, etc., are placed in the pandal. a girl carries a tray on which are placed a lighted lamp, a measure full of raw rice, and betel. she is followed by the bridegroom conducted by her brother, and the bride, led by the bridegroom's sister. they enter the pandal and, after going round the articles contained therein five times, sit down on the plank. an elderly woman, belonging to the family of the caste headman, brings a tray containing rice, and places it in front of the couple, over whom she sprinkles a little of the rice. the assembled men and women then place presents of money on the tray, and sprinkle rice over the couple. the right hand of the bride is held by the headman, and her uncle, and laid in that of the bridegroom. a cocoanut is placed over the mouth of a vessel, which is decorated with mango leaves and flowers of the areca palm. the headman and male relations of the bride place this vessel thrice in the hands of the bridal couple. the vessel is subsequently emptied at the foot of a cocoanut tree. the foregoing account shows that the bant marriage is a good deal more than concubinage. it is indeed as formal a marriage as is to be found among any people in the world, and the freedom of divorce which is allowed cannot deprive it of its essential character. widows are married with much less formality. the ceremony consists simply of joining the hands of the couple, but, strange to say, a screen is placed between them. all widows are allowed to marry again, but it is, as a rule, only the young women who actually do so. if a widow becomes pregnant, she must marry or suffer loss of caste. the bants all burn their dead, except in the case of children under seven, and those who have died of leprosy or of epidemic disease such as cholera or small-pox. the funeral pile must consist at least partly of mango wood. on the ninth, eleventh or thirteenth day, people are fed in large numbers, but the jains now substitute for this a distribution of cocoanuts on the third, fifth, seventh, or ninth day. once a year--generally in october--a ceremony called agelu is performed for the propitiation of ancestors. from a detailed account of the bant death ceremonies, i gather that the news of a death is conveyed to the caste people by a holeya. a carpenter, accompanied by musicians, proceeds to cut down a mango tree for the funeral pyre. the body is bathed, and laid out on a plank. clad in new clothes, it is conveyed with music to the burning-ground. a barber carries thither a pot containing fire. the corpse is set down near the pyre and divested of the new clothes, which are distributed between a barber, washerman, carpenter, a billava and holeya. the pyre is kindled by a billava, and the mat on which the corpse has been lying is thrown thereon by a son or nephew of the deceased. on the third day the relations go to the burning-ground, and a barber and washerman sprinkle water over the ashes. some days later, the caste people are invited to attend, and a barber, washerman, and carpenter build up on the spot where the corpse was burnt a lofty structure, made of bamboo and areca palm, in an odd number of tiers, and supported on an odd number of posts. it is decorated with cloths, fruits, tender cocoanuts, sugarcane, flowers, mango leaves, areca palm flowers, etc., and a fence is set up round it. the sons and other relations of the deceased carry to the burning-ground three balls of cooked rice (pinda) dyed with turmeric and tied up in a cloth, some raw rice dyed with turmeric, pieces of green plantain fruit, and pumpkin and a cocoanut. they go thrice round the structure, carrying the various articles in trays on their heads, and deposit them therein. the relations then throw a little of the coloured rice into the structure, and one of the caste men sprinkles water contained in a mango leaf over their hands. after bathing, they return home. the clothes, jewels, etc., of the deceased are laid on a cloth spread inside the house. a piece of turmeric is suspended from the ceiling by a string, and a tray containing water coloured yellow placed beneath it. round this the females seat themselves. a cocoanut is broken, and a barber sprinkles the water thereof contained in a mango leaf over those assembled. on the following day, various kinds of food are prepared, and placed on leaves, with a piece of new cloth, within a room of the house. the cloth remains there for a year, when it is renewed. the renewal continues until another death occurs in the family. in the following table, the cephalic index of the bants is compared with that of the billavas and shivalli brahmans:-- =========================================== -- | average. | maximum. | minimum. ===========+==========+==========+========= brahman | . | . | billava | . | . | bant | | . | . ===========+==========+==========+========= the headman among the bants is generally called guttinayya, meaning person of the guttu or site. every village, or group of villages, possesses a guttu, and the bant who occupies, or holds in possession the house or site set apart as the guttu is the guttinayya. when this passes to another by sale or inheritance, the office of headman passes with it. it is said that, in some instances, the headmanship has in this way passed to classes other than bants, e.g., brahmans and jains. in some villages, the headman is, as among some other castes, called gurikara, whose appointment is hereditary. a few supplementary notes may be added on the parivara, nad, and masadika bants. the parivaras are confined to the southern taluks of the south canara district. they may interdine, but may not intermarry with the other section. the rule of inheritance is makkalakattu (in the male line). brahman priests are engaged for the various ceremonials, so the parivaras are more brahmanised than the nad or masadika bants. the parivaras may resort to the wells used by brahmans, and they consequently claim superiority over the other sections. among the nad bants, no marriage badge is tied on the neck of the bride. at a parivara marriage, after the dhare ceremony, the bridegroom ties a gold bead, called dhare mani, on the neck of the bride. the remarriage of widows is not in vogue. in connection with the death ceremonies, a car is not, as among the nad and masadika sections, set up over the mound (dhupe). on the eleventh day, the spreading of a cloth on the mound for offerings of food must be done by nekkaras, who wash clothes for billavas. the nad or nadava and masadika bants follow the aliya santana law of succession, and intermarriage is permitted between the two sections. the names of the balis, which have already been given, are common among the masadikas, and do not apply to the nads, among whom different sept names occur, e.g., honne, shetti, koudichi, etc. elaborate death ceremonies are only performed if the deceased was old, or a respected member of the community. the corpse is generally cremated in one of the rice-fields belonging to the family. after the funeral, the male members of the family return home, and place a vessel containing water and light in a room. one or two women must remain in this room, and the light must be kept burning until the bojja, or final death ceremonies, are over. the water in the vessel must be renewed twice daily. at the final ceremonies, a feast is given to the castemen, and in some places, the headman insists on the people of the house of mourning giving him a jewel as a pledge that the bojja will be performed on the ninth, eleventh, or thirteenth day. the headman visits the house on the previous day, and, after examination of the provisions, helps in cutting up vegetables, etc. on the bojja day, copper and silver coins, and small pieces of gold, are buried or sown in the field in which the ceremony is performed. this is called hanabiththodu. the lofty structure, called gurigi or upparige, is set up over the dhupe or ashes heaped up into a mound, or in the field in which the body was cremated, only in the event of the deceased being a person of importance. in some places, two kinds of structure are used, one called gurigi, composed of several tiers, for males, and the other called delagudu, consisting of a single tier, for females. devil-dancers are engaged, and the commonest kola performed by them is the eru kola, or man and hobby-horse. in the room containing the vessel of water, four sticks are planted in the ground, and tied together. over the sticks a cloth is placed, and the vessel of water placed beneath it. a bit of string is tied to the ceiling, and a piece of turmeric or a gold ring is attached to the end of it, and suspended so as to touch the water in the vessel. this is called nir neralu (shadow in water), and seems to be a custom among various tulu castes. after the bojja ceremony, all those who are under death pollution stand in two rows. a madavali (washerman) touches them with a cloth, and a kelasi (barber) sprinkles water over them. in this manner, they are freed from pollution. the most common title among the bants is chetti or setti, but many others occur, e.g., heggade, nayaka, bangera, rai, ballalaru, etc. barang jhodia.--a sub-division of poroja. bardeshkar (people of twelve countries).--some families among konkani brahmans go by this name. bariki.--bariki is the name for village watchmen in southern ganjam, whose duty it further is to guide the traveller on the march from place to place. in the bellary manual, barika is given as the name for canarese kabberas, who are village servants, who keep the village chavadi (caste meeting-house) clean, look after the wants of officials halting in the village, and perform various other duties. in the census report, , the barikas are said to be usually boyas. the barika of mysore is defined by mr. l. rice as [ ] "a menial among the village servants; a deputy talari, who is employed to watch the crops from the growing crop to the granary." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the bellary district, that "in the middle of the threshold of nearly all the gateways of the ruined fortifications round the bellary villages will be noticed a roughly cylindrical or conical stone, something like a lingam. this is the boddu-rayi, literally the navel stone, and so the middle stone. it was planted there when the fort was built, and is affectionately regarded as being the boundary of the village site. once a year, in may, just before the sowing season begins, a ceremony takes place in connection with it. reverence is first made to the bullocks of the village, and in the evening they are driven through the gateway past the boddu-rayi with tom-toms, flutes, and all kinds of music. the barike next does puja (worship) to the stone, and then a string of mango leaves is tied across the gateway above it. the villagers now form sides, one party trying to drive the bullocks through the gate, and the other trying to keep them out. the greatest uproar and confusion naturally follow, and, in the midst of the turmoil, some bullock or other eventually breaks through the guardians of the gate, and gains the village. if that first bullock is a red one, the red grains on the red soils will flourish in the coming season. if he is white, white crops like cotton and white cholam will prosper. if he is red-and-white, both kinds will do well. when the rains fail, and, in any case, on the first full moon in september, rude human figures drawn on the ground with powdered charcoal may be seen at cross-roads and along big thoroughfares. they represent jokumara the rain-god, and are made by the barikes--a class of village servants, who are usually of the gaurimakkalu sub-division of the kabberas. the villagers give the artists some small remuneration, and believe that luck comes to those who pass over the figures." barike.--a title of gaudos and other oriya castes. barrellu (buffaloes).--an exogamous sept of kapu. basala.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as telugu beggars and soothsayers in vizagapatam. the word is apparently a corruption of basa-valu, a sage. the basa-valu pretend to be messengers of indra, the chief of the devatas, and prognosticate coming events. basari (fig tree).--a gotra of kurni. basava golla.--a name for certain koyis of the godavari district, whose grandfathers had a quarrel with some of their neighbours, and separated from them. the name basava is said to be derived from bhasha, a language, as these koyis speak a different language from the true gollas. [ ] in like manner, basa kondhs are those who speak their proper language, in contradistinction to those who speak oriya, or oriya mixed with kui. basavi.--see deva-dasi. basiya korono.--a sub-division of korono. basruvogaru (basru, belly).--an exogamous sept of gauda. baththala (rice).--an exogamous sept of kamma. batlu (cup).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. bauri.--there are found in the madras presidency nomad gangs of bauris or bawariyas, who are described [ ] as "one of the worst criminal tribes of india. the sphere of their operations extends throughout the length and breadth of the country. they not only commit robberies, burglaries and thefts, but also practice the art of manufacturing and passing counterfeit coin. they keep with them a small quantity of wheat and sandal seeds in a small tin or brass case, which they call devakadana or god's grain, and a tuft of peacock's feathers, all in a bundle. they are very superstitious, and do not embark on any enterprise without first ascertaining by omens whether it will be attended with success or not. this they do by taking at random a small quantity of grains out of their devakadana and counting the number of grains, the omen being considered good or bad according as the number of seeds is odd or even. for a detailed record of the history of this criminal class, and the methods employed in the performance of criminal acts, i would refer the reader to the accounts given by mr. paupa rao [ ] and mr. w. crooke. [ ] bavaji.--the bavajis are bairagi or gosayi beggars, who travel about the country. they are known by various names, e.g., bairagi, sadu, etc. bavuri.--the bavuris, or bauris, are a low class of oriya basket-makers, living in ganjam, and are more familiarly known as khodalo. they are a polluting class, living in separate quarters, and occupy a position lower than the samantiyas, but higher than the kondras, dandasis, and haddis. they claim that palanquin (dhooly or duli) bearing is their traditional occupation, and consequently call themselves boyi. "according to one story," risley writes, [ ] "they were degraded for attempting to steal food from the banquet of the gods; another professes to trace them back to a mythical ancestor named bahak rishi (the bearer of burdens), and tells how, while returning from a marriage procession, they sold the palanquin they had been hired to carry, got drunk on the proceeds, and assaulted their guru (religious preceptor), who cursed them for the sacrilege, and condemned them to rank thenceforward among the lowest castes of the community." the bavuris are apparently divided into two endogamous sections, viz., dulia and khandi. the former regard themselves as superior to the latter, and prefer to be called khodalo. some of these have given up eating beef, call themselves dasa khodalos, and claim descent from one balliga doss, a famous bavuri devotee, who is said to have worked wonders, analogous to those of nandan of the paraiyan community. to this section the caste priests belong. at russelkonda, a woman, when asked if she was a bavuri, replied that the caste is so called by others, but that its real name is khodalo. others, in reply to a question whether they belonged to the khandi section, became angry, and said that the khandis are inferior, because they eat frogs. the bavuris gave the name of two gotras, saptha bhavunia and naga, which are said to be exogamous. the former offer food to the gods on seven leaves of the white gourd melon, benincasa cerifera (kokkara), and the latter on jak (artocarpus integrifolia: panasa) leaves. all over the oriya country there is a general belief that house-names or bamsams are foreign to the oriya castes, and only possessed by the telugus. but some genuine oriya castes, e.g., haddis, dandasis and bhondaris, have exogamous bamsams. for every group of villages (muttah), the bavuris apparently have a headman called behara, who is assisted by naikos or dolo beharas, or, in some places, dondias or porichas, who hold sway over a smaller number of villages. each village has its own headman, called bhollobhaya (good brother), to whose notice all irregularities are brought. these are either settled by himself, or referred to the behara and naiko. in some villages, in addition to the bhollobhaya, there is a caste servant called dangua or dogara. for serious offences, a council-meeting is convened by the behara, and attended by the bhollobhayas, naikos, and a few leading members of the community. the meeting is held in an open plain outside the village. once in two or three years, a council-meeting, called mondolo, is held, at which various matters are discussed, and decided. the expenses of meetings are defrayed by the inhabitants of the villages in which they take place. among the most important matters to be decided by tribunals are adultery, eating with lower castes, the re-admission of convicts into the caste, etc. punishment takes the form of a fine, and trial by ordeal is apparently not resorted to. a man, who is convicted of committing adultery, or eating with a member of a lower caste, is received back into the caste on payment of the fine. a woman, who has been proved guilty of such offences, is not so taken back. it is said that, when a member of a higher caste commits adultery with a bavuri woman, he is sometimes received into the bavuri caste. the behara receives a small fee annually from each village or family, and also a small present of money for each marriage. girls are married either before or after puberty. a man may marry his maternal uncle's, but not his paternal aunt's daughter. at an adult marriage, the festivities last for four days, whereas, at an infant marriage, they are extended over seven days. when a young man's parents have selected a girl for him, they consult a brahman, and, if he decides that the marriage will be auspicious, they proceed to the girl's home, and ask that a day be fixed for the betrothal. on the appointed day the amount of money, which is to be paid by the bridegroom-elect for jewels, etc., is fixed. one or two new cloths must be given to the girl's grandmother, and the man's party must announce the number of feasts they intend to give to the castemen. if the family is poor, the feasts are mentioned, but do not actually take place. the marriage ceremony is always celebrated at night. on the evening of the day prior thereto, the bride and bridegroom's people proceed to the temple of the village goddess (takurani), and, on their way home, go to seven houses of members of their own or some higher caste, and ask them to give them water, which is poured into a small vessel. this vessel is taken home, and hung over the bedi (marriage dais). the water is used by the bride and bridegroom on the following morning for bathing. on the marriage day, the bridegroom proceeds to the bride's village, and is met on the way by her party, and escorted by his brother-in-law to the dais. the bhollobhaya enquires whether the bride's party have received everything as arranged, and, when he has been assured on this point, the bride is brought to the dais by her maternal uncle. she carries with her in her hands a little salt and rice; and, after throwing these over the bridegroom, she sits by his side. the grandfathers of the contracting couple, or a priest called dhiyani, officiate. their palms are placed together, and the hands united by a string dyed with turmeric. the union of the hands is called hasthagonti, and is the binding portion of the ceremony. turmeric water is poured over the hands seven times from a chank or sankha shell. seven married women then throw over the heads of the couple a mixture of zizyphus jujuba (borkolipathro) leaves, rice smeared with turmeric, and cynodon dactylon (dhuba) culms. this rite is called bhondaivaro, and is performed at all auspicious ceremonies. the fingers of the bride and bridegroom are then linked together, and they are led by the wife of the bride's brother seven times round the bedi. the priest then proclaims that the soot can soon be wiped off the cooking-pot, but the connection brought about by the marriage is enduring, and relationship is secured for seven generations. the pair are taken indoors, and fed. the remaining days of the marriage ceremonies are given up to feasting. the remarriage of widows is permitted. a widow is expected to marry the younger brother of her deceased husband, or, with his permission, may marry whom she likes. when a girl attains maturity, she is seated on a new mat, and zizyphus jujuba leaves are thrown over her. this ceremony is sometimes repeated daily for six days, during which sweets, etc., are given to the girl, and women who bring presents are fed. on the seventh day, the girl is taken to a tank (pond), and bathed. the dead are either buried or burnt. the corpse is, at the funeral, borne in the hands, or on a bier, by four men. soon after the village boundary has been crossed, the widow of the deceased throws rice over the eyes of the corpse, and also a little fire, after taking it three times round. she usually carries with her a pot and ladle, which she throws away. if an elderly woman dies, these rites are performed by her daughter-in-law. at the burial-ground, the corpse is taken seven times round the grave, and, as it is lowered into it, those present say "oh! trees, oh! sky, oh! earth, we are laying him in. it is not our fault." when the grave has been filled in, the figures of a man and woman are drawn on it, and all throw earth over it, saying "you were living with us; now you have left us. do not trouble the people." on their return home, the mourners sprinkle cowdung water about the house and over their feet, and toddy is partaken of. on the following day, all the old pots are thrown away, and the agnates eat rice cooked with margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves. food is offered to the dead person, either at the burial-ground or in the backyard of the house. on the tenth day, the dhiyani, as the priest is called, is sent for, and arrives with his drum (dhiyani). a small hut is erected on a tank bund (embankment), and food cooked seven times, and offered seven times on seven fragments of pots. a new cloth is spread, and on it food, fruits, a chank shell, etc., are placed, and offered to the deceased. the various articles are put into a new pot, and the son, going into the water up to his neck, throws the pot into the air, and breaks it. the celebrants of the rite then return to the house, and stand in a row in front thereof. they are there purified by means of milk smeared over their hands by the dhiyani. on the twelfth day, food is offered on twelve leaves. the bavuris do not worship jagannathaswami, or other of the higher deities, but reverence their ancestors and the village goddesses or takuranis. like other oriya classes, the bavuris name their children on the twenty-first day. opprobrious names are common among them, e.g., ogadu (dirty fellow), kangali (wretched fellow), haddia (haddi, or sweeper caste). bedar or boya.--"throughout the hills," buchanan writes, [ ] "northward from capaladurga, are many cultivated spots, in which, during tippoo's government, were settled many baydaru or hunters, who received twelve pagodas (£ s.) a year, and served as irregular troops whenever required. being accustomed to pursue tigers and deer in the woods, they were excellent marksmen with their match-locks, and indefatigable in following their prey; which, in the time of war, was the life and property of every helpless creature that came in their way. during the wars of hyder and his son, these men were chief instruments in the terrible depredations committed in the lower carnatic. they were also frequently employed with success against the poligars (feudal chiefs), whose followers were of a similar description." in the gazetteer of the anantapur district it is noted that "the boyas are the old fighting caste of this part of the country, whose exploits are so often recounted in the history books. the poligars' forces, and haidar ali's famous troops were largely recruited from these people, and they still retain a keen interest in sport and manly exercises." in his notes on the boyas, which mr. n. e. q. mainwaring has kindly placed at my disposal, he writes as follows. "although, until quite recently, many a boya served in the ranks of our native army, being entered in the records thereof either under his caste title of naidu, or under the heading of gentu, [ ] which was largely used in old day military records, yet this congenial method of earning a livelihood has now been swept away by a government order, which directs that in future no telegas shall be enlisted into the indian army. that the boyas were much prized as fighting men in the stirring times of the eighteenth century is spoken to in the contemporaneous history of colonel wilks. [ ] he speaks of the brave armies of the poligars of chitteldroog, who belonged to the beder or boya race in the year . earlier, in , hyder ali, who was then only a naik in the service of the mysore raja, used with great effect his select corps of beder peons at the battle of ginjee. five years after this battle, when hyder was rising to great eminence, he augmented his beder peons, and used them as scouts for the purpose of ascertaining the whereabouts of his enemies, and for poisoning with the juice of the milk-hedge (euphorbia tirucalli) all wells in use by them, or in their line of march. the historian characterises them as being 'brave and faithful thieves.' in , the most select army of morari row of gooty consisted chiefly of beder peons, and the accounts of their deeds in the field, as well as their defence of gooty fort, which only fell after the meanness of device had been resorted to, prove their bravery in times gone by beyond doubt. there are still a number of old weapons to be found amongst the boyas, consisting of swords, daggers, spears, and matchlocks. none appear to be purely boya weapons, but they seem to have assumed the weapons of either muhammadans or hindus, according to which race held sway at the time. in some districts, there are still boya poligars, but, as a rule, they are poor, and unable to maintain any position. generally, the boyas live at peace with their neighbours, occasionally only committing a grave dacoity (robbery). [ ] "in the kurnool district, they have a bad name, and many are on the police records as habitual thieves and housebreakers. they seldom stoop to lesser offences. some are carpenters, others blacksmiths who manufacture all sorts of agricultural implements. some, again, are engaged as watchmen, and others make excellent snares for fish out of bamboo. but the majority of them are agriculturists, and most of them work on their own putta lands. they are now a hard-working, industrious people, who have become thrifty by dint of their industry, and whose former predatory habits are being forgotten. each village, or group of villages, submits to the authority of a headman, who is generally termed the naidu, less commonly dora as chieftain. in some parts of kurnool, the headmen are called simhasana boyas. the headman presides at all functions, and settles, with the assistance of the elders, any disputes that may arise in the community regarding division of property, adultery, and other matters. the headman has the power to inflict fines, the amount of which is regulated by the status and wealth of the defaulter. but it is always arranged that the penalty shall be sufficient to cover the expense of feeding the panchayatdars (members of council), and leave a little over to be divided between the injured party and the headman. in this way, the headman gets paid for his services, and practically fixes his own remuneration." it is stated in the manual of the bellary district that "of the various hindu castes in bellary, the boyas (called in canarese bedars, byedas, or byadas) are far the strongest numerically. many of the poligars whom sir thomas munro found in virtual possession of the country when it was added to the company belonged to this caste, and their irregular levies, and also a large proportion of haidar's formidable force, were of the same breed. harpanahalli was the seat of one of the most powerful poligars in the district in the eighteenth century. the founder of the family was a boya taliari, who, on the subversion of the vijayanagar dynasty, seized on two small districts near harpanahalli. the boyas are perhaps the only people in the district who still retain any aptitude for manly sports. they are now for the most part cultivators and herdsmen or are engaged under government as constables, peons, village watchmen (taliaris), and so forth. their community provides an instructive example of the growth of caste sub-divisions. both the telugu-speaking boyas and the canarese-speaking bedars are split into the two main divisions of uru or village men, and myasa or grass-land men, and each of these divisions is again sub-divided into a number of exogamous bedagas. four of the best known of these sub-divisions are yemmalavaru or buffalo-men; mandalavaru or men of the herd; pulavaru or flower-men, and minalavaru or fish-men. they are in no way totemistic. curiously enough, each bedagu has its own particular god, to which its members pay special reverence. but these bedagas bear the same names among both the boyas and the bedars, and also among both the uru and myasa divisions of both boyas and bedars. it thus seems clear that, at some distant period, all the boyas and all the bedars must have belonged to one homogeneous caste. at present, though uru boyas will marry with uru bedars and myasa boyas with myasa bedars, there is no intermarriage between urus and myasas, whether they be boyas or bedars. even if urus and myasas dine together, they sit in different rows, each division by themselves. again, the urus (whether boyas or bedars) will eat chicken and drink alcohol, but the myasas will not touch a fowl or any form of strong drink, and are so strict in this last matter that they will not even sit on mats made of the leaf of the date-palm, the tree which in bellary provides all the toddy. the urus, moreover, celebrate their marriages with the ordinary ceremonial of the halu-kamba or milk-post, and the surge, or bathing of the happy pair; the bride sits on a flour-grinding stone, and the bridegroom stands on a basket full of cholam (millet), and they call in brahmans to officiate. but the myasas have a simpler ritual, which omits most of these points, and dispenses with the brahman. other differences are that the uru women wear ravikkais or tight-fitting bodices, while the myasas tuck them under their waist-string. both divisions eat beef, and both have a hereditary headman called the ejaman, and hereditary dasaris who act as their priests." in the madras census report, , it is stated that the two main divisions of boyas are called also pedda (big) and chinna (small) respectively, and, according to another account, the caste has four endogamous sections, pedda, chinna, sadaru, and myasa. sadaru is the name of a sub-division of lingayats, found mainly in the bellary and anantapur districts, where they are largely engaged in cultivation. some bedars who live amidst those lingayats call themselves sadaru. according to the manual of the north arcot district, the boyas are a "telugu hunting caste, chiefly found above the ghats. many of the poligars of that part of the country used to belong to the caste, and proved themselves so lawless that they were dispossessed. now they are usually cultivators. they have several divisions, the chief of which are the mulki boyas and the pala boyas, who cannot intermarry." according to the mysore census reports, and , "the bedas have two distinct divisions, the kannada and telugu, and own some twenty sub-divisions, of which the following are the chief:--halu, machi or myasa, nayaka, pallegar, barika, kannaiyyanajati, and kirataka. the machi or myasa bedas comprise a distinct sub-division, also called the chunchus. they live mostly in hills, and outside inhabited places in temporary huts. portions of their community had, it is alleged, been coerced into living in villages, with whose descendants the others have kept up social intercourse. they do not, however, eat fowl or pork, but partake of beef; and the myasa bedas are the only hindu class among whom the rite of circumcision is performed, [ ] on boys of ten or twelve years of age. these customs, so characteristic of the mussalmans, seem to have been imbibed when the members of this sub-caste were included in the hordes of haidar ali. simultaneously with the circumcision, other rites, such as the panchagavyam, the burning of the tongue with a nim (melia azadirachta) stick, etc. (customs pre-eminently brahmanical), are likewise practised prior to the youth being received into communion. among their other peculiar customs, the exclusion from their ordinary dwellings of women in child-bed and in periodical sickness, may be noted. the myasa bedas are said to scrupulously avoid liquor of every kind, and eat the flesh of only two kinds of birds, viz., gauja (grey partridge), and lavga (rock-bush quail)." of circumcision among the myasa bedars it is noted, in the gazetteer of the bellary district, that they practise this rite round about rayadrug and gudekota. "these myasas seem quite proud of the custom, and scout with scorn the idea of marrying into any family in which it is not the rule. the rite is performed when a boy is seven or eight. a very small piece of the skin is cut off by a man of the caste, and the boy is then kept for eleven days in a separate hut, and touched by no one. his food is given him on a piece of stone. on the twelfth day he is bathed, given a new cloth, and brought back to the house, and his old cloth, and the stone on which his food was served, are thrown away. his relations in a body then take him to a tangedu (cassia auriculata) bush, to which are offered cocoanuts, flowers, and so forth, and which is worshipped by them and him. girls on first attaining puberty are similarly kept for eleven days in a separate hut, and afterwards made to do worship to a tangedu bush. this tree also receives reverence at funerals." the titles of the boyas are said to be naidu or nayudu, naik, dora, dorabidda (children of chieftains), and valmiki. they claim direct lineal descent from valmiki, the author of the ramayana. at times of census in mysore, some bedars have set themselves up as valmiki brahmans. the origin of the myasa bedas is accounted for in the following story. a certain bedar woman had two sons, of whom the elder, after taking his food, went to work in the fields. the younger son, coming home, asked his mother to give him food, and she gave him only cholam (millet) and vegetables. while he was partaking thereof, he recognised the smell of meat, and was angry because his mother had given him none, and beat her to death. he then searched the house, and, on opening a pot from which the smell of meat emanated, found that it only contained the rotting fibre-yielding bark of some plant. then, cursing his luck, he fled to the forest, where he remained, and became the forefather of the myasa bedars. for the following note on the legendary origin of the bedars, i am indebted to mr. mainwaring. "many stories are told of how they came into existence, each story bringing out the name which the particular group may be known by. some call themselves nishadulu, and claim to be the legitimate descendants of nishadu. when the great venudu, who was directly descended from brahma, ruled over the universe, he was unable to procure a son and heir to the throne. when he died, his death was regarded as an irreparable misfortune. in grief and doubt as to what was to be done, his body was preserved. the seven ruling planets, then sat in solemn conclave, and consulted together as to what they should do. finally they agreed to create a being from the right thigh of the deceased venudu, and they accordingly fashioned and gave life to nishudu. but their work was not successful, for nishudu turned out to be not only deformed in body, but repulsively ugly. it was accordingly agreed, at another meeting of the planets, that he was not a fit person to be placed on the throne. so they set to work again, and created a being from the right shoulder of venudu. their second effort was crowned with success. they called their second creation chakravati, and, as he gave general satisfaction, he was placed on the throne. this supersession naturally caused nishudu, the first born, to be discontented, and he sought a lonely place. there he communed with the gods, begging of them the reason why they had created him, if he was not to rule. the gods explained to him that he could not now be put on the throne, since chakravati had already been installed, but that he should be a ruler over the forests. in this capacity, nishudu begot the koravas, chenchus, yanadis, and boyas. the boyas were his legitimate children, while the others were all illegitimate. according to the legend narrated in the valmiki ramayana, when king vishwamitra quarrelled with the rishi vashista, the cow kamadenu belonging to the latter, grew angry, and shook herself. from her body an army, which included nishadulu, turka (muhammadans), and yevannudu (yerukalas) at once appeared. "a myth related by the boyas in explanation of their name valmikudu runs as follows. in former days, a brahman, who lived as a highwayman, murdering and robbing all the travellers he came across, kept a boya female, and begot children by her. one day, when he went out to carry on his usual avocation, he met the seven rishis, who were the incarnations of the seven planets. he ordered them to deliver their property, or risk their lives. the rishis consented to give him all their property, which was little enough, but warned him that one day he would be called to account for his sinful deeds. the brahman, however, haughtily replied that he had a large family to maintain, and, as they lived on his plunder, they would have to share the punishment that was inflicted upon himself. the rishis doubted this, and advised him to go and find out from his family if they were willing to suffer an equal punishment with him for his sins. the brahman went to his house, and confessed his misdeeds to his wife, explaining that it was through them that he had been able to keep the family in luxury. he then told her of his meeting with the rishis, and asked her if she would share his responsibility. his wife and children emphatically refused to be in any way responsible for his sins, which they declared were entirely his business. being at his wit's end, he returned to the rishis, told them how unfortunate he was in his family affairs, and begged advice of them as to what he should do to be absolved from his sins. they told him that he should call upon the god rama for forgiveness. but, owing to his bad bringing up and his misspent youth, he was unable to utter the god's name. so the rishis taught him to say it backwards by syllables, thus:--ma ra, ma ra, ma ra, which, by rapid repetition a number of times, gradually grew into rama. when he was able to call on his god without difficulty, the brahman sat at the scene of his graver sins, and did penance. white-ants came out of the ground, and gradually enveloped him in a heap. after he had been thus buried alive, he became himself a rishi, and was known as valmiki rishi, valmiki meaning an ant-hill. as he had left children by the boya woman who lived with him during his prodigal days, the boyas claim to be descended from these children and call themselves valmikudu." the bedars, whom i examined at hospet in the bellary district, used to go out on hunting expeditions, equipped with guns, deer or hog spears, nets like lawn-tennis nets used in drives for young deer or hares. several men had cicatrices, as the result of encounters with wild boars during hunting expeditions, or when working in the sugar plantations. it is noted in the bellary gazetteer that "the only caste which goes in for manly sports seems to be the boyas, or bedars, as they are called in canarese. they organise drives for pig, hunt bears in some parts in a fearless manner, and are regular attendants at the village gymnasium (garidi mane), a building without any ventilation often constructed partly underground, in which the ideal exercise consists in using dumbbells and clubs until a profuse perspiration follows. they get up wrestling matches, tie a band of straw round one leg, and challenge all and sundry to remove it, or back themselves to perform feats of strength, such as running up the steep joladarasi hill near hospet with a bag of grain on their back." at hospet wrestling matches are held at a quiet spot outside the town, to witness which a crowd of many hundreds collect. the wrestlers, who performed before me, had the hair shaved clean behind so that the adversary could not seize them by the back hair, and the moustache was trimmed short for the same reason. two young wrestlers, whose measurements i place on record, were splendid specimens of youthful muscularity. cm. cm. height . shoulders . . chest upper arm, flexed thigh in the gazetteer of anantapur it is stated that the telugu new year's day is the great occasion for driving pig, and the boyas are the chief organisers of the beats. all except children, the aged and infirm, join in them, and, since to have good sport is held to be the best of auguries for the coming year, the excitement aroused is almost ludicrous in its intensity. it runs so high that the parties from rival villages have been known to use their weapons upon one another, instead of upon the beasts of the chase. in an article entitled "boyas and bears" [ ] a european sportsman gives the following graphic description of a bear hunt. "we used to sleep out on the top of one of the hills on a moonlight night. on the top of every hill round, a boya was watching for the bears to come home at dawn, and frantic signals showed when one had been spotted. we hurried off to the place, to try and cut the bear off from his residence among the boulders, but the country was terribly rough, and the hills were covered with a peculiarly persistent wait-a-bit-thorn. this, however, did not baulk the boyas. telling me to wait outside the jumble of rocks, each man took off his turban, wound it round his left forearm, to act as a shield against attacks from the bear, lit a rude torch, grasped his long iron-headed spear, and coolly walked into the inky blackness of the enemy's stronghold, to turn him out for me to shoot at. i used to feel ashamed of the minor part assigned to me in the entertainment, and asked to be allowed to go inside with them. but this suggestion was always respectfully, but very firmly put aside. one could not see to shoot in such darkness, they explained, and, if one fired, smoke hung so long in the still air of the caves that the bear obtained an unpleasant advantage, and, finally, bullets fired at close quarters into naked rock were apt to splash or re-bound in an uncanny manner. so i had to wait outside until the bear appeared with a crowd of cheering and yelling boyas after him." of a certain cunning bear the same writer records that, unable to shake the boyas off, "he had at last taken refuge at the bottom of a sort of dark pit, 'four men deep' as the boyas put it, under a ledge of rock, where neither spears nor torches could reach him. not to be beaten, three of the boyas at length clambered down after him, and unable otherwise to get him to budge from under the mass of rock beneath which he had squeezed himself, fired a cheap little nickel-plated revolver one of them had brought twice into his face. the bear then concluded that his refuge was after all an unhealthy spot, rushed out, knocking one of the three men against the rocks as he did so, with a force which badly barked one shoulder, clambered out of the pit, and was thereafter kept straight by the boyas until he got to the entrance of his residence, where i was waiting for him." mr. mainwaring writes that "the boyas are adepts at shikar (hunting). they use a bullock to stalk antelope, which they shoot with matchlocks. some keep a tame buck, which they let loose in the vicinity of a herd of antelope, having previously fastened a net over his horns. as soon as the tame animal approaches the herd, the leading buck will come forward to investigate the intruder. the tame buck does not run away, as he probably would if he had been brought up from infancy to respect the authority of the buck of the herd. a fight naturally ensues, and the exchange of a few butts finds them fastened together by the net. it is then only necessary for the shikaris to rush up, and finish the strife with a knife." among other occupations, the boyas and bedars collect honey-combs, which, in some places, have to be gathered from crevices in overhanging rocks, which have to be skilfully manipulated from above or below. the bedar men, whom i saw during the rainy season, wore a black woollen kambli (blanket) as a body-cloth, and it was also held over the head as a protection against the driving showers of the south-west monsoon. the same cloth further does duty as a basket for bringing back to the town heavy loads of grass. some of the men wore a garment with the waist high up in the chest, something like an english rustic's smock frock. those who worked in the fields carried steel tweezers on a string round the loins, with which to remove babul (acacia arabica) thorns, twigs of which tree are used as a protective hedge for fields under cultivation. as examples of charms worn by men the following may be cited:-- string tied round right upper arm with metal talisman box attached to it, to drive away devils. string round ankle for the same purpose. quarter-anna rolled up in cotton cloth, and worn on upper arm in performance of a vow. a man, who had dislocated his shoulder when a lad, had been tattooed with a figure of hanuman (the monkey god) over the deltoid muscle to remove the pain. necklet of coral and ivory beads worn as a vow to the goddess huligamma, whose shrine is in hyderabad. necklets of ivory beads and a gold disc with the vishnupad (feet of vishnu) engraved on it. purchased from a religious mendicant to bring good luck. myasa bedar women are said [ ] to be debarred from wearing toe-rings. both uru and myasa women are tattooed on the face, and on the upper extremities with elaborate designs of cars, scorpions, centipedes, sita's jade (plaited hair), hanuman, parrots, etc. men are branded by the priest of a hanuman shrine on the shoulders with the emblem of the chank shell (turbinella rapa) and chakram (wheel of the law) in the belief that it enables them to go to swarga (heaven). when a myasa man is branded, he has to purchase a cylindrical basket called gopala made by a special medara woman, a bamboo stick, fan, and winnow. female bedars who are branded become basavis (dedicated prostitutes), and are dedicated to a male deity, and called gandu basavioru (male basavis). they are thus dedicated when there happens to be no male child in a family; or, if a girl falls ill, a vow is made to the effect that, if she recovers, she shall become a basavi. if a son is born to such a woman, he is affiliated with her father's family. some bedar women, whose house deities are goddesses instead of gods, are not branded, but a string with white bone beads strung on it, and a gold disc with two feet (vishnupad) impressed on it, is tied round their neck by a kuruba woman called pattantha ellamma (priestess to uligamma). bedar girls, whose house deities are females, when they are dedicated as basavis, have in like manner a necklace, but with black beads, tied round the neck, and are called hennu basavis (female basavis). for the ceremony of dedication to a female deity, the presence of the madiga goddess matangi is necessary. the madigas bring a bent iron rod with a cup at one end, and twigs of vitex negundo to represent the goddess, to whom goats are sacrificed. the iron rod is set up in front of the doorway, a wick and oil are placed in the cup, and the impromptu lamp is lighted. various cooked articles of food are offered, and partaken of by the assembled bedars. bedar women sometimes live in concubinage with muhammadans. and some bedars, at the time of the mohurram festival, wear a thread across the chest like muhammadans, and may not enter their houses till they have washed themselves. according to the mysore census report, , the chief deity of the bedars is "tirupati venkataramanaswami worshipped locally under the name of tirumaladevaru, but offerings and sacrifices are also made to mariamma. their guru is known as tirumalatatacharya, who is also a head of the srivaishnava brahmans. the uru boyas employ brahmans and jangams as priests." in addition to the deities mentioned, the bedars worship a variety of minor gods, such as kanimiraya, kanakarayan, uligamma, palaya, poleramma, and others, to whom offerings of fruits and vegetables, and sacrifices of sheep and goats are made. the dewan of sandur informs me that, in recent times, some myasa bedars have changed their faith, and are now saivas, showing special reverence to mahadeva. they were apparently converted by jangams, but not to the fullest extent. the guru is the head of the ujjani lingayat matt (religious institution) in the kudligi taluk of bellary. they do not wear the lingam. in the madras census report, , the patron deity of the boyas is said to be kanya devudu. concerning the religion of the boyas, mr. mainwaring writes as follows. "they worship both siva and vishnu, and also different gods in different localities. in the north arcot district, they worship tirupatiswami. in kurnool, it is kanya devudu. in cuddapah and anantapur, it is chendrugadu, and many, in anantapur, worship akkamma, who is believed to be the spirit of the seven virgins. at uravakonda, in the anantapur district, on the summit of an enormous rock, is a temple dedicated to akkamma, in which the seven virgins are represented by seven small golden pots or vessels. cocoanuts, rice, and dal (cajanus indicus) form the offerings of the boyas. the women, on the occasion of the nagalasauthi or snake festival, worship the nagala swami by fasting, and pouring milk into the holes of 'white-ant' hills. by this, a double object is fulfilled. the 'ant' heap is a favourite dwelling of the naga or cobra, and it was the burial-place of valmiki, so homage is paid to the two at the same time. once a year, a festival is celebrated in honour of the deceased ancestors. this generally takes place about the end of november. the boyas make no use of brahmans for religious purposes. they are only consulted as regards the auspicious hour at which to tie the tali at a wedding. though the boya finds little use for the brahman, there are times when the latter needs the services of the boya. the boya cannot be dispensed with, if a brahman wishes to perform vontigadu, a ceremony by which he hopes to induce favourable auspices under which to celebrate a marriage. the story has it that vontigadu was a destitute boya, who died from starvation. it is possible that brahmans and sudras hope in some way to ameliorate the sufferings of the race to which vontigadu belonged, by feeding sumptuously his modern representative on the occasion of performing the vontigadu ceremony. on the morning of the day on which the ceremony, for which favourable auspices are required, is performed, a boya is invited to the house. he is given a present of gingelly (sesamum) oil, wherewith to anoint himself. this done, he returns, carrying in his hand a dagger, on the point of which a lime has been stuck. he is directed to the cowshed, and there given a good meal. after finishing the meal, he steals from the shed, and dashes out of the house, uttering a piercing yell, and waving his dagger. he on no account looks behind him. the inmates of the house follow for some distance, throwing water wherever he has trodden. by this means, all possible evil omens for the coming ceremony are done away with." i gather [ ] that some boyas in the bellary district "enjoy inam (rent free) lands for propitiating the village goddesses by a certain rite called bhuta bali. this takes place on the last day of the feast of the village goddess, and is intended to secure the prosperity of the village. the boya priest gets himself shaved at about midnight, sacrifices a sheep or a buffalo, mixes its blood with rice, and distributes the rice thus prepared in small balls throughout the limits of the village. when he starts out on this business, the whole village bolts its doors, as it is not considered auspicious to see him then. he returns early in the morning to the temple of the goddess from which he started, bathes, and receives new cloths from the villagers." at hospet the bedars have two buildings called chavadis, built by subscription among members of their community, which they use as a meeting place, and whereat caste councils are held. at sandur the uru bedars submit their disputes to their guru, a srivaishnava brahman, for settlement. if a case ends in a verdict of guilty against an accused person, he is fined, and purified by the guru with thirtham (holy water). in the absence of the guru, a caste headman, called kattaintivadu, sends a dasari, who may or may not be a bedar, who holds office under the guru, to invite the castemen and the samaya, who represents the guru in his absence, to attend a caste meeting. the samayas are the pujaris at hanuman and other shrines, and perform the branding ceremony, called chakrankitam. the myasa bedars have no guru, but, instead of him, pujaris belonging to their own caste, who are in charge of the affairs of certain groups of families. their caste messenger is called dalavai. the following are examples of exogamous septs among the boyas, recorded by mr. mainwaring:-- mukkara, nose or ear ornament. majjiga, butter-milk. kukkala, dog. pula, flowers. pandhi, pig. chilakala, paroquet. hastham, hand. yelkameti, good rat. misala, whiskers. nemili, peacock. pegula, intestines. mijam, seed. uttareni, achyranthes aspera. puchakayala, citrullus colocynthis. gandhapodi, sandal powder. pasula, cattle. chinthakayala, tamarindus indica. avula, cow. udumala, lizard (varanus). pulagam, cooked rice and dhal. boggula, charcoal. midathala, locust. potta, abdomen. utla, swing for holding pots. rottala, bread. chimpiri, rags. panchalingala, five lingams. gudisa, hut. tota, garden. lanka, island. bilpathri, Ægle marmelos. kodi-kandla, fowl's eyes. gadidhe-kandla, donkey's eyes. joti, light. namala, the vaishnavite namam. nagellu, plough. ulligadda, onions. jinkala, gazelle. dandu, army. kattelu, sticks or faggots. mekala, goat. nakka, jackal. chevvula, ear. kotala, fort. chapa, mat. guntala, pond. thappata, drum. bellapu, jaggery. chimala, ants. genneru, nerium odorum. pichiga, sparrows. uluvala, dolichos biflorus. geddam, beard. eddula, bulls. cheruku, sugar-cane. pasupu, turmeric. aggi, fire. mirapakaya, capsicum frutescens. janjapu, sacred thread. sankati, ragi or millet pudding. jerripothu, centipede. guvvala, pigeon. many of these septs are common to the boyas and other classes, as shown by the following list:-- avula, cow--korava. boggula, charcoal--devanga. cheruku, sugar-cane--jogi, odde. chevvula, ear--golla. chilakala, paroquet--kapu, yanadi. chimala, ants--tsakala. chinthakayala, tamarind fruit--devanga. dandu, army--kapu. eddula, bulls--kapu. gandhapodi, sandal powder--a sub-division of balija. geddam, beard--padma sale. gudisa, hut--kapu. guvvala, pigeon--mutracha. jinkala, gazelle--padma sale. kukkala, dog--orugunta kapu. lanka, island--kamma. mekala, goat--chenchu, golla, kamma, kapu, togata, yanadi. midathala, locust--madiga. nakkala, jackal--dudala, golla, mutracha. nemili, peacock--balija. pichiga, sparrow--devanga. pandhi, pig--asili, gamalla. pasula, cattle--madiga, mala. puchakaya, colocynth--komati, viramushti. pula, flowers--padma sale, yerukala. tota, garden--chenchu, mila, mutracha, bonthuk savara. udumala, lizard--kapu, tottiyan, yanadi. ulligadda, onions--korava. uluvala, horse-gram--jogi. utla, swing for holding pots--padma sale. at hospet, the preliminaries of a marriage among the myasa bedars are arranged by the parents of the parties concerned and the chief men of the keri (street). on the wedding day, the bride and bridegroom sit on a raised platform, and five married men place rice stained with turmeric on the feet, knees, shoulders, and head of the bridegroom. this is done three times, and five married women then perform a similar ceremony on the bride. the bridegroom takes up the tali, and, with the sanction of the assembled bedars, ties it on the bride's neck. in some places it is handed to a brahman priest, who ties it instead of the bridegroom. the unanimous consent of those present is necessary before the tali-tying is proceeded with. the marriage ceremony among the uru bedars is generally performed at the bride's house, whither the bridegroom and his party proceed on the eve of the wedding. a feast, called thuppathuta or ghi (clarified butter) feast, is held, towards which the bridegroom's parents contribute rice, cocoanuts, betel leaves and nuts, and make a present of five bodices (ravike). at the conclusion of the feast, all assemble beneath the marriage pandal (booth), and betel is distributed in a recognised order of precedence, commencing with the guru and the god. on the following morning four big pots, smeared with turmeric and chunam (lime) are placed in four corners, so as to have a square space (irani square) between them. nine turns of cotton thread are wound round the pots. within the square the bridegroom and two young girls seat themselves. rice is thrown over them, and they are anointed. they and the bride are then washed by five women called bhumathoru. the bridegroom and one of the girls are carried in procession to the temple, followed by the five women, one of whom carries a brass vessel with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes (vibuthi) over its mouth, and another a woman's cloth on a metal dish, while the remaining three women and the bridegroom's parents throw rice. cocoanuts and betel are offered to hanuman, and lines are drawn on the face of the bridegroom with the sacred ashes. the party then return to the house. the lower half of a grinding mill is placed beneath the pandal, and a brahman priest invites the contracting couple to stand thereon. he then takes the tali, and ties it on the bride's neck, after it has been touched by the bridegroom. towards evening the newly married couple sit inside the house, and close to them is placed a big brass vessel containing a mixture of cooked rice, jaggery (crude sugar) and curds, which is brought by the women already referred to. they give a small quantity thereof to the couple, and go away. five bedar men come near the vessel after removing their head-dress, surround the vessel, and place their left hands thereon. with their right hands they shovel the food into their mouths, and bolt it with all possible despatch. this ceremony is called bhuma idothu, or special eating, and is in some places performed by both men and women. all those present watch them eating, and, if any one chokes while devouring the food, or falls ill within a few months, it is believed to indicate that the bride has been guilty of irregular behaviour. on the following day the contracting couple go through the streets, accompanied by bedars, the brass vessel and female cloth, and red powder is scattered broadcast. on the morning of the third and two following days, the newly married couple sit on a pestle, and are anointed after rice has been showered over them. the bride's father presents his son-in-law with a turban, a silver ring, and a cloth. it is said that a man may marry two sisters, provided that he marries the elder before the younger. the following variant of the marriage ceremonies among the boyas is given by mr. mainwaring. "when a boya has a son who should be settled in life, he nominally goes in search of a bride for him, though it has probably been known for a long time who the boy is to marry. however, the formality is gone through. the father of the boy, on arrival at the home of the future bride, explains to her father the object of his visit. they discuss each other's families, and, if satisfied that a union would be beneficial to both families, the father of the girl asks his visitor to call again, on a day that is agreed to, with some of the village elders. on the appointed day, the father of the lad collects the elders of his village, and proceeds with them to the house of the bride-elect. he carries with him four moottus (sixteen seers) of rice, one seer of dhal (cajanus indicus), two seers of ghi (clarified butter), some betel leaves and areca nuts, a seer of fried gram, two lumps of jaggery (molasses), five garlic bulbs, five dried dates, five pieces of turmeric, and a female jacket. in the evening, the elders of both sides discuss the marriage, and, when it is agreed to, the purchase money has to be at once paid. the cost of a bride is always madas, or rs. . towards this sum, sixteen rupees are counted out, and the total is arrived at by counting areca nuts. the remaining nuts, and articles which were brought by the party of the bridegroom, are then placed on a brass tray, and presented to the bride-elect, who is requested to take three handfuls of nuts and the same quantity of betel leaves. on some occasions, the betel leaves are omitted. betel is then distributed to the assembled persons. the provisions which were brought are next handed over to the parents of the girl, in addition to two rupees. these are to enable her father to provide himself with a sheet, as well as to give a feast to all those who are present at the betrothal. this is done on the following morning, when both parties breakfast together, and separate. the wedding is usually fixed for a day a fortnight or a month after the betrothal ceremony. the ceremony differs but slightly from that performed by various other castes. a purohit is consulted as to the auspicious hour at which the tali or bottu should be tied. this having been settled, the bridegroom goes, on the day fixed, to the bride's village, or sometimes the bride goes to the village of the bridegroom. supposing the bridegroom to be the visitor, the bride's party carries in procession the provisions which are to form the meal for the bridegroom's party, and this will be served on the first night. as the auspicious hour approaches, the bride's party leave her in the house, and go and fetch the bridegroom, who is brought in procession to the house of the bride. on arrival, he is made to stand under the pandal which has been erected. a curtain is tied therein from north to south. the bridegroom then stands on the east of the curtain, and faces west. the bride is brought from the house, and placed on the west of the curtain, facing her future husband. the bridegroom then takes up the bottu, which is generally a black thread with a small gold bead upon it. he shows it to the assembled people, and asks permission to fasten it on the bride's neck. the permission is accorded with acclamations. he then fastens the bottu on the bride's neck, and she, in return, ties a thread from a black cumbly (blanket), on which a piece of turmeric has been threaded, round the right wrist of the bridegroom. after this, the bridegroom takes some seed, and places it in the bride's hand. he then puts some pepper-corns with the seed, and forms his hands into a cup over those of the bride. her father then pours milk into his hand, and the bridegroom, holding it, swears to be faithful to his wife until death. after he has taken the oath, he allows the milk to trickle through into the hands of the bride. she receives it, and lets it drop into a vessel placed on the ground between them. this is done three times, and the oath is repeated with each performance. then the bride goes through the same ceremony, swearing on each occasion to be true to her husband until death. this done, both wipe their hands on some rice, which is placed close at hand on brass trays. in each of these trays there must be five seers of rice, five pieces of turmeric, five bulbs of garlic, a lump of jaggery, five areca nuts, and five dried dates. when their hands are dry, the bridegroom takes as much of the rice as he can in his hands, and pours it over the bride's head. he does this three times, before submitting to a similar operation at the hands of the bride. then each takes a tray, and upsets the contents over the other. at this stage, the curtain is removed, and, the pair standing side by side, their cloths are knotted together. the knot is called the knot of brahma, and signifies that it is brahma who has tied them together. they now walk out of the pandal, and make obeisance to the sun by bowing, and placing their hands together before their breasts in the reverential position of prayer. returning to the pandal, they go to one corner of it, where five new and gaudily painted earthenware pots filled with water have been previously arranged. into one of these pots, one of the females present drops a gold nose ornament, or a man drops a ring. the bride and bridegroom put their right hands into the pot, and search for the article. whichever first finds it takes it out, and, showing it, declares that he or she has found it. this farce is repeated three times, and the couple then take their seats on a cumbly in the centre of the pandal, and await the preparation of the great feast which closes the ceremony. for this, two sheep are killed, and the friends and relations who have attended are given as much curry and rice as they can eat. next morning, the couple go to the bridegroom's village, or, if the wedding took place at his village, to that of the bride, and stay there three days before returning to the marriage pandal. near the five water-pots already mentioned, some white-ant earth has been spread at the time of the wedding, and on this some paddy (unhusked rice) and dhal seeds have been scattered on the evening of the day on which the wedding commenced. by the time the couple return, these seeds have sprouted. a procession is formed, and the seedlings, being gathered up by the newly married couple, are carried to the village well, into which they are thrown. this ends the marriage ceremony. at their weddings, the boyas indulge in much music. their dresses are gaudy, and suitable to the occasion. the bridegroom, if he belongs to either of the superior gotras, carries a dagger or sword placed in his cummerbund (loin-band). a song which is frequently sung at weddings is known as the song of the seven virgins. the presence of a basavi at a wedding is looked on as a good omen for the bride, since a basavi can never become a widow." in some places, a branch of ficus religiosa or ficus bengalensis is planted in front of the house as the marriage milk-post. if it withers, it is thrown away, but, if it takes root, it is reared. by some bedars a vessel is filled with milk, and into it a headman throws the nose ornament of a married woman, which is searched for by the bride and bridegroom three times. the milk is then poured into a pit, which is closed up. in the north arcot manual it is stated that the boya bride, "besides having a golden tali tied to her neck, has an iron ring fastened to her wrist with black string, and the bridegroom has the same. widows may not remarry or wear black bangles, but they wear silver ones." "divorce," mr. mainwaring writes, "is permitted. grounds for divorce would be adultery and ill-treatment. the case would be decided by a panchayat (council). a divorced woman is treated as a widow. the remarriage of widows is not permitted, but there is nothing to prevent a widow keeping house for a man, and begetting children by him. the couple would announce their intention of living together by giving a feast to the caste. if this formality was omitted, they would be regarded as outcastes till it was complied with. the offspring of such unions are considered illegitimate, and they are not taken or given in marriage to legitimate children. here we come to further social distinctions. owing to promiscuous unions, the following classes spring into existence:-- . swajathee pure boyas, the offspring of parents who sumpradayam. have been properly married in the proper divisions and sub-divisions. . koodakonna the offspring of a boya female, who is sumpradayam. separated or divorced from her husband who is still alive, and who cohabits with another boya. . vithunthu the offspring of a boya widow by a boya. sumpradayam. . arsumpradayam. the offspring of a boya man or woman, resulting from cohabitation with a member of some other caste. the swajathee sumpradayam should only marry among themselves. koodakonna sumpradayam and vithunthu sumpradayam may marry among themselves, or with each other. both being considered illegitimate, they cannot marry swajathee sumpradayam, and would not marry arsumpradayam, as these are not true boyas, and are nominally outcastes, who must marry among themselves." on the occasion of a death among the uru bedars of hospet, the corpse is carried on a bier by uru bedars to the burial-ground, with a new cloth thrown over, and flowers strewn thereon. the sons of the deceased each place a quarter-anna in the mouth of the corpse, and pour water near the grave. after it has been laid therein, all the agnates throw earth into it, and it is filled in and covered over with a mound, on to the head end of which five quarter-anna pieces are thrown. the eldest son, or a near relation, takes up a pot filled with water, and stands at the head of the grave, facing west. a hole is made in the pot, and, after going thrice round the grave, he throws away the pot behind him, and goes home without looking back. this ceremony is called thelagolu, and, if a person dies without any heir, the individual who performs it succeeds to such property as there may be. on the third day the mound is smoothed down, and three stones are placed over the head, abdomen, and legs of the corpse, and whitewashed. a woman brings some luxuries in the way of food, which are mixed up in a winnowing tray divided into three portions, and placed in the front of the stones for crows to partake of. kites and other animals are driven away, if they attempt to steal the food. on the ninth day, the divasa (the day) ceremony is performed. at the spot where the deceased died is placed a decorated brass vessel representing the soul of the departed, with five betel leaves and a ball of sacred ashes over its mouth. close to it a lamp is placed, and a sheep is killed. two or three days afterwards, rice and vegetables are cooked. those who have been branded carry their gods, represented by the cylindrical bamboo basket and stick already referred to, to a stream, wash them therein, and do worship. on their return home, the food is offered to their gods, and served first to the dasari, and then to the others, who must not eat till they have received permission from the dasari. when a myasa bedar, who has been branded, dies his basket and stick are thrown into the grave with the corpse. in the mysore census report, , the mysore bedars are said to cremate the dead, and on the following day to scatter the ashes on five tangedu (cassia auriculata) trees. it is noted by buchanan [ ] that the spirits of baydaru men who die without having married become virika (heroes), and to their memory have small temples and images erected, where offerings of cloth, rice, and the like, are made to their names. if this be neglected, they appear in dreams, and threaten those who are forgetful of their duty. these temples consist of a heap or cairn of stones, in which the roof of a small cavity is supported by two or three flags; and the image is a rude shapeless stone, which is occasionally oiled, as in this country all other images are." bedar.--see vedan. begara.--begara or byagara is said to be a synonym applied by canarese lingayats to holeyas. behara.--recorded, at times of census, as a title of various oriya castes, e.g., alia, aruva, dhobi, gaudo, jaggali, kevuto, kurumo, ronguni, and sondi. in some cases, e.g., among the rongunis, the title is practically an exogamous sept. the headman of many oriya castes is called behara. bejjo.--a sub-division of bhondari, and title of kevuto. belata (feronia elephantum: wood-apple).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. bellapu (jaggery: palm-sugar).--an exogamous sept of boya. bellara.--"the bellaras, or belleras," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are a somewhat higher caste of basket and mat-makers than the parava umbrella-makers and devil-dancers. they speak a dialect of canarese (see south canara manual, vol. ii). they follow the aliya santana law (inheritance in the female line), but divorce is not so easy as amongst most adherents of that rule of inheritance, and divorced women, it is said, may not marry again. widows, however, may remarry. the dead are either burned or buried, and a feast called yede besala is given annually in the name of deceased ancestors. the use of alcohol and flesh, except beef, is permitted. they make both grass and bamboo mats." bellathannaya (jaggery: crude sugar).--an exogamous sept of bant. belle (white).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. the equivalent bile occurs as a gotra of kurni. belli.--belli or velli, meaning silver, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of badaga, korava, kuruba, madiga, okkiliyan, toreya, and vakkaliga. the belli toreyas may not wear silver toe-rings. vellikkai, or silver-handed, has been returned as a sub-division of the konga vellalas. belu (feronia elephantum).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. benayito.--a sub-division of odiya. bende (hibiscus esculentus).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. the mucilaginous fruit (bendekai or bandicoy) of this plant is a favourite vegetable of both natives and europeans. the nick-name bendekai is sometimes given, in reference to the sticky nature of the fruit, to those who try to smooth matters over between contending parties. bengri (frog).--a sept of domb. benia.--a small caste of oriya cultivators and palanquin-bearers in ganjam. it is on record [ ] that in ganjam honey and wax are collected by the konds and benias, who are expert climbers of precipitous rocks and lofty trees. the name is said to be derived from bena, grass, as the occupation of the caste was formerly to remove grass, and clear land for cultivation. benise (flint stone).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. benne (butter).--a gotra of kurni. bepari.--bepari is, in the madras census report, described as "a caste allied to the lambadis. its members worship a female deity called banjara, speak the bepari or lambadi language, and claim to be kshatriyas." bhonjo, the title of the rajah of gumsur, was returned as a sub-caste. the rev. g. gloyer [ ] correctly makes the name boipari synonymous with brinjari, and his illustration of a boipari family represents typical lambadis or brinjaris. bepari and boipari are forms of vyapari or vepari, meaning a trader. the beparis are traders and carriers between the hills and plains in the vizagapatam agency tracts. mr. c. hayavadana rao informs me that "they regard themselves as immune from the attacks of tigers, if they take certain precautions. most of them have to pass through places infested with these beasts, and their favourite method of keeping them off is as follows. as soon as they encamp at a place, they level a square bit of ground, and light fires in the middle of it, round which they pass the night. it is their firm belief that the tiger will not enter the square, from fear lest it should become blind, and eventually be shot. i was once travelling towards malkangiri from jeypore, when i fell in with a party of these people encamped in the manner described. at that time, several villages about malkangiri were being ravaged by a notorious man-eater (tiger)." beralakoduva (finger-giving).--a section of the vakkaligas, among whom the custom of sacrificing some of the fingers used to prevail. (see morasu.) beri chetti.--the beri chettis, or principal merchants, like other chettis and komatis, claim to be vaisyas, "but they will not admit that the komatis are on a par with them, and declare that they alone represent the true vaisya stock." [ ] with regard to their origin, the kanyakapurana states that a certain king wanted to marry a beautiful maiden of the komati caste. when the komatis declined to agree to the match, the king began to persecute them, and those komatis who left the country out of fear were called beri or bediri (fear) chettis. the story is, in fact, similar to that told by the nattukottai chettis, and the legend, no doubt, refers to persecution of some king, whose extortion went beyond the limits of custom. another derivation of the word beri is from perumai, greatness or splendour. the name beri, as applied to a sub-division of the komatis, is said to be a corruption of bedari, and to denote those who fled through fear, and did not enter the fire-pits with the caste goddess kanyakamma. the legend of the beri chettis, as given by mr. h. a. stuart, [ ] states that "kaveripuram near kumbakonam was formerly the town in which the caste principally resided. the king of the country attempted to obtain a beri chetti maiden in marriage, but was refused, and he therefore persecuted them, and drove them out of his dominions, forbidding interchange of meals between them and any other caste whatever--a prohibition which is still in force." the beri chettis have a number of endogamous divisions, named after geographical areas, towns, etc., such as tirutaniyar, acharapakaththar, telungu, pakkam, musalpakam. among these there is an order of social precedence, some of the divisions interdining, others not. the beri chettis are, like the kammalans (artisan class), a leading caste of the left-hand section, and the following story is narrated. while the beris were living at kaveripuram in a thousand houses, each house bearing a distinct gotra (house name,) a king, who took wives from among all castes, wanted the beris to give him one of their maidens. though unwilling, they promised to do so, but made up their minds to get over the difficulty by a ruse. on the day fixed for the marriage, all the beri families left the place, after a male black dog had been tied to the milk-post of the marriage pandal (booth). when he learnt what had occurred, the king was very angry, and forbade all castes to take water from the beris. and this led to their joining the left-hand section. the beri chettis resort to the panchayat system of administration of affairs affecting the caste, and the headman, called peridanakkaran, is assisted by a barber of the left-hand section. they are in favour of infant marriages, though adult marriage is not prohibited. they are not allowed to tie plantain trees to the posts of the wedding pandal, with the trees touching the ground. if this is done, the paraiyans, who belong to the right-hand section, cut them down. this custom is still observed in some out-of-the way villages. upanayanam, or investiture with the sacred thread, is either performed long before marriage, or by some along with the marriage rite. a man or boy, after investiture, always wears the thread. most of the beri chettis are meat-eaters, but some profess to be vegetarians. it is said that there is much dispute between the beri chettis and the komatis regarding their relative positions, and each caste delights to tell stories to the detriment of the other. in general estimation, however, the beris are deemed a little inferior to the komatis." [ ] the claim of the beri chettis to be vaisyas is based on the following legend, as given by mr. stuart. [ ] "in the time of the cholas, they erected a water-pandal, and komatis claimed the right to use it, which was at once denied. the king attempted to solve the question by reference to inscriptions in the kamakshiamma temple at conjeeveram, but without success. he then proposed that the rivals should submit to the ordeal of carrying water in an unbaked pot. this was agreed to, and the beri chettis were alone successful. the penalty for failure was a fine of rs. , , which the komatis could not pay, and they were therefore obliged to enslave themselves to a beri chetti woman, who paid the fine. their descendants are still marked men, who depend upon beri chettis for their subsistence. the great body of the komatis in the country were not parties to the agreement, and they do not now admit that their inferiority has ever been proved." according to another version of the legend, during the reign of the cholas, a water-pandal was erected by the beris, and the komatis claimed the right to use it. this was refused on the ground that they were not vaisyas. the question at issue was referred to the king, who promised to enquire into it, but did not do so. a viramushti (caste beggar of the beri chettis and komatis) killed the king's horse and elephant. when questioned as to his reason for so doing, he explained that it was to call the king's attention to the dispute, and restored the animals to life. the king then referred both parties to conjeeveram, where a sasanam (copper-plate grant) was believed to exist. to procure this document, the decapitation of twelve human beings was necessary, and the viramushti sacrificed his twelve children. according to the document, the beris were vaisyas, and the komatis were ordered to be beheaded. but some beris interceded on their behalf, and they were pardoned on condition that they would pay a sum of money. to secure the necessary money, they became slaves to a rich beri woman. ever since this incident, the komatis have been the children of the beris, and their descendants are called pillaipuntha komati, or komati who became a son. for the services which he rendered, the viramushti is said to have been presented with a sasanam, and he is treated as a son by the caste men, among whom he has some influence. for example, the beri chettis may not plant in their back-yards moringa pterygosperma, dolichos lablab, or a red variety of amarantus. if the viramushti found the first of these planted, he would destroy it, and demand a fine of three fanams. for dolichos the fine is six fanams, and for amarantus one fanam. the rearing of pigs, goats, and fowls by the beri chettis is forbidden under penalty of a fine. if a beri chetti woman carries a water-pot on her head, the viramushti will throw it down, and demand a fine of twelve fanams. the women are not allowed to carry on sales at a public fair, under penalty of excommunication. the beri chettis and komatis should not do business together. the kammalans and chettis are regarded as friends, and there is a tamil proverb "settiyum kammalanum onnu," i.e., the chetti and kammalan are one. in this connection the following legend is quoted. "in the town of kanda, anciently the camalas (artificers of five sorts) lived closely united together, and were employed by all ranks of men, as there were no artificers besides them. they feared and respected no king, which offended certain kings, who combined against them, taking with them all kinds of arms. but, as the fort (kanda kottai, or magnetic fort), in which the camalar lived, was entirely constructed of loadstone, this attracted, and drew the weapons away from the hands of the assailants. the kings then promised a great reward to any one who should burn down the fort. no one dared to do this. at length the courtesans of a temple engaged to effect it, and took the pledge of betel and areca, engaging thereby to do so. the kings, greatly rejoicing, built a fort opposite, filled with such kind of courtesans, who, by their singing, attracted the people from the fort, and led to intercourse. one of these at length succeeded in extracting from a young man the secret, that, if the fort was surrounded with varacu straw, set on fire, it might be destroyed. the king accordingly had this done, and, in the burning down of the fort, many of the camalar lost their lives. some took to ships belonging to them, and escaped by sea. in consequence, there were no artificers in that country. those taken in the act of endeavouring to escape were beheaded. one woman of the tribe, being pregnant, took refuge in the house of a chetti, and escaped, passing for his daughter. from a want of artificers, who made implements for weavers, husbandmen, and the like, manufactures and agriculture ceased, and great discontent arose in the country. the king, being of clever wit, resorted to a device to discover if any of the tribe remained, to remedy the evil complained of. this was to send a piece of coral, having a fine tortuous aperture running through it, and a piece of thread, to all parts of the country, with promise of great reward to any one who should succeed in passing the thread through the coral. none could accomplish it. at length the child that had been born in the chetty's house undertook to do it; and, to effect it, he placed the coral over the mouth of an ant-hole, and having steeped the thread in sugar, placed it at some little distance. the ants took the thread, and drew it through the coral. the king, seeing the difficulty overcome, gave great presents, and sent much work to be done, which that child, under the council and guidance of its mother, performed. the king sent for the chetty, and demanded an account of this young man, which the chetty detailed. the king had him plentifully supplied with the means especially of making ploughshares, and, having married him to the daughter of a chetty, gave him grants of land for his maintenance. he had five sons, who followed the five different branches of work of the camalar tribe. the king gave them the title of panchalar. down to the present day there is an intimate relation between these five branches, and they intermarry with each other; while, as descendants of the chetty tribe, they wear the punul, or caste-thread of that tribe." [ ] the acharapakam chettis are known as malighe chettis, and are connected with the chettis of this legend. even now, in the city of madras, when the beri chettis assemble for the transaction of caste business, the notice summoning the meeting excludes the malighe chettis, who cannot, like other beri chettis, vote at elections, meetings, etc., of the kandasami temple. some beri chettis, mr. stuart writes, "worship siva, and some vishnu, and a few are lingayats, who do not marry into families with a different worship. they bury, while the others burn their dead. all the divisions wear the sacred thread, and do not tolerate widow remarriage. unlike komatis, their daughters are sometimes married after puberty." berike.--the children of a boya widow by a man of her own caste, with whom she lives, are said [ ] to drift into a distinct section called berike. bestha.--the besthas are summed up, in the madras census report, , as "a telugu caste, the hereditary occupation of which is hunting and fishing, but they have largely taken to agriculture, and the professions of bearers and cooks." in the census report, , it is stated that "the fisherman caste in the deccan districts are called besthas and kabberas, while those in some parts of the coimbatore and salem districts style themselves toreyar, siviyar, and parivarattar. these three last speak canarese like the kabberas, and seem to be the same as besthas or kabberas. kabbera and toreya have, however, been treated as distinct castes. there are two endogamous sub-divisions in the bestha caste, namely the telaga and the parigirti. some say that the kabbili or kabberavandlu are a third. the parigirti section trace their descent from sutudu, the famous expounder of the mahabharata. besthas employ brahmans and satanis (or jangams, if saivites) for their domestic ceremonies, and imitate the brahman customs, prohibiting widow remarriage, and worshipping siva and vishnu as well as the village deities. the maddi sub-caste is said to be called so, because they dye cotton with the bark of the maddi tree (morinda citrifolia)." it is suggested, in the gazetteer of the bellary district, that the besthas are really a sub-division of the gangimakkalu kabberas, who were originally palanquin-bearers, but, now that these vehicles have gone out of fashion, are employed in divers other ways. it may be noted that the siviyars of coimbatore say that they are besthas who emigrated from mysore in the troublous times of the muhammadan usurpation. the name siviyar, they say, was given to them by the tamils, as, being strong and poor, they were palanquin-bearers to officers on circuit and others in the pre-railway days. their main occupations at the present day are tank and river fishing. in the manual of the north arcot district, it is noted that many besthas "trade, and are in a flourishing condition, being most numerous above the ghats. the name bestha appears to have no meaning, but they call themselves sutakulam, and say they are descendants of the rishi suta mahamuni. the term suta also applies to the offspring of a kshatriya by a brahman, but it seems more probable that the besthas gained the name from their superiority in the culinary art, suta also meaning cook. they are divided into telugu besthas and parigirti besthas, the difference between them being chiefly one of religious observance, the former being in the habit of getting themselves branded on the shoulders with the vaishnavite emblems--chank and chakram--and the latter never undergoing this ceremony. it is a rule with them to employ dasaris as the messengers of a death, and tsakalas, as those of a birth, or of the fact that a girl has reached womanhood. their chief object of worship is hanuman, the monkey god, a picture or figure of whom they always have in their houses for domestic worship." in connection with the names parigirti or pakirithi which have been recorded as divisions of the besthas, it may be observed that, in some parts of the telugu country, the term pakirithi is used as a substitute for vaishnava. this word has become converted into parigirti or parikithi, denoting that the besthas are vaishnavites, as opposed to saivites. some besthas, when questioned as to the origin of their caste, said that they had no purandam to help them. the word used by them is a corruption of puranam. the besthas are summed up, in the mysore census report, , as "fishermen, boatmen, and palanquin-bearers, who are known by different names according to the localities they live in. in the eastern districts they are called bestha, in the southern toraya, ambiga and parivara (boatmen), while in the western parts their names are kabyara and gangemakkalu. the telugu-speaking population call themselves boyis. their chief occupations are fishing, palanquin-bearing, and lime-burning. some of them are employed by government as peons (orderlies), etc., while a large number are engaged in agricultural pursuits. the boyis obey a headman called the pedda (big) boyi. the toraya does not intermarry either with the kabyara or the boyi, whom he resembles in every way. the kabyara or karnatic besthas proper never carry the palanquin, but live by either farming or lime-burning. they have a headman known as the yajaman." i have often seen besthas in mysore fishing on tanks from rafts, with floats made of cane or cork-wood supporting their fish-baskets. the besthas use small cast-nets, and it is thought by them that the employment of drag-nets worked by several men would bring bad luck to them. when a new net is used for the first time, the first fish which is caught is cut, and the net smeared with its blood. one of the meshes of the net is burnt, after incense has been thrown into the fire. if a snake becomes entangled in a net when it is first used, it is rejected, and burnt or otherwise disposed of. the tribal deity of the telugu besthas is kamamma, and, when this goddess is worshipped, mala pambalas are engaged to recite the legendary story relating to her. they never offer the flesh of animals or liquor to the goddess. like other telugu castes, the besthas have intiperulu or exogamous septs and gotras. in connection with some of the latter, certain prohibitions are observed. for example, the jasmine plant (malle) may not be touched by members of the malle gotra, and the ippa tree (bassia latifolia) may not be touched or used by members of the ippala gotra. writing at the beginning of the last century, buchanan [ ] informs us that "everywhere in karnata the palanquin-bearers are of telinga descent. in the language of karnata they are called teliga besthas, but in their own dialect they are called bai. their proper occupations, beside that of carrying the palanquin, are fishing, and distillation of rum. wealthy men among them become farmers, but none of the caste hire themselves out as farm servants. their hereditary chiefs are called pedde bui, which, among the europeans of madras, is bestowed on the headman of every gentleman's set." in a note on the bestha boyis, or fishermen bearers of masulipatam in the days of the east india company, mr. h. g. prendergast writes [ ] that they were "found to be peculiarly trustworthy servants. when their english masters went on promotion to madras, they were accompanied by their trusty boyis, and, from that day to this, bestha boyis have been employed as attendants in public and mercantile offices in madras, and have continued to maintain their good reputation." of the use of the word boy (a corruption of boyi) for palanquin-bearer, numerous examples are quoted by yule and burnell. [ ] thus carraccioli, in his life of lord clive, records that, in , the boys with colonel lawrence's palankeen, having struggled a little out of the time of march, were picked up by the marattas. writing in , barras states [ ] that "there are men who carry the umbrella so dexterously to ward off the sun that, although their master trots on his horse, the sun does not touch any part of his body and such men are called boi." the insigne of the besthas, as recorded at conjeeveram, is a net. [ ] besya (a prostitute).--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a sub-caste of oriya gunis. it is a form of the word vesya. betta (hill).--a sub-division of kurumba. bevina.--bevina or beva (nim or margosa: melia azadirachta) has been recorded as an exogamous sept of kuruba, and a sub-division of kadu kurumba. the nim tree is held sacred by hindus, and takes an important part in many of the ceremonials connected with the small-pox goddess and other village deities. bhag (tiger).--a sept of numerous classes in vizagapatam, e.g., bhumia, bottada, domb, gadaba, mattiya, omanaito, pentiya, and rona. the equivalent bhago occurs among some classes in ganjam. bhagavatulu.--recorded as play-actors in the telugu country. their name is derived from the fact that they perform stories and episodes from the bhagavatam, one of the puranas. bhakta.--see bagata. bhandari.--see kelasi. bhande.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as "a class of potters in the ganjam maliahs, a sub-division of kumbharo. the name is derived from the sanskrit bhanda, a pot." bharadwaja.--a brahmanical gotra of bhatrazus. bharadwaja was a rishi, the son of brihaspati, and preceptor of the pandavas. bhatia.--nearly four hundred members of this caste were returned at the madras census, . it is recorded in the bombay gazetteer, that "the bhatias claim to be bhati rajputs of the yadav stock. as a class they are keen, vigorous, enterprising, thrifty, subtle and unscrupulous. some of the richest men in bombay started life without a penny. a large number of bhatias are merchant traders and brokers, and within the last fifty years they have become a very wealthy and important class." like the nattukottai chettis of southern india, the bhatias undertake sea voyages to distant countries, and they are to be found eastward as far as china. bhatta.--a sub-division of gaudo. bhatkali.--a class of muhammadans on the west coast, who are said to have originally settled at bhatkal in north canara. bhatrazu.--the bhats, bhatrazus, or bhatrajus are described, in the mysore census reports, and , as musicians and ballad-reciters, who "speak telugu, and are supposed to have come from the northern circars. they were originally attached to the courts of the hindu princes as bards or professional troubadours, reciting ballads in poetry in glorification of the wondrous deeds of local princes and heroes. hyder ali, although not a hindu, delighted to be constantly preceded by them, and they are still an appendage to the state of hindu and mussalman chiefs. they have a wonderful faculty in speaking improvisatore, on any subject proposed to them, a declamation in measures, which may be considered as a sort of medium between blank verse and modulated verse. but their profession is that of chanting the exploits of former days in front of the troops while marshalling them for battle, and inciting them to emulate the glory of their ancestors. now many of them are mendicants." in the madras census report, , the bhat rajahs are said to "wear the pavitra or sacred thread. they are the bards and minstrels, who sing the praises of the kshatriya race, or indeed of great men in general, and especially of those who liberally reward the singers. they are a wandering class, gaining a living by attaching themselves to the establishments of great men, or in chanting the folklore of the people. they are mostly vishnu worshippers, and in only one district is it reported that they worship village deities." in the madras census report, , the bhatrazus are summed up as being "a class of professional bards, spread all over the telugu districts. they are the representatives of the bhat caste of other parts of india. they are called razus, because they are supposed to be the offspring of a kshatriya female by a vaisya male. they are well versed in folklore, and in the family histories and legends of the ancient rajahs. under the old hindu rajahs the bhatrazus were employed as bards, eulogists, and reciters of family genealogy and tradition. most of them are now cultivators, and only a few are ballad-reciters. they will eat with the kapus and velamas. their ceremonies of birth, death and marriage are more or less the same as those of the kapus. razu is the general name of the caste." the bhatrazus, mr. w. francis writes, [ ] "are also called bhats or magadas. they have two endogamous sub-divisions, called vandi, raja or telaganya, and magada, kani or agraharekala. [some bhatrazus maintain that vandi and magada were individuals who officiated as heralds at the marriage of siva.] each of these is again split up into several exogamous septs or gotras, among which are atreya, bharadwaja, gautama, kasyapa and kaundinya. all of these are brahmanical gotras, which goes to confirm the story in manu that the caste is the offspring of a vaisya father and a kshatriya mother. bhatrazus nevertheless do not all wear the sacred thread now-a-days, or recite the gayatri. [ ] they employ brahman priests for their marriages, but jangams and satanis for funerals, and in all these ceremonies they follow the lower or puranic instead of the higher vedic ritual. widow marriage is strictly forbidden, but yet they eat fish, mutton and pork, though not beef. these contradictions are, however, common among oriya castes, and the tradition is that the bhatrazus were a northern caste which was first invited south by king pratapa rudra of the kshatriya dynasty of warangal ( - a.d.). after the downfall of that kingdom they seem to have become court bards and panegyrists under the reddi and velama feudal chiefs, who had by that time carved out for themselves small independent principalities in the telugu country. as a class they were fairly educated in the telugu literature, and even produced poets such as ramaraja bhushana, the author of the well-known vasu-charitram. their usual title is bhat, sometimes with the affix razu or murti." of the bhatrazus in the north arcot district, mr. h. a. stuart states [ ] that "they now live by cultivation, and by singing the fabulous traditions current regarding the different sudra castes at their marriages and other ceremonies, having probably invented most of them. they profess to be kshatriyas. but it is known that several are musalmans or members of other castes, who, possessing an aptitude for extempore versification, were taken by rajahs to sing their praises, and so called themselves bhatturazus. they resemble the razus in their customs, but are said to bury their dead." in the gazetteer of anantapur, the bhatrazus are described as touring round the villages, making extempore verses in praise of the principal householders, and being rewarded by gifts of old clothes, grain, and money. it is stated in the kurnool manual that "the high-caste people (kammas) are bound to pay the batrajulu certain fees on marriage occasions. some of the batrajas have shotriems and inams." shotriem is land given as a gift for proficiency in the vedas or learning, and inam is land given free of rent. in connection with the special attachment of the bhatrazus to the velama, kamma, and kapu castes, the following story is narrated. once upon a time there was a man named pillala marri bethala reddi, who had three sons, of whom two took to cultivation. the third son adopted a military life, and had seventy-four sons, all of whom became commanders. on one occasion, during the reign of pratapa rudra, when they were staying at the fort of warangal, they quarrelled among themselves, and became very rebellious. on learning this, the king summoned them to his court. he issued orders that a sword should be tied across the gate. the commanders were reluctant to go under a sword, as it would be a sign of humiliation. some of them ran against the sword, and killed themselves. a bhatrazu, who witnessed this, promised to help the remaining commanders to gain entrance without passing under the sword. he went to the king, and said that a brahman wished to pay him a visit. an order was accordingly issued that the sword should be removed. the services of the bhatrazu greatly pleased the commanders, and they came to regard the bhatrazus as their dependants, and treated them with consideration. even at the present day, at a marriage among the kapus, kammas, and velamas, a bhatrazu is engaged. his duties are to assist the bridegroom in his wedding toilette, to paint sectarian marks on his forehead, and to remain as his personal attendant throughout the marriage ceremonies. he further sings stanzas from the ramayana or mahabharata, and songs in praise of brahmans and the caste to which the bridal couple belong. the following was sung at a kapu wedding. "anna vema reddi piled up money like a mountain, and, with his brother pinna brahma reddi, constructed agraharams. gone buddha reddi spent large sums of money for the reading of the ramayana, and heard it with much interest. panta malla reddi caused several tanks to be dug. you, their descendants, are all prosperous, and very charitable." in the houses of kammas, the following is recited. "of the seventy-seven sons, bobbali narasanna was a very brave man, and was told to go in search of the kamma (an ornament) without using abusive language. those who ran away are velamas, and those who secured it kammas." in their ceremonial observances, the bhatrazus closely follow the standard telugu type. at marriages, the bridal couple sit on the dais on a plank of juvvi (ficus tsiela) wood. they have the telugu janappans as their disciples, and are the only non-brahman caste, except jangams and pandarams, which performs the duties of guru or religious instructor. the badge of the bhatrazus at conjeeveram is a silver stick. [ ] in the madras census report, , bhato, kani razu, kannaji bhat and padiga raju appear as synonyms, and annaji bhat as a sub-caste of bhatrazus. the following account of a criminal class, calling themselves batturajas or battu turakas, was published in the police weekly circular, madras, in . [ ] "they are known to the cuddapah and north arcot police as criminals, and a note is made whenever an adult leaves his village; but, as they commit their depredations far from home, and convert their spoil into hard cash before they return, it is difficult to get evidence against them. ten or twelve of these leave home at once; they usually work in parties of three or four, and they are frequently absent for months together. they have methods of communicating intelligence to their associates when separated from them, but the only one of these methods that is known is by means of their leaf plates, which they sew in a peculiar manner, and leave after use in certain places previously agreed upon. these leaf plates can be recognised by experts, but all that these experts can learn from them is that battu turakas have been in the neighbourhood recently. on their return to their village, an account of their proceedings is rendered, and their spoil is divided equally among the whole community, a double share being, however, given to the actual thief or thieves. they usually disguise themselves as brahmans, and, in the search of some of their houses lately, silk cloths worn only by brahmans were found together with other articles necessary for the purpose (rudraksha necklaces, salagrama stones, etc.). they are also instructed in sanskrit, and in all the outward requisites of brahmanism. a telugu brahman would soon find out that they are not brahmans, and it is on this account that they confine their depredations to the tamil country, where allowance is made for them as rude uncivilized telugus. they frequent choultries (travellers' resting-places), where their very respectable appearance disarms suspicion, and watch for opportunities of committing thefts, substituting their own bags or bundles (filled with rubbish) for those they carry off." to this account mr. m. paupa rao naidu adds [ ] that "it is during festivals and feasts that they very often commit thefts of the jewels and cloths of persons bathing in the tanks. they are thus known as kolamchuthi papar, meaning that they are brahmins that live by stealing around the tanks. before the introduction of railways, their depredations were mostly confined to the choultries and tanks." concerning the bhattu turakas of the north arcot district, mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] that "a few of this very intelligent and educated criminal class are found in the north-west of the chendragiri taluk, and in the north of punganur. they are really muhammadans, but never worship according to the rules of that religion, and know little about its tenets. they have no employment save cheating, and in this they are incomparably clever. they speak several languages with perfect fluency, have often studied sanskrit, and are able to personate any caste. having marked down a well-to-do householder, they take an opportunity of entering his service, and succeed at last in gaining his confidence. they then abuse it by absconding with what they can lay hands upon. they often take to false coining and forgery, pretend to know medicine, to have the power of making gold or precious stones, or of turning currency notes into others of higher value." bhayipuo.--bhayipuo is returned, in the census report, , as an oriya caste, the members of which claim to be kshatriyas. the word means brother's son, in which sense it is applied to the issue of the brothers of rajahs by concubines. the illegitimate children of rajahs are also classed as bhayipuo. bhima.--a section of savaras, named after bhima, one of the pandava brothers. bholia (wild dog).--an exogamous sept of kondra. bhondari.--the bhondaris are the barbers of the oriya country, living in ganjam. "the name bhondari," mr. s. p. rice writes, [ ] is "derived from bhondaram, treasure. the zamindars delivered over the guarding of the treasure to the professional barbers, who became a more important person in this capacity than in his original office of shaver in ordinary to his highness." the bhondaris occupy a higher position than the tamil and telugu barbers. though various oriya castes bathe after being shaved, the touch of a bhondari at other times is not regarded as polluting. all over the ganjam district, the bhondaris are employed as domestic servants, and some are engaged as coolies, cart-drivers, etc. others officiate as pujaris (priests) at takurani (village deity) temples, grind sandalwood, or make flower garlands. on the occasion of ceremonial processions, the washing of the feet of the guests, carrying articles required for worship, and the jewels and cloths to be worn by the bridal couple on the wedding day, are performed by the bhondari. i am informed that a woman of this caste is employed by karnams on the occasion of marriage and other ceremonials, at which her services are indispensable. it is said that in some places, where the bhondaris do not shave castes lower than the gudiyas, oriya brahmans allow them to remove the leaf plates off which they have taken their food, though this should not be done by a non-brahman. there are apparently three endogamous sub-divisions, named godomalia, odisi, and bejjo. the word godomalia means a group of forts, and it is said to be the duty of members of this section to serve rajahs who live in forts. the godomalias are most numerous in ganjam, where they claim to be superior to the odisi and bejjo sections. among exogamous septs, mohiro (peacock), dhippo (light), oppomarango (achyranthes aspera), and nagasira (cobra) may be noted. members of the oppomarango sept do not touch, or use the root of the plant as a tooth brush. lights may not be blown out with the breath, or otherwise extinguished by members of the dhippo sept; and they do not light their lamps unless they are madi, i.e., wearing silk cloths, or cloths washed and dried after bathing. nagasira is a sept common to many oriya castes, and is said to owe its origin to the influence of oriya brahmans. the hereditary headman of the caste is called behara, and he is assisted by a bhollobaya. most of the bhondaris follow the form of vaishnavism inculcated by chaithyana, and known as paramartho matham. they wear as a necklace a string of tulsi (ocimum sanctum) beads, without which they will not worship or take their food. many hindu deities, especially jagannatha, and various local takuranis are also worshipped by them. a man should not marry his maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter. infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl has not secured a husband before she attains maturity, she has to go through a mock marriage ceremony called dharma bibha. she is taken to a streblus asper (sahada or shadi) tree, and married to it. she may not, during the rest of her life, touch the streblus tree, or use its twigs as a tooth brush. sometimes she goes through the ceremony of marriage with some elderly man, preferably her grandfather, or, failing him, her elder sister's husband as bridegroom. a divorce agreement (tsado patro) is drawn up, and the pseudo-marriage thereby dissolved. sometimes the bridegroom is represented by a bow and arrow, and the ceremony is called khando bibha. the real marriage ceremonies last over seven days. on the day before the bibha (wedding), a number of earthen pots are placed on a spot which has been cleaned for their reception, and some married women throw zizyphus jujuba leaves and rice, apparently as an evil-eye removing and purificatory ceremony. while doing so, they cry "ulu, ulu" in a manner which recalls to mind the kulavi idal of the maravans and kallans. a ceremony, called sokko bhondo, or wheel worship, is performed to a potter's wheel. the bridegroom, who has to fast until the night, is shaved, after which he stands on a grindstone and bathes. while he is so doing, some women bring a grinding-mill stone, and grind to powder vigna catiang, cajanus indicus and cicer arietinum seeds, crying "ulu, ulu," as they do so. the bridegroom then dresses himself, and sits on the marriage dais, while a number of married women crowd round him, each of whom touches an areca nut placed on his head seven times with a grinding stone. they also perform the ceremony called bhondaivaro, which consists in throwing zizyphus jujuba leaves, and rice dyed with turmeric, over the bridegroom, again calling out "ulu, ulu." towards evening, the bridegroom's party proceed in procession to a temple, taking with them the various articles required on the morrow, such as the sacred thread, jewels, cloths, and mokkuto (forehead ornament). after worshipping the god, they return home, and on the way thither collect water in a vessel from seven houses, to be used by the bridegroom when he bathes next day. a ceremonial very similar to that performed by the bridegroom on the eve of the wedding is also performed by the bride and her party. on the wedding day, the bridegroom, after worshipping vigneswara (ganesa) at the marriage dais with the assistance of a brahman purohit, proceeds, dressed up in his marriage finery, mokkuto, sacred thread and wrist thread, to a temple in a palanquin, and worships there. later on, he goes to the bride's house in a palanquin. just as he is about to start, his brother's wife catches hold of the palanquin, and will not let him go till she has received a present of a new cloth. he is met en route by the bride's father, and his feet are washed by her brother. his future father-in-law, after waving seven balls of coloured rice before him, escorts him to his house. at the entrance thereto, a number of women, including the bride's mother, await his arrival, and, on his approach, throw zizyphus jujuba leaves, and cry "ulu, ulu." his future mother-in-law, taking him by the hand, leads him into the house. as soon as he has reached the marriage dais, the bride is conducted thither by her maternal uncle, and throws some salt over a screen on to the bridegroom. later on, she takes her seat by his side, and the brahman purohit, after doing homam (making sacred fire), ties the hands of the contracting couple together with dharbha grass. this is called hastagonthi, and is the binding portion of the marriage ceremony. the bride and bridegroom then exchange ten areca nuts and ten myrabolams (terminalia fruits). two new cloths are thrown over them, and the ends thereof are tied together in a knot containing twenty-one cowry (cypræa arabica) shells, a coin, and a few zizyphus leaves. this ceremonial is called gontiyalo. the bride's brother strikes the bridegroom with his fist, and receives a present of a cloth. at this stage, the couple receive presents from relations and friends. they then play seven times with cowry shells, and the ceremonial closes with the throwing of zizyphus leaves, and the eating by the bride and bridegroom of rice mixed with jaggery (crude sugar) and curds. on the two following days, they sit on the dais, play with cowries, and have leaves and rice thrown over them. they wear the cloths given to them on the wedding day, and may not bathe in a tank (pond) or river. on the fourth day (chauti), the bride is received into the gotra of the bridegroom. in token thereof, she cooks some food given to her by the bridegroom, and the pair make a show of partaking thereof. towards the evening the bride is conducted by her maternal uncle to near the dais, and she stands on a grinding stone. seven turns of thread dyed with turmeric are wound round the posts of the dais. leading his wife thither, the bridegroom cuts the thread, and the couple stand on the dais, while four persons support a cloth canopy over their heads, and rice is scattered over them. on the fifth day, the newly-married couple and their relations indulge in throwing turmeric water over each other. early on the morning of the sixth day, the bridegroom breaks a pot placed on the dais, and goes away in feigned anger to the house of a relation. towards evening, he is brought back by his brother-in-law, and plays at cowries with the bride. the bhondaivaro ceremony is once more repeated. on the seventh day, the sacred thread, wrist-threads and mokkuto are removed. widows and divorcées are permitted to remarry. as among various other castes, a widow should marry her deceased husband's younger brother. the dead are cremated. when a person is on the point of death, a little jagannatha prasadam, i.e., rice from the temple at puri, is placed in his mouth. members of many oriya castes keep by them partially cooked rice, called nirmalyam, brought from this temple, and a little of this is eaten by the orthodox before meals and after bathing. the corpse is washed, anointed, and wrapped in a new cloth. after it has been secured on the bier, a new red cloth is thrown over it. at the head, a sheaf of straw, from the roof of the house, if it is thatched, is placed. the funeral pyre is generally prepared by an oriya washerman. at the burning-ground, the corpse is placed close to the pyre, and the son puts into the mouth some parched rice, and throws rice over the eyes. then, lighting the straw, he waves it thrice round the corpse, and throws it on the face. the corpse is then carried thrice round the pyre, and laid thereon. in the course of cremation, each mourner throws a log on the pyre. the son goes home, wet and dripping, after bathing. on the following day, the fire is extinguished, and two fragments of bone are placed in a small pot, and carefully preserved. the ashes are heaped up, and an image is drawn on the ground with a stick, to which food is offered. a meal, called pithapona (bitter food), consisting of rice and margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves, is partaken of by agnates only. on the tenth day, the relatives and intimate friends of the deceased are shaved, the son last of all. the son and the agnates go to a tank bund (pond embankment), and cook food in a new pot within a shed which has been specially constructed for the occasion. the pot is then broken into ten fragments, on which food is placed, and offered to the dead person. the son takes the fragments, one by one, to the tank, bathing each time. the pot containing the two pieces of bone is generally buried beneath a pipal (ficus religiosa) tree growing near a tank. on the tenth day, after the offering of food, the son proceeds to this spot, and, after pouring water ten times over the ground beneath which the pot is buried, takes the pot home, and buries it near the house. as he approaches his home, he goes ahead of those who accompany him, and, carrying a vessel filled with water, pours some of this three times on the ground, waving his hand in a circular manner. he then makes three marks with a piece of iron on the ground. a piece of hollow bamboo open at both ends, or other grain measure, is given to him, with which he measures rice or other grain seven times. he then throws the measure behind him between his legs, and, entering the house, puts a sect mark on his forehead with the aid of a broken looking-glass, which must be thrown away. ghi (clarified butter) and meat may not be eaten by those under death pollution till the eleventh day, when a feast is held. if an important elder of the community dies, a ceremony called jola-jola handi (pot drilled with holes) is performed on the night of the tenth day. fine sand is spread over the floor of a room having two doors, and the surface is smoothed with a tray or plank. on the sand a lighted lamp is placed, with an areca nut by its side. the lamp is covered with an earthen cooking-pot. two men carry on their shoulders a pot riddled with holes, suspended from a pole made of diospyros embryopteris wood, from inside the room into the street, as soon as the lamp is covered by the cooking-pot. both doors of the room are then closed, and not opened till the return of the men. the pot which they carry is believed to increase in weight as they bear it to a tank, into which it is thrown. on their return to the house, they tap three times at the door, which then opens. all present then crowd into the room, and examine the sand for the marks of the foot-prints of a bull, cat or man, the trail of a centipede, cart-track, ladder, etc., which are believed to be left by the dead person when he goes to the other world. opprobrious names are very common among the bhondaris, especially if a child is born after a succession of deaths among the offspring of a family. very common among such names are those of low castes, e.g., haddi, bavuria, dandasi, etc. bhonjo.--the title of the raja of gumsur in ganjam. bhumanchi (good earth).--a sub-division of kapu. bhu (earth) razu.--a name for razus who live in the plains, in contradistinction to the konda razus who live in the hills. bhu vaisya (earth vaisya).--a name returned by some nattukottai chettis and vellalas. bhumi dhompthi.--the name, meaning earth marriage offering, of a sub-division of madigas, at whose marriages the offering of food is placed on the ground. bhumi razulu (kings of the earth).--a name assumed by some koyis. bhumia.--the bhumias are an oriya caste of hill cultivators, found in the jeypore zamindari. according to a tradition, they were the first to cultivate the land on the hills. in the central provinces they are said to be known as baigas, concerning whom captain ward writes [ ] that "the decision of the baiga in a boundary dispute is almost always accepted as final, and, from this right as children of the soil and arbiters of the land belonging to each village, they are said to have derived their title of bhumia, the sanskrit bhumi meaning the earth." for the following note i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the bhumias have septs, e.g., bhag (tiger) and naga (cobra). a man can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. the marriage ceremonial is much the same as among the bottadas. the jholla tonk (presents) consist of liquor, rice, a sheep or fowl, and cloths for the parents of the bride. a pandal (booth), made of poles of the sorghi tree, is erected in front of the bridegroom's house, and a desari officiates. the remarriage of widows is permitted and a younger brother usually marries his elder brother's widow. if a man divorces his wife, it is customary for him to give her a rupee and a new cloth in compensation. the dead are burned, and pollution lasts for nine days. on the tenth day a ceremonial bath is taken, and a feast, with copious supplies of liquor, is held. in parts of the central provinces the dead are buried, and two or three flat stones are set up over the grave. [ ] bhuri.--a sub-division of gond. bijam (seed).--an exogamous sept of boya. bilpathri (bael: Ægle marmelos).--an exogamous sept of boya. bindhani (workman).--a title of oriya badhoyis, and sometimes used as the name of the caste. bingi.--the bingivandlu are described, in the kurnool manual, as a class of mendicants, who play dramas. some of them have shrotiyam villages, as lingineni doddi in pattikonda. "shrotiyam" has been defined [ ] as "lands, or a village, held at a favourable rate, properly an assignment of land or revenue to a brahman learned in the vedas, but latterly applied generally to similar assignments to native servants of the government, civil or military, and both hindus and muhammadans, as a reward for past services." bhutiannaya (ashes).--an exogamous sept of bant. bidaru (wanderers).--a sub-division of odde. bilimagga.--the bilimagga weavers of south canara, who speak a very corrupt form of tamil, must not be confused with the bilimaggas of mysore, whose mother-tongue is canarese. in some places the bilimaggas of south canara call themselves padma sales, but they have no connection with the padma sale caste. there is a tradition that they emigrated from pandiya maduradesa in the tamil country. the caste name bilimagga (white loom) is derived from the fact that they weave only white cloths. in some places, for the same reason, devangas call themselves bilimaggas, but the devangas also make coloured cloths. white cloths are required for certain gods and bhuthas (devils) on occasions of festivals, and these are usually obtained from bilimaggas. the bilimaggas follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (from father to son). they are said to have seven gotras, and those of the mangalore, kundapur, and udipi taluks, are stated to belong respectively to the , , and nagaras. the caste deities are virabhadra, brahmalinga, and ammanoru. for the whole community, there is a chief headman called paththukku solra settigar, or the setti who advises the ten, and for every village there is an ordinary headman styled gurikara. the chief headman is usually the manager of some temple of the caste, and the gurikara has to collect the dues from the members of the community. every married couple has to pay an annual tax of twelve annas, and every unmarried male over twelve years of age of six annas towards the temple fund. marriage of girls before puberty is the rule, and any girl who attains maturity without being married runs the risk of losing her caste. the remarriage of widows is permitted. the betrothal ceremony is important as being binding as a contract. it consists in the father of the girl giving betel leaves and areca nuts in a tray to the father of her future husband, before a number of people. if the contract is dissolved before the marriage is celebrated, betel and nuts must be presented to the father of the girl, in the presence of an assembly, as a sign that the engagement is broken off. on the day previous to the marriage ceremonial, the fathers of the contracting couple exchange betel leaves and areca nuts three times. on the following morning, they proceed to the house of the bridegroom, the bride's father carrying a brass vessel containing water. from this vessel, water is poured into smaller vessels by an odd number of women (five or more). these women are usually selected by the wife of the headman. the pouring of the water must be carried out according to a recognised code of precedence, which varies with the locality. at udipi, for example, the order is mangalore, barkur, udipi. the women all pour water over the head of the bridegroom. the rite is called mariyathe niru (water for respect). the bridegroom is then decorated, and a bashingam (chaplet) is placed on his forehead. he sits in front of a brass vessel, called ganapathi (the elephant god), which is placed on a small quantity of rice spread on the floor, and worships it. he is then conducted to the marriage pandal (booth) by his sister's husband, followed by his sister carrying the brass vessel and a gindi (vessel with a spout), to which the bride's bashingam and the tali (marriage badge) are tied. a red cloth, intended for the bride, must also be carried by her. within the pandal, the bridegroom stands in front of a cot. the bride's party, and the men in attendance on the bridegroom, stand opposite each other with the bridegroom between them, and throw rice over each other. all are then seated, except the bridegroom, his sister, and the bride's brother. the bridegroom's father waves incense in front of the cot and brass vessel, and hands over the gindi, and other articles, to the bridegroom's sister, to be taken to the bride. lights and arathi water are waved before the bridegroom, and, while the bride's father holds his hands, her brother washes his feet. he then goes seven times round the cot, after he has worshipped it, and broken cocoanuts, varying in number according to the nagara to which he belongs--seven if he is a member of the seven hundred nagara, and so on. he next takes his seat on the cot, and is joined by the bride, who has had the bashingam put on her forehead, and the tali tied on her neck, by the bridegroom's sister. those assembled then call the maternal uncles of the bridal couple, and they approach the cot. the bridegroom's uncle gives the red cloth already referred to to the uncle of the bride. the bride retires within the house, followed by her maternal uncle, and sits cross-legged, holding her big toes with her hands. her uncle throws the red cloth over her head, and she covers her face with it. this is called devagiri udugare. the uncle then carries her to the pandal, and she sits on the left of the bridegroom. the gurikara asks the maternal uncle of the bridegroom to hand over the bride's money, amounting to twelve rupees or more. he then requests permission of the three nagara people, seven gotra people, and the relatives of the bride and bridegroom to proceed with the dhare ceremony. this being accorded, the maternal uncles unite the hands of the pair, and, after the cloth has been removed from the bride's face, the dhare water is poured over their hands, first by the bride's father, and then by the gurikara, who, while doing so, declares the union of the couple according to the observances of the three nagaras. those assembled throw rice on, and give presents to the bride and bridegroom. the presents are called moi, and the act of giving them moi baikradhu (tamil). some women wave arathi, and the pair go inside the house, and sit on a mat. some milk is given to the bridegroom by the bride's sister, and, after sipping a little of it, he gives it to the bride. they then return to the pandal, and sit on the cot. rice is thrown over their heads, and arathi waved in front of them. the bridegroom drops a ring into a tray, and turmeric-water is poured over it. the couple search for the ring. the wedding ceremonies are brought to a close by bathing in turmeric-water (vokli bath), after which the couple sit on the cot, and those assembled permit the handing over of the bride to the bridegroom's family (pennu oppuchchu kodukradhu). any number of marriages, except three or seven, may be carried on simultaneously beneath a single pandal. if there are more than a single bridal couple, the bashingam is worn only by the pair who are the elder, or held in most respect. sometimes, one couple is allowed to wear the bashingam, and another to have the dhare water first poured over them. the dead are cremated. the corpse is carried to the burning-ground on a bier, with a tender plantain leaf placed beneath it. fire is carried not by the son, but by some other near relative. the ashes are collected on the third day, and a mound (dhupe) is made therewith. daily until the final death ceremony, a tender cocoanut, and water in a vessel, are placed near it. in the final death ceremony (bojja), the bilimaggas closely follow the bants, except as regards the funeral car. to get rid of death pollution, a tulu madivali (washerman caste) gives cloths to, and sprinkles water over those under pollution. the caste title is setti or chetti. billai-kavu (cat-eaters).--said to be mala paidis, who eat cats. billava.--the billavas are the tulu-speaking toddy-drawers of the south canara district. it is noted, in the manual, that they are "the numerically largest caste in the district, and form close upon one-fifth of the total population. the derivation of the word billava, as commonly accepted in the district, is that it is a contraction of billinavaru, bowmen, and that the name was given as the men of that caste were formerly largely employed as bowmen by the ancient native rulers of the district. there is, however, no evidence whatever, direct or indirect, to show that the men of the toddy-drawing caste were in fact so employed. it is well known that, both before and after the christian era, there were invasions and occupations of the northern part of ceylon by the races then inhabiting southern india, and malabar tradition tells that some of these dravidians migrated from iram or ceylon northwards to travancore and other parts of the west coast of india, bringing with them the cocoanut or southern tree (tenginamara), and being known as tivars (islanders) or iravars, which names have since been altered to tiyars and ilavars. this derivation would also explain the name divaru or halepaik divaru borne by the same class of people in the northern part of the district, and in north canara. in manjarabad above the ghauts, which, with tuluva, was in olden days under the rule of the humcha family, known later as the bairasu wodears of karakal, they are called devaru makkalu, literally god's children, but more likely a corruption of tivaru makkalu, children of the islanders. in support of this tradition, mr. logan has pointed out [ ] that, in the list of exports from malabar given in the periplus, in the first century a.d., no mention is made of the cocoanut. it was, however, mentioned by cosmos indico pleustes ( to a.d.), and from the syrian christians' copper-plate grants, early in the ninth century, it appears that the tiyans were at that time an organised guild of professional planters. although the cocoanut tree may have been introduced by descendants of immigrants from ceylon moving up the coast, the practice of planting and drawing toddy was no doubt taken up by the ordinary tulu cultivators, and, whatever the origin of the name billava may be, they are an essentially tulu class of people, following the prevailing rule that property vests in females, and devolves in the female line." it is worthy of note that the billavas differ from the tiyans in one very important physical character--the cranial type. for, as shown by the following table, whereas the tiyans are dolichocephalic the billavas are, like other tulu classes, sub-brachycephalic:-- =============================================================== | cephalic index. |================================================= | average. | maximum. | minimum. | number of times | | | | exceeding . =============+==========+==========+==========+================ tiyans | | . | . | billavas | | . | | =============+==========+==========+==========+================ some billavas about udipi call themselves either billavaru or halepaikaru. but the halepaiks proper are toddy-drawers, who are found in the kundapur taluk, and speak kanarese. there are said to be certain differences between the two classes in the method of carrying out the process of drawing toddy. for example, the halepaiks generally grasp the knife with the fingers directed upwards and the thumb to the right, while the billavas hold the knife with the fingers directed downwards and the thumb to the left. a billava at udipi had a broad iron knife with a round hole at the base, by which it was attached to an iron hook fixed on to a rope worn round the loins. for crushing the flower-buds within the spathe of the palm, billavas generally use a stone, and the halepaiks a bone. there is a belief that, if the spathe is beaten with the bone of a buffalo which has been killed by a tiger, the yield of toddy will, if the bone has not touched the ground, be greater than if an ordinary bone is used. the billavas generally carry a long gourd, and the halepaiks a pot, for collecting the toddy in. baidya and pujari occur as caste names of the billavas, and also as a suffix to the name, e.g., saiyina baidya, bomma pujari. baidya is said to be a form of vaidya, meaning a physician. some billavas officiate as priests (pujaris) at bhutasthanas (devil shrines) and garidis. many of these pujaris are credited with the power of invoking the aid of bhutas, and curing disease. the following legend is narrated, to account for the use of the name baidya. a poor woman once lived at ullal with two sons. a sanyasi (religious ascetic), pitying their condition, took the sons as his sishyas, with a view to training them as magicians and doctors. after some time, the sanyasi went away from ullal for a short time, leaving the lads there with instructions that they should not be married until his return. in spite of his instructions, however, they married, and, on his return, he was very angry, and went away again, followed by his two disciples. on his journey, the sanyasi crossed the ferry near ullal on foot. this the disciples attempted to do, and were on the point of drowning when the sanyasi threw three handfuls of books on medicine and magic. taking these, the two disciples returned, and became learned in medicine and magic. they are supposed to be the ancestors of the billavas. the billavas, like the bants, have a number of exogamous septs (balis) running in the female line. there is a popular belief that these are sub-divisions of the twenty balis which ought to exist according to the aliya santana system (inheritance in the female line). the caste has a headman called gurikara, whose office is hereditary, and passes to the aliya (sister's son). affairs which affect the community as a whole are discussed at a meeting held at the bhutasthana or garidi. at the betrothal ceremony, the bride-price (sirdachi), varying from ten to twenty rupees, is fixed. a few days before the wedding, the maternal uncle of the bride, or the gurikara, ties a jewel on her neck, and a pandal (booth) is erected, and decorated by the caste barber (parel maddiyali) with cloths of different colours. if the bridegroom is an adult, the bride has to undergo a purificatory ceremony a day or two before the marriage (dhare) day. a few women, usually near relations of the girl, go to a tank (pond) or well near a bhutasthana or garidi, and bring water thence in earthenware pots. the water is poured over the head of the girl, and she bathes. on the wedding day, the bride and bridegroom are seated on two planks placed on the dais. the barber arranges the various articles, such as lights, rice, flowers, betel leaves and areca nuts, and a vessel filled with water, which are required for the ceremonial. he joins the hands of the contracting couple, and their parents, or the headman, place the nose-screw of the bridesmaid on their hands, and pour the dhare water over them. this is the binding part of the ceremony, which is called kai (hand) dhare. widow remarriage is called bidu dhare, and the pouring of water is omitted. the bride and bridegroom stand facing each other, and a cloth is stretched between them. the headman unites their hands beneath the screen. if a man has intercourse with a woman, and she becomes pregnant, he has to marry her according to the bidu dhare rite. before the marriage ceremony is performed, he has to grasp a plantain tree with his right hand, and the tree is then cut down. at the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for ten or twelve days. on the first day, she is seated within a square (muggu), and five or seven cocoanuts are tied together so as to form a seat. a new earthenware pot is placed at each corner of the square. four girls from the gurikara's house sit at the corners close to the pots. betel leaves, areca nuts, and turmeric paste are distributed among the assembled females, and the girls pour water from the pots over the head of the girl. again, on the eleventh or the thirteenth day, the girl sits within the square, and water is poured over her as before. she then bathes. the dead are usually cremated, though, in some cases, burial is resorted to. the corpse is washed and laid on a plantain leaf, and a new cloth is thrown over it. some paddy (unhusked rice) is heaped up near the head and feet, and cocoanut cups containing lighted wicks are placed thereon. all the relations and friends assembled at the house dip leafy twigs of the tulsi (ocimum sanctum) in water, and allow it to drop into the mouth of the corpse. the body is carried on a plank to the burning-ground. the collection of wood for the pyre, or the digging of the grave, is the duty of holeyas. the wood of strychnos nux-vomica should never be used for the pyre. this is lighted by placing fire at the two ends thereof. when the flames meet in the middle, the plantain leaf, paddy, etc., which have been brought from the house, are thrown into them. on the fifth day, the ashes are collected, and buried on the spot. if the body has been buried, a straw figure is made, and burnt over the grave, and the ashes are buried there. a small conical mound, called dhupe, is made there, and a tulsi plant stuck in it. by the side of the plant a tender cocoanut with its eyes opened, tobacco leaf, betel leaves and areca nuts are placed. on the thirteenth day, the final death ceremonies, or bojja, are performed. on the evening of the previous day, four poles, for the construction of the upparige or gudikattu (car), are planted round the dhupe. at the house, on or near the spot where the deceased breathed his last, a small bamboo car, in three tiers, is constructed, and decorated with coloured cloths. this car is called nirneralu. a lamp is suspended from the car, and a cot placed on the ground beneath it, and the jewels and clothes of the dead person are laid thereon. on the following morning, the upparige is constructed, with the assistance of the caste barber. a small vessel, filled with water, is placed within the nirneralu. the sons-in-law of the deceased receive a present of new cloths, and, after bathing, they approach the nirneralu. the chief mourner takes the vessel from within it, and pours the water at the foot of a cocoanut tree. the chief gurikara pours some water into the empty vessel, and the chief mourner places it within the nirneralu. then seven women measure out some rice three times, and pour the rice into a tray held by three women. the rice is taken to a well, and washed, and then brought back to the car. jaggery (crude sugar) and cocoanut scrapings are mixed with the rice, which is placed in a cup by seven women. the cup is deposited within the car on the cot. the wife or husband of the deceased throws a small quantity of rice into the cup. she turns the cup, and a ladle placed by its side, upside down, and covers them with a plantain leaf. the various articles are collected, and tied up in a bundle, which is placed in a palanquin, and carried in procession, by two men to the upparige, which has been constructed over the dhupe. nalkes and paravas (devil-dancers), dressed up as bhutas, may follow the procession. those present go thrice round the upparige, and the chief mourner unties the bundle, and place its contents on the car. the near relations put rice, and sometimes vegetables, pumpkins, and plantains, on the plantain leaf. all present then leave the spot, and the barber removes the cloths from the car, and pulls it down. sometimes, if the dead person has been an important member of the community, a small car is constructed, and taken in procession round the upparige. on the fourteenth day, food is offered to crows, and the death ceremonies are at an end. if a death occurs on an inauspicious day, a ceremony called kale deppuni (driving away the ghost) is performed. ashes are spread on the floor of the house, and the door is closed. after some time, or on the following day, the roof of the house is sprinkled with turmeric water, and beaten with twigs of zizyphus oenoplia. the door is then opened, and the ashes are examined, to see if the marks of the cloven feet of the ghost are left thereon. if the marks are clear, it is a sign that the ghost has departed; otherwise a magician is called in to drive it out. a correspondent naively remarks that, when he has examined the marks, they were those of the family cat. in some cases, girls who have died unmarried are supposed to haunt the house, and bring trouble thereto, and they must be propitiated by marriage. the girl's relations go in search of a dead boy, and take from the house where he is a quarter of an anna, which is tied up between two spoons. the spoons are tied to the roof of the girl's house. this represents the betrothal ceremony. a day is fixed for the marriage, and, on the appointed day, two figures, representing the bride and bridegroom, are drawn on the floor, with the hands lying one on the other. a quarter-anna, black beads, bangles, and a nose-screw, are placed on the hands, and water is poured on them. this is symbolical of the dhare ceremony, and completes the marriage. the pujaris of all the bhuthasthanas and garidis are billavas. the bhutha temples called garidis belong to the billavas, and the bhuthas are the baiderukulu (koti and chennayya), brimmeru (or brahmeru) gunda, okka ballala, kujumba ganja, and devanajiri. the baiderkulu are believed to be fellow castemen of the billavas, and koti and chennayya to be descended from an excommunicated brahman girl and a billava. the legend of koti and chennayya is recorded at length by mr. a. c. burnell in the indian antiquary. [ ] the bhuthas are represented by idols. brimmeru is the most important, and the others are subordinate to him. he is represented by a plate of silver or other metal, bearing the figure of a human being, which is kept within a car-like stone structure within the shrine. on its left are two human figures made of clay or stone, which represent the baiderukulu. on the right are a man on horseback, and another figure, representing okka ballala and kujumba ganja. other idols are also set up at the garidi, but outside the main room. they seem to vary in different localities, and represent bhuthas such as jumadi, pancha jumadi, hosabhutha, kallurti, etc. brimmeru has been transformed, by brahman ingenuity, into brahma, and all the bhuthas are converted into gonas, or attendants on siva. in the pardhanas (devil songs) brimmeru is represented as the principal bhutha, and the other bhuthas are supposed to visit his sthana. a bhuthasthana never contains idols, but cots are usually found therein. a sthana may be dedicated to a single bhutha, or to several bhuthas, and the number may be ascertained by counting the number of cots, of which each is set apart for a single bhutha. if the sthana is dedicated to more than one bhutha, the bhuthas are generally kodamanithaya, kukkinathaya, and daiva. all the arrangements for the periodical kola, or festival of the bhuthasthana, are made by the pujari. during the festival, he frequently becomes possessed. only such billavas as are liable to be possessed are recognised as pujaris. as a sign of their office, they wear a gold bangle on the right wrist. further details in connection with bhutha worship will be found in the articles on bants, nalkes, and paravas. bilva (jackal).--an exogamous sept of kondra. bindhollu (brass water-pot).--an exogamous sept of jogi. binu (roll of woollen thread).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. bissoyi.--the parlakimedi maliahs are, i am informed, divided up into muttahs, and each muttah contains many villages, all ruled over by a bissoyi, a sort of feudal chief, who is responsible for keeping them in order. concerning the bissoyis, mr. s. p. rice writes [ ] that in the maliahs "are a number of forts, in which the bissoyis, or hill chieftains, reside. each of them holds a small court of his own; each has his armed retainers, and his executive staff. they were set to rule over the hill tracts, to curb the lawlessness of the aboriginal tribes of the mountains, the khonds and the savaras. they were, in fact, lords of the marches, and were in a measure independent, but they appear to have been under the suzerainty of the raja of kimedi, and they were also generally responsible to government. such men were valuable friends and dangerous enemies. their influence among their own men was complete; their knowledge of their own country was perfect. it was they, and they only, who could thread their way through the tangled and well-nigh impenetrable jungle by foot-paths known only to themselves. hence, when they became enemies, they could entrench themselves in positions which were almost impenetrable. now a road leads to every fort; the jungles have disappeared; the bissoyis still have armed retainers, and still keep a measure of respect; but their sting is gone, and the officer of government goes round every year on the peaceful, if prosaic occupation of examining schools and inspecting vaccination." the story of the parlakimedi rebellion, "a forgotten rebellion" as he calls it, in the last century, and the share which the bissoyis took in it, is graphically told by mr. rice. at times of census, bissoyi has been returned as a title of doluva, kalingi, kurumo, and sondi. biswalo.--a title of various oriya castes. bochchu (hairs).--an exogamous sept of odde. boda.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small cultivating class in ganjam. boda is the name of a sub-division of the gadabas, who use the fibre of boda luvada (ficus glomerata) in the manufacture of their female garments. boda dasari (bald-headed mendicant).--an exogamous sept of jogi. boddu (navel).--an exogamous sept, or sub-division of idigas and asilis. it is recorded in the gazetteer of the bellary district, that "in the middle of the threshold of nearly all the gateways of the ruined fortifications round the bellary villages will be noticed a roughly cylindrical or conical stone, something like a lingam. this is the boddu-rayi, literally the navel stone, and so the middle stone. once a year, in may, just before the sowing season begins, a ceremony takes place in connection with it." (see bariki.) bodo (big).--a sub-division of bottada, mali, omanaito, pentia, and other castes. bodo nayak is a title among the gadabas, and bodo odiya occurs as a sub-division of sondi. bogam.--see deva-dasi and sani. bogara.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as "canarese brass and copper-smiths: a sub-division of panchala." from a note on the jains of the bellary district [ ] i gather that "there is a class of people called bogaras in the harpanahalli taluk, and in the town of harpanahalli itself, side by side with the jains. they are a thriving class, and trade in brass and copper wares. the bogaras practice the jaina religion, have the same gotras, freely worship in jain temples, and are accepted into jaina society. evidently they are a sub-division of the jains, though now excluded from inter-marriage." it is said that "arrangements are now being made (through the jaina bhattacharya at kolhapur) to enable bogaras to intermarry with the jains." bogarlu.--occurs as the name of a class of agricultural labourers in the vizagapatam agency, who are probably workers in metal who have taken to agriculture. boggula (charcoal).--an exogamous sept of boya and devanga. bohora.--the bohoras or boras are "musalman converts from the bombay side. they are traders. in madras they have their own high priest and their own mosque (in georgetown). it is said that, when one of them dies, the high priest writes a note to the archangels michael, israel and gabriel, asking them to take care of him in paradise, and that the note is placed in the coffin." [ ] they consider themselves as a superior class, and, if a member of another section enters their mosque, they clean the spot occupied by him during his prayers. they take part in certain hindu festivals, e.g., dipavali, or feast of lights, at which crackers are let off. boidyo.--recorded under the name boyidyo, in the madras census report, , as "literally a physician: a sub-caste of pandito." there is said to be no difference between panditos and boidyos. in ganjam they are known by the former, elsewhere by the latter name. boipari.--a synonym of lambadi. (see bepari.) boishnobo.--the boishnobos have been defined as a class of oriya religious mendicants and priests to sudras. the name means worshippers of bishnu or vishnu. most of them are followers of chaitanya, the great bengali reformer. boksha.--boksha or boksham (treasury) is the name of a sub-division of gollas, indicating their employment as treasury servants in guarding and carrying treasure. in some places, those who are employed in packing and lifting bags of money in district treasuries are still called gollas, though they may belong to some other caste. in the census report, , bokkisha vadugar (treasury northerner) was returned as a tamil synonym for golla. bolasi.--the bolasis are a caste of oriya cultivators, who are largely found in the gumsur taluk of ganjam. many of them serve as paiks or peons. the original name of the caste is said to have been thadia, which has been changed in favour of bolasi (bayalisi, forty-two) in reference to the caste being one of the recognized forty-two oriya sudra castes. it is also suggested that the name is derived from bola (anklets), as the women wear heavy brass anklets. their ceremonial rites connected with marriage, death, etc., are similar to those of the doluvas, gaudos, badhoyis, and other castes. marriage is infant, and, if a girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she goes through a form of marriage with an arrow or a grinding stone. the bolasis are vaishnavites, and observe the paramartho or chaitanya form thereof. the caste titles are podhano, nayako, daso, mahanti, patro, sahu, jenna, and konhoro. gudiyas who are engaged in agriculture are sometimes known as bolasi gudiyas. bolodia.--the name of a section of tellis, who use pack-bullocks (bolodo, an ox) for carrying grain about the country. some gaudos, at times of census, have also returned bolodia as their sub-division. bombadai (a fish).--a gotra of medara. the equivalent bomidi occurs as an exogamous sept of mala. members of the vamma gotra of the janappans abstain from eating this fish, because, when some of their ancestors went to fetch water in a marriage pot, they found a number of this fish in the water collected in the pot. bomma (a doll).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. the equivalent bommala occurs as an exogamous sept of mala. the bommalatavallu are said [ ] to exhibit shows in the vizagapatam district. bommali.--a sub-division of the koronos of ganjam. bonda.--a sub-division of poroja. bondia.--a small class, inhabiting ganjam. the name is said to be derived from bondono, meaning praise, as the bondias are those who praise and flatter rajas. bondili.--in the madras census report, , the bondilis are "said to derive their name from bundelkund. they claim to be rajputs, but appear to have degenerated. the sivaites of this sect are said to bury their dead, while the vishnavaites burn. in the kadri taluk of cuddapah all are said to bury. the custom in this respect appears to differ in different localities. besides siva and vishnu worship, three of the eight authorities who give particulars of this section agree that they worship village deities as well. all state that remarriage of widows is not permitted. they are generally cultivators, peons, or the body-guards of zemindars." the bondilis of the north arcot district are described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as being "foreigners from bundelkund, from which fact their name originates, and of various vaisya and sudra castes; the former having the termination lala to their names, and the latter that of ram. many of the sudra bondilis, however, improperly take the title singh, and say they are kshatriyas, that is, rajputs. the vaisya bondilis are few in number, and only found in vellore, chittoor and arni, where they are usually money-lenders. the sudras are mostly sepoys, constables, or revenue peons. some say that they are not even sudras, but the descendants of rajputs by women of the country, and probably many of them are such. all are very particular with respect to eating with an other professed bondili, and refuse to do so unless they are quite certain that he is of their class. in their marriage customs they resemble the rajputs." i am informed that one section of the bondilis is named toli, in reference to their being workers in leather. there is, at venkatagiri, a street called toli mitta, or toli quarters, and, in former days, the inhabitants thereof were not allowed to enter the temples. in the census report, , guvalo, or traders from sambalpur, is returned as a sub-caste of bondili. boniya.--the oriya name for baniya (trader). boniya korono appears [ ] as the name for traders and shopkeepers in ganjam. bonka.--recorded, in the vizagapatam manual, as cultivators in the jeypore hills, and, in the madras census report, , as a small oriya caste of hill cultivators, which has three sub-divisions, bonka, pata bonka, and goru bonka. bonthuk.--the bonthuks or bonthuk savaras are scattered about the kistna and guntur districts, and lead a nomad life, carrying their small dwelling-huts with them as they shift from place to place. they are called bonthuk savaras to distinguish them from the pothra (stone) savaras, who dwell further north. by telugu people they are called chenchu or bontha chenchu, though they have no connection with the chenchus who inhabit the hills in kurnool, and other parts of the telugu country. the bonthuks, however, like the chenchus, claim ahobila narasimha as their tribal deity. the bonthuks speak the oriya language, and they have a mongoloid type of features, such as are possessed by the savaras of ganjam and vizagapatam. their house-names, or intiperalu, however are telugu. these constitute exogamous septs, and seem to be as follows:--pasupuretti, simhadri (the god at simhachalam near vizagapatam), koneti, dasapatri, gedala (buffaloes), kudumala (cakes), akula (leaves), sunkara, and tota (garden). at marriages, individuals of the pasupuretti sept officiate as priests, and members of the koneti sept as drummers and musicians. men belonging to the gedalu sept are considered as equivalent to shepherds. the bonthuks have a very interesting way of naming their children. if a child is born when an official or person of some distinction happens to be near their encampment, it is named after him. thus such names as collector, tahsildar, kolnol (colonel), governor, innes, superintendent, and acharlu (after one sukracharlu) are met with. sometimes children are named after a town or village, either because they were born there, or in the performance of a vow to some place of pilgrimage. in this way, such names as hyderabad, channapatam (madras), bandar (masulipatam), nellore, and tirupati arise. a boy was named tuyya (parrot), because a parrot was brought into the settlement at the time of his birth. another child was called beni because, at its birth, a bamboo flute (beni) was played. every settlement is said to have a headman, called bichadi, who, in consultation with several elders of the tribe, settles disputes and various affairs affecting the community. if an individual has been fined, and does not accept the punishment, he may appeal to another bichadi, who may enhance the fine. sometimes those who do not agree to abide by the decision of the bichadi have to undergo a trial by ordeal, by taking out an areca nut from a pot of boiling cowdung water. the dimensions of the pot, in height and breadth, should not exceed the span of the hand, and the height of the cowdung water in the pot should be that of the middle finger from the base to the tip. if, in removing the nut from the pot, the hand is injured, the guilt of the individual is proved. before the trial by ordeal, a sum of ten rupees is deposited by both complainant and accused with the bichadi, and the person under trial may not live in his dwelling-hut. he lives in a grove or in the forest, watched by two members of the pasupuretti sept. the bonthuks are engaged in collecting bamboos, and selling them after straightening them by heating them in the fire. before the bamboos are placed in carts, for conveyance to the settlement, a goat and fowls are sacrificed to satyamma, dodlamma, muthyalamma, and pothuraju, who are represented by stones. girls are married before puberty, and, if a girl happens to be mated only after she has reached maturity, there is no marriage ceremonial. the marriage rites last over five days, on the first of which a brass vessel, with a thread tied round its neck, and containing turmeric water and the oyila tokka or tonko (bride's money), is carried in procession to the bride's hut on the head of a married girl belonging to a sept other than those of the contracting couple. she has on her head a hood decorated with little bells, and the vessel is supported on a cloth pad. when the hut is reached, the bride's money is handed over to the bichadi, and the turmeric water is poured on the ground. the bride's money is divided between her parents and maternal uncle, the bichadi, and the caste men. a pig is purchased, and carried by two men on a pole to the scene of the marriage. the caste people, and the married girl carrying a brass vessel, go round the animal, to the accompaniment of music. the girl, as she goes round, pours water from the vessel on the ground. a thread is tied round the neck of the pig, which is taken to the bridegroom's hut, and cut up into two portions, for the parties of the bridegroom and bride, of which the former is cooked and eaten on the same day. at the homes of the bride and bridegroom, a pandal (booth) and dais are erected. the materials for the former are brought by seven women, and for the latter by nine men. the pandal is usually decorated with mango and eugenia arnoltiana leaves. after supper, some relations of the contracting couple go to an open space, where the bichadi, who has by him two pots and two bashingams (chaplets) of arka (calotropis gigantea) flowers, is seated with a few men. the fathers of the bride and bridegroom ask the bichadi to give them the bashingams, and this he does after receiving an assurance that the wedding will not be attended by quarrelling. the bride and bridegroom take their seats on the dais at the home of the latter, and the officiating priest ties the bashingams on their foreheads. nine men and seven women stand near the dais, and a thread is passed round them seven times. this thread is cut up by the priest, and used for the kankanams (wrist threads) of the bride and bridegroom. these are removed, at the close of the marriage festivities, on the fifth day. when a girl attains maturity, she is under pollution for nine days, at the conclusion of which the bichadi receives a small present of money from her parents. her husband, and his agnates (people of his sept) also have to observe pollution, and, on the ninth day, the cooking pots which they have used are thrown away, and they proceed to the bichadi, to whom they make a present of money, as they have probably broken the tribal rule that smoking is forbidden when under pollution. on the ninth day, the girl and her husband throw water over each other, and the marriage is consummated. the dead are usually buried, lying on the left side. on the second day, food is offered to crows and brahmani kites. on the eleventh day, a mat is spread on the floor of the hut, and covered with a clean sheet, on which balls of food are placed. the dead person is invoked by name, as the various people deposit the food offering. the food is finally put into a winnowing basket, and taken to the bank of a tank (pond). a small hut is made there, and the food is placed therein on two leaves, one of which represents the yama dutas (servants of the god of death), the other the deceased. boori (cake).--an exogamous sept of mala. bosantiya.--the bosantiyas are summed up, in the madras census report, , as "oriya cultivators found in the northern taluks of ganjam. they are said by some to have been originally dyers." i am informed that the caste name has reference to the fact that the occupation thereof was the collection of the fruits of mallotus philippinensis, and trade in the dye (bosonto gundi) obtained therefrom. the dye, commonly known as kamela, or kamala, is the powdery substance obtained as a glandular pubescence from the exterior of the fruits. the following note on the dye was published in the indian forester, . "among the many rich natural products of ganjam, probably the most esteemed in commerce is the red kamela dye, the valuable product of the mallotus philippinensis. this tree, with its lovely scarlet berries and vivid emerald green foliage, is a marked feature of forest scenery in ganjam. the berries are coated with a beautiful red powder, which constitutes the dye. this powder is collected by being brushed off into baskets made for the purpose, but the method of collection is reckless and wasteful in the extreme, the trees being often felled in order to reach the berries more easily. the industry is a monopoly of the hill khonds, who, however, turn it to little advantage. they are ignorant of the great commercial value of the dye, and part with the powder to the low-country dealers settled among them for a few measures of rice or a yard or two of cloth. the industry is capable of great development, and a large fortune awaits the firm or individual with sufficient enterprise to enter into rivalry with the low-country native dealers settled among the khonds, who at present enjoy a monopoly of the trade. it is notorious that these men are accumulating vast profits in respect of this dye. the tree is cultivated largely by the khonds in their forest villages." the bosantiyas seem to have no sub-divisions, but exogamous gotras, e.g., nagasira (cobra) and kochimo (tortoise) exist among them. socially they are on a par with the bhondaris, and above pachchilia gaudos and samantiyas. they have a headman called bissoyi, who is assisted by a bhollobaya, and they have further a caste messenger called jati naiko. the caste titles are bissoyi and nahako. most of the bosantiyas are saivites, but a few follow the paramartho form of vaishnavism. they also worship various takuranis (village deities), such as kotaru and chondi. in the vizagapatam manual ( ), bosuntea is described as a caste of paiks or fighting men in the vizagapatam district (jeypore). bottada.--the bottadas are, mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "a class of uriya cultivators and labourers, speaking muria or lucia, otherwise known as basturia, a dialect of uriya. mr. taylor says the caste is the same as muria, which is shown separately in the tables, and in mr. h. g. turner's notes in the census report of . but, whether identical or distinct, it seems clear that both are sub-divisions of the great gond tribe." for the following note, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. there is a current tradition that the caste originally dwelt at barthagada, and emigrated to vizagapatam long ago. it is vaguely mentioned that barthagada was situated towards and beyond bastar, near which place there are still to be found people of this caste, with whom those living in the vizagapatam agency intermarry. the caste is divided into three endogamous divisions, viz.:-- ( ) bodo, or genuine bottadas; ( ) madhya, descendants of bottada men and non-bottada women; ( ) sanno, descendants of madhya men and non-madhya women. the bodos will not interdine with the other two sections, but males of these will eat with bodos. the following notes refer to the bodo section, in which various exogamous septs, or bamsa, exist, of which the following are examples:-- kochchimo, tortoise. kukkuro, dog. bhag, tiger. makado, monkey. goyi, lizard (varanus). cheli, goat. nag, cobra. girls are married either before or after puberty. a man can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. when a marriage is under contemplation, the prospective bridegroom's parents take maddho (liquor) and chada (beaten rice) to the girl's house, where they are accepted or refused, according as her parents agree to, or disapprove of the match. after a stated period, further presents of liquor, rice, black gram, dhal, salt, chillies, and jaggery (crude sugar) are brought, and betel leaves and areca nuts given in exchange. two days later the girl's parents pay a return visit to those of the young man. after another interval, the marriage takes place. nine days before its celebration, paddy (unhusked rice) and rs. are taken to the bride's house as jholla tonka, and a feast is held. at the bridegroom's house, a pandal, made of nine sorghi or sal (shorca robusta) posts, is erected, with a pot of turmeric water tied to the central post. the bride is conducted thither. at the marriage rites the desari officiates. the ends of the cloths of the contracting couple are tied together, and their little fingers are linked together, while they go, with pieces of turmeric and rice in their hands, seven times round the pandal. the sacred fire, or homam, is raised, and into it seven or nine different kinds of wood, ghi (clarified butter), milk, rice and jaggery are thrown. turmeric-rice dots are put on the foreheads of the bride and bridegroom by the desari, parents, and relations. they are anointed with castor-oil, and bathed with the water contained in the pot tied to the post. new cloths are presented to them, and a caste feast is held. widow remarriage is permitted, and a younger brother often marries the widow of his elder brother. if, however, she marries any one else, her new husband has to pay rand tonka, consisting of liquor, a sheep or goat, and rice, as a fine to the caste, or he may compound for payment of five rupees. divorce is permitted, and, if a man divorces his wife, he usually gives her some paddy, a new cloth, and a rupee. if the woman divorces herself from her husband, and contracts an alliance with another man, the latter has to pay a fine of twenty rupees to the first husband, a portion of which is spent on a feast, at which the two husbands and the woman are present. the dead are burned, and death pollution is observed for ten days, during which no agricultural work is done, and no food is cooked in the bamsa of the deceased, which is fed by some related bamsa. on the day following cremation, a new pot with water, and some sand are carried to the spot where the corpse was burnt. a bed of sand is made, in which a banyan (ficus bengalensis) or pipal (ficus religiosa) is planted. a hole is made in the pot, and the plant watered. on the tenth day, on which a bath is taken, some fried rice and a new pot are carried to the burning-ground, and left there. the bottadas have the reputation of being the best cultivators in the jeypore agency, and they take a high position in social rank. many of them wear the sacred thread, at the time of marriage and subsequently, and it is said that the right to wear it was acquired by purchase from former rajas of jeypore. bottu kattoru (those who tie the bottu).--a sub-division of kappiliyans, who are canarese cultivators settled in the tamil district of madura. the bottu (marriage badge) is the equivalent of the tamil tali. bovi.--the name of the palanquin-bearing section of the mogers of south canara. some besthas from mysore, who have settled in this district, are also called bovi, which is a form of boyi (bearer). boya (see bedar).--boya has also been recorded [ ] as a sub-division of mala, a name for ekari. boyan.--a title of odde. boyi (see bestha).--it is also the title of one of the chief men among the savaras. brahman.--the brahmans of southern india are divided into a number of sections, differing in language, manners and customs. as regards their origin, the current belief is that they sprang from the mouth of brahma. in support thereof, the following verse from the purusha suktha (hymn of the primæval male) of the rig veda is quoted:--from the face of prajapathi (viratpurusha) came the brahmans; from the arms arose the kshatriyas; from the thighs sprang the vaisyas; and from the feet the sudras. mention of the fourfold division of the hindu castes is also made in other vedas, and in ithihasas and puranas. the brahmans fall into three groups, following the three vedas or sakas, rig, yajus, and samam. this threefold division is, however, recognised only for ceremonial purposes. for marriage and social purposes, the divisions based on language and locality are practically more operative. in the matter of the more important religious rites, the brahmans of southern india, as elsewhere, closely follow their own vedas. every brahman belongs to one or other of the numerous gotras mentioned in pravara and gotra kandams. all the religious rites are performed according to the grihya sutras (ritual books) pertaining to their saka or veda. of these, there are eight kinds now in vogue, viz.:-- . asvalayana sutra of the rig veda. . apasthamba | . bharadwaja | . bhodayana | sutras of the black yajus. . sathyashada | . vaikkanasa | . kathyayana sutra of the white yajus. . drahyayana sutra of sama veda. all brahmans claim descent from one or more of the following seven rishis:--atri, bhrigu, kutsa, vashista, gautama, kasyapa, angiras. according to some, the rishis are agasthya, angiras, atri, bhrigu, kasyapa, vashista, and gautama. under these rishis are included eighteen ganams, and under each ganam there are a number of gotras, amounting in all to about . every brahman is expected to salute his superiors by repeating the abhivadhanam (salutation) which contains his lineage. as an example, the following may be given:--"i, krishna by name, of srivathsa gotra, with the pravara (lineage) of the five rishis, bhargava, chyavana, apnuvana, aruva, and jamadagni, following the apasthamba sutra of the yajus saka, am now saluting you." daily, at the close of the sandhya prayers, this abhivadhanam formula should be repeated by every brahman. taking the brahmans as a whole, it is customary to group them in two main divisions, the pancha dravidas and pancha gaudas. the pancha dravidas are pure vegetarians, whereas the pancha gaudas need not abstain from meat and fish, though some, who live amidst the pancha dravidas, do so. other differences will be noted in connection with oriya brahmans, who belong to the pancha gauda section. in south india, all brahmans, except those who speak the oriya and konkani languages, are pancha dravidas, who are divided into five sections, viz.:-- . tamil, or dravida proper. . telugu or andhra. . canarese, or carnataka. . marathi or desastha. . guzarati. the tulu-speaking shivalli brahmans are included among the carnatakas; the pattar and nambutiri brahmans (see nambutiri) among the dravidas proper. from a religious point of view, the brahmans are either saivites or vaishnavites. the saivites are either saivites proper, or smarthas. the smarthas believe that the soul of man is only a portion of the infinite spirit (atman), and that it is capable of becoming absorbed into the atman. they recognise the trimurtis, brahma, vishnu, and siva as separate gods, but only as equal manifestations of the supreme spirit, and that, in the end, these are to be absorbed into the infinite spirit, and so disappear. saivas, on the other hand, do not recognise the trimurtis, and believe only in one god, siva, who is self-existent, and not liable to lose his personality. of vaishnavites there are three kinds, viz., those who are the followers of chaitanya, ramanuja, and madhvacharya. like the smarthas, the vaishnavites recognise brahma, vishnu, and siva, but vishnu is supposed to be the chief god, to whom the others are subordinate. "vaishnavas," monier williams writes, [ ] "are believers in the one personal god vishnu, not only as the preserver, but as above every other god, including siva. it should be noted, too, that both saivites and vaishnavas agree in attributing an essential form of qualities to the supreme being. their one god, in fact, exists in an eternal body, which is antecedent to his earthly incarnations, and survives all such incarnations." he adds that "it cannot be doubted that one great conservative element of hinduism is the many sidedness of vaishnavism. for vaishnavism is, like buddhism, the most tolerant of systems. it is always ready to accommodate itself to other creeds, and delights in appropriating to itself the religious idea of all the nations of the world. it admits of every form of internal development. it has no organised hierarchy under one supreme head, but it may have any number of separate associations under separate leaders, who are ever banding themselves together for the extension of spiritual supremacy over ever increasing masses of population." the oriya brahmans, who follow the creed of chaitanya, are called paramarthos, and are confined to the ganjam district. there is no objection to intermarriage between smartha and paramartho oriya brahmans. sri vaishnavas (who put on the namam as a sectarian mark) and madhvas are exclusive as regards intermarriage, but the madhvas have no objection to taking meals with, and at the houses of smarthas, whereas sri vaishnavas object to doing so. according to the sutras, a brahman has to go through the following samskaras (rites):-- . garbhadana. . annaprasanam . pumsavanam. . chaulam. . simantam. . upanayanam . jatakarmam. . vivaham. . namakaranam. these rites are supposed to purify the body and spirit from the taint transmitted through the womb of the mother, but all of them are not at the present day performed at the proper time, and in regular order. the garbhadhana, or impregnation ceremony, should, according to the grihya sutras, be performed on the fourth day of the marriage ceremonies. but, as the bride is a young girl, it is omitted, or vedic texts are repeated. the garbhadhana ceremony is performed, after the girl has attained puberty. at the time of consummation or ritu santhi, the following verse is repeated:--"let all pervading vishnu prepare her womb; let the creator shape its forms; let prajapathi be the impregnator; let the creator give the embryo." pumsavanam and simantam are two ceremonies, which are performed together during the seventh or ninth month of the first pregnancy, though, according to the grihya sutras, the former should be performed in the third month. at the pumsavanam, or male producing ceremony, the pregnant woman fasts, and her husband squeezes into her right nostril a little juice from the fruit and twig of the alam tree (ficus bengalensis), saying "thou art a male child." the twig selected should be one pointing, east or north; with two fruits looking like testicles. the twig is placed on a grinding-stone, and a girl, who has not attained puberty, is asked to pound it. the pulp is wrapped in a new silk cloth, and squeezed to express the juice. on the conclusion of the pumsavanam, the simantam, or parting the pregnant woman's hair, is gone through. after oblations in the sacred fire (homam), the woman's husband takes a porcupine quill, to which three blades of dharbha grass, and a twig with fruits of the aththi tree (ficus glomerata) are attached, and passes it over the woman's head from before backwards, parting the hair. the jatakarmam, namakaranam, annaprasanam, and chaulam rites are ordinarily celebrated, one after the other, on the upanayanam day. jatakarmam consists in smearing some ghi (clarified butter) and honey on the tongue of the baby, and repeating the following verses from the rig veda:--"oh! long lived one, mayst thou live a hundred years in this world, protected by the gods. become firm as a rock, firm as an axe, pure as gold. thou art the veda called a son; live thou a hundred years. may indra bestow on thee his best treasures. may savitri, may sarasvati, may the asvins grant thee wisdom." at the namakaranam, or naming ceremony, the parents of the child pronounce its name close to its ear, and repeat the vedic prayer to indra and agni "may indra give you lustre, and indra semen, wisdom, and children." the annaprasanam, or food-giving ceremony, should be performed during the sixth month after birth. a little solid food is put into the child's mouth, and the following vedic verses are repeated:--"agni who lives on plants, soma who lives on soma juice, brahmans who live on the vedas, and devatas who live on amartam (ambrosia), may they bless you. as the earth gives food to plants and water, so i give you this food. may these waters and plants give you prosperity and health." at the chaulam, or tonsure ceremony, the child is seated in his mother's lap. the father, taking a few blades of dharbha grass in his hand, sprinkles water over the child's head. seven times he inserts blades of dharbha in the hair of the head (three blades each time), saying "oh! divine grass, protect him." he then cuts off the tips of the blades, and throws them away. the father is expected, according to the grihya sutras, to shave or cut the child's hair. at the present day, however, the barber is called in, and shaves the head, leaving one lock or more according to local custom. the upanayana, or leading a boy to his guru or spiritual teacher, is essentially a ceremony of initiation. from an orthodox point of view, this ceremony should be performed before the age of eight years, but in practice it is deferred even up to the age of seventeen. it usually commences with the arrangement of seed-pans containing nine kinds of grain, and tying a thread or pratisaram on the boy's wrist. after this, the abyudayam, or invocation of ancestors, is gone through. the boy sits in front of the sacred fire, and his father, or some other person, sits by his side, to help him in the ceremonial and act the part of guru. he places over the boy's head blades of dharbha grass so that the tips are towards the east, south, west, and north. the tips are cut off, and the following vedic verses are repeated:--"please permit me to shave the head of this boy with the knife used by the sun for shaving soma. he is to be shaved, because it will bring him long life and old age. may the boy become great, and not die a premature death. may he outshine all in glory." the boy is then shaved by a barber, and more vedic verses are repeated, which run as follows:--"you are shaving with a sharp razor, so that this shaving may enable him to live long. brihaspathi, surya, and agni shaved the hair of the head of varuna, and placed the hairs in the middle regions of the sky, earth, and in swarga. i shall place the hairs removed by me at the foot of the audambara tree (ficus glomerata), or in the clumps of dharbha grass." the boy then bathes, and comes near the sacred fire. after ghi has been poured thereon, a bundle of palasa (butea frondosa) sticks is given to him, and he puts it on the fire after repeating certain vedic riks. a grinding-stone is placed on one side of the fire, and the boy treads on it, while the following verse is repeated:--"tread on this stone, and may you be as firm as it is. may you subdue thy enemies." a new cloth is given to him, which he puts on. the following verses are then repeated:--"oh! cloth, revathi and others have spun, woven, spread out, and put skirts on both sides of you. may these goddesses clothe the boy with long life. blessed with life, put on this cloth. dress the boy with this cloth. by wearing it, let him attain a hundred years of age. may his life be extended. such a garment as this was given to soma by brihaspathi to wear. mayst thou reach old age. put on this cloth. be a protector to all people. may you live a hundred years with full vigour. may you have plenty of wealth." after the boy has put on the cloth, the following is repeated:--"you have put on this cloth for the sake of blessing. you have become the protector of your friends. live a hundred years. a noble man, blessed with life, mayst thou obtain wealth." a girdle (minji) spun from grass is wound thrice round the boy's body, and tied with a knot opposite the navel, or to the left of it. the following verses are repeated:--"this blessed girdle, the friend of the gods, has come to us to remove our sins, to purify and protect us, bring strength to us by the power of exhalation and inhalation. protect, oh! girdle, our wealth and meditation. destroy our enemies, and guard us on all the four sides." a small piece of deer-skin is next tied on to the sacred thread, which has been put on the boy soon after the shaving rite. the following verses are repeated:--"oh! skin which is full of lustre because mitra sees you, full of glory and one that is not fit for wicked people, i am now putting you on. may aditi tuck up thy garment. thou mayst read vedas, and grow wise. thou mayst not forget what you have read. mayst thou become holy and glorious." the boy seats himself next to the guru, and close to the sacred fire, and repeats the following:--"i have come near the spiritual teacher, my acharya. may the teacher and myself become prosperous. may i also complete my vedic studies properly, and let me be blessed with a married life after the study." the guru sprinkles water over the boy three times, and, taking hold of his hand, says:--"agni, soman, savitha, sarasvati, pusha, aryaman, amsuhu, bagadevata, and mitra have seized thy hand. they have taken you over to them, and you have become friends." then he hands over the boy to the gods by repeating:--"we give you to agni, soman, savitha, sarasvati, mrityu, yaman, gadhan, andhakan, abhaya, oshadhi, prithvi, and vaisvanara. with the permission of surya, i am allowing you to approach me. oh! boy, may you have children full of lustre, and capable of becoming heroes." the boy then repeats the following:--"i am come to be a student. you that have obtained permission from the surya, please take me." the teacher asks, "who are you? what is your name?" the boy gives out his name, and the teacher enquires of him what kind of brahmachari he is. the boy replies that he is a brahmachari for atman, and repeats the following:--"oh! sun, the lord of all ways, through your grace i am about to begin my studies, which will do good to me." the teacher and the boy take their seats on dharbha grass, and say:--"oh! dharbha, a giver of royal power, a teacher's seat, may i not withdraw from thee." the boy then pours some ghi on to the sacred fire. a cloth is thrown over both the teacher and the boy, and the latter asks the former to recite the savitri. the following gayatri is repeated into his ear:--"let us meditate on that excellent glory of the divine vivifier. may he illumine our understandings." the boy touches his own upper lip with his right hand, and says:--"oh! prana, i have become illumined, having heard the savitri. protect and guard this wealth that has entered me, the gayatri or savitri." he then takes the palasa staff, and the teacher says:--"up with life. oh! sun, this is thy son. i give him in charge to thee." the boy then worships the sun thus:--"that bright eye created by the gods, which rises in the east, may we see it a hundred autumns; may we live a hundred autumns; may we rejoice a hundred autumns; may we live a hundred autumns; may we rejoice a hundred autumns; may we be glad a hundred autumns; may we prosper a hundred autumns; may we speak a hundred autumns; may we live undecaying a hundred autumns; and may we long see the sun." the ceremonial is brought to a close on the first day by the boy begging rice from his mother and other female relations. a basket, filled with rice, is placed in a pandal (booth), and the boy stands near it, repeating "please give me alms." each woman pours some rice into a tray which he carries, and presents him with some money and betel leaves. the rice is placed in the basket. on the second and third days, the boy puts palasa sticks into the sacred fire, and pours ghi thereon. on the fourth day, the new cloth is given to the teacher. the wearing of the sacred thread is a sign that the boy has gone through the upanayanam ceremony. it is noted [ ] by the rev. a. margöschis that "the son of brahman parents is not reckoned to be a brahman (i.e., he may not take part in religious ceremonies) until he has gone through the ceremony of assuming the sacred thread; and i have heard brahman boys wearing the thread taunting a boy of brahman birth, and calling him a sudra, because he had not yet assumed the holy thread." the thread is composed of three threads of cotton secured together in one spot by a sacred knot of peculiar construction, called brahma grandhi. the knot in the sacred thread worn by vaishnava brahmans is called vishnu grandhi, and that in the thread of smarthas rudra grandhi. in the preparation of the thread, cotton sold in the bazaar may not be used; the bolls ought to be secured direct from the plant. here and there brahmans may be seen in villages, removing the cotton from the bolls, and preparing it into pads for spinning into thread. those who teach students the vedas may be seen spinning the thread from these pads. the spinning rod is a thin piece of bamboo stick weighted with a lead or soapstone disc about half an inch in diameter. the thin thread is kept in stock, and twisted into the sacred thread whenever it is required. three or more people usually take part in the twisting process, during which they chant vedic verses. in the srutis and sutras, it is enjoined that the yagnopavita (sacred thread) is to be put on only on occasions of sacrifice. it ought really to be a vestment, and is a symbolical representation thereof. ordinarily the thread is worn over the left shoulder in the position called upavitham. in ceremonies connected with the dead, however, it is worn over the right shoulder in the position called prachinavithi. at the time of worshipping rishis and ganas, the thread should be over both shoulders and round the neck in the position called nivithi. the grass girdle and deer-skin worn by a youth at the upanayanam ceremony are removed on the fifth day, or, among the orthodox, kept on until the first upakarmam day. they, and the palasa stick, should be retained by the brahmachari till the close of his studentship. nambutiri brahman lads of eight or nine years old, who have gone through the upanayanam ceremony, always carry with them the palasa stick, and wear the grass girdle, and, in addition to the sacred thread, a thin strip of deer-skin in length equal to the thread. round the waist he wears a narrow strip of cloth (kaupinam) passed between the legs. he may cover his breast and abdomen with a cloth thrown over his body. he is thus clad until his marriage, or at least until he has concluded the study of the vedas. the marriage rites in vogue at the present day resemble those of vedic times in all essential particulars. all sections of brahmans closely follow the grihya sutras relating to their sakha. the marriage ceremonies commence with the nischyathartham or betrothal ceremony. the bridegroom being seated on a plank amidst a number of brahmans, vedic verses are repeated, and, after the bestowal of blessings, the bride's father proclaims that he intends giving his daughter in marriage to the bridegroom, and that he may come for the purpose after the completion of the vratam ceremony. for this ceremony, the bridegroom, after being shaved, dresses up. meanwhile, the brahmans who have been invited assemble. the bridegroom sits on the marriage dais, and, after repeating certain vedic verses, says:--"with the permission of all assembled, let me begin the vratams prajapathyam, soumyam, agneyam, and vaiswadevam, and let me also close them." all the vratams should be performed long before the marriage. in practice, however, this is not done, so the bridegroom performs an expiatory ceremony, to make up for the omission. this consists in offering oblations of ghi, and giving presents of money to a few brahmans. the bridegroom is helped throughout the vratam ceremonies by a spiritual teacher or guru, who is usually his father or a near relation. the guru sprinkles water over the bridegroom's body, and tells him to go on with kandarishi tharpanam (offerings of water, gingelly, and rice, as an oblation to rishis). a small copper or silver vessel is placed on a leaf to the north-east of the sacred fire, and is made to represent varuna. a new cloth is placed round the vessel. the various vratams mentioned are gone through rapidly, and consist of offerings of ghi through fire to the various devatas and pitris. the nandhi sradh, or memorial service to ancestors, is then performed. the bridegroom next dresses up as a married man, and proceeds on a mock pilgrimage to a distant place. this is called paradesa pravesam (going to a foreign place), or kasiyatra (pilgrimage to benares). it is a remnant of the snathakarma rite, whereat a brahmachari, or student, leaves his spiritual teacher's house at the close of his studies, performs a ceremony of ablution, and becomes an initiated householder or snathaka. the bridegroom carries with him an umbrella, a fan, and a bundle containing some rice, cocoanut, and areca-nut. he usually goes eastward. his future father-in-law meets him, and brings him to the house at which the marriage is to be celebrated. as soon as he has arrived there, the bride is brought, dressed up and decorated in finery. the bridal pair are taken up on the shoulders of their maternal uncles, who dance about for a short time. whenever they meet, the bride and bridegroom exchange garlands (malaimaththal). the couple then sit on a swing within the pandal (booth), and songs are sung. a few married women go round them three times, carrying water, a light, fruits, and betel, in a tray. the pair are conducted into the house, and are seated on the marriage dais. the marriage, or vivaham, is then commenced. a purohit (priest) repeats certain vedic texts as a blessing, and says:--"bless this couple of ... gotras, the son and daughter of ..., grandchildren of ..., now about to be married." at this stage, the gotras of the contracting couple must be pronounced distinctly, so as to ensure that they are not among the prohibited degrees. the bridal couple must belong to different gotras. the bridegroom next says that he is about to commence the worship of visvaksena if he is a vaishnavite, or ganapathi if he is a saivite, for the successful termination of the marriage ceremonies. the ankurarpana (seed-pan) ceremony is then proceeded with. five earthenware pans are procured, and, after being purified by the sprinkling of punyaham water over them, are arranged in the form of a square. four of the pans are placed at the four cardinal points, east, west, north, and south, and the remaining pot is set down in the centre of the square. the pan to the east represents indra, the one to the west varuna, the one to the south yama, and the one to the north soman. while water is being sprinkled over the pans, the following synonyms for each of these gods are repeated:-- indra--sathakruthu, vajranam, sachipathi. yama--vaivaswata, pithrupathi, dharmaraja. varuna--prachethas, apampathi, swarupinam. soman--indum, nisakaram, oshadisam. nine kinds of grains soaked in water are placed in the seed-pans. these grains are dolichos lablab (two varieties), phaseolus mungo (two varieties), oryza sativa, cicer arietinum, cajanus indicus, eleusine coracana, and vigna catiang. the tying of the wrist-thread (pratisaram) is next proceeded with. two cotton threads are laid on a vessel representing varuna. after the recitation of vedic verses, the bridegroom takes one of the threads, and, dipping it in turmeric paste, holds it with his left thumb, smears some of the paste on it with his right thumb and forefinger, and ties it on the left wrist of the bride. the purohit ties the other thread on the right wrist of the bridegroom, who, facing the assembly, says "i am going to take the bride." he then recites the following vedic verse:--"go to my future father-in-law with due precautions, and mingle with the members of his family. this marriage is sure to be pleasing to indra, because he gets oblations of food, etc., after the marriage. may your path be smooth and free from thorns. may surya and bhaga promote our dhampathyam (companionship)." the purohit again proclaims the marriage, and the gotras and names of three generations are repeated. those assembled then bless the couple. the bride's father says that he is prepared to give his daughter in marriage to the bridegroom, who states that he accepts her. the father of the bride washes the feet of the bridegroom placed on a tray with milk and water. the bridegroom then washes the feet of the bride's father. the bride sits in her father's lap, and her mother stands at her side. the father, repeating the names of the bridegroom's ancestors for three generations, says that he is giving his daughter to him. he places the hand of the bride on that of the bridegroom, and both he and the bride's mother pour water over the united hands of the contracting couple. the following sloka is repeated:--"i am giving you a virgin decorated with jewels, to enable me to obtain religious merit." the bridegroom takes the bride by the hand, and both take their seats in front of the sacred fire. this part of the ceremonial is called dhare (pouring of water). much importance is attached to it by tulu brahmans. among non-brahman castes in south canara, it forms the binding portion of the marriage ceremony. after the pouring of ghi as an oblation, the bridegroom throws down a few twigs of dharbha grass, and repeats the formula:--"oh! dharbha, thou art capable of giving royal powers, and the teacher's seat. may i not be separated from thee." then the bride's father, giving a vessel of water, says "here is arghya water." the bridegroom receives it with the formula:--"may this water destroy my enemies. may brilliancy, energy, strength, life, renown, glory, splendour, and power dwell in me." once again the bride's father washes the feet of the bridegroom, who salutes his father-in-law, saying "oh! water, unite me with fame, splendour, and milk. make me beloved by all creatures, the lord of cattle. may fame, heroism, and energy dwell in me." the bride's father pours some water from a vessel over the hand of the bridegroom, who says "to the ocean i send you, the imperishable waters; go back to your source. may i not suffer loss in my offspring. may my sap not be shed." a mixture of honey, plantain fruit, and ghi, is given to the bridegroom by the bride's father with the words "ayam madhuparko" (honey mixture). receiving it, the bridegroom mutters the following:--"what is the honeyed, highest form of honey which consists in the enjoyment of food; by that honeyed highest form of honey, may i become highest, honeyed, an enjoyer of food." he partakes three times of the mixture, and says:--"i eat thee for the sake of brilliancy, luck, glory, power, and the enjoyment of food." then the bride's father gives a cocoanut to the bridegroom, saying "gauhu" (cow). the bridegroom receives it with the words "oh! cow, destroy my sin, and that of my father-in-law." according to the grihya sutras, a cow should be presented to the bridegroom, to be cooked or preserved. next a plantain fruit is given to the bridegroom, who, after eating a small portion of it, hands it to the bride. the bride sits on a heap or bundle of paddy (unhusked rice), and the bridegroom says "oh! varuna, bless her with wealth. may there be no ill-feeling between herself, her brothers and sisters. oh! brihaspathi, bless her that she may not lose her husband. oh! indra, bless her to be fertile. oh! savitha, bless her that she may be happy in all respects. oh! girl, be gentle-eyed and friendly to me. let your look be of such a nature as not to kill your husband. be kind to me, and to my brothers. [ ] may you shine with lustre, and be of good repute. live long, and bear living children." the pair are then seated, and the bridegroom, taking a blade of dharbha grass, passes it between the eyebrows of the bride, and throws it behind her, saying "with this dharbha grass i remove the evil influence of any bad mark thou mayst possess, which is likely to cause widowhood." [certain marks or curls (suli) forebode prosperity, and others misery to a family into which a girl enters by marriage. and, when a wealthy hindu meditates purchasing a horse, he looks to the presence or absence of certain marks on particular parts of the body, and thereby forms a judgment of the temper and qualities of the animal.] the bridegroom then repeats the following:--"now they ought to rejoice, and not cry. they have arranged our union to bring happiness to both of us. in view of the happiness we are to enjoy hereafter, they should be glad. this is a fitting occasion for rejoicing." four brahmans next bring water, and the bridegroom receives it, saying:--"may the evil qualities of this water disappear; may it increase. let the brahmans bring water for the bath, and may it bring long life and children to her." a bundle of paddy, or a basket filled therewith, is brought to the pandal. the bride sits on the paddy, and a ring of dharbha grass is placed on her head. the bridegroom repeats the formula "blessed by the surya, sit round the sacred fire, and look at the dharbha ring, my mother-in-law and brother-in-law." a yoke is then brought, one end of which is placed on the head of the bride above the ring, and the following formula is repeated:--"oh! indra, cleanse and purify this girl, just as you did in the case of abhala, by pouring water through three holes before marrying her." abhala was an ugly woman, who wished to marry indra. to attain this end, she did penance for a long time, and, meeting indra, requested him to fulfil her desire. indra made her his wife, after transforming her into a beautiful woman by sprinkling water over her through the holes in the wheels of the car which was his vehicle. into the hole of the yoke a gold coin, or the tali (marriage badge), is dropped, with the words "may this gold prove a blessing to you. may the yoke, the hole of the yoke, bring happiness to you. may we be blessed to unite your body with mine." then the bridegroom, sprinkling water over the yoke and coin, says:--"may you become purified by the sun through this purificatory water. may this water, which is the cause of thunder and lightning, bring happiness to you. oh! girl, may this water give you health and long life. a new and costly silk cloth (kurai), purchased by the bridegroom, is given to the bride, and the bridegroom says:--"oh! indra, listen to my prayers; accept them, and fulfil my desires." the bride puts on the cloth, with the assistance of the bridegroom's sister, and sits on her father's lap. the bridegroom, taking up the tali, ties it by the string on the bride's neck, saying:--"oh! girl, i am tying the tali to secure religious merit." this is not a vedic verse, and this part of the ceremony is not included in the grihya sutras. all the brahmans assembled bless the couple by throwing rice over their heads. a dharbha waist-cord is passed round the waist of the bride, and the following is repeated:--"this girl is gazing at agni, wishing for health, wealth, strength and children. i am binding her for her good." the bridegroom then holds the hand of the bride, and both go to the sacred fire, where the former says:--"let surya lead to agni, and may you obtain permission from the aswins to do so. go with me to my house. be my wife, and the mistress of my house. instruct and help me in the performance of sacrifices." after offerings of ghi in the sacred fire, the bridegroom says:--"soma was your husband; gandharva knew thee next; agni was your third husband. i, son of man, am your fourth husband. soma gave you to gandharva, and gandharva gave you to agni, who gave to me with progeny and wealth." the bridegroom takes hold of the bride's right wrist, and, pressing on the fingers, passes his hand over the united fingers three times. this is called panigrahanam. to the nambutiri brahman this is a very important item, being the binding part of the marriage ceremonial. some years ago, at a village near chalakkudi in the cochin state, a nambutiri refused to accept a girl as his bride, because the purohit inadvertently grasped her fingers, to show how it ought to be done at the time of the marriage ceremony. the purohit had to marry the girl himself. the next item in the ceremonial is sapthapathi, or the taking of the seven steps. this is considered as the most binding portion thereof. the bridegroom lifts the left foot of the bride seven times, repeating the following:--"one step for sap, may vishnu go after thee. two steps for juice, may vishnu go after thee. three steps for vows, may vishnu go after thee. four steps for comfort, may vishnu go after thee. five steps for cattle, may vishnu go after thee. six steps for the prospering of wealth, may vishnu go after thee. seven steps for the seven-fold hotriship, [ ] may vishnu go after thee. with seven steps we have become companions. may i attain to friendship with thee. may i not be separated from thy friendship. mayst thou not be separated from my friendship. let us be united; let us always take counsel together with good hearts and mutual love. may we grow in strength and prosperity together. now we are one in minds, deeds, and desires. thou art rik, i am samam; i am the sky, thou art the earth; i am the semen, thou art the bearer; i am the mind, thou art the tongue. follow me faithfully, that we may have wealth and children together. come thou of sweet speech." the bridegroom then does homam, repeating the following:--"we are offering oblations to soma, gandharva, and agni. this girl has just passed her virginity. make her leave her father's house. bless her to remain fixed in her husband's house. may she have a good son by your blessing. cause her to beget ten children, and i shall be the eleventh child. oh! agni, bless her with children, and make them long-lived. oh! varuna, i pray to you for the same thing. may this woman be freed from the sorrow arising out of sterility, and be blessed by garhapathyagni. may she have a number of children in her, and become the mother of many living children. oh! girl, may your house never know lamentations during nights caused by deaths. may you live long and happy with your husband and children. may the sky protect thy back; may vayu strengthen your thighs; and the aswins your breast. may savitri look after thy suckling sons. until the garment is put on, may brihaspathi guard them, and the viswedevas afterwards. oh! varuna, make me strong and healthy. do not steal away years from our ages. all those who offer oblations pray for the same. oh! you all-pervading agni, pacify varuna; you who blaze forth into flames to receive oblations, be friendly towards us. be near us, and protect us. receive, and be satisfied with our oblations. make us prosperous. we are always thinking of you. take our oblations to the several devatas, and give us medicine." the bride next treads on a stone, and the bridegroom says:--"oh! girl, tread on this stone. be firm like it. destroy those who seek to do thee harm. overcome thy enemies." some fried paddy is put in the sacred fire, and the bridegroom repeats the following:--"oh! agni, i am offering the fried grains, so that this girl may be blessed with long life. oh! agni, give me my wife with children, just as in olden days you were given suryayi with wealth. oh! agni, bless my wife with lustre and longevity. also bless her husband with long life, that she may live happily. oh! agni, help us to overcome our enemies." again the bride treads on the stone, and the bridegroom says:--"oh! girl, tread on this stone, and be firm like it. destroy those who seek to do thee harm. overcome thy enemies." this is followed by the offering of fried grain with the following formula:--"the virgins prayed to surya and agni to secure husbands, and they were at once granted their boons. such an agni is now being propitiated by offerings of fried paddy. let him make the bride leave her father's house." for the third time, the bride treads on the stone, and fried paddy is offered with the formula:--"oh! agni, thou art the giver of life, and receiver of oblations. oblations of ghi are now offered to you. bless the pair to be of one mind." the dharbha girdle is removed from the bride's waist, with the verse: "i am loosening you from the bondage of varuna. i am now removing the thread with which surya bound you." those assembled then disperse. towards evening, brahmans again assemble, and the bride and bridegroom sit before the sacred fire, while the former repeat several vedic riks. they are supposed to start for their home, driving in a carriage, and the verses repeated have reference to the chariot, horses, boats, etc. after ghi has been poured into the fire, a child, who should be a male who has not lost brothers or sisters, is seated in the lap of the bride, and the bridegroom says:--"may cows, horses, men, and wealth, increase in this house. let this child occupy your lap, just as the soma creeper which gives strength to the devatas occupies the regions of the stars." giving some plantain fruit to the child, the bridegroom says:--"oh! fruits, ye bear seeds. may my wife bear seeds likewise by your blessing." then the pair are shown druva and arundathi (the pole star and ursa major), which are worshipped with the words:--"the seven rishis who have led to firmness, she, arundathi, who stands first among the six krithikas (pleiads), may she the eighth one, who leads the conjunction of the (moon with the) six krithikas, the first (among conjunctions) shine upon us. firm dwelling, firm origin; the firm one art thou, standing on the side of firmness. thou art the pillar of the stars. thus protect me against my adversaries." they then proceed to perform the sthalipaka ceremony, in which the bride should cook some rice, which the bridegroom offers as an oblation in the sacred fire. in practice, however, a little food is brought, and placed in the fire without being cooked. the purohit decorates a ficus stick with dharbha grass, and gives it to the bridegroom. it is placed in the roof, or somewhere within the house, near the seed-pans. [according to the grihya sutras, the couple ought to occupy the same mat, with the stick between them. this is not in vogue amongst several sections of brahmans. the mysore carnatakas, mandya aiyangars, and shivallis, observe a kindred ceremony. amongst the mandyas, for example, on the fourth night of the marriage rites, the bridal couple occupy the same mat for a short time, and a stick is placed between them. the pajamadme, or mat marriage, amongst the shivalli brahmans, evidently refers to this custom.] on the second and third days of the marriage ceremonies, homams are performed in the morning and evening, and the nalagu ceremony is performed. in this, the couple are seated on two planks covered with mats and cloth, amidst a large number of women assembled within the pandal. in front of them, betel leaves, areca nuts, fruits, flowers, and turmeric paste are placed in a tray. the women sing songs which they have learnt from childhood, and the bride also sings the praises of the bridegroom. taking a little of the turmeric paste rendered red by the addition of chunam (lime), she makes marks by drawing lines over the feet (nalangu idal). the ceremony closes with the waving of arathi (water coloured red with turmeric and chunam), and the distribution of pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts). the waving is done by two women, who sing appropriate songs. on the fourth day, brahmans assemble, and the pair are seated in their midst. after the recitation of vedic verses, the contracting couple are blessed. a small quantity of turmeric paste, reddened by the addition of chunam, is mixed with ghi, and smeared over the shoulders of the pair, and a mark is made on their foreheads. this is called pachchai kalyanam, and is peculiar to tamil brahmans, both smarthas and vaishnavas. amongst tamil brahmans, prominence is given to the maternal uncles on the fourth day. the bride and bridegroom are carried astride on the shoulders of their uncles, who dance to the strains of a band. when they meet, the couple exchange garlands (malaimaththal). towards evening, a procession is got up at the expense of the maternal uncle of the bride, and is hence called amman kolam. the bride is dressed up as a boy, and another girl is dressed up to represent the bride. they are taken in procession through the streets, and, on their return, the pseudo-bridegroom is made to speak to the real bridegroom in somewhat insolent tones, and some mock play is indulged in. the real bridegroom is addressed as if he was the syce (groom) or gumastha (clerk) of the pseudo-bridegroom, and is sometimes treated as a thief, and judgment passed on him by the latter. among sri vaishnavas, after the pachchai smearing ceremony, the bridal couple roll a cocoanut to and fro across the dais, and the assembled brahmans chant stanzas in tamil composed by a vaishnava lady named andal, an avatar of lakshmi, who dedicated herself to vishnu. in these stanzas, she narrates to her attendants the dream, in which she went through the marriage ceremony after her dedication to the god. pan-supari, of which a little, together with some money, is set apart for andal, is then distributed to all present. a large crowd generally assembles, as it is believed that the chanting of andal's srisukthi (praise of lakshmi) brings a general blessing. the family priest calls out the names and gotras of those who have become related to the bride and bridegroom through their marriage. as each person's name is called out, he or she is supposed to make a present of cloths, money, etc., to the bridegroom or bride. [the telugu and carnataka brahmans, instead of the pachchai kalyanam, perform a ceremony called nagavali on the fourth or fifth day. thirty-two lights and two vessels, representing siva and parvathi, are arranged in the form of a square. unbleached thread, soaked in turmeric paste, is passed round the square, and tied to the pandal. the bridal couple sit in front of the square, and, after doing puja (worship), cut the thread, and take their seats within the square. the bridegroom ties a tali of black glass beads on the bride's neck, in the presence of crores ( millions) of gods, represented by a number of small pots arranged round the square. close to the pots are the figures of two elephants, designed in rice grains and salt respectively. after going round the pots, the couple separate, and the bridegroom stands by the salt elephant, and the bride by the other. they then talk about the money value of the two animals, and an altercation takes place, during which they again go round the pots, and stand, the bridegroom near the rice elephant, and the bride near the salt one. the bargaining as to the price of the animals is renewed, and the couple go round the pots once more. this ceremony is followed by a burlesque of domestic life. the bride is presented with two wooden dolls from tirupati, and told to make a cradle out of the bridegroom's turmeric-coloured cloth, which he wore on the tali-tying day. the couple converse on domestic matters, and the bridegroom asks the bride to attend to her household affairs, so that he may go to his duties. she pleads her inability to do so because of the children, and asks him to take charge of them. she then shows the babies (dolls) to all present, and a good deal of fun is made out of the incident. the bride, with her mother standing by her side near two empty chairs, is then introduced to her new relations by marriage, who sit in pairs on the chairs, and make presents of pan-supari and turmeric.] on the fifth day of the marriage ceremonies, before dawn, the bridal couple are seated on the dais, and the gandharva stick is removed, with the words:--"oh! visvawasu gandharva, i pray to you to make this girl my wife. unite her with me. leave her, and seek another." the bridegroom then performs homams. a coin is placed on the bride's head, and a little ghi put thereon. gazing at the bridegroom, she says:--"with a loving heart i regard thee who knowest my heart. thou art radiant with tapas (penance). fill me with a child, and this house of ours with wealth. thou art desirous of a son. thus shalt thou reproduce thyself." looking at the bride, the bridegroom then says:--"i see thee radiant and eager to be filled with child by me. thou art in thy youth now. enjoy me, therefore, while i am over you, and so reproduce thyself, being desirous of a son." touching the bride's breasts with his ring-finger, and then touching his heart, he repeats the following:--"may the viswe gods unite our hearts; may the water unite our hearts; may vayu and brahma unite our hearts; and may sarasvati teach us both conversation appropriate to this occasion of our intercourse." more vedic riks are then recited, as follows:--"thou prajapathi, enter my body that i may have vigour during this act; so thou thvastri, who fashionest forms with vishnu and other gods; so thou indra, who grantest boons with thy friends the viswedevas, by thy blessing may we have many sons. may vishnu make thy womb ready; may thvashtri frame the shape (of the child); may prajapathi pour forth (the sperm); may dhatri give thee conception. give conception, sinivali; give conception, sarasvati. may the two asvins, wreathed with lotus, give conception to thee. the embryo which the two asvins produce with their golden kindling sticks, that embryo we call into thy womb, that thou mayst give birth to it after ten months. as the earth is pregnant with agni, as the heaven is pregnant with indra, as vayu dwells in the womb of the regions (of the earth), thus i place an embryo in thy womb. open thy womb; take in the sperm. may a male child, an embryo, be begotten in the womb. the mother bears him ten months, may he be born, the most valiant of his kin. may a male embryo enter the womb, as an arrow the quiver; may a man be born here, thy son, after ten months. i do with thee (the work) that is sacred to prajapathi; may an embryo enter the womb. may a child be born without deficiency, with all its limbs, not blind, not lame, not sucked out by pisachas" (devils). the marriage is brought to a close, after this recitation, with the presentation of fruits, etc., to all the brahmans assembled, and to all relations, children included. the bridegroom chews betel for the first time on this day. the wrist-threads are removed, and the seed-pans containing the seedlings, which have been worshipped daily, are taken in procession to a tank (pond), into which the seedlings are thrown. it will be noticed that prayers for male issue are of frequent occurrence during the marriage ceremonial. in sanskrit works, putra (son) is defined as one who delivers a parent from a hell called put. it is generally believed that the welfare of a parent's soul depends on the performance of sradh (memorial services) by his son. it was laid down by manu that a man is perfect, when he consists of three--himself, his wife, and his son. in the rig veda it is stated that "when a father sees the face of a living son, he pays a debt in him, and gains immortality. the pleasure which a father has in his son exceeds all other enjoyments. his wife is a friend, his daughter an object of companion, his son shines as his light in the highest world." the following story of a certain pious man of ascetical temperament, who determined to shirk the religious duty of taking a wife, is narrated by monier williams:--"quietly skipping over the second prescribed period of life, during which he ought to have been a householder (grihastha), he entered at once upon the third period--that is to say, he became an ascetic, abjured all female society, and retired to the woods. wandering about one day, absorbed in meditation, he was startled by an extraordinary spectacle. he saw before him a deep and apparently bottomless pit. around its edge some unhappy men were hanging suspended by ropes of grass, at which here and there a rat was nibbling. on asking their history, he discovered to his horror that they were his own ancestors compelled to hang in this unpleasant manner, and doomed eventually to fall into the abyss, unless he went back into the world, did his duty like a man, married a suitable wife, and had a son, who would be able to release them from their critical predicament." this legend is recorded in detail in the mahabharata. a curious mock marriage ceremony is celebrated amongst brahmans when an individual marries a third wife. it is believed that a third marriage is very inauspicious, and that the bride will become a widow. to prevent this mishap, the man is made to marry the arka plant (calotropis gigantea), and the real marriage thus becomes the fourth. if this ceremony is carried on in orthodox fashion, it is generally celebrated on some sunday or monday, when the constellation astham is visible. the bridegroom and a brahman priest, accompanied by a third brahman, repair to a spot where the arka plant (a very common weed) is growing. the plant is decorated with a cloth and a piece of string, and symbolised into the sun. the bridegroom then invokes it thus:--"oh! master of three loks, oh! the seven-horsed, oh! ravi, avert the evils of the third marriage." next the plant is addressed with the words:--"you are the oldest of the plants of this world. brahma created you to save such of us as have to marry a third time, so please become my wife." the brahman who accompanies the bridegroom becomes his father-in-law for the moment, and says to him:--"i give you in marriage aditya's great grand-daughter, savi's grand-daughter, and my daughter arkakanya." all the ceremonies, such as making homam, tali-tying, etc., are performed as at a regular marriage, and, after the recitation of a few sentences from the vedas, the plant is cut down. "the plant," mr. a. srinivasan writes, [ ] "is named arka after the sun. when the car of the sun turns towards the north, every hindu applies the leaves of this plant to his head before he bathes, in honour of the event. the plant is, besides, believed to be a willing scapegoat to others' ills. oil and ghi applied to the head of the victim of persistent illness has only to be transferred to this plant, when it withers and saves the man, even as baber is said to have saved his son. the poet kalidasa describes sweet sakuntala, born of a shaggy dweller of the forest, as a garland of jasmine thrown on an arka plant. 'may the arka grow luxuriant in your house' is the commonest form of curse. 'be thou belaboured with arka leaves' is familiar in the mouths of reprimanding mothers. adulterers were, half a century ago, seated on an ass, face to the tail, and marched through the village. the public disgrace was enhanced by placing a garland of the despised arka leaves on their head. [uppiliyan women convicted of immorality are said to be garlanded with arka flowers, and made to carry a basket of mud round the village.] a telugu proverb asks 'does the bee ever seek the arka flower?' the reasons for the ill-repute that this plant suffers from are not at all clear. the fact that it has a partiality for wastes has evidently brought on its devoted head the dismal associations of desolation, but there would seem to be more deep-seated hatred to the plant than has been explained." a tamil proverb has it that he who crushes the bud of the arka earns merit. some telugu and canarese brahmans, who follow the yajur veda or rig veda, consider the arka plant as sacred, and use the leaves thereof during the nandhi (ancestor invoking) ceremony, which is performed as one of the marriage rites. two or three arka leaves, with betel leaves and areca nuts, are tied to the cloth, which is attached to a stick as representing the ancestors (pithrus). with some the arka leaves are replaced by leaves of pongamia glabra. on rathasapthami day (the seventh day after the new moon in the month avani), an orthodox hindu should bathe his head and shoulders with arka leaves in propitiation of surya (the sun). brahmans who follow the sama veda, during the annual upakarmam ceremony, make use of arka leaves and flowers in worshipping the rishis and pithrus. on the upakarmam day, the sama vedis invoke their sixty-two rishis and the last three ancestors, who are represented by sixty-five clay balls placed on arka leaves. to them are offered arka flowers, fruits of karai-chedi (canthium parviflorum), and naval (eugenia jambolana). in addition to this worship, they perform the rishi and pithru tharpanam by offering water, gingelly (sesamum indicum) seeds, and rice. the celebrant, prior to dipping his hand into the water, places in his hands two arka leaves, gingelly, and rice. the juice of the arka plant is a favourite agent in the hands of suicides. among the tangalan paraiyans, if a young man dies before he is married, a ceremony called kannikazhithal (removing bachelorhood) is performed. before the corpse is laid on the bier, a garland of arka flowers is placed round its neck, and balls of mud from a gutter are laid on the head, knees, and other parts of the body. in some places a variant of the ceremony consists in the erection of a mimic marriage booth, which is covered with leaves of the arka plant, flowers of which are also placed round the neck as a garland. at a form of marriage called rambha or kathali (plantain) marriage, the arka plant is replaced by a plantain tree (musa). it is performed by those who happen to be eldest brothers, and who are incapable of getting married, so as to give a chance to younger brothers, who are not allowed to marry unless the elder brother or brothers are already married. at the present day, many hindus disregard certain ceremonies, in the celebration of which their forefathers were most scrupulous. even the daily ceremonial ablutions, which are all important to a brahman from a shastraic point of view, are now neglected by a large majority, and the prayers (mantrams), which should be chanted during their performance, are forgotten. but no brahman, orthodox or unorthodox, dares to abandon the death ceremonial, and annual sradh (memorial rites). a brahman beggar, when soliciting alms, invariably pleads that he has to perform his father or mother's sradh, or upanayanam (thread ceremony) of his children, and he rarely goes away empty-handed. "the constant periodical performance," monier williams writes, [ ] "of commemorative obsequies is regarded in the light of a positive and peremptory obligation. it is the simple discharge of a solemn debt to one's forefathers, a debt consisting not only in reverential homage, but in the performance of acts necessary to their support, happiness, and progress onwards in the spiritual world. a man's deceased relatives, for at least three generations, are among his cherished divinities, and must be honoured by daily offerings and adoration, or a nemesis of some kind is certain to overtake his living family. the object of a hindu funeral is nothing less than the investiture of the departed spirit with an intermediate gross body--a peculiar frame interposed, as it were parenthetically, between the terrestrial gross body, which has just been destroyed by fire, and the new terrestrial body, which it is compelled to ultimately assume. the creation of such an intervenient frame, composed of gross elements, though less gross than those of earth, becomes necessary, because the individualised spirit of man, after the cremation of the terrestrial body, has nothing left to withhold it from re-absorption into the universal soul, except its incombustible subtle body, which, as composed of the subtle elements, is not only proof against the fire of the funeral pile, but is incapable of any sensations in the temporary heaven, or temporary hell, through one or other of which every separate human spirit is forced to pass before returning to earth, and becoming re-invested with a terrestrial gross body." when a brahman is on the point of death, he is removed from his bed, and laid on the floor. if there is any fear of the day being a danishtapanchami (inauspicious), the dying man is taken out of the house, and placed in the court-yard or pial (raised verandah). some prayers are uttered, and a cow is presented (godhanam). these are intended to render the passage of life through the various parts of the body as easy as possible. the spirit is supposed to escape through one of the nine orifices of the body, according to the character of the individual concerned. that of a good man leaves the body through the brahmarandhra (top of the skull), and that of a bad man through the anus. immediately after death, the body is washed, religious marks are made on the forehead, and parched paddy and betel are scattered over and around it by the son. as a brahman is supposed always to have his fire with him, the sacred fire is lighted. at this stage, certain purificatory ceremonies are performed, if death has taken place on a day or hour of evil omen, or at midnight. next, a little cooked rice is cooked in a new earthen pot, and a new cloth is thrown over the corpse, which is roused by the recitation of mantrams. four bearers, to each of whom dharbha grass is given in token of his office, are selected to carry the corpse to the burning-ground. the eldest son, who is the funeral celebrant, and his brothers are shaved. on ordinary occasions, brothers should not be shaved on the same day, as this would be inauspicious. they are only shaved on the same day on the occasion of the death of their father or mother. the widow of the deceased, and female relations, go three times round the corpse, before it is placed on the bier. very often, at this stage, all the women present set up a loud lamentation, and repeat the death songs. [ ] if the dead person was a respected elder, special professional women, trained as mourners, are engaged. i am informed that, in the coimbatore district, and amongst the sathyamangalam brahacharanams, there are certain widows who are professional mourners. as soon as they hear of the death of an elder, they repair to the house, and worry the bereaved family into engaging them for a small fee. the space, which intervenes between the dead man's house and the burning-ground, is divided into four parts. when the end of the first of these is reached, the corpse is placed on the ground, and the sons and nephews go round it, repeating mantrams. they untie their kudumis (hair knot), leaving part thereof loose, tie up the rest into a small bunch, and keep on slapping their thighs. [when children at play have their kudumi partially tied, and slap their thighs, they are invariably scolded, owing to the association with funerals.] a little cooked rice is offered to the path as a pathi bali (wayside offering), to propitiate evil spirits, or bhuthas. the same ceremonial should, strictly speaking, be performed at two other spots, but now-a-days it is the custom to place the corpse on the ground near the funeral pyre, moving its position three times, while the circumambulation and pathi bali are gone through only once. as soon as the corpse has reached the spot where the pyre is, the celebrant of the rites sprinkles water thereon, and throws a quarter of an anna on it as the equivalent of purchase of the ground for cremation. the sacred fire is lighted, and the right palm of the corpse is touched with a gold coin. the nine orifices of the body are then smeared with ghi, and rice is thrown over the corpse, and placed in its mouth. the son takes a burning brand from the sacred fire, lights the pyre, and looks at the sun. he then carries a pot filled with water, having a hole at the bottom through which the water trickles out, on his shoulders three times round the corpse, and, at the end of the third round, throws it down. then he, and all the relations of the deceased, squat on the ground, facing east, take up some dharbha grass, and, cutting it into small fragments with their nails, scatter them in the air, while repeating some vedic verses, which are chanted very loudly and slowly, especially at the funeral of a respected elder. the celebrant then pours a little water on a stone, and sprinkles himself with it. this is also done by the other relations, and they pass beneath a bundle of dharbha grass and twigs of ficus glomerata held by the purohit (officiating priest), and gaze for a moment at the sun. once more they sprinkle themselves with water, and proceed to a tank, where they bathe. when they return home, two rites, called nagna (naked) sradh, and pashana sthapanam (stone-fixing), are celebrated. the disembodied spirit is supposed to be naked after the body has been cremated. to clothe it, offerings of water, with balls of cooked rice, are made, and a cloth, lamp, and money are given to a brahman. then two stones are set up, one in the house and the other on the bank of a tank, to represent the spirit of the deceased. for ten days, libations of water mixed with gingelly seeds, called tilothakam, and a ball of cooked rice, must be offered to the stones. the ball of rice is left for crows to eat. the number of libations must be seventy-five, commencing with three on the first day, and increasing the number daily by one. in addition, three further libations are made daily by dipping a piece of cloth from the winding-sheet, and rinsing it over the stone (vasothakam). on the day after cremation, the relations assemble at the burning-ground, and the son, after extinguishing the burning embers, removes the fragments of bones from the ashes. the ceremony is called sanchyanam (gathering). cooked food is offered. the bones are thrown into some sacred river, or buried in the ground. on the tenth day after death, a large quantity of cooked rice (prabhuthabali) is offered to the spirit of the dead person, which is believed to grow very hungry on that day. the food is heaped up on plantain leaves, and all the near relations go round them, crying and beating their breasts. it is mostly females who perform this rite, males standing aloof. the food is taken to a tank, and the widow, decorated and dressed up, is conducted thither. the food is thrown into the water, and, if the widow is an elderly orthodox woman, her tali is removed. on the same day, her head is clean shaved. a widow is not allowed to adorn herself with jewels and finery except on this day, when all her close relations come and see her. if this is not done, pregnant women may not see her for a year. all the agnates should be present on the tenth day, and perform tharpana (oblations of water). until this day they are under pollution, and, after prabhuthabali, they bathe, and homam is performed. some ashes from the sacred fire are mixed with ghi, and a mark is made on the foreheads of those who are under pollution, to remove it. during the period of pollution, a sri vaishnava will have only a white mark without the red streak on his forehead; a madhva will not have the black dot; and smarthas avoid having marks altogether. the tenth day ceremony is called dasaham. on the eleventh day, a ceremony called ekodishtam (eleventh day ceremony) is performed. a brahman is seated to represent the pretha or dead person, and fed after going through sradh rites. as a rule, the man is a close relation of the deceased. but, amongst certain classes of brahmans, an outsider is engaged, and well remunerated. on the twelfth day, the sapindikaranam (sapinda, kinsman) ceremony, which is just like the ordinary sradh, is performed. at the close thereof, six balls of cooked rice are offered to three ancestors, male and female (three balls for males, and three for females). these balls are arranged in two rows, with a space between them. an elongated mass of food is placed between the rows, and divided with blades of dharbha grass into three portions, which are arranged close to the balls of rice. this is regarded as uniting the dead man with the pitris (ancestors). a cow is usually presented just before the union takes place, and the gift is believed to render the crossing of the river vaitarani (river of death) easy for the departed soul. the sapindikaranam is a very important ceremony. when there is a dispute concerning division of property on the death of an individual, the ceremony is not performed until the parties come to an agreement. for instance, if a married man dies without issue, and his widow's brothers-in-law cannot come to terms as regards the partition of the property, the widow may refuse to allow the performance of the ceremony. the sapindikaranam should, according to the shastras, be performed a year after death, i.e., on the completion of all the masikas (monthly sradhs). but, at the present day, a ceremony called shodasam (the sixteen) is performed just before the sapindikaranam on the twelfth day. in the course of the year, twelve monthly and four quarterly sradhs should be performed. the shodasam ceremony, which is carried out in lieu thereof, consists in giving presents of money and vessels to sixteen brahmans. on the twelfth day, a feast is held, and domestic worship is carried out on a large scale. at the close thereof, a sloka called charma sloka, in praise of the deceased, is composed and repeated by some one versed in sanskrit. every month, for a year after a death in a family, sradh should, as indicated, be performed. this corresponds in detail with the annual sradh, which is regularly performed, unless a visit is paid to gaya, which renders further performance of the rite not obligatory. for the performance of this ceremony by the nearest agnate of the deceased (eldest son or other), three brahmans should be called in, to represent respectively vishnu, the devatas, and the ancestors. sometimes two brahmans are made to suffice, and vishnu is represented by a salagrama stone. in extreme cases, only one brahman assists at the ceremony, the two others being represented by dharbha grass. the sacred fire is lighted, and ghi, a small quantity of raw and cooked rice, and vegetables are offered up in the fire. the brahmans then wash their feet, and are fed. before they enter the space set apart for the meal, water, gingelly, and rice are sprinkled about it, to keep off evil spirits. as soon as the meal is finished, a ball of rice, called vayasa pindam (crow's food), is offered to the pithru devatas (ancestors of three generations), and thrown to the crows. if they do not eat the rice, the omens are considered to be unfavourable. the brahmans receive betel and money in payment for their services. on one occasion my assistant was in camp at kodaikanal on the palni hills, the higher altitudes of which are uninhabited by crows, and he had perforce to march down to the plains, in order to perform the annual ceremony for his deceased father. the recurring annual sradh (pratyabdhika) need not of necessity be performed. it is, however, regarded as an important ceremony, and, should an individual neglect it, he would run the risk of being excommunicated. the rites connected with the dead are based on the garuda purana, according to which the libations of the ten days are said to help the growth of the body of the soul. in this connection, monier williams writes as follows:-- [ ]"on the first day, the ball (pinda) of rice offered by the eldest son or other near relative nourishes the spirit of the deceased in such a way as to furnish it with a head; on the second day, the offered pinda gives a neck and shoulders; on the third day a heart; on the fourth a back; on the fifth a navel; on the sixth a groin and the parts usually concealed; on the seventh thighs; on the eighth and ninth knees and feet. on the tenth day, the intermediate body is sufficiently formed to produce the sensation of hunger and thirst. other pindas are therefore put before it, and, on the eleventh and twelfth days, the embodied spirit feeds voraciously on the offerings thus supplied, and so gains strength for its journey to its future abode. then, on the thirteenth day after death, it is conducted either to heaven or hell. if to the latter, it has need of the most nourishing food, to enable it to bear up against the terrible ordeal which awaits it." to the hindu mind, yama (the god of death) is a hideous god, whose servants are represented as being capable of tormenting the soul of the dead. "no sooner," writes monier williams, "has death occurred, and cremation of the terrestrial body taken place, than yama's two messengers (yama dutan), who are waiting near at hand, make themselves visible to the released spirit, which retains its subtle body composed of the subtle elements, and is said to be of the size of a thumb (angustha-matra). their aspect is terrific, for they have glaring eyes, hair standing erect, gnashing teeth, crow-black skin, and claw-like nails, and they hold in their hands the awful rod and noose of yama. then, as if their appearance in this form were not sufficiently alarming, they proceed to terrify their victim by terrible visions of the torments (yatana) in store for him. they then convey the bound spirit along the road to yama's abode. being led before yama's judgment seat, it is confronted with his registrar or recorder named chitra gupta. this officer stands by yama's side, with an open book before him. it is his business to note down all the good and evil deeds of every human being born into the world, with the resulting merit (punya) and demerit (papa), and to produce a debtor and creditor account properly made up and balanced on the day when that being is brought before yama. according to the balance on the side of merit or demerit is judgment pronounced. the road by which yama's two officers force a wicked man to descend to the regions of torment is described in the first two chapters of the garuda purana. the length of the way is said to be , leagues (yojanas). the condemned soul, invested with its sensitive body, and made to travel at the rate of leagues a day, finds no shady trees, no resting place, no food, no water. at one time it is scorched by a burning heat equal to that of twelve meridian suns, at another it is pierced by icy cold winds; now its tender frame is rent by thorns; now it is attacked by lions, tigers, savage dogs, venomous serpents, and scorpions. in one place it has to traverse a dense forest, whose leaves are swords; in another it falls into deep pits; in another it is precipitated from precipices; in another it has to walk on the edge of razors; in another on iron spikes. here it stumbles about helplessly in profound darkness; there it struggles through loathsome mud swarming with leeches; here it toils through burning sand; there its progress is arrested by heaps of red-hot charcoal and stifling smoke. compelled to pass through every obstacle, however formidable, it next encounters a succession of terrific showers, not of rain, but of live coals, stones, blood, boiling water and filth. then it has to descend into appalling fissures, or ascend to sickening heights, or lose itself in vast caves, or wade through lakes seething with foetid ordures. then midway it has to pass the awful river vaitarani, one hundred leagues in breadth, of unfathomable depth; flowing with irresistible impetuosity; filled with blood, matter, hair, and bones; infested with huge sharks, crocodiles, and sea monsters; darkened by clouds of hideous vultures and obscene birds of prey. thousands of condemned spirits stand trembling on the banks, horrified by the prospect before them. consumed by a raging thirst, they drink the blood which flows at their feet; then, tumbling headlong into the torrent, they are overwhelmed by the rushing waves. finally, they are hurried down to the lowest depths of hell, and yet not destroyed. pursued by yama's officers, they are dragged away, and made to undergo inconceivable tortures, the detail of which is given with the utmost minuteness in the succeeding chapters of the garuda purana." the ahannikams, or daily observances, of a religious brahman are very many. nowadays, brahmans who lead a purely religious life are comparatively few, and are mostly found in villages. the daily observances of such are the bath, the performance of the sandhya service, brahma yagna, deva puja or devatarchana, tarpana (oblations of water), vaisvadeva ceremony, and the reading of puranas or ithihasas. every orthodox brahman is expected to rise at the time called brahma muhurtam in the hour and a half before sunrise. he should then clean his teeth, using as a brush mango leaf, or twigs of acacia arabica or nim (melia azadirachta). he next bathes in a river or tank (pond), standing knee-deep in the water, and repeating the following:--"i am about to perform the morning ablution in this sacred stream (ganges, sarasvati, yamuna, godavari, etc.), in the presence of the gods and brahmans, with a view to the removal of guilt resulting from act, speech, and thought, from what has been touched and untouched, known and unknown, eaten and not eaten, drunk and not drunk." after the bath, he wipes his body with a damp cloth, and puts on his cotton madi cloth, which has been washed and dried. the cloth, washed, wrung, and hung up to dry, should not be touched by anybody. if this should happen prior to the bath, the cloth is polluted, and ceases to be madi. a silk cloth, which cannot be polluted, is substituted for it. the madi or silk cloth should be worn until the close of the morning ceremonies and meal. the man next puts the marks which are characteristic of his sect on the forehead and body, and performs the sandhya service. this is very important, and is binding on all brahmans after the upanayanam ceremony, though a large number are not particular in observing it. according to the shastras, the sandhya should be done in the morning and evening; but in practice there is an additional service at midday. sandhyavandhanam means the thanksgiving to god when day and night meet in the morning and evening. the rite commences with the sipping of water (achamanam) from the hollow of the right palm. this is done three times, while the words achyuthayanamaha, anantayanamaha, and govindayana are repeated. immediately after sipping, twelve parts of the body are touched with the fingers of the right hand in the following order:-- the two cheeks with the thumb, repeating the names kesava and narayana; the two eyes with the ring-finger, repeating madhava and govinda; the two sides of the nose with the forefinger, repeating vishnu and madhusudhana; the two ears with the little finger, repeating trivkrama and vamana; the shoulders with the middle finger, repeating sridhara and rishikesa; the navel and head with all the fingers, repeating padmanabha and damodar. this achamana is the usual preliminary to all brahman religious rites. the water sipped is believed to cleanse the internal parts of the body, as bathing cleanses the external parts. after achamana comes pranayama, or holding in of vital breath, which consists in repeating the gayatri (hymn) and holding the breath by three distinct operations, viz:-- puraka, or pressing the right nostril with the fingers, and drawing in the breath through the left nostril, and vice versâ. kumbhaka, or pressing both nostrils with finger and thumb or with all the fingers, and holding the breath as long as possible. rechaka, or pressing the right nostril with the thumb, and expelling the breath through the left nostril, and vice versâ. the suppression of the breath is said to be a preliminary yoga practice, enabling a person to fix his mind on the supreme being who is meditated on. the celebrant next repeats the sankalpa (determination), with the hands brought together, the right palm over the left, and placed on the right thigh. every kind of ceremony commences with the sankalpa, which, for the sandhya service, is as follows:--"i am worshipping for the removal of all my sins that have adhered to me, and for the purpose of acquiring the favour of narayana or the supreme being." the performer of the rite then sprinkles himself with water, repeating:--"oh! ye waters, the sources of all comforts, grant us food, so that our senses may grow strong and give us joy. make us the recipients of your essence, which is the most blissful, just as affectionate mothers (feed their children with milk from their breasts). may we obtain enough of that essence of yours, the existence of which within you makes you feel glad. oh! waters, grant us offspring." he then takes up the water in his palm, and drinks it, repeating the following:--"may the sun and anger, may the lords of anger, preserve me from my sins of pride and passion. whate'er the nightly sins of thought, word, deed, wrought by my mind, my speech, my hands, my feet; wrought through my appetite and sensual organs; may the departing night remove them all. in thy immortal light, oh! radiant sun, i offer up myself and this my guilt." at the evening service, the same is repeated, with the word agni instead of surya (sun). at the midday service the following is recited:--"may the waters purify the earth by pouring down rain. may the earth thus purified make us pure. may the waters purify my spiritual preceptor, and may the veda (as taught by the purified preceptor) purify me. whatever leavings of another's food, and whatever impure things i may have eaten, whatever i may have received as gift from the unworthy, may the waters destroy all that sin and purify me. for this purpose, i pour this sanctified water as a libation down my mouth." once more the celebrant sprinkles himself with water, and says:--"i sing the praise of the god dadikravan, who is victorious, all-pervading, and who moves with great speed. may he make our mouths (and the senses) fragrant, and may he prolong our lives. oh! ye waters, the sources of all comforts, grant us food," etc. the ceremonies performed so far are intended for both external and internal purification. by their means, the individual is supposed to have made himself worthy to salute the lord who resides in the orb of the rising luminary, and render him homage in true brahman style by what is called arghya. this is an offering of water to any respected guest. repeating the gayatri, the worshipper throws water in the air from the palms of the hands joined together with the sacred thread round the thumbs. the gayatri is the hymn par excellence, and is said to contain the sum and substance of all vedic teaching. after these items, the worshipper sits down, and does japam (recitation of prayers in an undertone). the gayatri, as repeated, consists of the gayatri proper vyahritis, and gayatri siromantra. it runs as follows:-- om, bhuh; om, bhuvah; om, suvah; om, mahaha; om, janaha; om, thapaha; om, sathyam. om, thatsaviturvarenyam; bhargodevasya dhimahi dhiyo-yonah prachodayat; om, jyotiraso amrutam brahma, bhur, bhuvasvarum. the vyahritis are generally taken to refer to the seven worlds, and the prefixing of the pranava (om) means that all these worlds have sprung from the supreme being. the pranava given above means "all the seven worlds are (the visible manifestations of) om, the all-pervading brahman. we think of the adorable light of the lord, who shines in our hearts, and guides us. may he guide our intellects aright. water, light, all things that have savour (such as trees, herbs, and plants), the nectar of the gods, the three worlds, in fact everything that is brahman, the universal soul." the mystic syllable om is the most sacred of all hindu utterances. concerning it, monier williams writes that it is "made up of the three letters a, u, m, and symbolical of the threefold manifestation of the one supreme being in the gods brahma, vishnu, and siva, and is constantly repeated during the sandhya service. this prayer is, as we have seen, the most sacred of all vedic utterances, and, like the lord's prayer among christians, or like the fatihah or opening chapter of the kuran among muhammadans, must always, among hindus, take precedence of all other forms of supplication." the celebrant next proceeds to invoke the gayatri devata thus:--"may the goddess gayatri devata, who grants all our desires, come to us to make known to us the eternal lord, who is revealed to us only through the scriptures. may the gayatri, the mother of all the vedas, reveal to us the eternal truth. oh! gayatri, thou art the source of all spiritual strength. thou art the power that drivest away the evil inclinations which are mine enemies. thou, by conducing to a sound mind, conducest to a sound body. thou art the light of the gods, that dispellest my intellectual darkness, and illuminest my heart with divine wisdom. thou art all. in the whole universe there is naught but thee that is. thou art the eternal truth that destroys all sins. thou art the pranava that reveals to me the unknown. come to my succour, oh! thou gayatri, and make me wise." this invocation is followed by the repetition of the gayatri or only times. the celebrant then says:--"the goddess gayatri resides on a lofty peak on the summit of mount meru (whose base is deeply fixed) in the earth. oh! thou goddess, take leave from the brahmans (who have worshipped thee, and been blessed with thy grace), and go back to thy abode as comfortably as possible." the sandhya service is closed with the following prayer to the rising sun:--"we sing the adorable glory of the sun god, who sustains all men (by causing rain); which glory is eternal, and most worthy of being adored with wonder. the sun, well knowing the inclinations of men, directs them to their several pursuits. the sun upholds both heaven and earth; the sun observes all creatures (and their actions) without ever winking. to this eternal being we offer the oblation mixed with ghi. oh! sun, may that man who through such sacrifice offers oblations to thee become endowed with wealth and plenty. he who is under thy protection is not cut off by untimely death; he is not vanquished by anybody, and sin has no hold on this man either from near or from afar." in the evening, the following prayer to varuna is substituted:--"hear, oh! varuna, this prayer of mine. be gracious unto me this day. longing for thy protection, i cry to thee. adoring thee with prayer, i beg long life of thee. the sacrificer does the same with the oblations he offers thee. therefore, oh! varuna, without indifference in this matter, take my prayer into your kind consideration, and do not cut off our life. oh! lord varuna, whatever law of thine we, as men, violate day after day, forgive us these trespasses. oh! lord varuna, whatever offence we, as men, have committed against divine beings, whatever work of thine we have neglected through ignorance, do not destroy us, oh! lord, for such sin. whatever sin is attributed to us by our enemies, as by gamblers at dice, whatever sins we may have really committed, and what we may have done without knowing, do thou scatter and destroy all these sins. then, oh! lord, we shall become beloved of thee." the sandhya prayer closes with the abhivadhana or salutation, which has been given in the account of marriage. after the sandhya service in the morning, the brahma yagna, or worship of the supreme being as represented in the sacred books is gone through. the first hymn of the rig veda is recited in detail, and then follow the first words of the yajur veda, sama veda, atharvana veda, the nirukta, etc. the next item is the tarpana ceremony, or offering of water to the devatas, rishis, and pitris. the sacred thread is placed over the left shoulder and under the right arm (upavita), and water is taken in the right hand, and poured as an offering to the devatas. then, with the sacred thread round the neck like a necklace (niviti), the worshipper pours water for the rishis. lastly, the sacred thread is placed over the right shoulder (prachina vithi) and water is poured for the pitris (ancestors). the various ceremonies described so far should be performed by all the male members of a family, whereas the daily devatarchana or devata puja is generally done by any one member of a family. the gods worshipped by pious brahmans are siva and vishnu, and their consorts parvati and lakshmi. homage is paid thereto through images, salagrama stones, or stone lingams. in the house of a brahman, a corner or special room is set apart for the worship of the god. some families keep their gods in a small almirah (chest). smarthas use in their domestic worship five stones, viz.:-- . salagrama, representing vishnu. . bana linga, a white stone representing the essence of siva. . a red stone (jasper), representing ganesha. . a bit of metallic ore, representing parvathi, or a lingam representing siva and parvathi. . a piece of pebble or crystal, to represent the sun. smarthas commence their worship by invoking the aid of vigneswara (ganesha). then, placing a vessel (kalasa) filled with water, they utter the following prayer. "in the mouth of the water-vessel abideth vishnu, in its lower part is brahma, while the whole company of the mothers (matris) are congregated in its middle part. oh! ganges, yamuna, godavari, sarasvati, narmada, sindhu, and kaveri, be present in this water." the conch or chank shell (turbinella rapa) is then worshipped as follows:--"oh! conch shell, thou wast produced in the sea, and art held by vishnu in his hand. thou art worshipped by all the gods. receive my homage." the bell is then worshipped with the prayer:--"oh! bell, make a sound for the approach of the gods, and for the departure of the demons. homage to the goddess ghanta (bell). i offer perfumes, grains of rice, and flowers, in token of rendering all due homage to the bell." the worshipper claps his hands, and rings the bell. all the tulsi (sacred basil, ocimum sanctum) leaves, flowers, sandal paste, etc., used for worship on the previous day, are removed. "the tulsi is the most sacred plant in the hindu religion; it is consequently found in or near almost every hindu house throughout india. hindu poets say that it protects from misfortune, and sanctifies and guides to heaven all who cultivate it. the brahmins hold it sacred to the gods krishna and vishnu. the story goes that this plant is the transformed nymph tulasi, beloved of krishna, and for this reason near every hindu house it is cultivated in pots, or in brick or earthen pillars with hollows at the top (brindavanam or brinda forest), in which earth is deposited. it is daily watered, and worshipped by all the members of the family. under favourable circumstances, it grows to a considerable size, and furnishes a woody stem large enough to make beads for the rosaries used by hindus, on which they count the number of recitations of their deity's name." [ ] writing in the seventeenth century, vincenzo maria [ ] observes that "almost all the hindus ... adore a plant like our basilico gentile, but of a more pungent odour.... every one before his house has a little altar, girt with a wall half an ell high, in the middle of which they erect certain pedestals like little towers, and in these the shrub is grown. they recite their prayers daily before it, with repeated prostrations, sprinklings of water, etc. there are also many of these maintained at the bathing-places, and in the courts of the pagodas." the legend, accounting for the sanctity of the tulsi, is told in the padma purana. [ ] from the union of the lightning that flashed from the third eye of siva with the ocean, a boy was born, whom brahmadev caught up, and to whom he gave the name of jalandhar. and to him brahmadev gave the boon that by no hand but siva's could he perish. jalandhar grew up strong and tall, and conquered the kings of the earth, and, in due time, married vrinda (or brinda), the daughter of the demon kalnemi. naradmuni, the son of brahmadev, stirred up hatred against siva in jalandhar, and they fought each other on the slopes of kailas. but even siva could not prevail against jalandhar, so long as his wife vrinda remained chaste. so vishnu, who had lived with her and jalandhar, and had learnt their secret, plotted her downfall. one day, when she, sad at jalandhar's absence, had left her garden to walk in the waste beyond, two demons met her and pursued her. she ran, with the demons following, until she saw a rishi, at whose feet she fell, and asked for shelter. the rishi, with his magic, burnt up the demons into thin ash. vrinda then asked for news of her husband. at once, two apes laid before her jalandhar's head, feet, and hands. vrinda, thinking that he was dead, begged the rishi to restore him to her. the rishi said that he would try, and in a moment he and the corpse had disappeared, and jalandhar stood by her. she threw herself into his arms, and they embraced each other. but, some days later, she learnt that he with whom she was living was not her husband, but vishnu, who had taken his shape. she cursed vishnu, and foretold that, in a later avatar, the two demons who had frightened her would rob him of his wife; and that, to recover her, he would have to ask the aid of the apes who had brought jalandhar's head, feet, and hands. vrinda then threw herself into a burning pit, and jalandhar, once vrinda's chastity had gone, fell a prey to siva's thunderbolts. then the gods came forth from their hiding place, and garlanded siva. the demons were driven back to hell, and men once more passed under the tyranny of the gods. but vishnu came not back from vrinda's palace, and those who sought him found him mad from grief, rolling in her ashes. then parvati, to break the charm of vrinda's beauty, planted in her ashes three seeds. and they grew into three plants, the tulsi, the avali, and the malti. by the growth of these seeds, vishnu was released from vrinda's charm. therefore he loved them all, but chiefly the tulsi plant, which, as he said, was vrinda's very self. in the seventh incarnation, the two demons, who had frightened vrinda, became ravan and his brother kumbhakarna, and they bore away sita to lanka. to recover her, ramchandra had to implore the help of the two apes who had brought her jalandhar's head and hands, and in this incarnation they became hanuman and his warriors. but, in the eighth incarnation, which was that of krishna, the tulsi plant took the form of a woman radha, and wedded the gay and warlike lord of dwarka. the shodasopachara, or sixteen acts of homage, are next performed in due order, viz.-- . avahana, or invocation of the gods. . asanam, or seat. . padhya, or water for washing the feet. . arghya, or oblation of rice or water. . achamanam, or water for sipping. . snanam, or the bath. . vastra, or clothing of tulsi leaves. . upavastra, or upper clothing of tulsi leaves. . gandha, or sandal paste. . pushpa, or flowers. . . dhupa and dhipa, or incense and light. . naivedya, or offering of food. . pradakshina, or circumambulation. . mantrapushpa, or throwing flowers. . namaskara, or salutation by prostration. while the five stones already referred to are bathed by pouring water from a conch shell, the purusha suktha, or hymn of the rig veda, is repeated. this runs as follows:--"purusha has thousands of heads, thousands of arms, thousands of eyes, and thousands of feet. on every side enveloping the earth, he transcended this mere space of ten fingers. purusha himself is this whole (universe); whatever has been, and whatever shall be. he is also the lord of immortality, since through food he expands. such is his greatness, and purusha is superior to this. all existing things are a quarter of him, and that which is immortal in the sky is three quarters of him. with three quarters purusha mounted upwards. a quarter of him was again produced below. he then became diffused everywhere among things, animate and inanimate. from him viraj was born, and from viraj purusha. as soon as born, he extended beyond the earth, both behind and before. when the gods offered up purusha as a sacrifice, the spring was its clarified butter (ghi), summer its fuel, and the autumn the oblation. this victim, purusha born in the beginning, they consecrated on the sacrificial grass. with him as their offering, the gods, sadhyas, and rishis sacrificed. from that universal oblations were produced curds and clarified butter. he, purusha, formed the animals which are subject to the power of the air (vayavya), both wild and tame. from that universal sacrifice sprang the hymns called rik and saman, the metres, and the yajus. from it were produced horses, and all animals with two rows of teeth, cows, goats, and sheep. when they divided purusha, into how many parts did they distribute him? what was his mouth? what were his arms? what were called his thighs and feet? the brahman was his mouth; the rajanya became his arms; the vaisya was his thighs; the sudra sprang from his feet. the moon was produced from his soul; the sun from his eye; indra and agni from his mouth; vayu from his breath. from his navel came the atmosphere; from his head arose the sky; from his feet came the earth; from his ears the four quarters; so they formed the worlds. when the gods, in performing their sacrifice, bound purusha as a victim, there were seven pieces of wood laid for him round the fire, and thrice seven pieces of fuel employed. with sacrifice the gods worshipped the sacrifice. these were the primæval rites. these great beings attained to the heaven, where the gods, the ancient sadhyas, reside." some smarthas, e.g., the brahacharnams, are more saivite than other sections of tamil-speaking brahmans. during worship, they wear round the neck rudraksha (elæocarpus ganitrus) beads, and place on their head a lingam made thereof. in connection with the rudraksha, the legend runs that siva or kalagni rudra, while engaged in tripura samhara, opened his third eye, which led to the destruction of the three cities, of which rakshasas or asuras had taken the form. from this eye liquid is said to have trickled on the ground, and from this arose the rudraksha tree. the mere mention of the word rudraksha is believed to secure religious merit, which may be said to be equivalent to the merit obtained by the gift of ten cows to brahmans. rudraksha beads are valued according to the number of lobes (or faces, as they are called), which are ordinarily five in number. a bead with six lobes is said to be very good, and one with two lobes, called gauri sankara rudraksha, is specially valued. dikshitar brahmans, and pandaram priests of the higher order, wear a two-lobed bead mounted in gold. in a manuscript entitled rudrakshopanishad, it is stated that a good rudraksha bead, when rubbed with water, should colour the water yellow. the madhvas worship in the same way as smarthas, but the objects of worship are the salagrama stone, and images of hanuman and adi sesha. food offered to adi sesha, lakshmi, and hanuman, is not eaten, but thrown away. the madhvas attach great importance to their spiritual guru, who is first worshipped by a worshipper. some keep a brindavanam, representing the grave of their guru, along with a salagrama stone, which is worshipped at the close of the devata puja. sri vaishnavas keep for domestic worship only salagrama stones. like the madhvas, they are scrupulous as to the worship of their gurus (acharyas), without whose intervention they believe that they cannot obtain beatitude. hence sri vaishnavites insist upon the samasrayanam ceremony. after the sandhya service and brahma yagna, the guru is worshipped. all orthodox vaishnavas keep with them a silk cloth bearing the impressions of the feet of their acharya, an abhayastha or impression of the hand of vishnu in sandal paste, a few necklaces of silk thread (pavitram), and a bit of the bark of the tamarind tree growing at the temple at alvartirunagiri in the tinnevelly district. the worshipper puts on his head the silk cloth, and round his neck the silk necklaces, and, if available, a necklace of nelumbium (sacred lotus) seeds. after saluting the abhayastha by pressing it to his eyes, he repeats the prayer of his acharya, and proceeds to the devatarchana, which consists in the performance of the sixteen upacharas already described. the salagrama stone is bathed, and the purusha suktha repeated. the daily observances are brought to a close by the performance of the vaisvadeva ceremony, or offering to vaisvadevas (all the gods). this consists in offering cooked rice, etc., to all the gods. some regard this as a sort of expiatory ceremony, to wipe out the sin which may have accidentally been committed by killing small animals in the process of cooking food. the male members of a family take their meals apart from the females. the food is served on platters made of the leaves of the banyan (ficus bengalensis), butea frondosa, bauhinia, or plantain. amongst smarthas and madhvas, various vegetable preparations are served first, and rice last, whereas, amongst the sri vaishnavas, especially vadagalais, rice is served first. before commencing to eat, a little water (tirtham), in which a salagrama stone has been bathed, is poured into the palms of those who are about to partake of the meal. they drink the water simultaneously, saying "amartopastaranamasi." they then put a few handfuls of rice into their mouths, repeating some mantras--"pranayasvaha, udanayasvaha, somanayasvaha," etc. at the end of the meal, all are served with a little water, which they sip, saying "amartapithanamasi." they then rise together. in connection with the salagrama stone, which has been referred to several times, the following interesting account thereof [ ] may be quoted:--"salagrams are fossil cephalopods (ammonites), and are found chiefly in the bed of the gandak river, a mountain torrent which, rising in the lofty mountains of nepal, flows into the ganges at salagrami, a village from which they take their name, and which is not far from the sacred city of benares. in appearance they are small black shiny pebbles of various shapes, usually round or oval, with a peculiar natural hole in them. they have certain marks to be described later, and are often flecked and inlaid with gold [or pyrites]. the name salagram is of sanskrit derivation, from sara chakra, the weapon of vishnu, and grava, a stone; the chakra or chakram being represented on the stone by queer spiral lines, popularly believed to be engraved thereon at the request of vishnu by the creator brahma, who, in the form of a worm, bores the holes known as vadanas, and traces the spiral coil that gives the stone its name. there is a curious legend connected with their origin. in ancient times there lived a certain dancing-girl, the most beautiful that had ever been created, so beautiful indeed that it was impossible to find a suitable consort for her. the girl, in despair at her loveliness, hid herself in the mountains, in the far away himalayas, and there spent several years in prayer, till at last vishnu appeared before her, and asked what she wanted. she begged him to tell her how it was that the great creator brahma, who had made her so beautiful, had not created a male consort for her of similar perfect form. then she looked on vishnu, and asked the god to kiss her. vishnu could not comply with her request as she was a dancing-girl, and of low caste, but promised by his virtue that she should be reincarnated in the himalayas in the form of a river, which should bear the name gandaki, and that he would be in the river as her eternal consort in the shape of a salagram. thereupon the river gandaki rose from the himalayas, and salagrams were found in it. how the true virtue of the salagram was discovered is another strange little fable. a poor boy of the kshatriya or warrior class once found one when playing by the river side. he soon discovered that when he had it in his hand, or secreted in his mouth, or about his person, his luck was so extraordinary at marbles or whatever game he played, that he always won. at last he so excelled in all he undertook that he rose to be a great king. finally vishnu himself came to fetch him, and bore him away in a cloud. the mystic river gandaki is within the jurisdiction of the maharaja of nepal, and is zealously guarded on both banks, while the four special places where the sacred stones are mostly picked up are leased out under certain conditions, the most important being that all true salagrams found are to be submitted to the maharaja. these are then tested, the selected ones retained, and the others returned to the lessee. the first test of the salagrams to prove if they are genuine is very simple, but later they are put through other ordeals to try their supernatural powers. each stone, as it is discovered, is struck on all sides with a small hammer, or, in some cases, is merely knocked with the finger. this causes the soft powdery part, produced by the boring of the worm, to fall in and disclose the vadana or hole, which may, in the more valuable salagrams, contain gold or a precious gem. in addition to the real stone with chakram and vadana formed by natural causes, there are found in many mountain streams round black pebbles resembling the true salagram in colour, shape, and size, but lacking the chakram and vadana. these are collected by bairagis, or holy mendicants, who bore imitation vadanas in them, and, tracing false chakrams in balapa or slate stone, paste them on the pebbles. so skilfully is this fraud perpetrated that it is only after years of use and perpetual washing at the daily puja that in time the tracery wears away, and detection becomes possible. there are over eighteen known and different kinds of true salagrams, the initial value of which varies according to the shape and markings of the stone. the price of any one salagram may be so enhanced after the further tests have been applied, that even a lakh of rupees (rs. , , ) will fail to purchase it; and, should experience prove the stone a lucky one, nothing will, as a rule, induce the fortunate owner to part with it. the three shapes of salagrams most highly prized are known as the vishnu salagram, the lakshmi narasimha salagram, and the mutchya murti salagram. the first has a chakram on it the shape of a garland, and bears marks known as the shenka (conch) gada padma, or the weapons of vishnu, and is peculiar to that god. the second has two chakrams on the left of the vadana, and has dots or specks all over it. this stone, if properly worshipped, is believed to ensure to its owner prosperity and eternal life. the third, the mutchya murti, is a long-shaped flat stone with a vadana that gives it a resemblance to the face of a fish. it bears two chakrams, one inside and one outside the vadana, and also has specks and dots on it in the shape of a shoe. there are four or five varieties of this species, and it also, if duly worshipped, will infallibly enrich its possessor. one salagram there is which has no vadana, and is known as the ugra chakra salagram. it is quite round with two chakrams, but it is not a particularly safe one to possess, and is described as a 'furious salagrama,' for, if not worshipped with sufficient ardour, it will resent the neglect, and ruin the owner. the first thing to do on obtaining a salagram is to find out whether or not it is a lucky stone, for a stone that will bring luck to one owner may mean ruin for another. the tests are various; a favourite one is to place the salagram with its exact weight of rice together in one place for the night. if the rice has increased in the morning (and, in some cases, my informant assures me, it will be found to have doubled in quantity), then the stone is one to be regarded by its lucky holder as priceless, and on no account to be parted with. if, on the other hand, the rice measures the same, or--dreadful omen--has even become less, then let the house be rid of it as early as possible. if no purchaser can be found, make a virtue of necessity, and send it as a present to the nearest temple or mutt (religious institution), where the gurus know how to appease the wrath of the deity with daily offerings of fruits and flowers. a salagram will never bring any luck if its possession is acquired by fraud or force. the story runs that once a brahman, finding one with a mahomedan butcher, obtained it by theft. the luckless man speedily rued the day of his time, for, from that time onwards, nothing prospered, and he ended his days a destitute pauper. again, possession of them without worship is believed by all hindus to be most unlucky, and, as none but brahmans can perform the worship, none but brahmans will retain the stones in their keeping. for an orthodox brahman household, the ownership of three or more stones is an absolute necessity. these must be duly worshipped and washed with water, and the water drunk as tirtha, and sacrifice of boiled rice and other food must be daily performed. when this is done, speedy success in all the business of life will fall to the lot of the inmates of the house, but otherwise ruin and disgrace await them." in some temples, the mula vigraha, or idol fixed in the inner sanctuary, is decorated with a necklace of salagrama stones. for example, at tirupati the god is thus decorated. the following incident in connection with a salagrama stone is narrated by yule and burnell [ ]:--"in may, , a salagrama was the ostensible cause of great popular excitement among the hindus of calcutta. during the proceedings in a family suit before the high court, a question arose regarding the identity of a salagrama, regarded as a household god. counsel on both sides suggested that the thing should be brought into court. mr. justice morris hesitated to give this order till he had taken advice. the attorneys on both sides, hindus, said there could be no objection; the court interpreter, a high-caste brahman, said it could not be brought into court because of the coir matting, but it might with perfect propriety be brought into the corridor for inspection; which was done. this took place during the excitement about the 'ilbert bill,' giving natives magisterial authority in the provinces over europeans; and there followed most violent and offensive articles in several native newspapers reviling mr. justice morris, who was believed to be hostile to the bill. the editor of the bengallee newspaper, an educated man, and formerly a member of the covenanted civil service, the author of one of the most unscrupulous and violent articles, was summoned for contempt of court. he made an apology and complete retraction, but was sentenced to two months' imprisonment." the sacred chank, conch, or sankhu, which has been referred to in connection with ceremonial observance, is the shell of the gastropod mollusc turbinella rapa. this is secured, in southern india, by divers from tuticorin in the vicinity of the pearl banks. the chank shell, which one sees suspended on the forehead and round the neck of bullocks, is not only used by hindus for offering libations, and as a musical instrument in temples, but is also cut into armlets, bracelets, and other ornaments. writing in the sixteenth century, garcia says:--"this chanco is a ware for the bengal trade, and formerly produced more profit than now ... and there was formerly a custom in bengal that no virgin in honour and esteem could be corrupted unless it were by placing bracelets of chanco on her arms; but, since the patans came in, this usage has more or less ceased." "the conch shell," captain c. r. day writes, [ ] "is not in secular use as a musical instrument, but is found in every temple, and is sounded during religious ceremonials, in processions, and before the shrines of hindu deities. in southern india, the sankhu is employed in the ministration of a class of temple servers called dasari. no tune, so to speak, can of course be played upon it, but still the tone is capable of much modulation by the lips, and its clear mellow notes are not without a certain charm. a rather striking effect is produced when it is used in the temple ritual as a sort of rhythmical accompaniment, when it plays the part of kannagolu or talavinyasa." in a petition from two natives of the city of madras in , in connection with the expenses for erecting a town called chintadrepettah, the following occurs [ ]:--"expended towards digging a foundation, where chanks was buried with accustomary ceremonies." a right-handed chank (i.e., one which has its spiral opening to the right), which was found off the coast of ceylon at jaffna in , was sold for rs. . such a chank is said to have been sometimes priced at a lakh of rupees; and, writing in , milburn says [ ] that a chank opening to the right hand is greatly valued, and always sells for its weight in gold. further, baldæus narrates the legend that garroude flew in all haste to brahma, and brought to kistna the chianko or kinkhorn twisted to the right. the chank appears as a symbol on coins of the chalukyan and pandyan dynasties of southern india, and on the modern coins of the maharajas of travancore. temple worship is entirely based on agamas. as brahmans take part only in the worship of siva and vishnu, temples dedicated to these gods are largely frequented by them. the duties connected with the actual worship of the idol are carried out by gurukkals in siva temples, and by pancharatra or vaikhanasa archakas in vishnu temples. the cooking of the food for the daily offering is done by brahmans called parcharakas. at the time of worship, some brahmans, called adhyapakas, recite the vedas. some stanzas from thiruvaimozhi or thevaram are also repeated, the former by brahmans at vishnu temples, and the latter by pandarams (oduvar) at siva temples. in a typical temple there are usually two idols, one of stone (mula vigraha) and the other of metal (utsava vigraha). the mula vigraha is permanently fixed within the inner shrine or garbagraha, and the utsava vigraha is intended to be carried in procession. the mula vigrahas of vishnu temples are generally in human form, either in a standing posture, or, as in the case of ranganatha, padmanabha, and govindarajaswami, in a reclining posture, on adisesha. ordinarily, three idols constitute the mula vigraha. these are vishnu, sridevi (lakshmi), and bhudevi (earth goddess). in temples dedicated to sri rama, lakshmana is found instead of bhudevi. sridevi and bhudevi are also associated with vishnu in the utsava vigraha. in all the larger temples, there is a separate building in the temple precincts dedicated to lakshmi, and within the garbagraha thereof, called thayar or nachiyar sannadhi, is a mula vigraha of lakshmi. there may also be one or more shrines dedicated to the alvars (vaishnava saints) and the acharyas--desikar and manavala mahamunigal. the sect mark is put on the faces of the mula and utsava vigrahas. the mula vigraha in siva temples is a lingam (phallic emblem). in siva temples, there is within the garbagraha only one lamp burning, which emits a very feeble light. hence arise the common sayings "as dim as the light burning in siva's temple," or "like the lamp in siva's temple." the utsava vigraha is in the human forms of siva and parvathi. in all important saivite temples, parvathi is housed in a separate building, as lakshmi is in vishnu temples. vigneswara, subramanya, and the important nayanmars also have separate shrines in the temple precincts. so far as ordinary daily worship is concerned, there is not much difference in the mode of worship between temple and domestic worship. every item is done on a large scale, and certain special agamic or tantric rites are added to the sixteen upacharas already mentioned. at the present time, there are, especially in the case of vishnu temples, two forms of temple worship, called pancharatra and vaikhanasa. in the former, which is like domestic worship in all essential points, any brahman may officiate as temple priest. in the latter, only vaikhanasa archakas may officiate. all big temples are generally well endowed, and some temples receive from government annual grants of money, called tasdik. the management of the temple affairs rests with the dharmakarthas (trustees), who practically have absolute control over the temple funds. all the temple servants, such as archakas, parcharakas, and adhyapakas, and the non-brahman servants (sweepers, flower-gatherers, musicians and dancing-girls) are subject to the authority of the dharmakartha. for their services in the temple, these people are paid partly in money, and partly in kind. the cooked food, which is offered daily to the god, is distributed among the temple servants. on ordinary days, the offerings of cooked food made by the archakas, and the fruits brought by those who come to worship, are offered only to the mula vigraha, whereas, on festival days, they are offered to the utsava vigrahas. for worship in vishnu temples, flowers and tulsi (ocimum sanctum) are used. in siva temples, bilva (bael: Ægle marmelos) leaves are substituted for tulsi. at the close of the worship, the archaka gives to those present thirtham (holy water), tulsi or bilva leaves, and vibhuthi (sacred ashes) according to the nature of the temple. at vishnu temples, immediately after the giving of thirtham, an inverted bowl, bearing on it the feet of vishnu (satari or sadagopam), is placed by the archaka first on the head, and then on the right shoulder, and again on the head, in the case of grown up and married males, and only on the head in the case of females and young people. the bowl is always kept near the mula vigraha, and, on festival days, when the god is taken in procession through the streets, it is carried along with the utsava vigraha. on festival days, such as dhipavali, vaikunta ekadasi, dwadasi, etc., the god of the temple is taken in procession through the main streets of the town or village. the idol, thus borne in procession, is not the stone figure, but the portable one made of metal (utsava vigraha), which is usually kept in the temple in front of the mula idol. at almost every important temple, an annual festival called brahmotsavam, which usually lasts ten days, is celebrated. every night during this festival, the god is seated on the clay, wooden or metal figure of some animal as a vehicle, e.g., garuda, horse, elephant, bull, hanuman, peacock, yali, etc., and taken in procession, accompanied by a crowd of brahmans chanting the vedas and tamil nalayara prapandhams, if the temple is an important one. of the vehicles or vahanams, hanuman and garuda are special to vishnu, and the bull (nandi) and tiger to siva. the others are common to both deities. during the month of may, the festival of the god varadaraja takes place annually. on one of the ten days of this festival, the idol, which has gone through a regular marriage ceremony, is placed on an elaborately decorated car (ratha), and dragged through the main streets. the car frequently bears a number of carved images of a very obscene nature, the object of which, it is said, is to avert the evil eye. various castes, besides brahmans, take part in temple worship, at which the saints of both siva and vishnu--nayanmar and alvars--are worshipped. the brahmans do not entirely ignore the worship of the lower deities, such as mariamma, muneswara, kodamanitaya, etc. at udipi in south canara, the centre of the madhva cult, where madhva preached his dvaitic philosophy, and where there are several mutts presided over by celibate priests, the brahmans often make a vow to the bhuthas (devils) of the paravas and nalkes. quite recently, we saw an orthodox shivalli brahman, employed under the priest of one of the udipi mutts, celebrating the nema (festival) of a bhutha named panjurli, in fulfilment of a vow made when his son was ill. the nalke devil-dancers were sent for, and the dance took place in the courtyard of the brahman's house. during the leaf festival at periyapalayam near madras, brahman males and females may be seen wearing leafy twigs of margosa (melia azadirachta), and going round the mariamma shrine. i pass on to a detailed consideration of the various classes of brahmans met with in southern india. of these, the tamil brahmans, or dravidas proper, are most numerous in the southern districts. they are divided into the following sections:-- i. smartha. (a) vadama. (b) kesigal. (c) brahacharnam. (d) vathima or madhema. (e) ashtasahasram. (f) dikshitar. (g) sholiar. (h) mukkani. (i) kaniyalar. (j) sankethi. (k) prathamasaki. (l) gurukkal. ii. vaishnava. a. vadagalai (northerners). (a) sri vaishnava. (b) vaikhanasa. (c) pancharatra. (d) hebbar. b. thengalai (southerners). (a) sri vaishnava. (b) vaikhanasa. (c) pancharatra. (d) hebbar. (e) mandya. i. smartha--(a) vadama.--the vadamas claim to be superior to the other classes, but will dine with all the sections, except gurukkals and prathamasakis, and, in some places, will even eat with prathamasakis. the sub-divisions among the vadamas are:-- . choladesa (chola country). . vadadesa (north country). . savayar or sabhayar. . inji. . thummagunta dravida. all these are smarthas, who use as their sect mark either the urdhvapundram (straight mark made with sandal paste) or the circular mark, and rarely the cross lines. they worship both siva and vishnu, and generally read puranas about vishnu. some vadamas use the vaishnava namam as their sect mark, and are called kiththunamakkarar. they follow the smartha customs in every way. there is a common saying "vadamam muththi vaishnavam," i.e., a vadama ripens into a vaishnava. this is literally true. some vadama families, who put on the urdhvapundram mark, and follow the smartha customs, observe pollution whenever a death occurs in certain sri vaishnava families. this is because the sri vaishnavas are vadamas recently converted into vaishnava families. (b) kesigal.--the kesigals, or hiranyakesikal (men of the silvery hair), as they are sometimes called, closely resemble the vadamas, but are an exclusive endogamous unit, and highly conservative and orthodox. they are called hiranyakesikal or hiranyakesis because they follow the grihya sutras of hiranyakesi. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the tanjore district, that they "are peculiar in all having one common sutram called the sathyashada after a common ancestor." (c) brahacharnam (the great sect).--the brahacharnams are more saivite, and more orthodox than the vadamas. they put on vibhuti (sacred ashes) and sandal paste horizontal lines as their sect mark. the sub division sathyamangalam brahacharnam seems, however, to be an exception, as some members thereof put on the vaishnavite sect mark at all times, or at least during the month of purattasi, which is considered sacred to the god venkataramana of tirupati. the more orthodox brahacharnams wear a single rudraksha bead, or a necklace of beads, and some make lingams out of these beads, which they put on the head during worship. they generally worship five gods, viz., siva in the form of a lingam, spatika (crystal) lingam, vishnu, ganesa, and iswara. it is said that brahacharnam women can be distinguished by the mode of tying the cloth, which is not worn so as to reach to the feet, but reaches only to just below the knees. the brahacharnams are sub-divided into the following sections:-- . kandramanicka. . milaganur. . mangudi. . palavaneri or pazhamaneri. . musanadu. . kolaththur. . maruthancheri. . sathyamangalam. . puthur dravida. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the tanjore district, that "one ceremony peculiar to the milaganur brahacharnams is that, before the principal marriage ceremonies of the first day, a feast is given to four married women, a widow, and a bachelor. this is called the adrisya pendugal (invisible women) ceremony. it is intended to propitiate four wives belonging to this sub-division, who are said to have been cruelly treated by their mother-in-law, and cursed the class. they are represented to have feasted a widow, and to have then disappeared." (d) vathima.--the vathimas, or madhimas, are most numerous in the tanjore district, and are thus described in the gazetteer:--"the vattimas are grouped into three smaller sub-sections, of which one is called 'the eighteen village vattimas,' from the fact that they profess (apparently with truth) to have lived till recently in only eighteen villages, all of them in this district. they have a marked character of their own, which may be briefly described. they are generally money-lenders, and consequently are unpopular with their neighbours, who are often blind to their virtues and unkind to their failings. [there is a proverb that the vadamas are always economical, and the vathimas always unite together.] it is a common reproach against them that they are severe to those who are in their debt, and parsimonious in their household expenditure. to this latter characteristic is attributed their general abstinence from dholl (the usual accompaniment of a brahman meal), and their preference for a cold supper instead of a hot meal. the women work as hard as the men, making mats, selling buttermilk, and lending money on their own account, and are declared to be as keen in money-making and usury as their brothers. they, however, possess many amiable traits. they are well known for a generous hospitality on all great occasions, and no poor guest or brahman mendicant has ever had reason to complain in their houses that he is being served worse than his richer or more influential fellows. indeed, if anything, he fares the better for his poverty. again, they are unusually lavish in their entertainments at marriages; but their marriage feasts have the peculiarity that, whatever the total amount expended, a fixed proportion is always paid for the various items--so much per cent. for the pandal, so much per cent. for food, and so on. indeed it is asserted that a beggar who sees the size of the marriage pandal will be able to guess to a nicety the size of the present he will get. nor, again, at their marriages, do they haggle about the marriage settlement, since they have a scale, more or less fixed and generally recognised, which determines these matters. there is less keen competition for husbands among them, since their young men marry at an earlier age more invariably than among the other sub-divisions. the vattimas are clannish. if a man fails to pay his dues to one of them, the word is passed round, and no other man of the sub-division will ever lend his money. they sometimes unite to light their villages by private subscription, and to see to its sanitation, and, in a number of ways, they exhibit a corporate unity. till quite recently they were little touched by english education; but a notable exception to this general statement existed in the late sir a. seshayya sastri, who was of vattima extraction." the sub-divisions of the vattimas are:-- . pathinettu gramaththu (eighteen villages). . udayalur. . nannilam. . rathamangalam. according to some, this is not a separate section, but comes under the eighteen village section. (e) ashtasahasram (eight thousand).--this class is considered to be inferior to the brahacharnams and vadamas. the members thereof are, like the brahacharnams, more saivite than the vadamas. the females are said to wear their cloth very elegantly, and with the lower border reaching so low as to cover the ankles. the sub-divisions of the ashtasahasrams are:-- . aththiyur. . arivarpade. . nandivadi. . shatkulam (six families). as their numbers are few, though the sub-divisions are endogamous, intermarriage is not entirely prohibited. (f) dikshitar.--another name for this section is thillai muvayiravar, i.e., the three thousand of thillai (now chidambaram). there is a tradition that three thousand people started from benares, and, when they reached chidambaram, they were one short. this confused them, but they were pacified when siva explained that he was the missing individual. the dikshitars form a limited community of only several hundred families. the men, like nayars and nambutiri brahmans of the west coast, wear the hair tuft on the front of the head. they do not give their girls in marriage to other sections of brahmans, and they do not allow their women to leave chidambaram. hence arises the proverb "a thillai girl never crosses the boundary line." the dikshitars are priests of the temple of nataraja at chidambaram, whereat they serve by turns. males marry very early in life, and it is very difficult to secure a girl for marriage above the age of five. the tendency to marry when very young is due to the fact that only married persons have a voice in the management of the affairs of the temple, and an individual must be married before he can get a share of the temple income. the chief sources of income are the pavadam and kattalai (heaps of cooked rice piled up or spread on a board), which are offered to the god. every dikshitar will do his best to secure clients, of whom the best are nattukottai chettis. the clients are housed and looked after by the dikshitars. concerning the dikshitars, mr. w. francis writes as follows [ ]:--"an interesting feature about the chidambaram temple is its system of management. it has no landed or other endowments, nor any tasdik allowance, and is the property of a class of brahmans peculiar to the town, who are held in far more respect than the generality of the temple-priest brahmans, are called dikshitars (those who make oblations), marry only among themselves, and in appearance somewhat resemble the nayars or tiyans of malabar, bringing their topknot round to the front of their foreheads. their ritual in the temple more resembles that of a domestic worship than the forms commonly followed in other large shrines. theoretically, all the married males of the dikshitars have a voice in the management of the temple, and a share in its perquisites; and at present there are some of such shares. they go round the southern districts soliciting alms and offerings for themselves. each one has his own particular clientèle, and, in return for the alms received, he makes, on his return, offerings at the shrine in the name of his benefactors, and sends them now and again some holy ashes, or an invitation to a festival. twenty of the dikshitars are always on duty in the temple, all the males of the community (except boys and widowers) doing the work by turns lasting twenty days each, until each one has been the round of all the different shrines. the twenty divide themselves into five parties of four each, each of which is on duty for four days at one of the five shrines at which daily puja is made, sleeps there at night, and becomes the owner of the routine offerings of food made at it. large presents of food made to the temple as a whole are divided among all the dikshitars. the right to the other oblations is sold by auction every twenty days to one of the dikshitars at a meeting of the community. these periodical meetings take place in the deva sabha. a lamp from nataraja's shrine is brought, and placed there by a pandaram, and (to avoid even the appearance of any deviation from the principle of the absolute equality of all dikshitars in the management of the temple) this man acts as president of the meeting, and proposals are made impersonally through him." as a class the dikshitars are haughty, and refuse to acknowledge any of the sankarachariars as their priests, because they are almost equal to the god siva, who is one of them. if a sankarachariar comes to the temple, he is not allowed to take sacred ashes direct from the cup, as is done at other temples to show respect to the sanyasi. the dikshitars are mostly yejur vedis, though a few are followers of the rig veda. when a girl attains puberty, she goes in procession, after the purificatory bath, to every dikshitar's house, and receives presents. (g) sholiar.--the sholiars are divided into the following sections:-- ( ) thirukattiur. ( ) madalur. ( ) visalur. ( ) puthalur. ( ) senganur. ( ) avadayar kovil. concerning the sholiars, mr. c. ramachendrier writes as follows [ ]:--"the sholiars of thiruvanakaval (in the tanjore district) belong to the first sub-division, and they form a separate community, devoting their time to service in the temple. those who make puja to the idol are pradhamasakis, and are called archakas. those who serve as cooks, and attend to other inferior services, are called arya nambi, and those who decorate the idols taken in procession on festive occasions are termed therunabuttan. archakas alone are entitled to decorate stone images in the chief shrines of the temple, and they are also called pandits. according to custom, sholia brahmans should wear front locks, but some of them have adopted the custom of other brahmans, while the orthodox section of the community, and the archakas of thiruvanakaval, speak a very low tamil with a peculiar intonation, and they do not send their children to english schools. young boys are trained by their parents in the temple service, which entitles them, even when young, to some emoluments. there are amongst them none who have received either sanskrit or tamil education. the archakas perform pujas by turn, and, as the archakaship is to be conferred at a certain age by anointment by a guru, infant marriage does not obtain among them to such an extent as among the dikshitars of chidambaram. they eat with the other smartha brahmans, but do not intermarry. they count about in number, including women and children. there is no intermarriage between them and the other sholia brahmans. those of avadayarcovil are also engaged in the service of the temple of that name. sholiars of other classes are to be found in vasishtakudy in the taluk of vriddachallam, vemmaniathur in the taluk of villupuram, and visalur in the taluk of kumbaconam." in an article on the sholiars, [ ] it is recorded that "they are a very intelligent people, and at the same time very vindictive if disturbed. chanakya, the indian machiavelli and the minister of chandragupta, is supposed to have belonged to this caste. his hatred of the nanda family, and the way in which he uprooted each and every member of that race, has been depicted in the famous sanskrit drama mudrarakshasa, which belongs to the th century a.d. whether on account of his character, and under the belief that he originated from this caste, or for some reason which is unaccountable, the soliyas of modern days are held as very vindictive people, as the following proverb will show:--'we do not want to meet with a soliya even in a picture.'" another proverb is to the effect that "the kudumi (hair tuft) on the head of a sholiar does not shake without sufficient reason," i.e., it is a sign that he is bent upon doing some mischief. (h) mukkani.--the mukkanis are smarthas confined to the cochin and travancore states. (i) kaniyalar.--concerning the kaniyalars, mr. ramachendrier writes as follows:--"kanialars form a separate class of smartha brahmins, and they live in the district of tinnevelly and some parts of trichinopoly. they do not intermarry with any other class of smartha brahmins, but eat with them. a large number of them, though smarthas by birth, wear a mark on their forehead like vyshnava brahmins, and serve as cooks and menial servants in the big temple at srirangam. their women adopt the vyshnava women's style of wearing cloths, and to all appearance they would pass for vyshnava women. the vyshnava brahmins would not allow them to mess in their houses, though they treat rice and cakes prepared by them in temples and offered to god as pure and holy, and partake of them." (j) sankethi.--the sankethis are confined to the mysore province. they speak a very corrupt form of tamil, mixed with canarese. the following account of them is given in the mysore census report, . "they are found chiefly in the mysore and hassan districts. their colonies are also found in kadur and shimoga. their number seems to have been somewhat understated; many of them have probably returned themselves as dravidas. so far as language is an indication of race, the sanketis are tamilians, although their dialect is more diluted with kanarese than that of any other kannada ridden tamil body. theirs seems to have been among the earliest immigrations into mysore from the neighbouring tamil country. it is said that some years ago, about , families of smartha brahmans emigrated from the vicinity of kanchi (conjeeveram), induced doubtless by contemporary politics. they set out in two batches towards mysore. they were attacked by robbers on the road, but the larger party of about families persevered in the march notwithstanding, and settled near the village of kausika near hassan, whence they are distinguished as kausika sanketis. some twelve years afterwards, the other party of families found a resting place at bettadapura in the hunsur taluk. this branch has been called bettadapura sanketi. their religious and social customs are the same. the kausika sanketis occasionally take wives from the bettadapura section, but, when the married girl joins her husband, her connection with her parents and relatives ceases altogether even in regard to meals. during the coorg disturbances about the end of the last (eighteenth) century, many young women of the sanketis were captured by the kodagas (coorgs), and some of the captives were subsequently recovered. their descendants are to this day known as sanketis of the west, or hiriangalas. but they, and another sub-class called patnagere sanketis, do not in all exceed twenty families. the sanketis are proverbially a hardy, intensely conservative and industrious brahman community. they are referred to as models for simultaneously securing the twofold object of preserving the study of the vedas, while securing a worldly competence by cultivating their gardens; and, short of actually ploughing the land, they are pre-eminently the only fraction of the brahman brotherhood who turn their hands to the best advantage." (k) prathamasaki.--these follow the white yajur veda, and are hence called sukla yejur vedis. the white yajus forms the first fifteen sakas of the yejur veda, and this is in consequence sometimes called prathamasaka. the prathamasakis are sometimes called katyayana (followers of katyayana sutram), vajusaneya, and madyandanas. the two last names occur among their pravara and gotra rishis. the prathamasakis are found among all the linguistic sections. among smarthas, andhras, and vaishnavas, they are regarded as inferior. carnataka prathamasakis are, on the other hand, not considered inferior by the other sections of carnatakas. in the tanjore district, the prathamasakis are said to be known as madyana paraiyans. the following quaint legend is recorded in the gazetteer of that district:--"the god of the tiruvalur temple was entreated by a pujari of this place (koiltirumulam) to be present in the village at a sacrifice in his (the god's) honour. the deity consented at length, but gave warning that he would come in a very unwelcome shape. he appeared as a paraiyan (pariah) with beef on his back, and followed by the four vedas in the form of dogs, and took his part in the sacrifice thus accoutred and attended. all the brahmans who were present ran away, and the god was so incensed that he condemned them to be paraiyans for one hour in the day, from noon till p.m., ever afterwards. there is a class of brahmans called mid-day paraiyans, who are found in several districts, and a colony of whom reside at sedanipuram five miles from nannilam. it is believed throughout the tanjore district that the mid-day paraiyans are the descendants of the brahmans thus cursed by the god. they are supposed to expiate their defilement by staying outside their houses for an hour and a half every day at mid-day, and to bathe afterwards; and, if they do this, they are much respected. few of them, however, observe this rule, and orthodox persons will not eat with them, because of their omission to remove the defilement. they call themselves the prathamasaka." several versions of stories accounting for their pollution are extant, and the following is a version given by mr. ramachendrier. "yagnavalkiar, who was the chief disciple of vysampayanar, having returned with his students from pilgrimage, represented to his priest that yajur veda was unrivalled, and that he and his students alone were qualified for its propagation. vysampayanar, feeling provoked by this assertion, which, he remarked, implied insult to brahmans, proposed certain penance for the offence. yagnavalkiar replied that he and his students had done many good deeds and performed many religious rites, and that they were still to do such, and that the insult imputed to them was worthy of little notice. vysampayanar required yagnavalkiar to give back the vedas which he had taught him, which he threw out at once. the matter thrown out having been like cinders, vysampayanar's disciples then present, assuming the shape of thithiri birds (fire-eating birds), swallowed them, and hence the veda is called thithiriya saka and ktishna yajus. soon after, yagnavalkiar, without his priest's knowledge, went to the sun, and, offering prayers, entreated him to teach him vedas. the sun, thereupon taking the shape of a horse, taught him the yajur veda, which now forms the first fifteen sakas, and he in turn taught it to his disciples kanvar, madhyandanar, katyayanar, and vajasaneyar. it is to be gathered from varaha puranam that vysampayanar pronounced a curse that the rig veda taught by the sun should be considered degraded, and that the brahmans reading it should become chandalas (outcastes)." another version of the legend runs as follows. vaisampayanar used to visit the king almost every day, and bless him by giving akshatha or sacred rice. one day, as vaisampayanar could not go, he gave the rice grains to his disciple yagnavalkiar, and told him to take them to the king. accordingly, yagnavalkiar went to the king's palace, and found the throne empty. being impatient by nature, he left the rice grains on the throne, and returned to his priest. the king, when he returned home, found his throne changed into gold, and certain plants were growing round his seat. on enquiry, he discovered that this marvellous effect was due to the sacred akshatha. he sent word to vaisampayanar to send the rice grains by his disciple who had brought them. yagnavalkiar refused, and was told to vomit the vedas. readily he vomited, and, going to the sun, learnt the veda from him. as the sun is always in motion sitting in his car, the vedas could not be learnt without mistakes and peculiar sounds. when he came to his guru vaisampayanar, yagnavalkiar was cursed to become a chandala. the curse was subsequently modified, as the sun interceded on behalf of yagnavalkiar. (l) gurukkal.--the gurukkals are all followers of the bodhayana sutras. they are temple priests, and other brahmans regard them as inferior, and will not eat with them. even in temples, the gurukkals sprinkle water over the food when it is offered to the god, but do not touch the food. they may not live in the same quarters with other brahmans. no agraharam (brahman quarter) will ever contain a gurukkal's house. there should, strictly speaking, be at least a lane separating the houses of the gurukkals from those of other brahmans. this is, however, not rigidly observed at the present day. for example, at shiyali, gurukkals and other brahmans live in the same street. there are among the gurukkals the following sub-divisions:-- . tiruvalangad. . conjeeveram. . tirukkazhukunram. the tiruvalangad gurukkals mark their bodies with vibhuti (sacred ashes) in sixteen places, viz., head, face, neck, chest, navel, knees, two sides of the abdomen, back and hands (three places on each hand). the other two sub-divisions mark themselves in eight places, viz., head, face, neck, chest, knees and hands. gurukkals who wish to become priests have to go through several stages of initiation called dikshai (see pandaram). gurukkals are saivites to a greater extent than the smarthas, and do not regard themselves as disciples of sankaracharya. those who are orthodox, and are temple priests, should not see the corpses of pandarams and other non-brahman castes. the sight of such a corpse is supposed to heap sin on them, and pollute them, so that they are unfit for temple worship. ii. vaishnava.--the vaishnavas, or sri vaishnavas, as they are sometimes called to distinguish them from the madhvas, who are also called vaishnavas, are all converts from smarthas, though they profess to constitute a distinct section. some are converts from telugu smarthas, and are called andhra vaishnavas. these do not mix with other tamil-speaking vaishnavas, and retain some of the telugu customs. there are two distinct groups of sri vaishnavas--the vadagalais (northerners) and thengalais (southerners), who are easily distinguished by the marks on their foreheads. the vadagalais put on a u-shaped mark, and the thengalais a y-shaped mark. the white mark is made with a kind of kaolin called tiruman, and turmeric rendered red by means of alkali is used for the central streak. the turmeric, as applied by the more orthodox, is of a yellow instead of red colour. orthodox sri vaishnavas are very exclusive, and hold that they co-existed as a separate caste of brahmans with the smarthas. but it was only after ramanuja's teaching that the vaishnavas seceded from the smarthas, and the ranks were swollen by frequent additions from amongst the vadamas. there are some families of vaishnavas which observe pollution when there is a death in certain smartha families, which belong to the same gotra. vaishnavas of some places, e.g., valavanur, savalai, and perangiyur, in the south arcot district, are considered low by the orthodox sections of vaishnavas, because they are recent converts to vaishnavism. a good example of smarthas becoming vaishnavas is afforded by the thummagunta dravidas, some of whom have become vaishnavas, but still take girls in marriage from smartha families, but do not give their daughters in marriage to smarthas. all vaishnavas are expected to undergo a ceremony of initiation into vaishnavism after the upanayanam ceremony. at the time of initiation, they are branded with the marks of the chakram and sankha (chank) on the right and left shoulders respectively. the vaikhanasas and pancharatras regard the branding as unnecessary. the ceremony of initiation (samasrayanam) is usually performed by the head of a mutt. sometimes, however, it is carried out by an elderly member of the family of the candidate. such families go by the name of swayam acharya purushas (those who have their own men as acharyas). for vadagalais there are two mutts. of these, the ahobila mutt was formerly at tiruvallur, but its head-quarters has been transferred to narasimhapuram near kumbakonam. the parakalaswami mutt is in the mysore province. for thengalais there are three mutts, at vanamamalai and sriperumbudur in chingleput, and tirukoilur in south arcot. these are called respectively the tothadri, ethirajajhir, and emberumanar mutts. there are various points of difference between vadagalais and thengalais, which sometimes lead to bitter quarrels in connection with temple worship. during the procession of the god at temple festivals, both vadagalais and thengalais go before and after the god, repeating sanskrit vedas and tamil prapandhams respectively. before commencing these, certain slokas are recited, in one of which the vadagalais use the expression ramanuja daya patram, and the thengalais the expression srisailesa daya patram, and a quarrel ensues in consequence. the main differences between the two sections are summarised as follows in the mysore census report, :--"the tenets which form the bone of contention between the tengales and vadagales are stated to number , and seem to cluster round a few cardinal items of controversy:-- . whether lakshmi, the consort of vishnu, is (vibhu) co-omnipresent and co-illimitable with vishnu; . whether lakshmi is only the mediatrix for, or the co-bestower of moksham or final beatitude; . whether there is any graduated moksham attainable by the good and blessed, according to their multifarious merits; . whether prapatti, or unconditional surrender of the soul to god, should be performed once for all, or after every act of spiritual rebellion; . whether it (prapatti) is open to all, or is prescribed only for those specially prepared and apprenticed; . whether the indivisibly atomic human soul is entered into, and permeated or not by the omnipresent creator; . whether god's mercy is exerted with or without cause; . whether the same (the divine mercy) means the overlooking (dhosha darsanam) or enjoyment (dhosha bogyatvam) of the soul's delinquencies; . whether works (karma) and knowledge (jnana) are in themselves salvation giving, or only lead to faith (bhakthi) by which final emancipation is attained; . whether the good of other (unregenerate) castes should be tolerated according to their graduated social statuses, or should be venerated without reference to caste inequalities; . whether karma (works, rituals, etc.) should or not be bodily and wholly abandoned by those who have adopted prapatti." the points of difference between vadagalais and thengalais are thus described by mr. v. n. narasimmiyengar [ ]:--"the tengale schismatists deny to lakshmi, the consort of vishnu, any participation in creation, and reduce her to the position of a creature; omit to ring the bell when worshipping their idols; salute each other and their gods only once; make use of highly abstruse tamil verses in room of sanskrit mantras and prayers; modify the sraddha ceremony materially, and do not shave their widows. the principal texts cited by the tengale sri vaishnavas in support of the immunity of their widows from the rite of tonsure are the following:-- widows should avoid, even when in affliction and danger, shaving, eating of sweets, betel nut, flowers, sexual intercourse, conversation with men, and jewels (sandilyah). a woman, whether unmarried or widowed, who shaves her hair, will go to the hell called rauravam. when the husband dies, the widow should perform his due obsequies without shaving. she should never shave on any occasion, or for any purpose whatever (sambhuh). if any woman, whether unmarried or widowed, shave (her head), she will dwell in the hell called rauravam for one thousand karors of kalpas. if a widow shave (her head) by ignorance, she will cause hair to grow in the mouths of her ancestors' ghosts on both sides. if she perform any ceremonies inculcated by the srutis and smritis with her head shaved, she will be born a chandali (manuh). there is no sin in a devout widow, whose object is eternal salvation, wearing her hair. if she should shave, she will assuredly go to hell. a vaishnava widow should never shave her head. if she do so through ignorance, her face should not be looked at (vridd'ha manuh in khagesvara samhita). if any one observe a brahmachari beggar with his kachche (cloth passed between the legs, and tucked in behind), a householder without it, and a widow without hair on her head, he should at once plunge into water with his clothes (ananta samhita). it is considered highly meritorious for vaishnava widows to wear their hair, as long as they remain in this world (hayagriva samhita)." in a note on the two sects of the vaishnavas in the madras presidency, the rev. c. e. kennet writes as follows [ ]:--"while both the sects acknowledge the sanskrit books to be authoritative, the vadagalai uses them to a greater extent than the thengalai. the former also recognises and acknowledges the female energy as well as the male, though not in the gross and sensual form in which it is worshipped among the saivas, but as being the feminine aspect of deity, and representing the grace and merciful care of providence; while the tenkalai excludes its agency in general, and, inconsistently enough, allows it co-operation in the final salvation of a human soul. but the most curious difference between the two schools is that relating to human salvation itself, and is a reproduction in indian minds of the european controversy between calvinists and arminians. for the adherents of the vadakalais strongly insist on the concomitancy of the human will for securing salvation, whereas those of the tenkalai maintain the irresistability of divine grace in human salvation. the arguments from analogy used by the two parties respectively are, however, peculiarly indian in character. the former adopt what is called the monkey argument, the markata nyaya, for the young monkey holds on to or grasps its mother to be conveyed to safety, and represents the hold of the soul on god. the latter use the cat argument, the marjala nyaya, which is expressive of the hold of god on the soul; for the kitten is helpless until the mother-cat seizes it nolens volens, and secures it from danger. the late major m. w. carr inserts in his large collection of telugu and sanskrit proverbs the following:-- "the monkey and its cub. as the cub clings to its mother, so man seeks divine aid, and clings to his god. the doctrine of the vadakalais. "like the cat and her kitten. the stronger carrying and protecting the weaker; used to illustrate the free grace of god. the doctrine of the tenkalais. "leaving the speculative differences between these two sects, i have now to mention the practical one which divides them, and which has been, and continues to be, the principal cause of the fierce contentions and long-drawn law suits between them. and this relates to the exact mode of making the sectarian mark on the forehead. while both sects wear a representation of vishnu's trident, composed of red or yellow for the middle line or prong of the trident, and of white earth for those on each side, the followers of the vadakalai draw the middle line only down to the bridge of the nose, but those of the tenkalai draw it over the bridge a little way down the nose itself. each party maintain that their mode of making the mark is the right one, and the only means of effecting a settlement of the dispute is to ascertain how the idol itself is marked, whether as favouring the vadakalai or tenkalai. but this has been found hitherto impossible, i am told, for instance at conjeveram itself, the head-quarters of these disputes, owing to the unreliable and contradictory character of the evidence produced in the courts." the hebbar and mandya sections belong to the mysore province, in which the former are very numerous. the latter are few in number, and confined to mandya and melkote. some families have settled in the city of madras, where they are employed as merchants, bank clerks, attorneys, etc. the mandyas say that they migrated to mysore from some place near tirupati. though both the hebbar and mandya brahmans speak tamil, some details peculiar to carnatakas are included in the marriage ceremonial. the vaishnava sholiars are considered somewhat low in the social scale. intermarriage takes place between smartha and vaishnavite sholiars. the vaikhanasas and pancharatras are temple priests (archakas). both use as their title dikshitar. sometimes they are called nambi, but this term is more used to denote satani temple servants. reference may here be made to the pattar brahmans, who are tamil brahmans, who have settled in malabar. the name is said to be derived from the sanskrit bhatta. it is noted, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "the pattars present no peculiarities distinguishing them from the ordinary east coast brahmans. like the latter, they engage in trade and business, and form a large proportion of the official, legal, and scholastic classes. with the exception of one class known as chozhiya or arya pattars, they wear their kudumi (top-knot) on the back of the head in the east coast fashion, and not on the top and hanging over the forehead, as is done by the genuine malayali castes. they also live as a general rule in regular streets or gramams on the east coast plan. few pattars, except in the palghat taluk, are large land-owners. as a class, they have embraced modern educational facilities eagerly, so far as they subserve their material prospects. both pattars and embrandiris, but especially the latter, have adopted the custom of contracting sambandham (alliance) with nayar women, but sambandham with the foreign brahmans is not considered to be so respectable as with nambudiris, and, except in the palghat taluk (where the nambudiri is rare), they are not allowed to consort with the women of aristocratic families." in connection with the arya pattars, it is recorded, in the travancore census report, , that "the term aryapattar means superior brahmins. but the actual position in society is not quite that. at ramesvaram, which may be considered the seat of aryapattars, their present status seems to be actually inferior, due probably, it is believed, to their unhesitating acceptance of gifts from sudras, and to their open assumption of their priestly charge. though at present a small body in malabar, they seem to have once flourished in considerable numbers. in the case of large exogamous but high-caste communities like the kshatriyas of malabar, brahmin husbands were naturally in great requisition, and when, owing to their high spiritual ideals, the brahmins of malabar were either grihasthas or snatakas (bachelor sanyasins dedicating their life to study, and to the performance of orthodox rites), the supply was probably unequal to the demand. the scarcity was presumably added to when the differences between the kolattunat royal family and the brahmins of the perinchellur gramam became so pronounced as to necessitate the importing of canarese and tulu brahmins for priestly services at their homes and temples. the first immigration of brahmins from the east coast, called aryapattars, into malabar appears to have been under the circumstances above detailed, and at the instance of the rajas of cranganore. with the gradual lowering of the brahminical ideal throughout the indian peninsula, and with the increasing struggle for physical existence, the nambutiris entered or re-entered the field, and ousted the aryapattars first from consortship, and latterly even from the ceremony of tali-tying in families that could pay a nambutiri. the aryapattar has, in his turn, trespassed into the ranks of the nayars, and has begun to undertake the religious rite of marriage, i.e., tali-tying, in aristocratic families among them. there are only two families now in all travancore, and they live in the karunagapalli taluk. malayalam is their household tongue; in dress and personal habits, they are indistinguishable from malayala brahmins. the males marry into as high a class of brahmins as they could get in malabar, which is not generally higher than that of the potti. the potti woman thus married gets rather low in rank on account of this alliance. the daughter of an aryapattar cannot be disposed of to a brahminical caste in malabar. she is taken to the tinnevelly or madura district, and married into the regular aryapattar family according to the rites of the latter. the girl's dress is changed into the tamil form on the eve of her marriage." iii. andhra.--the telugu-speaking brahmans are all andhras, who differ from tamil brahmans in some of their marriage and death ceremonies, female attire, and sectarian marks. telugu brahman women wear their cloth without passing it between the legs, and the free end of the skirt is brought over the left shoulder. the sect mark consists of three horizontal streaks of sacred ashes on the forehead, or a single streak of sandal paste (gandham). in the middle of the streak is a circular black spot (akshintalu or akshintalu bottu). the marriage badge is a circular plate of gold, called bottu, attached to a thread, on which black glass beads are frequently strung. a second bottu, called nagavali bottu, is tied on the bride's neck on the nagavali day. during the time when the bridegroom is performing the vrata ceremony, the bride is engaged in the worship of gauri. she sits in a new basket filled with paddy (unhusked rice) or cholam (andropogon sorghum). on the return from the mock pilgrimage (kasiyatra), the bride and bridegroom sit facing each other on the dais, with a screen interposed between them. just before the bottu is tied on the bride's neck by the bridegroom, the screen is lowered. during the marriage ceremony, both the bride and bridegroom wear clothes dyed with turmeric, until the nagavali day. among tamil brahmans, the bridegroom wears a turmeric-dyed cloth, and the bride may wear a silk cloth. immediately after the tying of the bottu, the contracting couple throw rice over each other, and those assembled pour rice over their heads. this is called talambralu. taken as a class, the telugu brahmans are very superstitious, and the females perform a very large number of vratams. of the vratams performed by telugu and canarese females, both brahman and non-brahman, the following account is given in the manual of the nellore district. a very favourite deity is gauri, in honour of whom many of the rites hereafter noticed are performed. these ceremonies give a vivid idea of the hopes and fears, the aspirations, and the forebodings of hindu womanhood. the following ceremonies are practised by girls after betrothal, and before union with their husbands:-- atlataddi.--on the third day after the full moon, an early meal before sunrise, the worship of gauri in the afternoon, and the presentation of ten cakes to ten matrons upon the dismissal of the deity invoked. the object is to secure a young agreeable husband. uppu (salt).--this consists in making a present to any matron of a pot of salt, full to the brim, at the end of the year, with the view to secure a long enjoyment of the married state. akshayabandar.--this consists in making a present of a pot full of turmeric to any matron at the end of the year, with a view to avert the calamity of widowhood. udayakunkuma.--putting the red kunkuma mark on the foreheads of five matrons before sunrise, with the object of being always able to wear the same mark on her own forehead, i.e., never to become a widow. padiharukudumulu.--the presentation of sixteen cakes once a year for sixteen years to a matron. this is for the attaining of wealth. kartika gauri devi.--exhibiting to a matron the antimony box, with a preparation of which the eyes are trimmed to give the brilliancy, and wearing on the head turmeric rice (akshatalu). the object of this is said to be to give sight to blind relatives. kandanomi.--abstaining for a year from the use of arum (amorphophallus campanulatus), of which the corms are an article of food), and presenting a matron with a silver and gold representation of a kanda to be worn on the neck. the object to be attained is that she who performs the rite may never have to shed tears. gummadi gauri devi.--the presentation at the end of the year to a matron of a pumpkin in the morning, and another in the afternoon, with a silver one at food time, and a gold one to be worn round the neck. this is for the prolongation of married life. gandala gauri devi.--the distribution of twenty-five different sorts of things, twenty-five to be distributed to matrons at the rate of five of each sort to each. the object of this is to avert evil accidents of all kinds, which may threaten the husband. chittibottu.--making the kunkuma marks on the foreheads of five matrons in the morning, for the attainment of wealth. isalla chukka.--rubbing butter-milk, turmeric, kunkuma, and sandalwood paste on the threshold of the door. the object is the same as in the last. tavita navomi.--to avoid touching bran for any purpose, for the prolongation of married life. nitya srungaram.--offering betel nut, and putting the kunkuma mark on the face of a matron, for the purpose of securing perpetual beauty. nallapusala gauri devi.--the presentation to a matron of a hundred black beads with one gold one, the object being again to avert widowhood. mocheti padmam.--the worship of some deity, and the making of the forehead mark (bottlu) for four matrons in the first year, eight in the second, and so on, increasing the number by four each year for twenty-seven years, being the number of certain stars. this presentation has to be made in silence. the object is the attainment of enduring wealth. mogamudo sellu.--the performer washes her face thirteen times daily in a brass vessel, and offers to some matron some rice, a pearl, and a coral. undrallatadde.--on the thirteenth day after the full moon, taking food before sunrise, the girl worships the goddess gauri in the afternoon, and, at the time of dismissing the deity invoked (udyapana), she presents five round cakes to as many matrons. the object of this is to secure her future husband's affections. vara lakshmi.--the worship of the goddess lakshmi for the attainment of wealth and salvation, or to make the best of both worlds. vavila gauri devi.--in order to avert the risk of all accidents for her future lord, the devotee, on each of the four tuesdays of the month sravana, worships the goddess gauri devi, and distributes bengal gram to married women. savitri gauri devi.--the offering of nine different articles on nine different days after the sun has entered the solstice, the sign of capricorn. this is also practised to secure a husband's affection. tsaddikutimangalavaram.--this is a piece of self-mortification, and consists in eating on every tuesday for one year nothing but cold rice boiled the previous day, and feeding a matron with the same. the following are some of the ceremonies practised by young women after attaining a marriageable age:-- prabatcha adivaram.--offering worship to a married couple, and limiting the taking of food to a single meal on sunday. this is done with the object of having children. apadaleni adivaram.--taking but one meal every sunday, and making a presentation to five matrons of five cakes with a flat basket of rice, body jackets, and other things. this is for the procuring of wealth. adivaram (sunday).--total abstinence from some one article of food for one year, another article the next year, and so on for five years; also limitation to a single meal every sunday, and the presentation of cloths to brahmans upon the dismissal of the deity invoked for worship. the object of this seems to be to secure re-union with the husband after death. chappitti adivaram.--abstinence from salt on every sunday for a year, with a view to secure the longevity of children. udayapadmam.--to take for one year a daily bath, and to draw the representation of a lotus with rice-flour every morning near the sacred tulasi plant (ocimum sanctum), which is kept in many hindu households, growing on an altar of masonry. the object of this is to restore a dead husband to life again, i.e., to secure re-union in another life. krishna tulasi.--to avert widowhood, those who perform this rite present thirteen pairs of cakes in a gold cup to a brahman. kartika chalimidi.--the distribution of chalimidi, which is flour mixed with sugar water, for three years; in the first year one and a half seer of rice, in the second year two and a half seers, and in the third year twenty-six seers, the object sought being to restore life to children that may die, i.e., restoration in another world. kailasa gauri devi.--to grind one and a half viss (a measure) of turmeric without assistance in perfect silence, and then distribute it among matrons, the object being to avert widowhood. dhairya lakshmi.--as a charm against tears, matrons light a magic light, which must have a cotton wick of the weight of one pagoda (a gold coin), and, instead of a quarter of a viss of ghee, clarified butter. dhanapalalu.--giving four different sorts of grain for five years to a brahman, to atone for the sin of the catamenial discharge. nadikesudu.--the distribution of five seers each of nine different sorts of grain, which must be dressed and eaten in the house. this is done for the procuring of wealth. nityadhanyamu.--daily giving a handful of grain to any brahmin with the object of averting widowhood. phalala gauri devi.--this is performed by the presentation of sixteen fruits of sixteen different species to any married woman, with the view of securing healthy offspring. pamidipuvulu.--with the view to avert widowhood and secure influence with their husbands, young wives practise the daily worship of thirteen flowers for a time, and afterwards present to a brahmin the representations of thirteen flowers in gold, together with a lingam and panavattam (the seat of the lingam). muppadimudupurnamulu.--to avert widowhood, cakes are offered on the occasion of thirty-three full-moons; on the first one cake is eaten, on the second two, and so on up to thirty-three. mudukartelu.--for the attainment of wealth, women light seven hundred cotton wicks steeped in oil at the three festivals of full moon, sankuratri (the time when the sun enters the zodiacal sign of capricorn), and sivaratri. magha gauri devi.--the worship of the goddess gauri in the month of magham, with a view to avert widowhood. vishnukanta.--for the same purpose, thirteen pairs of cakes are offered in a new pot to some married woman. vishnuvidia.--to atone for the sin of the catamenial discharge, food is eaten without salt on the second day after every new moon. sokamuleni somavaram.--the taking of food without salt every monday, for the restoration of children removed by death. chitraguptulu.--burning twelve wicks daily in oil, for the attainment of happiness in a future state. sukravaram.--for the acquisition of wealth, women sometimes limit themselves to one meal on fridays, and feed five married women on each occasion of dismissing the deity invoked for worship. saubhagyatadde.--to avert widowhood, another practice is on the third day after every new moon to distribute, unassisted and in silence, one and a quarter viss of turmeric among thirteen matrons. kshirabdhi dvadasi.--keeping a fast day specially devoted to the worship of vishnu, with a view to secure happiness in a future state. chinuku.--a woman takes a stalk of indian corn fresh pulled up, and with it pounds rice-flour mixed with milk in a mortar. this is to avert widowhood in this world, and to secure happiness in the next. women who have lost children frequently perform the following two ceremonies for restoration to life or restoration in a future state:-- kundella amavasya (hare's new moon).--to give thirteen different things to some married woman every new moon for thirteen months. kadupukadalani gauri devi.--the presentation of thirteen pairs of cakes to thirteen matrons. the following ceremonies are often performed after the cessation of the catamenial discharge, to atone for the sin contracted by their occurrence:-- annamumuttani adivaram.--the eating of yams and other roots every sunday for three years, or, under certain conditions, a longer period. rushipanchami.--on the fifth day of bhadrapada month to eat five balusu (canthium parviflorum) leaves, and to drink a handful of ghee. gomayani.--to eat three balls of cow-dung every morning for a year. lakshvattulu.--to burn one lac ( , ) of wick lights. lakshmivarapu ekadasi.--from the time when the eleventh day after new moon falls on a thursday, to observe a fast, and to worship the tulasi plant for eleven days. margasira lakshmivaram.--the mistress of a family will often devote herself to the worship of lakshmi on every thursday of the month of margasira, in order to propitiate the goddess of wealth. somisomavaram.--a special worship performed on every new moon that falls on monday, with the giving away of articles, two or three on each occasion. this is performed with the view of attaining atonement for sins, and happiness in a future state. there are many ceremonies performed by women to whom nature has denied the much-coveted joys of maternity. among these may be noted:-- asvadhapradakshinam.--in villages is often to be seen a margosa (melia azadirachta)tree, round which a pipul tree (ficus religiosa) has twined itself. the ceremony consists in a woman walking round and round this tree several times daily for a long period. the sub-divisions of the telugu brahmans are as follows:-- a.--vaidiki. . murikinadu. . telaganyam. . velnadu. . kasalnadu. . karnakammalu. . veginadu. . konesime. . arama dravida. . aradhya. . prathamasaki. b.--niyogi. . aruvela. . nandavarikulu. . kammalu. . pesalavayalu. . pranganadu. c.--tambala. d.--immigrants. . pudur dravida. . thummagunta dravida. all these sections are endogamous, and will eat together, except the tambalas, who correspond to the gurukkals among the tamil brahmans. vaidikis are supposed to be superior to niyogis. the former do not generally grow moustaches, while the latter do. for sradh ceremonies, niyogis do not generally sit as brahmans representing the ancestors, vaidikis being engaged for this purpose. in some places, e.g., the nandigama taluk of the kistna district, the niyogis are not referred to by the name brahman, vaidikis being so called. even niyogis themselves point to vaidikis when asked about brahmans. velnadu, murikinadu, and veginadu seem to be territorial names, and they occur also among some of the non-brahman castes. the aradhyas are dealt with in a special article (see aradhya). among the karnakammas are certain sub-sections, such as ogoti and koljedu. they all belong to rig saka. of the telaganyams, some follow the rig veda, and others the yejur veda (both black and white yajus). the nandavarikulu are all rig vedis, and regard chaudeswari, the goddess of the devangas, as their tutelary deity. when a nandavariki brahman goes to a devanga temple, he is treated with much respect, and the devanga priest gives up his place to the nandavariki for the time being. the nandavariki brahmans are, in fact, gurus or priests to the devengas. a special feature of the telugu brahmans is that, like the telugu non-brahman classes, they have house names or intiperulu, of which the following are examples:--kota (fort), lanka (island), puchcha (citrullus colocynthis), chintha (tamarind), kaki (crow). niyogi house-names sometimes terminate with the word razu. iv. carnataka.--the sub-divisions of the carnatakas or canarese-speaking brahmans are as follows:-- a.--smartha. . aruvaththuvokkalu. . badaganadu. . hosalnadu. . hoisanige or vaishanige. . kamme (bobburu, karna, and ulcha). . sirnadu. . maraka. b.--madhva. . aruvela. . aruvaththuvokkalu. . badaganadu. . pennaththurar. . prathamasaki. . hyderabadi. the carnatakas very closely resemble the andhras in their ceremonial observances, and, like them, attach much importance to vratams. the madhva carnatakas are recent converts from carnataka or andhra smarthas. the pennaththurars are supposed to be tamil brahmans converted into madhvas. they retain some of the customs peculiar to the tamil brahmans. the marriage badge, for example, is the tamil tali and not the bottu. intermarriages between smarthas and madhvas of the same section are common. madhvas, excepting the very orthodox, will take food with both carnataka and andhra smarthas. the marakas are thus described by mr. lewis rice. [ ] "a caste claiming to be brahmans, but not recognised as such. they worship the hindu triad, but are chiefly vishnuvites, and wear the trident mark on their foreheads. they call themselves hale kannadiga or hale karnataka, the name marka [ ] being considered as one of reproach, on which account also many have doubtless returned themselves as brahmans of one or other sect. they are said to be descendants of some disciples of sankaracharya, the original guru of sringeri, and the following legend is related of the cause of their expulsion from the brahman caste to which their ancestors belonged. one day sankaracharya, wishing to test his disciples, drank some toddy in their presence, and the latter, thinking it could be no sin to follow their master's example, indulged freely in the same beverage. soon after, when passing a butcher's shop, sankaracharya asked for alms; the butcher had nothing but meat to give, which the guru and his disciples ate. according to the hindu shastras, red-hot iron alone can purify a person who has eaten flesh and drunk toddy. sankaracharya went to a blacksmith's furnace, and begged from him some red-hot iron, which he swallowed and was purified. the disciples were unable to imitate their master in the matter of the red-hot iron, and besought him to forgive their presumption in having dared to imitate him in partaking of forbidden food. sankaracharya refused to give absolution, and cursed them as unfit to associate with the six sects of brahmans. the caste is making a strong effort to be readmitted among brahmans, and some have recently become disciples of parakalaswami. their chief occupations are agriculture, and government service as shanbogs or village accountants." it is recorded, in the mysore census report, , that "some of the more intelligent and leading men in the clan give another explanation (of the legend). it is said that either in dewan purnaiya's time, or some time before, a member of this micro-caste rose to power, and persecuted the people so mercilessly that, with characteristic inaptitude, they gave him the nickname maraka or the slaughterer or destroyer, likening him to the planet mars, which, in certain constellations, is astrologically dreaded as wielding a fatal influence on the fortunes of mortals. there is, however, no doubt that, in their habits, customs, religion and ceremonials, these people are wholly brahmanical, but still they remain entirely detached from the main body of the brahmans. since the census of , the hale kannadigas have been strenuously struggling to get themselves classified among the brahmans. about years ago, the sringeri math issued on behalf of the smarta portion of the people a srimukh (papal bull) acknowledging them to be brahmans. a similar pronouncement was also obtained from the parakal math at mysore about three years later on behalf of the srivaishnavas among them. and the local government directed, a little after the census of , that they should be entered as brahmans in the government accounts." the madhva brahmans commence the marriage ceremony by asking the ancestors of the bridal couple to bless them, and be present throughout the performance of the rites. to represent the ancestors, a ravike (bodice) and dhotra (man's cloth) are tied to a stick, which is placed near the box containing the salagrama stone and household gods. in consequence of these ancestors being represented, orthodox vaidiki brahmans refuse to take food in the marriage house. when the bridegroom is conducted to the marriage booth by his future father-in-law, all those who have taken part in the kasiyatra ceremony, throw rice over him. a quaint ceremony, called rangavriksha (drawing), is performed on the morning of the second day. after the usual playing with balls of flowers (nalagu or nalangu), the bridegroom takes hold of the right hand of the bride, and, after dipping her right forefinger in turmeric and chunam (lime) paste, traces on a white wall the outline of a plantain tree, of which a sketch has previously been made by a married woman. the tracing goes on for three days. first the base of the plant is drawn, and, on the evening of the third day, it is completed by putting in the flower spikes. on the third night the bridegroom is served with sweets and other refreshments by his mother-in-law, from whose hands he snatches the vessels containing them. he picks out what he likes best, and scatters the remainder about the room. the pollution caused thereby is removed by sprinkling water and cow-dung, which is done by the cook engaged for the marriage by the bridegroom's family. after washing his hands, the bridegroom goes home, taking with him a silver vessel, which he surreptitiously removes from near the gods. along with this vessel he is supposed to steal a rope for drawing water, and a rice-pounding stone. but in practice he only steals the vessel, and the other articles are claimed by his people on their return home. branding for religious purposes is confined to sri vaishnavas and madhvas. sri vaishnava brahmans are expected to undergo this ordeal at least once during their life-time, whereas madhva brahmans have to submit to it as often as they visit their guru (head of a mutt). of men of other castes, those who become followers of a vaishnava or madhva acharya (guru) or mutt, are expected to present themselves before the guru for the purpose of being branded. but the ceremony is optional, and not compulsory as in the case of the brahmans. among sri vaishnavites, the privilege of branding is confined to the elder members of a family, sanyasis (ascetics), and the heads of the various mutts. all individuals, male and female, must be branded, after the upanayanam ceremony in the case of males, and after marriage in the case of females. the disciples, after a purificatory bath and worship of their gods, proceed to the residence of the acharya or to the mutt, where they are initiated into their religion, and branded with the chakra on the right shoulder and chank on the left. the initiation consists in imparting to the disciple, in a very low tone, the mula mantram, the word namonarayanaya, the sacred syllable om, and a few mantrams from the brahma rahasyam (secrets about god). a person who has not been initiated thus is regarded as unfit to take part in the ceremonies which have to be performed by brahmans. even close relations, if orthodox, will refuse to take food prepared or touched by the uninitiated. concerning madhvas, monier williams writes as follows [ ]: "they firmly believe that it is a duty of vaishnavas to carry throughout life a memorial of their god on their persons, and that such a lasting outward and visible sign of his presence helps them to obtain salvation through him. 'on his right armlet the brahman wears the discus, on his left the conch shell.' when i was at tanjore, i found that one of the successors of madhva had recently arrived on his branding visitation. he was engaged throughout the entire day in stamping his disciples, and receiving fees from all according to their means." madhvas have four mutts to which they repair for the branding ceremony, viz., vayasaraya, sumathendra and mulabagal in mysore, and uttaraja in south canara. the followers of the uttaraja mutt are branded in five places in the case of adult males, and boys after the thread investiture. the situations and emblems selected are the chakra on the right upper arm, right side of the chest, and above the navel; the chank on the left shoulder and left side of the chest. women, and girls after marriage, are branded with the chakra on the right forearm, and the chank on the left. in the case of widows, the marks are impressed on the shoulders as in the case of males. the disciples of the three other mutts are generally branded with the chakra on the right upper arm, and chank on the left. as the branding is supposed to remove sins committed during the interval, they get it done every time they see their guru. there is with madhvas no restriction as to the age at which the ceremony should be performed. even a new-born babe, after the pollution period of ten days, must receive the mark of the chakra, if the guru should turn up. boys before the upanayanam, and girls before marriage, are branded with the chakra on the abdomen just above the navel. the copper or brass branding instruments (mudras) are not heated to a very high temperature, but sufficient to singe the skin, and leave a deep black mark in the case of adults, and a light mark in that of young people and babies. in some cases, disciples, who are afraid of being hurt, bribe the person who heats the instruments; but, as a rule, the guru regulates the temperature so as to suit the individual. if, for example, the disciple is a strong, well-built man, the instruments are well heated, and, if he is a weakling, they are allowed to cool somewhat before their application. if the operator has to deal with babies, he presses the instrument against a wet rag before applying it to the infant's skin. some matathipathis (head priests of the mutt) are, it is said, inclined to be vindictive, and to make a very hot application of the instruments, if the disciple has not paid the fee (gurukanika) to his satisfaction. the fee is not fixed in the case of sri vaishnavas, whereas madhvas are expected to pay from one to three months' income for being branded. failure to pay is punished with excommunication on some pretext or other. the area of skin branded generally peels off within a week, leaving a pale mark of the mudra, which either disappears in a few months, or persists throughout life. madhvas should stamp mudras with gopi paste (white kaolin) daily on various parts of the body. the names of these mudras are chakra, chank or sankha, gatha (the weapon of war used by bhima, one of the pandavas), padma (lotus), and narayana. the chakra is stamped thrice on the abdomen above the navel, twice on the right flank, twice on the right side of the chest above the nipple, twice on the right arm, once on the right temple, once on the left side of the chest, and once on the left arm. the chank is stamped twice on the right side of the chest, in two places on the left arm, and once on the left temple. the gatha is stamped in two places on the right arm, twice on the chest, and in one spot on the forehead. the padma is stamped twice on the left arm, and twice on the left side of the chest. narayana is stamped on all places where other mudra marks have been made. sometimes it is difficult to put on all the marks after the daily morning bath. in such cases, a single mudra mark, containing all the five mudras, is made to suffice. some regard the chakra mudra as sufficient on occasions of emergency. the god hanuman (the monkey god) is specially reverenced by madhvas, who call him mukyapranadevaru (the chief god). v. tulu.--the tulu-speaking brahmans are, in their manners and customs, closely allied to the carnatakas. their sub-divisions are-- . shivalli. . kota. . kandavara. . havik or haiga. . panchagrami. . koteswar. the following interesting account of the tulu brahmans is given by mr. h. a. stuart [ ]:-- "all tulu brahmin chronicles agree in ascribing the creation of malabar and canara, or kerala, tuluva, and haiga, to parasu rama, who reclaimed from the sea as much land as he could cover by hurling his battle-axe from the top of the western ghauts. according to tulu traditions, after a quarrel with brahmins who used to come to him periodically from ahi-kshetra, parasu rama procured new brahmins for the reclaimed tract by taking the nets of some fishermen, and making a number of brahminical threads, with which he invested the fishermen, and thus turned them into brahmins, and retired to the mountains to meditate, after informing them that, if they were in distress and called on him, he would come to their aid. after the lapse of some time, during which they suffered no distress, they were curious to know if parasu rama would remember them, and called upon him in order to find out. he promptly appeared, but punished their thus mocking him by cursing them, and causing them to revert to their old status of sudras. after this, there were no brahmins in the land till tulu brahmins were brought from ahi-kshetra by mayur varma of the kadamba dynasty. a modified form of the tradition states that parasu rama gave the newly reclaimed land to naga and machi brahmins, who were not true brahmins, and were turned out or destroyed by fishermen and holeyas (pariahs), who held the country till the tulu brahmins were introduced by mayur varma. all traditions unite in attributing the introduction of the tulu brahmins of the present day to mayur varma, but they vary in details connected with the manner in which they obtained a firm footing in the land. one account says that habashika, chief of the koragas (pariahs), drove out mayur varma, but was in turn expelled by mayur varma's son, or son-in-law, lokaditya of gokarnam, who brought brahmins from ahi-kshetra and settled them in thirty-two villages. another makes mayur varma himself the invader of the country, which till then had remained in the possession of the holeyas (pariahs) and fishermen who had turned out parasu rama's brahmins. mayur varma and the brahmins whom he had brought from ahi-kshetra were again driven out by nanda, a holeya chief, whose son chandra sayana had, however, learned respect for brahmins from his mother, who had been a dancing-girl in a temple. his admiration for them became so great that he not only brought back the brahmins, but actually made over all his authority to them, and reduced his people to the position of slaves. a third account makes chandra sayana, not a son of a holeya king, but a descendant of mayur varma and a conqueror of the holeya king. nothing is known from other sources of lokaditya, habashika, or chandra sayana, but inscriptions speak to mayur varma being the founder of the dynasty of the kadambas of banavasi in north canara. his date is usually put down at about a.d. the correctness of the traditions, which prevail in malabar as well as in canara, assigning the introduction of brahmins to the west coast to mayur varma who was in power about a.d., is to some extent corroborated by the fact that brahmins attested the malabar perumal's grant to the christians in a.d., but not that to the jews about a.d. the brahmins are said to have been brought from ahi-kshetra, on the banks of the godavari, but it is not clear what connection a kadamba of banavasi could have with the banks of the godavari, and there may be something in the suggestion made in the north kanara gazetteer that ahi-kshetra is merely a sanskritised form of haiga or the land of snakes. the tradition speaks of the brahmins having been brought by lokaditya from gokarnam, which is in the extreme north of haiga, and in the local history of the honalli matha in sunda in north canara, gokarnam is spoken of as being ahi-kshetra. gokarnam is believed to have been a brahmin settlement in very early times, and there was probably a further influx of brahmins there as muhammadan conquest advanced in the north. "the class usually styled tulu brahmins at the present day are the shivalli brahmins, whose head-quarters are at udipi, and who are most numerous in the southern part of the district, but the kota, koteshwar, and haiga or havika brahmins are all branches of the same, the differences between them having arisen since their settlement in canara; and, though they now talk canarese in common with the people of other parts to the north of the sitanadi river, their religious works are still written in the old tulu-malayalam character. tulu brahmins, who have settled in malabar in comparatively late years, are known as embrantris, and treated as closely allied to the nambutiris, whose traditions go back to mayur varma. some families of shivalli and havika brahmins in the southern or malayalam portion of the district talk malayalam, and follow many of the customs of the malabar or nambutiri brahmins. many of the thirty-two villages in which the brahmins are said to have been settled by mayur varma are still the most important centres of brahminism. notably may be mentioned shivalli or udipi, kota and koteshwar, which have given names to the divisions of tulu brahmins of which these villages are respectively the head-quarters. when the brahmins were introduced by mayur varma they are said to have been followers of bhattacharya, but they soon adopted the tenets of the great malayalam vedantic teacher sankaracharya, who is ordinarily believed to have been born at cranganore in malabar in the last quarter of the eighth century, that is, soon after the arrival of the brahmins on the west coast. sankaracharya is known as the preacher of the advaita (non-dual) philosophy, which, stated briefly, is that all living beings are one with the supreme spirit, and absorption may finally be obtained by the constant renunciation of material in favour of spiritual pleasure. this philosophy, however, was not sufficient for the common multitude, and his system included, for weaker minds, the contemplation of the first cause through a multitude of inferior deities, and, as various manifestations of siva and his consort parvati, he found a place for all the most important of the demons worshipped by the early dravidians whom the brahmins found on the west coast, thus facilitating the spread of hinduism throughout all classes. that the conversion of the bants and billavas, and other classes, took place at a very early date may be inferred from the fact that, though the great bulk of the tulu brahmins of south canara adopted the teaching of the vaishnavite reformer madhavacharya, who lived in the thirteenth century, most of the non-brahmin hindus in the district class themselves as shaivites to this day. sankaracharya founded the sringeri matha in mysore near the borders of the udipi taluk, the guru of which is the spiritual head of such of the tulu brahmins of south canara as have remained smarthas or adherents of the teaching of sankaracharya. madhavacharya is believed to have been born about a.d. at kalianpur, a few miles from udipi. he propounded the dvaita or dual philosophy, repudiating the doctrine of oneness and final absorption held by ordinary vaishnavites as well as by the followers of sankaracharya. the attainment of a place in the highest heaven is to be secured, according to madhavacharya's teaching, not only by the renunciation of material pleasure, but by the practice of virtue in thought, word and deed. the moral code of madhavacharya is a high one, and his teaching is held by some--not ordinary hindus of course--to have been affected by the existence of the community of christians at kalianpur mentioned by cosmos indico pleustes in the seventh century. madhavacharya placed the worship of vishnu above that of siva, but there is little bitterness between vaishnavites and shaivites in south canara, and there are temples in which both are worshipped under the name of shankara narayana. he denied that the spirits worshipped by the early dravidians were manifestations of siva's consort, but he accorded sanction to their worship as supernatural beings of a lower order. "shivalli brahmins. the tulu-speaking brahmins of the present day are almost all followers of madhavacharya, though a few remain smarthas, and a certain number follow what is known as the bhagavat sampradayam, and hold that equal honour is due to both vishnu and siva. they are now generally called shivalli brahmins, their head-quarters being at udipi or shivalli, a few miles from madhavacharya's birth-place. here madhavacharya is said to have resided for some time, and composed thirty-seven controversial works, after which he set out on a tour. the temple of krishna at udipi is said to have been founded by madhavacharya himself, who set up in it the image of krishna originally made by arjuna, and miraculously obtained by him from a vessel wrecked on the coast of tuluva. in it he also placed one of the three salagrams presented to him by the sage veda vyasa. besides the temple at udipi, he established eight mathas or sacred houses, each presided over by a sanyasi or swami. [their names are sodhe, krishnapur, sirur, kanur, pejavar, adamar, palamar, and puththige.] these exist to this day, and each swami in turn presides over the temple of krishna for a period of two years, and spends the intervening fourteen years touring through canara and the adjacent parts of mysore, levying contributions from the faithful for his next two years of office, which are very heavy, as he has to defray not only the expenses of public worship and of the temple and matha establishments, but must also feed every brahmin who comes to the place. the following description of a matha visited by mr. walhouse [ ] gives a very good idea of what one of these buildings is like: 'the building was two-storeyed, enclosing a spacious quadrangle round which ran a covered verandah or cloister; the wide porched entrance opened into a fine hall supported by massive pillars with expanding capitals handsomely carved; the ceiling was also wooden, panelled and ornamented with rosettes and pendants as in baronial halls, and so were the solid doors. within these was an infinity of rooms, long corridors lined with windowless cells, apartments for meditation and study, store-rooms overflowing with all manner of necessaries, granaries, upper rooms with wide projecting windows latticed instead of glass with pierced wood-work in countless tasteful patterns, and in the quadrangle there was a draw-well and small temple, while a large yard behind contained cattle of all kinds from a goat to an elephant. all things needful were here gathered together. outside sat pilgrims, poor devotees, and beggars waiting for the daily dole, and villagers were continually arriving with grain, vegetables, etc.' the periodical change of the swami presiding over the temple of krishna is the occasion of a great festival known as the pariyaya, when udipi is filled to overflowing by a large concourse of madhvas, not only from the district but from more distant parts, especially from the mysore territory. [a very imposing object in the temple grounds, at the time of my visit in , was an enormous stack of fire-wood for temple purposes.] the following is a description [ ] of a festival at the udipi krishna temple witnessed by mr. walhouse: 'near midnight, when the moon rode high in a cloudless heaven, his (krishna's) image--not the very sacred one, which may not be handled, but a smaller duplicate--was brought forth by four brahmins and placed under a splendid canopy on a platform laid across two large canoes. the whole square of the tank (pond) was lit up by a triple line of lights. small oil cressets at close intervals, rockets and fireworks ascended incessantly, and the barge, also brilliantly lit up, and carrying a band of discordant music, and brahmins fanning the image with silver fans, was punted round and round the tank amid loud acclamations. after this, the image was placed in a gorgeous silver-plated beaked palanquin, and borne solemnly outside the temple to the great idol car that stood dressed up and adorned with an infinity of tinsel, flags, streamers and flower wreaths. on this it was lifted, and placed in a jewel shrine amidst a storm of applause and clapping of hands--these seem the only occasions when hindus do clap hands--and then, with all the company of brahmins headed by the swamis marching in front, followed by flambeaus and wild music, the car was slowly hauled by thousands of votaries round the square which was illuminated by three lines of lights, ascending at intervals into pyramids. a pause was made half-way, when there was a grand display of rockets, fire fountains and wheels, and two lines of camphor and oiled cotton laid along the middle of the road were kindled and flamed up brilliantly. then the car moved on to the entrance of the temple, and the god's outing was accomplished.' another famous temple of the shivallis is subramanya at the foot of the ghauts on the coorg border, and here also madhavacharya deposited one of veda vyasa's salagrams. it existed before his time, however, and, as the name indicates, it is dedicated to the worship of siva. in addition to this, it is the principal centre of serpent worship in the district. "many of the shivalli brahmins are fair complexioned with well-cut intelligent features. a number of them own land which they cultivate by tenants or by hired labourers, and there are several wealthy families with large landed properties, but the great bulk of them are either astronomers, astrologers, tantris, purohitas, worshippers in temples, or professional beggars. they have been backward in availing themselves of english education, and consequently not many of them are to be found holding important posts under government or in the professions, but a few have come to the front in late years. a good many of them are village accountants and teachers in village schools. the women, as is usually the case among all classes, are fairer than the men. their education is even more limited, but they are said to be well trained for the discharge of household and religious duties. they wear the cloth falling as low as the feet in front, but not usually so low behind, especially on festive occasions, the end being passed between the legs and tucked into the fold of the cloth round the waist. like all brahmin women in canara, they are fond of wearing sweet-scented flowers in their hair. the language of the shivalli brahmins is tulu, except to the north of the sitanadi river, where close intercourse with the ruling canarese classes above the ghauts for several centuries has led to the adoption of that language by all classes. their religious books are in sanskrit, and, even north of the sitanadi river, they are written in the old tulu-malayalam character. their houses are all neat, clean, and provided with verandahs, and a yard in front, in which stands, in a raised pot, a plant of the tulasi or sacred basil. some of the houses of the old families are really large and substantial buildings, with an open courtyard in the centre. men and widows bathe the whole body every day before breakfast, but married women bathe only up to the neck, it being considered inauspicious for them to bathe the head also. in temples and religious houses, males bathe in the evening also. an oil bath is taken once a week. they are, of course, abstainers from animal food and spirituous liquors, and a prohibition extends to some other articles, such as onions, garlic, mushrooms, etc. at times of marriages, deaths or initiations, it is usual to give feasts, which may be attended by all dravida brahmins. the shivallis have gotras, and the names of the following seem to be of totemistic origin:-- kudrettaya, from kudre, a horse, taya, belonging to. talitaya, palmyra palm. manolitaya, name of a vegetable. shunnataya, chunam, lime. kalambitaya, a kind of box. nellitaya, the indian gooseberry. goli, banyan tree. ane, elephant. "these names were obtained from one of the eight swamis or gurus of the udipi math, and according to him they have no totemistic force at the present day. girls must be married before maturity, and the ordinary age now-a-days is between five and eleven. the age of the bridegroom is usually between fifteen and five and twenty. a maternal uncle's daughter can be married without consulting any horoscope, and during the marriage ceremonies it is customary for a bridegroom's sister to obtain from him a formal promise that, if he has a daughter, he will give her in marriage to her son. widows take off all their ornaments, and wear a red or white cloth. they ought not to attend any auspicious ceremonies or festivals, but of late years there has been a tendency to relax the severity of the restrictions on a widow's freedom, and a young widow is allowed to keep her head unshaven, and to wear a few ornaments. a few shivallis in the malayalam-speaking portion of the kasaragod taluk follow the customs and manners of the malayalam brahmins, and amongst these a girl does not lose caste by remaining unmarried until she comes of age. "koteshwar brahmins are a small body, who take their name from koteshwar in the coondapoor taluk. they are practically the same as the shivalli brahmins, except that, like all classes in that taluk, they talk canarese. "havika, haviga, or haiga brahmins are the descendants of the section of the brahmins brought in by mayur varma, who settled within the tract known as haiga, which comprised the southern part of north canara and the extreme northern part of south canara. they did not, like the shivallis, adopt the teaching of madhavacharya, but remained followers of sankaracharya, and they now speak canarese, though their religious and family records are written in old tulu-malayalam character. though originally of the same stock, a distinction has arisen between them and the shivalli brahmins, and they do not intermarry, though they may eat together. a number of havika brahmins are to be found scattered throughout south canara, engaged for the most part in the cultivation of areca palm gardens, in which they are very expert. a very well-to-do colony of them is to be found in the neighbourhood of vittal in the kasaragod taluk, where they grow areca nuts which are valued only second to those grown in the magane of the coondapoor taluk above the ghauts. the havika brahmins, perhaps owing to their residing for many generations in the comparatively cool shade of the areca nut gardens, are specially fair even for west coast brahmins. this fairness of complexion is particularly noticeable in the women, who do not differ much in their manners and customs from the shivalli brahmin women, except that they take a prominent part in the work of the gardens, and never on any occasion wear the end of their cloth passed through the legs and tucked up behind. the havik widows are allowed more freedom than in most other classes. some havik brahmins in the malayalam portion of the kasaragod taluk have, like the shivallis in the same locality, adopted the language and customs of the malayali brahmins. "kota brahmins, so called from a village in the northern part of the udipi taluk, are, like the haviks, smarthas or followers of sankaracharya, and now speak canarese, but the breach between them and the shivallis is not so wide, as intermarriages occasionally take place. in the coondapoor taluk and the northern part of the udipi taluk, the kotas occupy a place in the community corresponding to that taken by the shivallis throughout the rest of the district. "saklapuris, of whom there are a few in the district, are what may be called a dissenting sect of havikas who, a few years ago, renounced their allegiance to the ramchandrapura matha in favour of one at saklapuri near the boundary between north and south canara. like the havikas, they speak canarese. "kandavaras obtain their name from the village of kandavar in the coondapoor taluk. they are commonly known as udapas, and they all belong to one gotram, that of visvamitra. they are, therefore, precluded from marrying within the caste, and take their wives and husbands from the ranks of the shivalli brahmins. they are, indeed, said to be the descendants of a shivalli brahmin who settled in kandavar about seven or eight centuries ago. the head of the annu udapa family, which is called after this ancestor, is the hereditary head of the caste, and presides over all panchayats or caste councils. they speak canarese. their title is udapa or udpa." in a note on the brahmans of south canara, mr. t. raghaviah writes as follows [ ]:--"the sentimental objection to manual labour, which is so predominant in the east coast brahmin, and the odium attached to it in this country, which has crystallised into the religious belief that, if a brahmin cultivates with his own hand, the fire of his hand would burn down all that he touches, have entirely disappeared in south canara. in the rural parts of the district, and especially at the foot of the western ghauts, it is an exceedingly common sight to see brahmins engaging themselves in digging, ploughing or levelling their lands, trimming their water-courses or ledges, raising anicuts across streams, and doing a hundred other items of manual work connected with agriculture. brahmin women busy themselves with cutting green leaves for manure, making and storing manure and carrying it to their lands or trees, and brahmin boys are employed in tending and grazing their own cattle. this is so much the case with a class of brahmins called haviks that there is a proverb that none but a havik can raise an areca garden. you find, as a matter of fact, that nearly all the extensive areca plantations in the district are in the hands of either the havik brahmins or the chitpavans allied much to the mahratta brahmins of bombay. these plantations are managed by these brahmins, and new ones are raised with the aid of a handful of holeyas, or often without even such aid." vi. oriya.--the oriya brahmans of the ganjam district belong to the utkala section of the pancha gaudas. between them and the pancha dravidas there is very considerable difference. none of the sections of the pancha dravidas adopt the gosha system as regards their females, whereas oriya brahman women are kept gosha (in seclusion). occasionally they go out to bring water, and, if on their way they come across any males, they go to the side of the road, and turn their backs to the passers-by. it is noted, in the manual of the vizagapatam district, that oriya brahmans "eat many kinds of meat, as pea fowl, sambur (deer), barking deer, pigeons, wild pig, and fish." fish must be one of the dishes prepared on festive occasions. as a rule, oriya brahmans will accept water from a gaudo (especially a sullokondia gaudo), and sometimes from gudiyas and odiyas. water touched by dravida brahmans is considered by them to be polluted. they call the dravidas komma (a corruption of karma) brahmans. the oriya brahmans are more particular than the dravidas as regards the madi cloth, which has already been referred to. a cloth intended for use as a madi cloth is never given to a washerman to be washed, and it is not worn by the oriya brahmans when they answer the calls of nature, but removed, and replaced after bathing. marriage with a maternal uncle's daughter, which is common among the dravida brahmans, would be considered an act of sacrilege by oriyas. when an oriya brahman is charged with being a meat eater, he retorts that it is not nearly so bad as marrying a mathulakanya (maternal uncle's daughter). the marriage tali or bottu is dispensed with by oriya brahmans, who, at marriages, attach great importance to the panigrahanam (grasping the bride's hand) and saptapadi (seven steps). the oriya brahmans are both smarthas and vaishnavas who are generally paramarthos or followers of chaitanya. the god jagannatha of puri is reverenced by them, and they usually carry about with them some of the prasadham (food offered to the god) from puri. they are divided into the following twelve sections:-- ( ) santo (samanta, a chief). ( ) danua (gift-taking). ( ) padhiya (one who learns the vedas). ( ) sarua (saru, tubers of the arum colocasia antiqitorum). ( ) holua (holo, yoke of a plough). ( ) bhodri (bhadriya, an agraharam on the ganges). ( ) barua (a small sea-port town). ( ) deuliya (one who serves in temples). ( ) kotokiya (kotaka, palace. those who live in palaces as servants to zamindars). ( ) sahu (creditor). ( ) jhadua (jungle). ( ) sodeibalya (those who follow an ungodly life). it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "the santos regard themselves as superior to the others, and will not do purohit's work for them, though they will for zamindars. they are also very scrupulous about the behaviour of their womenkind. the danuas live much by begging, especially at the funerals of wealthy persons, but both they and the padhiyas know the vedas, and are priests to the zamindars and the higher classes of sudras. the saruas cultivate the 'yam' (colocasia), and the holuas go a step further, and engage in ordinary cultivation--actual participation in which is forbidden to brahmans by manu, as it involves taking the lives of worms and insects. a few of the saruas are qualified to act as purohits, but the holuas hardly ever are, and they were shown in the census to be the most illiterate of all the brahmans of the presidency. few of them even perform the sandhya and tarpana, which every brahman should scrupulously observe. yet they are regarded as ceremonially pure, and are often cooks to the zamindars. regarding the sixth class, the bhodris, a curious legend is related. bhodri means a barber, and the ancestor of the sub-division is said to have been the son of a barber who was brought up at puri with some santo boys, and so learned much of the vedas and shastras. he left puri and went into jeypore, wearing the thread and passing himself off as a brahman, and eventually married a brahman girl, by whom he got children who also married brahmans. at last, however, he was found out, and taken back to puri, where he committed suicide. the brahmans said they would treat his children as brahmans if a plant of the sacred tulsi grew on his grave, but, instead of tulsi, a plant of tobacco appeared there, and so his descendants are bhodris or barber brahmans, and even karnams, gaudos, and mahantis decline to accept water at their hands. they cultivate tobacco and 'yams,' but nevertheless officiate in temples, and are purohits to the lower non-polluting castes. of the remaining six divisions, the baruas are the only ones who do purohit's work for other castes, and they only officiate for the lower classes of sudras. except the sodeibalyas, the others all perform the sandhya and tarpana. their occupations, however, differ considerably. the baruas are pujaris in the temples, and physicians. the deuliyas are pujaris and menials in zamindars' houses, growers of 'yams,' and even day labourers. the kotokiyas are household servants to zamindars. the sahus trade in silk cloths, grain, etc., and are money-lenders. the jhaduas are hill cultivators, and traders with pack-bullocks. the last of the divisions, the sodeibalyas, are menial servants to the zamindars, and work for daily hire." vii. sarasvat and konkani.--both these classes belong to the gauda branch, and speak the konkani language. the original habitation of the konkanis is said to have been the bank of the sarasvati, a river well known in early sanskrit works, but said to have subsequently lost itself in the sands of the desert, north of rajputana. as they do not abstain from fish, the other brahmans among whom they have settled regard them as low. the full name as given by the konkanis is gauda sarasvata konkanastha. all the konkani brahmans found in south canara are rig vedis. like the shivalli brahmans, they have numerous exogamous septs, which are used as titles after their names. for example, prabhu is a sept, and krishna prabhu the name of an individual. a large majority of the konkani brahmans are madhvas, and their god is venkataramana of tirupati, to whom their temples in south canara are dedicated. other brahmans do not go to the konkani temples, though non-brahmans do so. a very striking feature of the konkani temples is that the god venkataramana is not represented by an idol, but by a silver plate with the image of the god embossed on it. there are three important temples, at manjeshwar, mulki, and karkal. to these are attached konkani brahmans called darsanas, or men who get inspired. the darsana attached to the mulki temple comes there daily about a.m. after worship, he is given thirtham (holy water), which he drinks. taking in his hands the prasadam (offering made to the god), he comes out, and commences to shiver all over his body for about ten minutes. the shivering then abates, and a cane and long strip of deer skin are placed in his hands, with which he lashes himself on the back, sides, and head. holy water is given to him, and the shivering ceases. those who have come to the temple put questions to the darsana, which are answered in konkani, and translated. he understands his business thoroughly, and usually recommends the people to make presents of money or jewels to venkataramana, according to their means. in , a rich guzerati merchant, who was doing business at mangalore, visited the temple, and consulted the darsana concerning the condition of his wife, who was pregnant. the darsana assured him that she would be safely delivered of a male child, and made him promise to present to the temple silver equal in weight to that of his wife, should the prophecy be realised. the prediction proving true, the merchant gave silver, sugar-candy, and date fruits, to the required weight at a cost, it is said, of five thousand rupees. at the manjeshwar temple, the darsana is called the dumb darsana, as he gives signs instead of speaking. at a marriage among the konkanis, for the nagavali ceremony eight snakes are made out of rice or wheat flour by women and the bridal couple. by the side of the pot representing siva and parvati, a mirror is placed. close to the nagavali square, it is customary to draw on the ground the figures of eight elephants and eight bairavas in flour. the following account of the konkanis is given in the cochin census report, :--"the konkanis are a branch of the sarasvat sub-division of the pancha gaudas. judged from their well-built physique, handsome features and fair complexion, they appear to belong ethnically to the aryan stock. the community take their name from their guru sarasvata. trihotrapura, the modern tirhut in behar, is claimed as the original home of the community. according to their tradition, parasu rama brought ten families, and settled them in villages in and around gomantaka, the modern goa, panchrakosi, and kusasthali. when goa was conquered by vijayanagar, they placed themselves under the protection of the kings of that country. for nearly a quarter of a century after the conquest of goa by the portuguese, they continued unmolested under the portuguese governors. during this period, they took to a lucrative trade in european goods. with the establishment of the inquisition at goa, and the religious persecution set on foot by the portuguese, the community left goa in voluntary exile. while some submitted to conversion, others fled to the north and south. those that fled to the south settled themselves in canara and at calicut. receiving a cold reception at the hands of the zamorin, they proceeded further south, and placed themselves under the protection of the rulers of cochin and travancore, where they flourish at the present day. the christian converts, who followed in the wake of the first batch of exiles, have now settled themselves at the important centres of trade in the state as copper-smiths, and they are driving a very profitable trade in copper-wares. the brahman emigrants are called konkanis from the fact of their having emigrated from konkan. in the earliest times, they are supposed to have been saivites, but at present they are staunch vaishnavites, being followers of madhavacharya. they are never regarded as on a par with the other brahmans of southern india. there is no intermarriage or interdining between them and other brahmans. in cochin they are mostly traders. their occupation seems to have been at the bottom of their being regarded as degraded. they have their own temples, called tirumala devaswams. they are not allowed access to the inner structure surrounding the chief shrine of the malayali hindu temples; nor do they in turn allow the hindus of this coast to enter corresponding portions of their religious edifices. the nambudris are, however, allowed access even to the interior of the sacred shrine. all caste disputes are referred to their high priest, the swamiyar of kasi mutt, who resides at mancheswaram or basroor. he is held in great veneration by the community, and his decisions in matters religious and social are final. some of their temples possess extensive landed estates. their temple at cochin is one of the richest in the whole state. the affairs of the temple are managed by konkani yogakkars, or an elected committee. nayars and castes above them do not touch them. though their women use coloured cloths for their dress like the women of the east coast, their mode of dress and ornaments at once distinguish them from other brahman women. amongst them there are rich merchants and landholders. prabhu, pai, shenai, kini, mallan, and vadhyar, are some of the more common titles borne by them." in conclusion, brief mention may be made of several other immigrant classes. of these, the desasthas are marathi-speaking brahmans, who have adopted some of the customs of the smartha and madhva carnatakas, with whom intermarriage is permitted. a special feature of the marriage ceremonies of the desasthas is the worship of ambabhavani or tuljabhavani, with the assistance of gondala musicians, who sing songs in praise of the deity. the chitpavan brahmans speak marathi and konkani. in south canara they are, like the haviks, owners of areca palm plantations. karadi brahmans, who are also found in south canara, are said to have come southward from karhad in the bombay presidency. there is a tradition that parasu rama created them from camel bones. brahmani.--a class of ambalavasis. (see unni.) brihaspati varada.--the name, indicating those who worship their god on thursday, of a sub-division of kurubas. brinjari.--a synonym of lambadi. budubudike.--the budubudike or budubudukala are described in the mysore census report as being "gipsy beggars and fortune-tellers from the marata country, who pretend to consult birds and reptiles to predict future events. they are found in every district of mysore, but only in small numbers. they use a small kind of double-headed drum, which is sounded by means of the knotted ends of strings attached to each side of it. the operator turns it deftly and quickly from side to side, when a sharp and weird sound is emitted, having a rude resemblance to the warbling of birds. this is done in the mornings, when the charlatan soothsayer pretends to have divined the future fate of the householder by means of the chirping of birds, etc., in the early dawn. they are generally worshippers of hanumantha." the name budubudike is derived from the hour-glass shaped drum, or budbudki. for the following account of the budubudukalas, i am indebted to a recent article [ ]:--"a huge parti-coloured turban, surmounted by a bunch of feathers, a pair of ragged trousers, a loose long coat, which is very often out at elbows, and a capacious wallet underneath his arm, ordinarily constitute the budubudukala's dress. occasionally, if he can afford it, he indulges in the luxury of wearing a tiger or cheetah (leopard) skin, which hangs down his back, and contributes to the dignity of his calling. add to this an odd assortment of clothes suspended on his left forearm, and the picture is as grotesque as it can be. he is regarded as able to predict the future of human beings by the flight and notes of birds. his predictions are couched in the chant which he recites. the burden of the chant is invariably stereotyped, and purports to have been gleaned from the warble of the feathered songsters of the forest. it prognosticates peace, plenty and prosperity to the house, the birth of a son to the fair, lotus-eyed house-wife, and worldly advancement to the master, whose virtues are as countless as the stars, and have the power to annihilate his enemies. it also holds out a tempting prospect of coming joy in an unknown shape from an unknown quarter, and concludes with an appeal for a cloth. if the appeal is successful, well and good. if not, the budubudukala has the patience and perseverance to repeat his visit the next day, the day after that, and so on until, in sheer disgust, the householder parts with a cloth. the drum, which has been referred to above as having given the budubudukala his name, is not devoid of interest. in appearance it is an instrument of diminutive size, and is shaped like an hour-glass, to the middle of which is attached a string with a knot at the end, which serves as the percutient. its origin is enveloped in a myth of which the budubudukala is naturally very proud, for it tells him of his divine descent, and invests his vocation with the halo of sanctity. according to the legend, the primitive budubudukala who first adorned the face of the earth was a belated product of the world's creation. when he was born or rather evolved, the rest of humankind was already in the field, struggling for existence. practically the whole scheme was complete, and, in the economy of the universe, the budubudukala found himself one too many. in this quandary, he appealed to his goddess mother amba bhavani, who took pity upon him, and presented him with her husband the god parameswara's drum with the blessing 'my son, there is nothing else for you but this. take it and beg, and you will prosper.' among beggars, the budubudukala has constituted himself a superior beggar, to whom the handful of rice usually doled out is not acceptable. his demand, in which more often than not he succeeds, is for clothes of any description, good, bad or indifferent, new or old, torn or hole. for, in the plenitude of his wisdom, he has realised that a cloth is a marketable commodity, which, when exchanged for money, fetches more than the handful of rice. the budubudukala is continually on the tramp, and regulates his movements according to the seasons of the year. as a rule, he pays his visit to the rural parts after the harvest is gathered, for it is then that the villagers are at their best, and in a position to handsomely remunerate him for his pains. but, in whatever corner of the province he may be, as the dusserah approaches, he turns his face towards vellore in the north arcot district, where the annual festival in honour of the tribal deity amba bhavani is celebrated." the insigne of the budubudike, as recorded at conjeeveram, is said [ ] to be a pearl-oyster. the oriya equivalent of budubudike is stated [ ] to be dubaduba. bujjinigiyoru (jewel-box).--a sub-division of gangadikara vakkaliga. bukka.--described, in the madras census report, , as a "sub-caste of balija. they are sellers of saffron (turmeric), red powder, combs, etc., and are supposed to have been originally komatis." they are described by the rev. j. cain as travelling about selling turmeric, opium, and other goods. according to the legend, when kanyakamma threw herself into the fire-pit (see komati), they, instead of following her example, presented to her bukka powder, turmeric, and kunkuma. she directed that they should live apart from the faithful komatis, and live by the sale of the articles which they offered to her. buragam.--a sub-division of kalingi. burgher.--a name commonly applied to the badagas of the nilgiri hills. in ceylon, burgher is used in the same sense as eurasian in india. burmese.--a few burmese are trained as medical students at madras for subsequent employment in the burmese medical service. at the mysore census, , a single burman was recorded as being engaged at the kolar gold fields. since burma became part of the british dominions in , there has been emigration to that developing country from the madras presidency on a large scale. the following figures show the numbers of passengers conveyed thence to burma during the five years, - :-- , , , , , busam (grain).--an exogamous sept of devanga. busi (dirt).--an exogamous sept of mutracha. byagara.--byagara and begara are synonyms of holeya. notes [ ] "deccan, hind, dakhin, dakhan; dakkina, the prakr. form of sskt. dakshina, 'the south.' the southern part of india, the peninsula, and especially the table-land between the eastern and western ghauts." yule and burnell, hobson-jobson. [ ] history of creation. [ ] malay archipelago, . [ ] see article kadir. [ ] pagan races of the malay peninsula, . [ ] globus, . [ ] madras museum bull., ii, , . [ ] op. cit. [ ] yule and burnell, hobson-jobson. [ ] mem. asiat. soc., bengal, miscellanea ethnographica, , . [ ] manual of the geology of india, nd edition, . [ ] anatomy of vertebrated animals, . [ ] see annual report, archæological survey of india, - . [ ] bull, museum d'histoire naturelle, . [ ] introduction to the study of mammals, living and extinct, . [ ] anthropology. translation, . [ ] i have only seen one individual with woolly hair in southern india, and he was of mixed tamil and african parentage. [ ] see article maravan. [ ] op. cit. [ ] ethnology, . [ ] proc. r. soc. n. s. wales, xxiii, part iii. [ ] "it is evident that, during much of the tertiary period, ceylon and south india were bounded on the north by a considerable extent of sea, and probably formed part of an extensive southern continent or great island. the very numerous and remarkable cases of affinity with malaya require, however, some closer approximation to these islands, which probably occurred at a later period." wallace. geographical distribution of animals, . [ ] see breeks, primitive tribes and monuments of the nilgiris; phillips, tumuli of the salem district; rea, prehistoric burial places in southern india; r. bruce foote, catalogues of the prehistoric antiquities in the madras museum, etc. [ ] contributions to the craniology of the people of the empire of india, part ii. the aborigines of chuta nagpur, and of the central provinces, the people of orissa, veddahs and negritos, . [ ] other cranial characters are compared by sir william turner, for which i would refer the reader to the original article. [ ] the people of india, . [ ] contemporary science series. [ ] madras museum bull., ii, , . [ ] the cephalic indices of various brahman classes in the bombay presidency, supplied by sir h. risley, are as follows:--desastha, . ; kokanasth, . ; sheni or saraswat, ; nagar, . . [ ] measured by mr. f. fawcett. [ ] the pattar brahmans are tamil brahmans, settled in malabar. [ ] according to the brahman chronology, mayura varma reigned from to b.c., but his probable date was about a.d. see fleet, dynasties of the kanarese districts of the bombay presidency, - . [ ] histoire générale des races humaines, . [ ] les nègres d'asie, et la race nègre en général. revue scientifique, vi july, . [ ] tribes and castes of bengal, . [ ] linguistic survey of india, iv, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] the todas, . [ ] madras journ., lit. and sci., v., . [ ] comparative grammar of the dravidian languages. nd ed., . [ ] outlines of the toda grammar appended to marshall's phrenologist among the todas. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] malabar law and custom. [ ] f. fawcett. journ. anth. soc., bombay, , . [ ] malabar law and custom. [ ] wigram, malabar law and custom. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] description of the character, manners and customs of the people of india. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] mysore census report, , ; rice, mysore and coorg gazetteer. [ ] hindu manners and customs. ed. . [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] ambalam is an open space or building, where affairs connected with justice are transacted. ambalakkaran denotes the president of an assembly, or one who proclaims the decision of those assembled in an ambalam. [ ] anuloma, the product of the connection of a man with a woman of a lower caste; pratiloma, of the connection of a man with a woman of a higher caste. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] a. p. smith, madras review, . [ ] cochin census report, . [ ] houses where pilgrims and travellers are entertained, and fed gratuitously. [ ] c. hayavadana rao. tales of komati wit and wisdom, . [ ] wigram, malabar law and custom. [ ] madras journ. lit. and science, xi, , . [ ] historical sketches of the south of india. [ ] ellis. kural. [ ] mysore and coorg gazetteer, - . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] folk-songs of southern india. [ ] manual of the nilagiri district. [ ] the todas, . [ ] account of the primitive tribes and monuments of the nilagiris, . [ ] gazetteer of the nilgiris. [ ] madras christian college magazine, . [ ] gazetteer of the nilgiris. [ ] manual of coorg. [ ] pioneer, th october . [ ] description of a singular aboriginal race inhabiting the summit of the neilgherry hills. [ ] the todas, . [ ] op. cit. [ ] op. cit. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] the bridge spanning the river of death, which the blessed cross in safety. [ ] report, government botanic gardens, nilgiris, . [ ] e. schmidt. reise nach sudindien, . [ ] the world's peoples, . [ ] h. h. wilson, essays and lectures, chiefly on the religion of the hindus, . [ ] hindu castes and sects. [ ] the mystics, ascetics, and saints of india, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] a native: pen and ink sketches of south india. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the s. canara district. [ ] yule and burnell. hobson-jobson. [ ] calcutta review. [ ] indian review, vii, . [ ] see g. krishna rao. treatise on aliya santana law and usage, mangalore, . [ ] calcutta review. [ ] malabar law and custom, rd ed., . [ ] the law of partition and succession, from the text of varadaraja's vyavaharaniranya by a. c. burnell ( ). [ ] calcutta review. [ ] report of the malabar marriage commission, . [ ] mysore and coorg gazetteer. [ ] rev. j. cain, ind. ant., v, . [ ] m. paupa rao naidu. the criminal tribes of india. no. iii, madras, . [ ] op. cit. [ ] tribes and castes of the north-western provinces and oudh, bawariya, . [ ] tribes and castes of bengal, . [ ] journey through mysore, canara and malabar, . [ ] gentu or gentoo is "a corruption of the portuguese gentio, gentile or heathen, which they applied to the hindus in contradistinction to the moros or moors, i.e., mahommedans. it is applied to the telugu-speaking hindus specially, and to their language." yule and burnell, hobson-jobson. [ ] historical sketches of the south of india: mysore, - . [ ] by law, to constitute dacoity, there must be five or more in the gang committing the crime. yule and burnell, op. cit. [ ] circumcision is practised by some kallans of the tamil country. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] op. cit. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] agricultural ledger series, calcutta, no. , . [ ] jeypore. breklum, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] op. cit. [ ] taylor. catalogue raisonné of oriental manuscripts. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] journey from madras through mysore, canara and malabar. [ ] ind. ant. xviii, . [ ] hobson-jobson. [ ] decadas de asia. [ ] j. s. f. mackenzie, ind. ant. iv, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] sanskrit hymn repeated a number of times during daily ablutions. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] j. s. f. mackenzie, ind. ant. iv, . [ ] see f. s. mullaly. notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency. [ ] history of railway thieves, madras, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] occasional essays on native south indian life. [ ] gazetteer of the central provinces, . [ ] report of the ethnological committee of the central provinces. [ ] wilson. glossary of judicial and revenue terms. [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] devil worship of the tuluvas, ind. ant. xxiii, xxiv, and xxv, - . [ ] occasional essays on native south indian life. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the vizagapatam district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] manual of the ganjam district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] religious thought and life in india. [ ] christianity and caste, . [ ] in the vedic verse the word used for my brothers literally means your husbands. [ ] a hotri is one who presides at the time of sacrifices. [ ] madras christian college magazine, march, . [ ] religious thought and life in india. [ ] see thurston, ethnographic notes in southern india, , pp. - . [ ] op. cit. [ ] watt, dict. economic products of india. [ ] viaggio all' indie orientali, . [ ] see note on the tulsi plant. journ. anthrop. soc., bombay, viii, i, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] hobson-jobson. [ ] music and musical instruments of southern india and the deccan, . [ ] oriental commerce. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] collection of the decisions of high courts and the privy council on the hindu law of marriage and the effect of apostacy after marriage. madras, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] ind. ant. iii, . [ ] ind. ant. iii, . [ ] mysore and coorg gazetteer, . [ ] said to be derived from ma, a negation, and arka, sun, in allusion to their not performing the adoration of that luminary which is customary among brahmans. [ ] brahmanism and hinduism. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] fraser's magazine, may . [ ] loc. cit. [ ] indian review, vii, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] j. s. f. mackenzie, ind. ant., iv, . [ ] madras census report, . gutenberg. castes and tribes of southern india by edgar thurston, c.i.e., superintendent, madras government museum; correspondant Étranger, société d'anthropologie de paris; socio corrispondante, societa, romana di anthropologia. assisted by k. rangachari, m.a., of the madras government museum. volume iii--k government press, madras . castes and tribes of southern india. volume iii. k kabbera.--the kabberas are a caste of canarese fishermen and cultivators. "they are," mr. w. francis writes, [ ] "grouped into two divisions, the gaurimakkalu or sons of gauri (parvati) and the gangimakkalu or sons of ganga, the goddess of water, and they do not intermarry, but will dine together. each has its bedagus (exogamous septs), and these seem to be different in the two sub-divisions. the gaurimakkalu are scarce in bellary, and belong chiefly to mysore. they seem to be higher in the social scale (as such things are measured among hindus) than the gangimakkalu, as they employ brahmans as priests instead of men of their own caste, burn their dead instead of burying them, hold annual ceremonies in memory of them, and prohibit the remarriage of widows. the gangimakkalu were apparently engaged originally in all the pursuits connected with water, such as propelling boats, catching fish, and so forth, and they are especially numerous in villages along the banks of the tungabhadra." coracles are still used on various south indian rivers, e.g., the cauvery, bhavani, and tungabhadra. tavernier, on his way to golgonda, wrote that "the boats employed in crossing the river are like large baskets, covered outside with ox-hides, at the bottom of which some faggots are placed, upon which carpets are spread to put the baggage and goods upon, for fear they should get wet." bishop whitehead has recently [ ] placed on record his experiences of coracles as a means of conveyance. "we embarked," he writes, "in a boat (at hampi on the tungabhadra) which exactly corresponds to my idea of the coracle of the ancient britons. it consists of a very large, round wicker basket, about eight or nine feet in diameter, covered over with leather, and propelled by paddles. as a rule, it spins round and round, but the boatmen can keep it fairly straight, when exhorted to do so, as they were on this occasion. some straw had been placed in the bottom of the coracle, and we were also allowed the luxury of chairs to sit upon, but it is safer to sit on the straw, as a chair in a coracle is generally in a state of unstable equilibrium. i remember once crossing a river in the trichinopoly district in a coracle, to take a confirmation at a village on the other side. it was thought more suitable to the dignity of the occasion that i should sit upon a chair in the middle of the coracle, and i weakly consented to do so. all the villagers were assembled to meet us on the opposite bank; four policemen were drawn up as a guard of honour, and a brass band, brought from tanjore, stood ready in the background. as we came to the shore, the villagers salaamed, the guard of honour saluted, the band struck up a tune faintly resembling 'see the conquering hero comes,' the coracle bumped heavily against the shelving bank, my chair tipped up, and i was deposited, heels up, on my back in the straw!... we were rowed for about two miles down the stream. the current was very swift, and there were rapids at frequent intervals. darkness overtook us, and it was not altogether a pleasant sensation being whirled swiftly over the rapids in our frail-looking boat, with ugly rocks jutting out of the stream on either side. but the boatmen seemed to know the river perfectly, and were extraordinarily expert in steering the coracle with their paddles." the arrival in of the american missionary, john eddy chandler at madura, when the vaigai river was in flood, has been described as follows. [ ] "coolies swimming the river brought bread and notes from the brethren and sisters in the city. at last, after three days of waiting, the new missionaries safely reached the mission premises in madura. messrs. rendall and cherry managed to cross to them, and they all recrossed into the city by a large basket boat, eight or ten feet in diameter, with a bamboo pole tied across the top for them to hold on to. the outside was covered with leather. ropes attached to all sides were held by a dozen coolies as they dragged it across, walking and swimming." in recent years, a coracle has been kept at the traveller's bungalow at paikara on the nilgiris for the use of anglers in the paikara river. "the kabberas," mr. francis continues, "are at present engaged in a number of callings, and, perhaps in consequence, several occupational sub-divisions have arisen, the members of which are more often known by their occupational title than as either gangimakkalu or kabberas. the barikes, for example, are a class of village servants who keep the village chavadi (caste meeting house) clean, look after the wants of officials halting in the village, and do other similar duties. the jalakaras are washers of gold-dust; the madderu are dyers, who use the root of the maddi (morinda citrifolia) tree; and apparently (the point is one which i have not had time to clear up) the besthas, who have often been treated as a separate caste, are really a sub-division of the gangimakkalu, who were originally palanquin-bearers, but, now that these vehicles have gone out of fashion, are employed in divers other ways. the betrothal is formally evidenced by the partaking of betel-leaf in the girl's house, in the manner followed by the kurubas. as among the madigas, the marriage is not consummated for three months after its celebration. the caste follow the kuruba ceremony of calling back the dead." consummation is, as among the kurubas and madigas, postponed for three months, as it is considered unlucky to have three heads of a family in a household during the first year of marriage. by the delay, the birth of a child should take place only in the second year, so that, during the first year, there will be only two heads, husband and wife. in the ceremony of calling back the dead, referred to by mr. francis, a pot of water is worshipped in the house on the eleventh day after a funeral, and taken next morning to some lonely place, where it is emptied. for the following note on the kabberas of the bellary district, i am indebted to mr. kothandram naidu. the caste is sometimes called ambiga. breaches of caste rules and customs are enquired into by a panchayat presided over by a headman called kattemaniavaru. if the fine inflicted on the offender is a heavy one, half goes to the headman, and half to the caste people, who spend it in drink. in serious cases, the offender has to be purified by shaving and drinking holy water (thirtam) given to him by the headman. both infant and adult marriage are practiced. sexual license previous to marriage is tolerated, but, before that takes place, the contracting couple have to pay a fine to the headman. at the marriage ceremony, the tali is tied on the bride's neck by a brahman. married women carry painted new pots with lights, bathe the bride and bridegroom, etc. widows are remarried with a ceremonial called udiki, which is performed at night in a temple by widows, one of whom ties the tali. no married men or women may be present, and music is not allowed. divorce is said to be not permitted. in religion the kabberas are vaishnavites, and worship various village deities. the dead are buried. cloths and food are offered to ancestors during the dasara festival, excepting those who have died a violent death. some unmarried girls are dedicated to the goddess hulugamma as basavis (dedicated prostitutes). concerning an agricultural ceremony in the bellary district, in which the kabberas take part, i gather that "on the first full-moon day in the month of bhadrapada (september), the agricultural population celebrate a feast called jokumara, to appease the rain-god. the barikas (women), who are a sub-division of the kabbera caste belonging to the gaurimakkalu section, go round the town or village in which they live, with a basket on their heads containing margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves, flowers of various kinds, and holy ashes. they beg alms, especially of the cultivating classes (kapus), and, in return for the alms bestowed (usually grain and food), they give some of the margosa leaves, flowers, and ashes. the kapus, or cultivators, take the margosa leaves, flowers, and ashes to their fields, prepare cholum (andropogon sorghum) kanji, mix these with it, and sprinkle this kanji, or gruel, all round their fields. after this, the kapu proceeds to the potter's kiln in the village or town, fetches ashes from it, and makes a figure of a human being. this figure is placed prominently in some convenient spot in the field, and is called jokumara, or rain-god. it is supposed to have the power of bringing down the rain in proper time. the figure is sometimes small, and sometimes big." [ ] kabbili.--kabbili or kabliga, recorded as a sub-division of bestha, is probably a variant of kabbera. kadacchil (knife-grinder or cutler).--a sub-division of kollan. kadaiyan.--the name, kadaiyan, meaning last or lowest, occurs as a sub-division of the pallans. the kadaiyans are described [ ] as being lime (shell) gatherers and burners of ramesvaram and the neighbourhood, from whose ranks the pearl-divers are in part recruited at the present day. on the coasts of madura and tinnevelly they are mainly christians, and are said, like the paravas, to have been converted through the work of st. francis xavier. [ ] kadaperi.--a sub-division of kannadiyan. kadavala (pots).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. kadi (blade of grass).--a gotra of kurni. kadir.--the kadirs or kadans inhabit the anaimalai or elephant hills, and the great mountain range which extends thence southward into travancore. a night journey by rail to coimbatore, and forty miles by road at the mercy of a typically obstinate jutka pony, which landed me in a dense patch of prickly-pear (opuntia dillenii), brought me to the foot of the hills at sethumadai, where i came under the kindly hospitality of mr. h. a. gass, conservator of forests, to whom i am indebted for much information on forest and tribal matters gathered during our camp life at mount stuart, situated , feet above sea-level, in the midst of a dense bamboo jungle, and playfully named after sir mountstuart grant duff, who visited the spot during his quinquennium as governor of madras. at sethumadai i made the acquaintance of my first kadir, not dressed, as i hoped, in a primitive garb of leaves, but wearing a coloured turban and the cast-off red coat of a british soldier, who had come down the hill to carry up my camp bath, which acted as an excellent umbrella, to protect him from the driving monsoon showers. very glad was i of his services in helping to convey my clothed, and consequently helpless self, across the mountain torrents, swollen by a recent burst of monsoon rain. the kadir forest guards, of whom there are several in government service, looked, except for their noses, very unjungle-like by contrast with their fellow-tribesmen, being smartly dressed in regulation norfolk jacket, knickerbockers, pattis (leggings), buttons, and accoutrements. on arrival at the forest depôt, with its comfortable bungalows and kadir settlement, i was told by a native servant that his master was away, as an "elephant done tumble in a fit." my memory went back to the occasion many years ago, when, as a medical student, i took part in the autopsy of an elephant, which died in convulsions at the london zoological gardens. it transpired later in the day that a young and grown-up cow elephant had tumbled, not in a fit, but into a pit made with hands for the express purpose of catching elephants. the story has a philological significance, and illustrates the difficulty which the tamulian experiences in dealing with the letter f. an incident is still cherished at mount stuart in connection with a sporting globe-trotter, who was accredited to the conservator of forests for the purpose of putting him on to "bison" (the gaur, bos gaurus), and other big game. on arrival at the depôt, he was informed that his host had gone to see the "ellipence." incapable of translating the pigeon-english of the native butler, and, concluding that a financial reckoning was being suggested, he ordered the servant to pay the baggage coolies their elli-pence, and send them away. to a crusted anglo-indian it is clear that ellipence could only mean elephants. sir m. e. grant duff tells [ ] the following story of a man, who was shooting on the anaimalais. in his camp was an elephant, who, in the middle of the night, began to eat the thatch of the hut, in which he was sleeping. his servant in alarm rushed in and awoke him, saying "elephant, sahib, must, must (mad)." the sleeper, half-waking and rolling over, replied "oh, bother the elephant. tell him he mustn't." the salient characteristics of the kadirs may be briefly summed up as follows: short stature, dark skin, platyrhine. men and women have the teeth chipped. women wear a bamboo comb in the back-hair. those whom i met spoke a tamil patois, running up the scale in talking, and finishing, like a suffolker, on a higher note than they commenced on. but i am told that some of them speak a mixture of debased tamil and malayalam. i am informed by mr. vincent that the kadirs have a peculiar word ali, denoting apparently a fellow or thing, which they apply as a suffix to names, e.g., karaman ali, black fellow; mudi ali, hairy fellow; kutti ali, man with a knife; puv ali, man with a flower. among nicknames, the following occur: white mother, white flower, beauty, tiger, milk, virgin, love, breasts. the kadirs are excellent mimics, and give a clever imitation of the mode of speech of the muduvans, malasars, and other hill tribes. the kadirs afford a typical example of happiness without culture. unspoiled by education, the advancing wave of which has not yet engulfed them, they still retain many of their simple "manners and customs." quite refreshing was it to hear the hearty shrieks of laughter of the nude curly-haired children, wholly illiterate, and happy in their ignorance, as they played at funerals, or indulged in the amusement of making mud pies, and scampered off to their huts on my appearance. the uncultured kadir, living a hardy out-door life, and capable of appreciating to the full the enjoyment of an "apathetic rest" as perfect bliss, has, i am convinced, in many ways, the advantage over the poor under-fed student with a small-paid appointment under government as the narrow goal to which the laborious passing of examination tests leads. living an isolated existence, confined within the thinly-populated jungle, where nature furnishes the means of obtaining all the necessaries of life, the kadir possesses little, if any, knowledge of cultivation, and objects to doing work with a mamuti, the instrument which serves the gardener in the triple capacity of spade, rake, and hoe. but armed with a keen-edged bill-hook he is immense. as mr. o. h. bensley says: [ ] "the axiom that the less civilised men are, the more they are able to do every thing for themselves, is well illustrated by the hill-man, who is full of resource. give him a simple bill-hook, and what wonders he will perform. he will build houses out of etâh, so neat and comfortable as to be positively luxurious. he will bridge a stream with canes and branches. he will make a raft out of bamboo, a carving knife out of etâh, a comb out of bamboo, a fishing-line out of fibre, and fire from dry wood. he will find food for you where you think you must starve, and show you the branch which, if cut, will give you drink. he will set traps for beasts and birds, which are more effective than some of the most elaborate products of machinery." a european, overtaken by night in the jungle, unable to light fire by friction or to climb trees to gather fruits, ignorant of the edible roots and berries, and afraid of wild beasts, would, in the absence of comforts, be quite as unhappy and ill-at-ease as a kadir surrounded by plenty at an official dinner party. at the forest depôt the kadir settlement consists of neatly constructed huts, made of bamboo deftly split with a bill-hook in their long axis, thatched with leaves of the teak tree (tectona grandis) and bamboo (ochlandra travancorica), and divided off into verandah and compartments by means of bamboo partitions. but the kadirs are essentially nomad in habit, living in small communities, and shifting from place to place in the jungle, whence they suddenly re-appear as casually as if they had only returned from a morning stroll instead of a long camping expedition. when wandering in the jungle, the kadirs make a rough lean-to shed covered over with leaves, and keep a small fire burning through the night, to keep off bears, elephants, tigers, and leopards. they are, i am told, fond of dogs, which they keep chiefly as a protection against wild beasts at night. the camp fire is lighted by means of a flint and the floss of the silk-cotton tree (bombax malabaricum), over which powdered charcoal has been rubbed. like the kurumbas, the kadirs are not, in a general way, afraid of elephants, but are careful to get out of the way of a cow with young, or a solitary rover, which may mean mischief. on the day following my descent from mount stuart, an odde cooly woman was killed on the ghat road by a solitary tusker. familiarity with wild beasts, and comparative immunity from accident, have bred contempt for them, and the kadirs will go where the european, fresh to elephant land, fears to tread, or conjures every creak of a bamboo into the approach of a charging tusker. as an example of pluck worthy of a place in kipling's 'jungle-book,' i may cite the case of a hill-man and his wife, who, overtaken by night in the jungle, decided to pass it on a rock. as they slept, a tiger carried off the woman. hearing her shrieks, the sleeping man awoke, and followed in pursuit in the vain hope of saving his wife. coming on the beast in possession of the mangled corpse, he killed it at close quarters with a spear. yet he was wholly unconscious that he had performed an act of heroism worthy of the bronze cross 'for valour.' the kadirs carry loads strapped on the back over the shoulders by means of fibre, instead of on the head in the manner customary among coolies in the plains; and women on the march may be seen carrying the cooking utensils on their backs, and often have a child strapped on the top of their household goods. the dorsal position of the babies, huddled up in a dirty cloth, with the ends slung over the shoulders and held in the hands over the chest, at once caught my eye, as it is contrary to the usual native habit of straddling the infants across the loins as a saddle. mr. vincent informs me that "when the planters first came to the hills, the kadirs were found practically without clothes of any description, with very few ornaments, and looking very lean and emaciated. all this, however, changed with the advent of the european, as the kadirs then got advances in hard cash, clothes, and grain, to induce them to work. for a few years they tried to work hard, but were failures, and now i do not suppose that a dozen men are employed on the estates on the hills. they would not touch manure owing to caste scruples; they could not learn to prune; and with a mamoti (spade) they always promptly proceeded to chop their feet about in their efforts to dig pits." the kadirs have never claimed, like the todas, and do not possess any land on the hills. but the government has declared the absolute right of the hill tribes to collect all the minor forest produce, and to sell it to the government through the medium of a contractor, whose tender has been previously accepted. the contractor pays for the produce in coin at a fair market rate, and the kadirs barter the money so obtained for articles of food with contractors appointed by government to supply them with their requirements at a fixed rate, which will leave a fair, but not exorbitant margin of profit to the vendor. the principal articles of minor forest produce of the anaimalai hills are wax, honey, cardamoms, myrabolams, ginger, dammer, turmeric, deer horns, elephant tusks, and rattans. and of these, cardamoms, wax, honey, and rattans are the most important. honey and wax are collected at all seasons, and cardamoms from september to november. the total value of the minor produce collected, in - , in the south coimbatore division (which includes the anaimalais) was rs. , . this sum was exceptionally high owing to a good cardamom crop. an average year would yield a revenue of rs. , - , , of which the kadirs receive approximately per cent. they work for the forest department on a system of short advances for a daily wage of annas. and, at the present day, the interests of the forest department and planters, who have acquired land on the anaimalais, both anxious to secure hill men for labour, have come into mild collision. some kadirs are good trackers, and a few are good shikaris. a zoological friend, who had nicknamed his small child his "little shikari" (=little sportsman) was quite upset because i, hailing from india, did not recognise the word with his misplaced accent. one kadir, named viapoori muppan, is still held in the memory of europeans, who made a good living, in days gone by, by shooting tuskers, and had one arm blown off by the bursting of a gun. he is reputed to have been a much married man, greatly addicted to strong drinks, and to have flourished on the proceeds of his tusks. at the present day, if a kadir finds tusks, he must declare the find as treasure-trove, and hand it over to government, who rewards him at the rate of rs. to rs. per maund of lb. according to the quality. government makes a good profit on the transaction, as exceptionally good tusks have been known to sell for rs. per lb. if the find is not declared, and discovered, the possessor thereof is punished for theft according to the act. by an elastic use of the word cattle, it is, for the purposes of the madras forest act, made to include such a heterogeneous zoological collection of animals as elephants, sheep, pigs, goats, camels, buffaloes, horses--and asses. this classification recalls to mind the occasion on which the flying-fox or fox-bat was included in an official list of the insectivorous birds of the presidency; and, further, a report on the wild animals of a certain district, which was triumphantly headed with the "wild tattu," the long-suffering, but pig-headed country pony. i gather, from an account of the process by one who had considerable knowledge of the kadirs, that "they will only remove the hives of bees during dark nights, and never in the daytime or on moonlight nights. in removing them from cliffs, they use a chain made of bamboo or rattan, fixed to a stake or a tree on the top. the man, going down this fragile ladder, will only do so while his wife, or son watches above to prevent any foul play. they have a superstition that they should always return by the way they go down, and decline to get to the bottom of the cliff, although the distance may be less, and the work of re-climbing avoided. for hives on trees, they tie one or more long bamboos to reach up to the branch required, and then climb up. they then crawl along the branch until the hive is reached. they devour the bee-bread and the bee-maggots or larvæ, swallowing the wax as well." in a note on a shooting expedition in travancore, [ ] mr. j. d. rees, describing the collection of honey by the kadirs of the southern hills, says that they "descend giddy precipices at night, torch in hand, to smoke out the bees, and take away their honey. a stout creeper is suspended over the abyss, and it is established law of the jungle that no brother shall assist in holding it. but it is more interesting to see them run a ladder a hundred feet up the perpendicular stem of a tree, than to watch them disappearing over a precipice. axe in hand, the honey-picker makes a hole in the bark for a little peg, standing on which he inserts a second peg higher up, ties a long cane from one to the other, and by night--for the darkness gives confidence--he will ascend the tallest trees, and bring down honey without any accident." i have been told, with how much of truth i know not, that, when a kadir goes down the face of a rock or precipice in search of honey, he sometimes takes with him, as a precautionary measure, and guarantee of his safety, the wife of the man who is holding the ladder above. often, when out on the tramp with the late government botanist, mr. m. a. lawson, i have heard him lament that it is impossible to train arboreal monkeys to collect specimens of the fruit and flowers of lofty forest trees, which are inaccessible to the ordinary man. far superior to any trained simian is the kadir, who, by means of pegs or notches, climbs even the tallest masts of trees with an agility which recalls to memory the celebrated picture in "punch," representing darwin's 'habit of climbing plants.' for the ascent of comparatively low trees, notches are made with a bill-hook, alternately right and left, at intervals of about thirty inches. to this method the kadir will not have recourse in wet weather, as the notches are damp and slippery, and there is the danger of an insecure foot-hold. an important ethnographic fact, and one which is significant, is that the detailed description of tree-climbing by the dyaks of borneo, as given by wallace, [ ] might have been written on the anaimalai hills, and would apply equally well in every detail to the kadir. "they drove in," wallace writes, "a peg very firmly at about three feet from the ground, and, bringing one of the long bamboos, stood it upright close to the tree, and bound it firmly to the two first pegs by means of a bark cord and small notches near the head of each peg. one of the dyaks now stood on the first peg and drove in a third about level with his face, to which he tied the bamboo in the same way, and then mounted another step, standing on one foot, and holding by the bamboo at the peg immediately above him, while he drove in the next one. in this manner he ascended about twenty feet, when the upright bamboo became thin; another was handed up by his companion, and this was joined on by tying both bamboos to three or four of the pegs. when this was also nearly ended, a third was added, and shortly after the lowest branch of the tree was reached, along which the young dyak scrambled. the ladder was perfectly safe, since, if any one peg were loose or faulty, the strain would be thrown on several others above and below it. i now understood the use of the line of bamboo pegs sticking in trees, which i had often seen." in their search for produce in the evergreen forests of the higher ranges, with their heavy rainfall, the kadirs became unpleasantly familiar with leeches and blue bottle flies, which flourish in the moist climate. and it is recorded that a kadir, who had been gored and wounded by a bull 'bison,' was placed in a position of safety while a friend ran to the village to summon help. he was not away for more than an hour, but, in that short time, flies had deposited thousands of maggots in the wounds, and, when the man was brought into camp, they had already begun burrowing into the flesh, and were with difficulty extracted. on another occasion, the eye-witness of the previous unappetising incident was out alone in the forest, and shot a tiger two miles or so from his camp. thither he went to collect coolies to carry in the carcase, and was away for about two hours, during which the flies had, like the child in the story, 'not been idle,' the skin being a mass of maggots and totally ruined. i have it on authority that, like the kotas of the nilgiris, the kadirs will eat the putrid and fly-blown flesh of carcases of wild beasts, which they come across in their wanderings. to a dietary which includes succulent roots, which they upturn with a digging stick, bamboo seed, sheep, fowls, rock-snakes (python), deer, porcupines, rats (field, not house), wild pigs, monkeys, etc., they do credit by displaying a hard, well-nourished body. the mealy portion of the seeds of the cycas tree, which flourishes on the lower slopes of the anaimalais, forms a considerable addition to the ménu. in its raw state the fruit is said to be poisonous, but it is evidently wholesome when cut into slices, thoroughly soaked in running water, dried, and ground into flour for making cakes, or baked in hot ashes. mr. vincent writes that, "during march, april, and may, the kadirs have a glorious time. they usually manage to find some wild sago palms, called by them koondtha panai, of the proper age, which they cut down close to the ground. they are then cut into lengths of about / feet, and split lengthways. the sections are then beaten very hard and for a long time with mallets, and become separated into fibre and powder. the powder is thoroughly wetted, tied in cloths and well beaten with sticks. every now and then, between the beatings, the bag of powder is dipped in water, and well strained. it is then all put into water, when the powder sinks, and the water is poured off. the residue is well boiled, with constant stirring, and, when it is of the consistency of rubber, and of a reddish brown colour, it is allowed to cool, and then cut in pieces to be distributed. this food stuff is palatable enough, but very tough." the kadir is said to prefer roasting and eating the flesh of animals with the skin on. for catching rats, jungle-fowl, etc., he resorts to cunningly devised snares and traps made of bamboo and fibre, as a substitute for a gun. porcupines are caught by setting fire to the scrub jungle round them as they lie asleep, and thus smoking and burning them to death. when a kadir youth's thoughts turn towards matrimony, he is said to go to the village of his bride-elect, and give her a dowry by working there for a year. on the wedding day a feast of rice, sheep, fowls, and other luxuries is given by the parents of the bridegroom, to which the kadir community is invited. the bride and bridegroom stand beneath a pandal (arch) decorated with flowers, which is erected outside the home of the bridegroom, while men and women dance separately to the music of drum and fife. the bridegroom's mother or sister ties the tali (marriage badge) of gold or silver round the bride's neck, and her father puts a turban on the head of the bridegroom. the contracting parties link together the little fingers of their right hands as a token of their union, and walk in procession round the pandal. then, sitting on a reed mat of kadir manufacture, they exchange betel. the marriage tie can be dissolved for incompatibility of temper, disobedience on the part of the wife, adultery, etc., without appeal to any higher authority than a council of elders, who pronounce judgment on the evidence. as an illustration of the manner in which such a council of hill-men disposes of cases, mr. bensley cites the case of a man who was made to carry forty basket loads of sand to the house of the person against whom he had offended. he points out how absolute is the control exercised by the council. disobedience would be followed by excommunication, and this would mean being turned out into the jungle, to obtain a living in the best way one could. by one kadir informant i was assured, as he squatted on the floor of my bungalow at "question time," that it is essential that a wife should be a good cook, in accordance with a maxim that the way to the heart is through the mouth. how many men in civilised western society, who suffer from marrying a wife wholly incompetent, like the first mrs. david copperfield, to conduct the housekeeping, might well be envious of the system of marriage as a civil contract to be sealed or unloosed according to the cookery results! polygyny is indulged in by the kadirs, who agree with benedick that "the world must be peopled," and hold more especially that the numerical strength of their own tribe must be maintained. the plurality of wives seems to be mainly with the desire for offspring, and the father-in-law of one of the forest-guards informed me that he had four wives living. the first two wives producing no offspring, he married a third, who bore him a solitary male child. considering the result to be an insufficient contribution to the tribe, he married a fourth, who, more prolific than her colleagues, gave birth to three girls and a boy, with which he remained content. in the code of polygynous etiquette, the first wife takes precedence over the others, and each wife has her own cooking utensils. special huts are maintained for women during menstruation and parturition. mr. vincent informs me that, when a girl reaches puberty, the friends of the family gather together, and a great feast is prepared. all her friends and relations give her a small present of money, according to their means. the girl is decorated with the family jewelry, and made to look as smart as possible. for the first menstrual period, a special hut, called mutthu salai or ripe house, is constructed for the girl to live in during the period of pollution; but at subsequent periods, the ordinary menstruation hut, or unclean house, is used. all girls are said to change their names when they reach puberty. for three months after the birth of a child, the woman is considered unclean. when the infant is a month old, it is named without any elaborate ceremonial, though the female friends of the family collect together. sexual intercourse ceases on the establishment of pregnancy, and the husband indulges in promiscuity. widows are not allowed to re-marry, but may live in a state of concubinage. women are said to suckle their children till they are two or three years old, and a mother has been seen putting a lighted cigarette to the lips of a year old baby immediately after suckling it. if this is done with the intention of administering a sedative, it is less baneful than the pellet of opium administered by ayahs (nurses) to anglo-indian babies rendered fractious by troubles climatic, dental, and other. the kadir men are said to consume large quantities of opium, which is sold to them illicitly. they will not allow the women or children to eat it, and have a belief that the consumption thereof by women renders them barren. the women chew tobacco. the men smoke the coarse tobacco as sold in the bazars, and showed a marked appreciation of spencer's torpedo cheroots, which i distributed among them for the purposes of bribery and conciliation. the religion of the kadirs is a crude polytheism, and vague worship of stone images or invisible gods. it is, as mr. bensley expresses it, an ejaculatory religion, finding vent in uttering the names of the gods and demons. the gods, as enumerated and described to me, were as follows:-- ( ) paikutlatha, a projecting rock overhanging a slab of rock, on which are two stones set up on end. two miles east of mount stuart. ( ) athuvisariamma, a stone enclosure, ten to fifteen feet square, almost level with the ground. it is believed that the walls were originally ten feet high, and that the mountain has grown up round it. within the enclosure there is a representation of the god. eight miles north of mount stuart. ( ) vanathavathi. has no shrine, but is worshipped anywhere as an invisible god. ( ) iyappaswami, a stone set up beneath a teak tree, and worshipped as a protector against various forms of sickness and disease. in the act of worshipping, a mark is made on the stone with ashes. two miles and a half from mount stuart, on the ghat road to sethumadai. ( ) masanyatha, a female recumbent figure in stone on a masonry wall in an open plain near the village of anaimalai, before which trial by ordeal is carried out. the goddess has a high repute for her power of detecting thieves or rogues. chillies are thrown into a fire in her name, and the guilty person suffers from vomiting and diarrhoea. according to mr. l. k. anantha krishna iyer, [ ] the kadirs are "worshippers of kali. on the occasion of the offering to kali, a number of virgins are asked to bathe as a preliminary to the preparation of the offering, which consists of rice and some vegetables cooked in honey, and made into a sweet pudding. the rice for this preparation is unhusked by these girls. the offering is considered to be sacred, and is partaken of by all men, women, and children assembled." when kadirs fall sick, they worship the gods by saluting them with their hands to the face, burning camphor, and offering up fruits, cocoanuts, and betel. mr. vincent tells me that they have a horror of cattle, and will not touch the ordure, or other products of the cow. yet they believe that their gods occasionally reside in the body of a "bison," and have been known to do puja (worship) when a bull has been shot by a sportsman. it is noted by mr. anantha krishna iyer that wild elephants are held in veneration by them, but tame ones are believed to have lost the divine element. the kadirs are said, during the hindu vishu festival, to visit the plains, and, on their way, pray to any image which they chance to come across. they are believers in witchcraft, and attribute all diseases to the miraculous workings thereof. they are good exorcists, and trade in mantravadam or magic. mr. logan mentions [ ] that "the family of famous trackers, whose services in the jungles were retained for h.r.h. the prince of wales' (now king edward) projected sporting tour in the anamalai mountains, dropped off most mysteriously, one by one, shortly afterwards, stricken down by an unseen hand, and all of them expressing beforehand their conviction that they were under a certain individual's spell, and were doomed to certain death at an early date. they were probably poisoned, but how it was managed remains a mystery, although the family was under the protection of a european gentleman, who would at once have brought to light any ostensible foul play." the kadir dead are buried in a grave, or, if death occurs in the depths of the jungles, with a paucity of hands available for digging, the corpse is placed in a crevice between the rocks, and covered over with stones. the grave is dug from four to five feet deep. there is no special burial-ground, but some spot in the jungle, not far from the scene of death, is selected. a band of music, consisting of drum and fife, plays weird dirges outside the hut of the deceased, and whistles are blown when it is carried away therefrom. the old clothes of the deceased are spread under the corpse, and a new cloth is put on it. it is tied up in a mat, which completely covers it, and carried to the burial-ground on a bamboo stretcher. as it leaves the hut, rice is thrown over it. the funeral ceremony is simple in the extreme. the corpse is laid in the grave on a mat in the recumbent posture, with the head towards the east, and with split bamboo and leaves placed all round it, so that not a particle of earth can touch it. no stone, or sepulchral monument of any kind, is set up to mark the spot. the kadir believes that the dead go to heaven, which is in the sky, but has no views as to what sort of place it is. the story that the kadirs eat their dead originated with europeans, the origin of it being that no one had ever seen a dead kadir, a grave, or sign of a burial-place. the kadirs themselves are reticent as to their method of disposing of the dead, and the story, which was started as a joke, became more or less believed. mr. vincent tells me that a well-to-do kadir family will perform the final death ceremonies eight days after death, but poorer folk have to wait a year or more, till they have collected sufficient money for the expenses thereof. at cock-crow on the morning of the ceremonies, rice, called polli chor, is cooked, and piled up on leaves in the centre of the hut of the deceased. cooked rice, called tullagu chor, is then placed in each of the four corners of the hut, to propitiate the gods, and to serve as food for them and the spirit of the dead person. at a short distance from the hut, rice, called kanal chor, is cooked for all kadirs who have died, and been buried. the relations and friends of the deceased commence to cry, and make lamentations, and proclaim his good qualities, most of which are fictitious. after an hour or so, they adjourn to the hut of the deceased, where the oldest man present invokes the gods, and prays to them and to the heaped up food. a pinch from each of the heaps is thrown into the air as a gift of food to the gods, and those present fall to, and eat heartily, being careful to partake of each of the food-stuffs, consisting of rice, meat, and vegetables, which have been prepared. on a certain monday in the months of adi and avani, the kadirs observe a festival called nombu, during which a feast is held, after they have bathed and anointed themselves with oil. it was, they say, observed by their ancestors, but they have no definite tradition as to its origin or significance. it is noted by mr. anantha krishna iyer that, at the onam festival, presents in the shape of rice, cloths, coats, turbans, caps, ear-rings, tobacco, opium, salt, oil and cocoanuts are distributed among the kadirs by the forest department. according to mr. bensley, "the kadir has an air of calm dignity, which leads one to suppose that he had some reason for having a more exalted opinion of himself than that entertained for him by the outside world. a forest officer of a philanthropic turn had a very high opinion of the sturdy independence and blunt honesty of the kadir, but he once came unexpectedly round a corner, to find two of them exploring the contents of his port-manteau, from which they had abstracted a pair of scissors, a comb, and a looking glass." "the kadirs," mr. (now sir f. a.) nicholson writes, [ ] "are, as a rule, rather short in stature, and deep-chested, like most mountaineers; and, like many true mountaineers, they rarely walk with a straight leg. hence their thigh muscles are often abnormally developed at the expense of those of the calf. hence, too, in part, their dislike to walking long distances on level ground, though their objection, mentioned by colonel douglas hamilton, to carrying loads on the plains, is deeper-rooted than that arising from mere physical disability. this objection is mainly because they are rather a timid race, and never feel safe out of the forests. they have also affirmed that the low-country air is very trying to them." as a matter of fact, they very rarely go down to the plains, even as far as the village of anaimalai, only fifteen miles distant from mount stuart. one woman, whom i saw, had been as far as palghat by railway from coimbatore, and had returned very much up-to-date in the matter of jewelry and the latest barbarity in imported piece-good body-cloth. with the chest-girth of the kadirs, as well as their general muscular development, i was very much impressed. their hardiness, mr. conner writes, [ ] has given rise to the observation among their neighbours that the kadir and kad anai (wild elephant) are much the same sort of animal. perhaps the most interesting custom of the kadirs is that of chipping all or some of the incisor teeth, both upper and lower, into the form of a sharp-pointed, but not serrated cone. the operation, which is performed with a chisel or bill-hook and file by members of the tribe skilled therein, on boys and girls, has been thus described. the girl to be operated on lies down, and places her head against a female friend, who holds her head firmly. a woman takes a sharpened bill-hook, and chips away the teeth till they are shaded to a point, the girl operated on writhing and groaning with the pain. after the operation she appears dazed, and in a very few hours the face begins to swell. swelling and pain last for a day or two, accompanied by severe headache. the kadirs say that chipped teeth make an ugly man or woman handsome, and that a person, whose teeth have not been thus operated on, has teeth and eats like a cow. whether this practice is one which the kadir, and mala vedar of travancore, have hit on spontaneously in comparatively recent times, or whether it is a relic of a custom resorted to by their ancestors of long ago, which remains as a stray survival of a custom once more widely practiced by the remote inhabitants of southern india, cannot be definitely asserted, but i incline to the latter view. a friendly old woman, with huge discs in the widely dilated lobes of the ears, and a bamboo five-pronged comb in her back-hair, who acted as spokesman on the occasion of a visit to a charmingly situated settlement in a jungle of magnificent bamboos by the side of a mountain stream, pointed out to me, with conscious pride, that the huts were largely constructed by the females, while the men worked for the sircar (government). the females also carry water from the streams, collect firewood, dig up edible roots, and carry out the sundry household duties of a housewife. both men and women are clever at plaiting bamboo baskets, necklets, etc. i was told one morning by a kadir man, whom i met on the road, as an important item of news, that the women in his settlement were very busy dressing to come and see me--an event as important to them as the dressing of a débutante for presentation at the court of st. james'. they eventually turned up without their husbands, and evidently regarded my methods as a huge joke organised for the amusement of themselves and their children. the hair was neatly parted, anointed with a liberal application of cocoanut oil, and decked with wild flowers. beauty spots and lines had been painted with coal-tar dyes on the forehead, and turmeric powder freely sprinkled over the top of the heads of the married women. some had even discarded the ragged and dirty cotton cloth of every-day life in favour of a colour-printed imported sari. one bright, good-looking young woman, who had already been through the measuring ordeal, acted as an efficient lady-help in coaching the novices in the assumption of the correct positions. she very readily grasped the situation, and was manifestly proud of her temporary elevation to the rank of standard-bearer to government. dr. k. t. preuss has drawn my attention to an article in globus, , entitled 'die zauberbilder schriften der negrito in malaka,' wherein he describes in detail the designs on the bamboo combs worn by the negritos of malacca, and compares them with the strikingly similar design on the combs worn by the kadir women. dr. preuss works out in detail the theory that the design is not, as i have elsewhere called it, a geometrical pattern, but consists of a series of hieroglyphics. the collection of kadir combs in the madras museum shows very clearly that the patterns thereon are conventional designs. the bamboo combs worn by the semang women are stated [ ] to serve as talismans, to protect them against diseases which are prevalent, or most dreaded by them. mr. vincent informs me that, so far as he knows, the kadir combs are not looked on as charms, and the markings thereon have no mystic significance. a kadir man should always make a comb, and present it to his intended wife just before marriage, or at the conclusion of the marriage ceremony, and the young men vie with each other as to who can make the nicest comb. sometimes they represent strange articles on the combs. mr. vincent has, for example, seen a comb with a very good imitation of the face of a clock scratched on it. it is sometimes difficult to distinguish adolescent kadir youths with curly fringe, chests covered by a cotton cloth, and wearing necklets made of plaited grass or glass and brass beads, from girls. and i was myself several times caught in an erroneous diagnosis of sex. many of the infants have a charm tied round the neck, which takes the form of a dried tortoise foot; the tooth of a crocodile mimicking a phallus, and supposed to ward off attacks from a mythical water elephant which lives in the mountain streams; or wooden imitations of tiger's claws. one baby wore a necklet made of the seeds of coix lachryma-jobi (job's tears). males have the lobes of the ears adorned with brass ornaments, and the nostril pierced, and plugged with wood. the ear-lobes of the females are widely dilated with palm-leaf rolls or huge wooden discs, and they wear ear-rings, brass or steel bangles and finger-rings, and bead necklets. it is recorded by mr. anantha krishna iyer that the kadirs are attached to the raja of cochin "by the strongest ties of personal affection and regard. whenever his highness tours in the forests, they follow him, carry him from place to place in manjals or palanquins, carry saman (luggage), and in fact do everything for him. his highness in return is much attached to them, feeds them, gives them cloths, ornaments, combs, and looking-glasses." the kadirs will not eat with malasars, who are beef-eaters, and will not carry boots made of cow-hide, except under protest. average stature . cm.; cephalic index . ; nasal index . kadle.--kadle, kalle, and kadale meaning bengal gram (cicer arietinum) have been recorded as exogamous septs or gotras of kurubas and kurnis. kadu.--kadu or kattu, meaning wild or jungle, has been recorded as a division of golla, irula, korava, kurumba, and tottiyan. kadu also occurs as an exogamous sept or gotra of the kurnis. kadu konkani is stated, in the madras census report, , to mean the bastard konkanis, as opposed to the god or pure konkanis. kattu marathi is a synonym for the bird-catching kuruvikarans. in the malabar wynaad, the jungle kurumbas are known as kattu nayakan. kadukuttukiravar.--a synonym, meaning one who bores a hole in the ear, for koravas who perform the operation of piercing the lobes of the ears for various castes. kaduppattan.--the kadupattans are said, [ ] according to the traditional account of their origin, to have been pattar brahmans of kadu gramam, who became degraded owing to their supporting the introduction of buddhism. "the members of this caste are," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "at present mostly palanquin-bearers, and carriers of salt, oil, etc. the educated among them follow the profession of teaching, and are called ezhuttacchan, i.e., master of learning. both titles are used in the same family. in the native state of cochin, the kaduppattan is a salt-worker. in british malabar he is not known to have followed that profession for some generations past, but it may be that, salt manufacture having long ago been stopped in south malabar, he has taken to other professions, one of which is the carriage of salt. in manners and customs kaduppattans resemble nayars, but their inheritance follows the male line." the kaduppattans are described [ ] by mr. logan as "a caste hardly to be distinguished from the nayars. they follow a modified makkatayam system of inheritance, in which the property descends from father to son, but not from father to daughter. the girls are married before attaining puberty, and the bridegroom, who is to be the girl's real husband in after life, arranges the dowry and other matters by means of mediators (enangan). the tali is tied round the girl's neck by the bridegroom's sister or a female relative. at the funeral ceremonies of this class, the barber caste perform priestly functions, giving directions and preparing oblation rice. a widow without male issue is removed on the twelfth day after her husband's death from his house to that of her own parents. and this is done even if she has female issue. but, on the contrary, if she has borne sons to the deceased, she is not only entitled to remain at her husband's house, but she continues to have, in virtue of her sons, a joint right over his property." kahar.--in the madras census report, , the kahars are returned as a bengal caste of boatmen and fishermen. in the mysore census report, it is noted that kahar means in hindustani a blacksmith, and that those censused were immigrants from the bombay presidency. kaikatti (one who shows the hand).--a division of the kanakkans (accountants). the name has its origin in a custom, according to which a married woman is never allowed to communicate with her mother-in-law except by signs. [ ] kaikolan.--the kaikolans are a large caste of tamil weavers found in all the southern districts, who also are found in considerable numbers in the telugu country, where they have adopted the telugu language. a legend is current that the nayakkan kings of madura were not satisfied with the workmanship of the kaikolans, and sent for foreign weavers from the north (patnulkarans), whose descendants now far out-number the tamil weavers. the word kaikolan is the tamil equivalent of the sanskrit virabahu, a mythological hero, from whom both the kaikolans and a section of the paraiyans claim descent. the kaikolans are also called sengundar (red dagger) in connection with the following legend. "the people of the earth, being harassed by certain demons, applied to siva for help. siva was enraged against the giants, and sent forth six sparks of fire from his eyes. his wife, parvati, was frightened, and retired to her chamber, and, in so doing, dropped nine beads from her anklets. siva converted the beads into as many females, to each of whom was born a hero with full-grown moustaches and a dagger. these nine heroes, with subramanya at their head, marched in command of a large force, and destroyed the demons. the kaikolans or sengundar are said to be the descendants of virabahu, one of these heroes. after killing the demon, the warriors were told by siva that they should become musicians, and adopt a profession, which would not involve the destruction or injury of any living creature, and, weaving being such a profession, they were trained in it." [ ] according to another version, siva told parvati that the world would be enveloped in darkness if he should close his eyes. impelled by curiosity, parvati closed her husband's eyes with her hands. being terrified by the darkness, parvati ran to her chamber, and, on the way thither, nine precious stones fell from her anklets, and turned into nine fair maidens, with whom siva became enamoured and embraced them. seeing later on that they were pregnant, parvati uttered a curse that they should not bring forth children formed in their wombs. one padmasura was troubling the people in this world, and, on their praying to siva to help them, he told subramanya to kill the asura. parvati requested siva not to send subramanya by himself, and he suggested the withdrawal of her curse. accordingly, the damsels gave birth to nine heroes, who, carrying red daggers, and headed by subramanya, went in search of the asura, and killed him. the word kaikol is said to refer to the ratnavel or precious dagger carried by subramanya. the kaikolans, on the sura samharam day during the festival of subramanya, dress themselves up to represent the nine warriors, and join in the procession. the name kaikolan is further derived from kai (hand), and kol (shuttle). the kaikolans consider the different parts of the loom to represent various devatas and rishis. the thread is said to have been originally obtained from the lotus stalk rising from vishnu's navel. several devas formed the threads, which make the warp; narada became the woof; and vedamuni the treadle. brahma transformed himself into the plank (padamaram), and adisesha into the main rope. in some places, the following sub-divisions of the caste are recognised:--sozhia; rattu; siru-tali (small marriage badge); peru-tali (big marriage badge); sirpadam, and sevaghavritti. the women of the siru and peru-tali divisions wear a small and large tali respectively. in religion, most of the kaikolans are saivites, and some have taken to wearing the lingam, but a few are vaishnavites. the hereditary headman of the caste is called peridanakaran or pattakaran, and is, as a rule, assisted by two subordinates entitled sengili or gramani, and ural. but, if the settlement is a large one, the headman may have as many as nine assistants. according to mr. h. a. stuart, [ ] "the kaikolans acknowledge the authority of a headman, or mahanattan, who resides at conjeeveram, but itinerates among their villages, receiving presents, and settling caste disputes. where his decision is not accepted without demur, he imposes upon the refractory weavers the expense of a curious ceremony, in which the planting of a bamboo post takes part. from the top of this pole the mahanattan pronounces his decision, which must be acquiesced in on pain of excommunication." from information gathered at conjeeveram, i learn that there is attached to the kaikolans a class of mendicants called nattukattada nayanmar. the name means the nayanmar who do not plant, in reference to the fact that, when performing, they fix their bamboo pole to the gopuram of a temple, instead of planting it in the ground. they are expected to travel about the country, and, if a caste dispute requires settlement, a council meeting is convened, at which they must be present as the representatives of the mahanadu, a chief kaikolan head-quarters at conjeeveram. if the dispute is a complicated one, the nattukattada nayanmar goes to all the kaikolan houses, and makes a red mark with laterite [ ] on the cloth in the loom, saying "andvaranai," as signifying that it is done by order of the headman. the kaikolans may, after this, not go on with their work until the dispute is settled, for the trial of which a day is fixed. the nattukattada nayanmars set up on a gopuram their pole, which should have seventy-two internodes, and measure at least as many feet. the number of internodes corresponds to that of the nadus into which the kaikolan community is divided. kamatchiamma is worshipped, and the nattukattada nayanmars climb up the pole, and perform various feats. finally, the principal actor balances a young child in a tray on a bamboo, and, letting go of the bamboo, catches the falling child. the origin of the performance is said to have been as follows. the demon suran was troubling the devas and men, and was advised by karthikeya (subramanya) and virabahu to desist from so doing. he paid no heed, and a fight ensued. the demon sent his son vajrabahu to meet the enemy, and he was slain by virabahu, who displayed the different parts of his body in the following manner. the vertebral column was made to represent a pole, round which the other bones were placed, and the guts tightly wound round them. the connective tissues were used as ropes to support the pole. the skull was used as a jaya-mani (conquest bell), and the skin hoisted as a flag. the trident of virabahu was fixed to the top of the pole, and, standing over it, he announced his victory over the world. the nattukattada nayanmars claim to be the descendants of virabahu. their head-quarters are at conjeeveram. they are regarded as slightly inferior to the kaikolans, with whom ordinarily they do not intermarry. the kaikolans have to pay them as alms a minimum fee of four annas per loom annually. another class of mendicant, called ponnambalaththar, which is said to have sprung up recently, poses as true caste beggars attached to the kaikolans, from whom, as they travel about the country, they solicit alms. some kaikolans gave ontipuli as the name of their caste beggars. the ontipulis, however, are nokkans attached to the pallis. the kaikolan community is, as already indicated, divided into seventy-two nadus or desams, viz., forty-four mel (western) and twenty-eight kil (eastern) nadus. intermarriages take place between members of seventy-one of these nadus. the great tamil poet ottaikuththar is said to have belonged to the kaikolan caste and to have sung the praises of all castes except his own. being angry on this account, the kaikolans urged him to sing in praise of them. this he consented to do, provided that he received , human heads. seventy-one nadus sent the first-born sons for the sacrifice, but one nadu (tirumarudhal) refused to send any. this refusal led to their isolation from the rest of the community. all the nadus are subject to the authority of four thisai nadus, and these in turn are controlled by the mahanadu at conjeeveram, which is the residence of the patron deity kamatchiamman. the thisai nadus are ( ) sivapuram (walajabad), east of conjeeveram, where kamatchiamman is said to have placed nandi as a guard; ( ) thondipuram, where thondi vinayakar was stationed; ( ) virinjipuram to the west, guarded by subramanya; ( ) sholingipuram to the south, watched over by bairava. each of the seventy-one nadus is sub-divided into kilai gramams (branch villages), perur (big) and sithur (little) gramams. in tamil works relating to the sengundar caste, conjeeveram is said to be the mahanadu, and those belonging thereto are spoken of as the nineteen hundred, who are entitled to respect from other kaikolans. another name for kaikolans of the mahanadu seems to be andavar; but in practice this name is confined to the headman of the mahanadu, and members of his family. they have the privilege of sitting at council meetings with their backs supported by pillows, and consequently bear the title thindusarndan (resting on pillows). at present there are two sections of kaikolans at conjeeveram, one living at ayyampettai, and the other at pillaipalayam. the former claim ayyampettai as the mahanadu, and refuse to recognise pillaipalayam, which is in the heart of conjeeveram, as the mahanadu. disputes arose, and recourse was had to the vellore court in , where it was decided that ayyampettai possesses no claim to be called the mahanadu. many kaikolan families have now abandoned their hereditary employment as weavers in favour of agriculture and trade, and some of the poorer members of the caste work as cart-drivers and coolies. at coimbatore some hereditary weavers have become cart-drivers, and some cart-drivers have become weavers de necessité in the local jail. in every kaikolan family, at least one girl should be set apart for, and dedicated to temple service. and the rule seems to be that, so long as this girl or her descendants, born to her or adopted, continue to live, another girl is not dedicated. but, when the line becomes extinct, another girl must be dedicated. all the kaikolans deny their connection with the deva-dasi (dancing-girl) caste. but kaikolans freely take meals in dasi houses on ceremonial occasions, and it would not be difficult to cite cases of genuine dasis who have relationship with rich kaikolans. kaikolan girls are made dasis either by regular dedication to a temple, or by the headman tying the tali (nattu pottu). the latter method is at the present day adopted because it is considered a sin to dedicate a girl to the god after she has reached puberty, and because the securing of the requisite official certificate for a girl to become a dasi involves considerable trouble. "it is said," mr. stuart writes, [ ] "that, where the head of a house dies, leaving only female issue, one of the girls is made a dasi in order to allow of her working like a man at the loom, for no woman not dedicated in this manner may do so." of the orthodox form of ceremonial in connection with a girl's initiation as a dasi, the following account was given by the kaikolans of coimbatore. the girl is taught music and dancing. the dancing master or nattuvan, belongs to the kaikolan caste, but she may be instructed in music by brahman bhagavathans. at the tali-tying ceremony, which should take place after the girl has reached puberty, she is decorated with jewels, and made to stand on a heap of paddy (unhusked rice). a folded cloth is held before her by two dasis, who also stand on heaps of paddy. the girl catches hold of the cloth, and her dancing master, who is seated behind her, grasping her legs, moves them up and down in time with the music, which is played. in the course of the day, relations and friends are entertained, and, in the evening, the girl, seated astride a pony, is taken to the temple, where a new cloth for the idol, the tali, and various articles required for doing puja, have been got ready. the girl is seated facing the idol, and the officiating brahman gives sandal and flowers to her, and ties the tali, which has been lying at the feet of the idol, round her neck. the tali consists of a golden disc and black beads. betel and flowers are then distributed among those present, and the girl is taken home through the principal streets. she continues to learn music and dancing, and eventually goes through a form of nuptial ceremony. the relations are invited for an auspicious day, and the maternal uncle, or his representative, ties a gold band on the girl's forehead, and, carrying her, places her on a plank before the assembled guests. a brahman priest recites the mantrams, and prepares the sacred fire (homam). the uncle is presented with new cloths by the girl's mother. for the actual nuptials a rich brahman, if possible, and, if not, a brahman of more lowly status is invited. a brahman is called in, as he is next in importance to, and the representative of the idol. it is said that, when the man who is to receive her first favours, joins the girl, a sword must be placed, at least for a few minutes, by her side. when a dasi dies, her body is covered with a new cloth removed from the idol, and flowers are supplied from the temple, to which she belonged. no puja is performed in the temple till the body is disposed of, as the idol, being her husband, has to observe pollution. writing a century ago ( ) concerning the kaikolan dasis, buchanan says [ ] that "these dancing women, and their musicians, now form a separate kind of caste; and a certain number of them are attached to every temple of any consequence. the allowances which the musicians receive for their public duty is very small, yet, morning and evening, they are bound to attend at the temple to perform before the image. they must also receive every person travelling on account of the government, meet him at some distance from the town, and conduct him to his quarters with music and dancing. all the handsome girls are instructed to dance and sing, and are all prostitutes, at least to the brahmans. in ordinary sets they are quite common; but, under the company's government, those attached to temples of extraordinary sanctity are reserved entirely for the use of the native officers, who are all brahmans, and who would turn out from the set any girl that profaned herself by communication with persons of low caste, or of no caste at all, such as christians or mussulmans. indeed, almost every one of these girls that is tolerably sightly is taken by some officer of revenue for his own special use, and is seldom permitted to go to the temple, except in his presence. most of these officers have more than one wife, and the women of the brahmans are very beautiful; but the insipidity of their conduct, from a total want of education or accomplishment, makes the dancing women to be sought after by all natives with great avidity. the mussulman officers in particular were exceedingly attached to this kind of company, and lavished away on these women a great part of their incomes. the women very much regret their loss, as the mussulmans paid liberally, and the brahmans durst not presume to hinder any girl who chose, from amusing an asoph, or any of his friends. the brahmans are not near so lavish of their money, especially where it is secured by the company's government, but trust to their authority for obtaining the favour of the dancers. to my taste, nothing can be more silly and unanimated than the dancing of the women, nor more harsh and barbarous than their music. some europeans, however, from long habit, i suppose, have taken a liking to it, and have even been captivated by the women. most of them i have had an opportunity of seeing have been very ordinary in their looks, very inelegant in their dress, and very dirty in their persons; a large proportion of them have the itch, and a still larger proportion are most severely diseased." though the kaikolans are considered to belong to the left-hand faction, dasis, except those who are specially engaged by the beri chettis and kammalans, are placed in the right-hand faction. kaikolan dasis, when passing through a kammalan street, stop dancing, and they will not salute kammalans or beri chettis. a peculiar method of selecting a bride, called siru tali kattu (tying the small tali), is said to be in vogue among some kaikolans. a man, who wishes to marry his maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter, has to tie a tali, or simply a bit of cloth torn from her clothing, round her neck, and report the fact to his parents and the headman. if the girl eludes him, he cannot claim her, but, should he succeed, she belongs to him. in some places, the consent of the maternal uncle to a marriage is signified by his carrying the bride in his arms to the marriage pandal (booth). the milk-post is made of erythrina indica. after the tali has been tied, the bridegroom lifts the bride's left leg, and places it on a grinding-stone. widows are stated by mr. stuart to be "allowed to remarry if they have no issue, but not otherwise; and, if the prevalent idea that a kaikola woman is never barren be true, this must seldom take place." on the final day of the death ceremonies, a small hut is erected, and inside it stones, brought by the barber, are set up, and offerings made to them. the following proverbs are current about or among the kaikolans:-- narrate stories in villages where there are no kaikolans. why should a weaver have a monkey? this, it has been suggested, [ ] implies that a monkey would only damage the work. on examining the various occupations, weaving will be found to be the best. a peep outside will cut out eight threads. the person who was too lazy to weave went to the stars. the chetti (money-lender) decreases the money, and the weaver the thread. the titles of the kaikolans are mudali and nayanar. among the kaikolan musicians, i have seen every gradation of colour and type, from leptorhine men with fair skin and chiselled features, to men very dark and platyrhine, with nasal index exceeding . the kaikolans take part in the annual festival at tirupati in honour of the goddess gangamma. "it is," mr. stuart writes, [ ] "distinguished from the majority of similar festivals by a custom, which requires the people to appear in a different disguise (vesham) every morning and evening. the matangi vesham of sunday morning deserves special mention. the devotee who consents to undergo this ceremony dances in front of an image or representation of the goddess, and, when he is worked up to the proper pitch of frenzy, a metal wire is passed through the middle of his tongue. it is believed that this operation causes no pain, or even bleeding, and the only remedy adopted is the chewing of a few margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves, and some kunkumam (red powder) of the goddess. this vesham is undertaken only by a kaikolan (weaver), and is performed only in two places--the house of a certain brahman and the mahant's math. the concluding disguise is that known as the perantalu vesham. perantalu signifies the deceased married women of a family who have died before their husbands, or, more particularly, the most distinguished of such women. this vesham is accordingly represented by a kaikolan disguised as a female, who rides round the town on a horse, and distributes to the respectable inhabitants of the place the kunkumam, saffron paste, and flowers of the goddess." for the following account of a ceremony, which took place at conjeeveram in august, , i am indebted to the rev. j. h. maclean. "on a small and very lightly built car, about eight feet high, and running on four little wheels, an image of kali was placed. it was then dragged by about thirty men, attached to it by cords passed through the flesh of their backs. i saw one of the young men two days later. two cords had been drawn through his flesh, about twelve inches apart. the wounds were covered over with white stuff, said to be vibuthi (sacred ashes). the festival was organised by a class of weavers calling themselves sankunram (sengundar) mudaliars, the inhabitants of seven streets in the part of conjeeveram known as pillaipalyam. the total amount spent is said to have been rs. . the people were far from clear in their account of the meaning of the ceremony. one said it was a preventive of small-pox, but this view did not receive general support. most said it was simply an old custom: what good it did they could not say. thirty years had elapsed since the last festival. one man said that kali had given no commands on the subject, and that it was simply a device to make money circulate. the festival is called punter (flower car)." in september, , an official notification was issued in the fort st. george gazette to the following effect. "whereas it appears that hook-swinging, dragging of cars by men harnessed to them by hooks which pierce their sides, and similar acts are performed during the mariyamman festival at samayapuram and other places in the trichinopoly division, trichinopoly district, and whereas such acts are dangerous to human life, the governor in council is pleased, under section , sub-section ( ), of the code of criminal procedure, , to direct that the order of the sub-divisional magistrate, dated the th august, , prohibiting such acts, shall remain in force until further orders." it is noted by mr. f. r. hemingway [ ] that, at ratnagiri, in the trichinopoly district, the kaikolans, in performance of a vow, thrust a spear through the muscles of the abdomen in honour of their god sahanayanar. kaila (measuring grain in the threshing-floor).--an exogamous sept of mala. kaimal.--a title of nayars, derived from kai, hand, signifying power. kaipuda.--a sub-division of holeya. kaivarta.--a sub-division of kevuto. kaka (crow).--the legend relating to the kaka people is narrated in the article on koyis. the equivalent kaki occurs as a sept of malas, and kako as a sept of kondras. kakara or kakarla (momordica charantia).--an exogamous sept of kamma and muka dora. kakirekka-vandlu (crows' feather people).--mendicants who beg from mutrachas, and derive their name from the fact that, when begging, they tie round their waists strings on which crows', paddy birds' (heron) feathers, etc., are tied. kakka kuravan.--a division of kuravas of travancore. kakkalan.--the kakkalans or kakkans are a vagrant tribe met with in north and central travancore, who are identical with the kakka kuravans of south travancore. there are among them four endogamous divisions called kavitiyan, manipparayan, meluttan, and chattaparayan, of which the two first are the most important. the kavitiyans are further sub-divided into kollak kavitiyan residing in central travancore, malayalam kavitiyan, and pandi kavitiyan or immigrants from the pandyan country. the kakkalans have a legend concerning their origin to the effect that siva was once going about begging as a kapaladharin, and arrived at a brahman street, from which the inhabitants drove him away. the offended god immediately reduced the village to ashes, and the guilty villagers begged his pardon, but were reduced to the position of the kakkalans, and made to earn their livelihood by begging. the women wear iron and silver bangles, and a palunka mala or necklace of variously coloured beads. they are tattooed, and tattooing members of other castes is one of their occupations, which include the following:-- katukuttu, or boring the lobes of the ears. katuvaippu, or plastic operations on the ear, which nayar women and others who wear heavy pendant ear ornaments often require. kainokku or palmistry, in which the women are more proficient than the men. kompuvaippu, or placing the twig of a plant on any swelling of the body, and dissipating it by blowing on it. taiyyal, or tailoring. pampatam or snake dance, in which the kakkalans are unrivalled. fortune telling. the chief object of worship by the kakkalans is the rising sun, to which boiled rice is offered on sunday. they have no temples of their own, but stand at some distance from hindu temples, and worship the gods thereof. though leading a wandering life, they try to be at home for the malabar new year, on which occasion they wear new clothes, and hold a feast. they do not observe the national onam and vishu festivals. the kakkalans are conspicuously polygamous, and some have as many as twelve wives, who are easily supported, as they earn money by their professional engagements. a first marriage must be celebrated on sunday, and the festivities last from saturday to monday. subsequent marriages may also be celebrated on thursday. on the night of the day before the wedding, a brother, or other near relation of the bridegroom, places the sambandham (alliance) by bringing a fanam (coin), material for chewing, and cooked rice to the marriage pandal (booth). fruit and other things are flung at him by the bride's people. on the following day the bridegroom arrives at the pandal, and, after raising the tali (marriage badge) three times towards heaven, and, invoking a blessing from on high, ties it round the bride's neck. when a girl reaches puberty, a merry celebration is kept up for a week. the dead are buried. inheritance is from father to son. a childless widow is a coparcener with the brothers of the deceased, and forfeits this right if she remarries. though in the presence of other castes the kakkalans speak malayalam, they have a peculiar language which is used among themselves, and is not understood by others. [ ] kakke (indian laburnum: cassia fistula).--a gotra of kurni. kala.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. kalaikuttadi (pole-dancer).--a tamil synonym of dommara. kalal.--a hindustani synonym of gamalla. kalamkotti (potter).--an occupational title of nayar. kalasi.--a name given to vada fishermen by oriya people. kalava (channel or ditch).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. kalavant.--the kalavants are dancers and singers, who, like other dancing-girls, are courtesans. the name occurs not only in south canara, but also in the telugu country. kalinga.--a sub-division of komatis, who "were formerly the inhabitants of the ancient kalinga country. they are considered inferior to the other sub-divisions, on account of their eating flesh. their titles are subaddhi, patro, and chaudari." [ ] in the ganjam manual, they are described as "traders and shopkeepers, principally prevalent in the chicacole division. the name kling or kaling is applied, in the malay countries, including the straits settlements, to the people of peninsular india, who trade thither, or are settled in those regions." it is recorded by dr. n. annandale that the phrase orang kling islam (i.e., a muhammadan from the madras coast) occurs in patani malay. kalingi and kalinji.--there has been some confusion, in recorded accounts, between these two classes. in the ganjam manual, the kalinjis are described as agriculturists in that district, and, in the vizagapatam manual, the kalingas or kalingulu are stated to be cultivators in the vizagapatam district, and a caste of paiks or fighting men in jeypore. in the census report, , the kalingis are said to be "most numerous in ganjam, but there is a considerable number of them in vizagapatam also. the word means a native of kalinga, the name of the sea-board of the telugu country; the word telugu itself is supposed by dr. caldwell to be a corruption of tri-kalinga. the three large sub-divisions of the caste are buragam, kintala, and odiya. in the kintala sub-division, a widow may remarry if she has no male issue, but the remarriage of widows is not allowed in other sub-divisions. the use of flesh and alcoholic liquor is permitted. naidu and chaudari are their titles." further, in the census report, , the kalingis are described as follows: "a caste of temple priests and cultivators, found mainly in ganjam and vizagapatam, whither they are supposed to have been brought by the kalinga kings to do service in the hindu temples, before the advent of the brahmans. they speak either oriya or telugu. they have two sub-divisions, the kintali kalingas, who live south of the langulya river, and the buragam kalingis, who reside to the north of it, and the customs of the two differ a great deal. there is also a third section, called pandiri or bevarani, which is composed of outcastes from the other two. except the kalingis of mokhalingam in vizagapatam, [ ] they have headmen called nayakabalis or santos. they also have priests called kularazus, each of whom sees to the spiritual needs of a definite group of villages. they are divided into several exogamous gotras, each comprising a number of families or vamsas, some of which, such as arudra, a lady-bird, and revi-chettu, the ficus religiosa tree, are of totemistic origin. each section is said to worship its totem. marriage before puberty is the rule, and the caste is remarkable for the proportion of its girls under twelve years of age who are married or widowed. widow marriage is not recognised by the buragam kalingis, but the kintalis freely allow it. as usual, the ceremonies at the wedding of a widow differ from those at the marriage of a maid. some turmeric paste is placed on a new cloth, which is then put over a pot of water, and the ceremony takes place near this. the binding portion of it is the tying of a saffron-coloured string to the woman's wrist. the kalingis pay special reverence to sri radha krishna and chaitanya. some of the caste officiate in temples, wear the sacred thread, and call themselves brahmans, but they are not received on terms of equality by other brahmans. all kalingis bury their dead, but sraddhas (memorial services) are performed only by the kintali sub-division. the buragam kalingis do not shave their heads in front. kalingi women wear heavy bangles of brass, silver bell-metal and glass, extending from the wrist to the elbow. the titles of the castes are naidu, nayarlu, chowdari, bissoyi, podhano, jenna, swayi, and naiko." in the foregoing account, the oriya-speaking kalinjis, and telugu-speaking kalingis, are both referred to. the confusion seems to have arisen from the fact that the kalinjis are sometimes called kalingis by other castes. the kalingis are essentially telugus, and are found mainly on the borderland between the districts of ganjam and vizagapatam. the kalinjis are, on the other hand, oriyas, and seem to be closely allied to the agricultural castes, doluva, alia, bosantiya, etc., like which they are mainly agriculturists. the kalinjis can be easily distinguished from the kalingis, as the latter wear the sacred thread. the following story is told in connection with the origin of the kalinji caste. a band of robbers was once upon a time staying in a fort near bhattu kunnarade, and molesting the people, who invited the king of puri to come and drive the robbers away. among the warriors who were recruited for this purpose, was a member of the khondaito caste, who, with the permission of the king, succeeded in expelling the robbers. he was named by the people bodo-kalinja, or one having a stout heart. he and his followers remained in the ganjam country, and the kalinjis are their descendants. the caste is widespread in the northern part thereof. there do not seem to be any sub-divisions among the kalinjis, but there is a small endogamous group, called mohiri kalinji. mohiri is a well-known division in ganjam, and kalinjis who dwell therein intermarry with others, and do not form a separate community. it has been suggested that the mohiri kalinjis are telugu kalingis, who have settled in the oriya country. like other oriya castes, the kalinjis have gotras, e.g., bano (sun), sukro (star), sanko (conch-shell), bhago (tiger) and nago (cobra). there is a good deal of confusion regarding the gotras in their connection with marriage. the same gotra, e.g., sukro, is exogamous in some places, and not so in others. many titles occur among the kalinjis, e.g., borado, bissoyi, bariko, behara, dolei, gaudo, jenna, moliko, naiko, patro, podhano, pulleyi, ravuto, santo, savu, swayi, guru. in some places, the titles are taken as representing bamsams (or vamsams), and, as such, are exogamous. families as a rule refrain from marrying into families bearing the same title. for example, a dolei man will not marry a dolei girl, especially if their gotras are the same. but a dolei may marry a pullei, even if they have the same gotra. the headman of the kalinjis is styled santo, and he is assisted by a patro. there is also a caste messenger, called bhollobhaya. for the whole community there are said to be four santos and four patros, residing at attagada, chinna kimedi, pedda kimedi, and mohiri. a man who is suffering from a wound or sore infested by maggots is said to be excommunicated, and, when he has recovered, to submit himself before the caste-council before he is received back into the community. girls are generally married before puberty, and, if a real husband is not forthcoming, a maid goes through a mock marriage ceremony with her elder sister's husband, or some elder of the community. a bachelor must be married to the sado (streblus asper) tree before he can marry a widow. the remarriage of widows (thuvathuvvi) is freely allowed. a widow, who has a brother-in-law, may not marry anyone else, until she has obtained a deed of separation (tsado patro) from him. the marriage ceremonies conform to the standard oriya type. in some places, the little fingers of the contracting couple are linked, instead of their hands being tied together with thread. on the fourth day, a bhondari (barber) places on the marriage dais some beaten rice and sugar-candy, which the bride and bridegroom sell to relations for money and grain. the proceeds of the sale are the perquisite of the bhondari. on the seventh day, the bridegroom breaks a pot on the dais, and, as he and the bride go away, the brother of the latter throws brinjal (solanum melongena) fruits at him. the dead are as a rule cremated. on the day after death, food, made bitter by the addition of margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves, is offered. a piece of bone is carried away from the burning-ground, and buried under a pipal (ficus religiosa) tree. daily, until the tenth day, water is poured seven times over the spot where the bone is buried. on the tenth day, if the deceased was an elder of the community, the jola-jola handi ceremony is performed with a pot riddled with holes. (see bhondari.) kalkatta.--an occupation name for stone-masons in south canara. kalkatti.--kalkatti, denoting, it has been suggested, those who wear glass beads, is a sub-division of idaiyan. the lingayats among badagas of the nilgiri hills are called kalkatti, because they hang a stone (the lingam) from their necks in a casket. some irulas of the same hills are also said to go by the name kalkatti. kalla.--recorded as a sub-division of shanan, and of idaiyans in localities where kallans are most numerous. kalladi.--the title of a cheruman who performs important duties, and becomes possessed by the spirit of the deceased, at a cheruman funeral. kalladi mangan.--a synonym of mondi. kalladi siddhan.--the name, meaning a beggar who beats himself with a stone, of a class of telugu mendicants, who are very clamorous and persistent in their demands for alms. the name is applied as a term of contempt for any obstinate and troublesome individual. these beggars carry with them a gourd, have tortoise and cowry shells tied on their elbows, and carry an iron rod, with which they beat an iron ring worn on the hand. they present a very revolting spectacle, as they smear their bodies with rice done up so as to resemble vomit, and with the juice of the prickly-pear (opuntia dillenii), to make people believe that it is blood oozing from cuts made with a knife. they are said to be very fond of eating crows, which they catch with nets. (see mondi.) kallamu (threshing-floor).--an exogamous sept of panta reddi. kallan.--of the kallans of the madura district in the early part of the last century, an excellent account was written by mr. t. turnbull ( ), from which the following extract has been taken. "the cullaries are said to be in general a brave people, expert in the use of the lance and in throwing the curved stick called vullaree taddee. this weapon is invariably in use among the generality of this tribe; it is about inches in curvature. the word cullar is used to express a thief of any caste, sect or country, but it will be necessary to trace their progress to that characteristic distinction by which this race is designated both a thief, and an inhabitant of a certain naud, which was not altogether exempted from paying tribute to the sovereign of madura. this race appears to have become hereditary occupiers, and appropriated to themselves various nauds in different parts of the southern countries; in each of these territories they have a chief among them, whose orders and directions they all must obey. they still possess one common character, and in general are such thieves that the name is very justly applied to them, for they seldom allow any merchandize to pass through their hands without extorting something from the owners, if they do not rob them altogether, and in fact travellers, pilgrims, and brahmans are attacked and stript of everything they possess, and they even make no scruple to kill any caste of people, save only the latter. in case a brahman happens to be killed in their attempt to plunder, when the fact is made known to the chief, severe corporal punishment is inflicted on the criminals and fines levied, besides exclusion from society for a period of six months. the maloor vellaloor and serrugoody nauds are denominated the keelnaud, whose inhabitants of the cullar race are designated by the appellation of amblacaurs. "the women are inflexibly vindictive and furious on the least injury, even on suspicion, which prompts them to the most violent revenge without any regard to consequences. a horrible custom exists among the females of the colleries when a quarrel or dissension arises between them. the insulted woman brings her child to the house of the aggressor, and kills it at her door to avenge herself. although her vengeance is attended with the most cruel barbarity, she immediately thereafter proceeds to a neighbouring village with all her goods, etc. in this attempt she is opposed by her neighbours, which gives rise to clamour and outrage. the complaint is then carried to the head amblacaur, who lays it before the elders of the village, and solicits their interference to terminate the quarrel. in the course of this investigation, if the husband finds that sufficient evidence has been brought against his wife, that she had given cause for provocation and aggression, then he proceeds unobserved by the assembly to his house, and brings one of his children, and, in the presence of witness, kills his child at the door of the woman who had first killed her child at his. by this mode of proceeding he considers that he has saved himself much trouble and expense, which would otherwise have devolved on him. this circumstance is soon brought to the notice of the tribunal, who proclaim that the offence committed is sufficiently avenged. but, should this voluntary retribution of revenge not be executed by the convicted person, the tribunal is prorogued to a limited time, fifteen days generally. before the expiration of that period, one of the children of that convicted person must be killed. at the same time he is to bear all expenses for providing food, etc., for the assembly during those days. "a remarkable custom prevails both among the males and females in these nauds to have their ears bored and stretched by hanging heavy rings made of lead so as to expand their ear-laps (lobes) down to their shoulders. besides this singular idea of beauty attached by them to pendant ears, a circumstance still more remarkable is that, when merchants or travellers pass through these nauds, they generally take the precaution to insure a safe transit through these territories by counting the friendship of some individual of the naud by payment of a certain fee, for which he deputes a young girl to conduct the travellers safe through the limits. this sacred guide conducts them along with her finger to her ear. on observing this sign, no cullary will dare to plunder the persons so conducted. it sometimes happens, in spite of this precaution, that attempts are made to attack the traveller. the girl in such cases immediately tears one of her ear-laps, and returns to spread the report, upon which the complaint is carried before the chief and elders of the naud, who forthwith convene a meeting in consequence at the mundoopoolee. [ ] if the violators are convicted, vindictive retaliation ensues. the assembly condemns the offenders to have both their ear-laps torn in expiation of their crime, and, if otherwise capable, they are punished by fines or absolved by money. by this means travellers generally obtain a safe passage through these territories. [even at the present day, in quarrels between women of the lower castes, long ears form a favourite object of attack, and lobe-tearing cases figure frequently in police records. [ ]] "the maloor naud was originally inhabited and cultivated by vellaulers. at a certain period some cullaries belonging to vella naud in the conjeeveram district proceeded thence on a hunting excursion with weapons consisting of short hand pikes, cudgels, bludgeons, and curved sticks for throwing, and dogs. while engaged in their sport, they observed a peacock resist and attack one of their hounds. the sportsmen, not a little astonished at the sight, declared that this appeared to be a fortunate country, and its native inhabitants and every living creature naturally possessed courage and bravery. preferring such a country to their naud in conjeeveram, they were desirous of establishing themselves here as cultivators. to effect this, they insinuated themselves into the favour of the vellaulers, and, engaging as their servants, were permitted to remain in these parts, whither they in course of time invited their relations and friends, and to appearance conducted themselves faithfully and obediently to the entire satisfaction of the vellaulers, and were rewarded for their labour. some time afterwards, the vellaulers, exercising an arbitrary sway over the cullaries, began to inflict condign punishment for offences and misdemeanours committed in their service. this stirred up the wrath of the cullaries, who gradually acquired the superiority over their masters, and by coercive measures impelled them to a strict observance of the following rules:-- st.--that, if a culler was struck by his master in such a manner as to deprive him of a tooth, he was to pay a fine of ten cully chuckrums (money) for the offence. nd.--that, if a culler happened to have one of his ear-laps torn, the vellauler was to pay a fine of six chuckrums. rd.--that if a culler had his skull fractured, the vellauler was to pay thirty chuckrums, unless he preferred to have his skull fractured in return. th.--that, if a culler had his arm or leg broke, he was then to be considered but half a man. in such case the offender was required to grant the culler one cullum of nunjah seed land (wet cultivation), and two koorkums of punjah (dry cultivation), to be held and enjoyed in perpetuity, exclusive of which the vellauler was required to give the culler a doopettah (cloth) and a cloth for his wife, twenty cullums of paddy or any other grain, and twenty chuckrums in money for expenses. th.--that, if a culler was killed, the offender was required to pay either a fine of a hundred chuckrums, or be subject to the vengeance of the injured party. until either of these alternatives was agreed to, and satisfaction afforded, the party injured was at liberty to plunder the offender's property, never to be restored. "by this hostile mode of conduct imposed on their masters, together with their extravagant demands, the vellaulers were reduced to that dread of the cullers as to court their favour, and became submissive to their will and pleasure, so that in process of time the cullers not only reduced them to poverty, but also induced them to abandon their villages and hereditary possessions, and to emigrate to foreign countries. many were even murdered in total disregard of their former solemn promises of fidelity and attachment. having thus implacably got rid of their original masters and expelled them from their naud, they became the rulers of it, and denominated it by the singular appellation of tun arrasa naud, signifying a forest only known to its possessors [or tanarasu-nad, i.e., the country governed by themselves]. [ ] in short, these colleries became so formidable at length as to evince a considerable ambition, and to set the then government at defiance. allagar swamy they regarded as the god of their immediate devotion, and, whenever their enterprizes were attended with success, they never failed to be liberal in the performance of certain religious ceremonies to allagar. to this day they invoke the name of allagar in all what they do, and they make no objection in contributing whatever they can when the stalaters come to their villages to collect money or grain for the support of the temple, or any extraordinary ceremonies of the god. the cullers of this naud, in the line of the kurtaukles, once robbed and drove away a large herd of cows belonging to the prince, who, on being informed of the robbery, and that the calves were highly distressed for want of nourishment, ordered them to be drove out of and left with the cows, wherever they were found. the cullers were so exceedingly pleased with this instance of the kurtaukle's goodness and greatness of mind that they immediately collected a thousand cows (at one cow from every house) in the naud as a retribution, and drove them along with the plundered cattle to madura. whenever a quarrel or dispute happens among them, the parties arrest each other in the name of the respective amblacaurs, whom they regard as most sacred, and they will only pay their homage to those persons convened as arbitrators or punjayems to settle their disputes. "during the feudal system that prevailed among these colleries for a long time, they would on no consideration permit the then government to have any control or authority over them. when tribute was demanded, the cullers would answer with contempt: 'the heavens supply the earth with rain, our cattle plough, and we labour to improve and cultivate the land. while such is the case, we alone ought to enjoy the fruits thereof. what reason is there that we should be obedient, and pay tribute to our equal?' "during the reign of vizia ragoonada saitooputty [ ] a party of colleries, having proceeded on a plundering excursion into the ramnad district, carried off two thousand of the raja's own bullocks. the raja was so exasperated that he caused forts to be erected at five different places in the shevagunga and ramnad districts, and, on pretext of establishing a good understanding with these nauttams, he artfully invited the principal men among them, and, having encouraged them by repeatedly conferring marks of his favour, caused a great number to be slain, and a number of their women to be transported to ramiserum, where they were branded with the marks of the pagoda, and made deva dassies or dancing girls and slaves of the temple. the present dancing girls in that celebrated island are said to be the descendants of these women of the culler tribe." in the eighteenth century a certain captain rumley was sent with troops to check the turbulent colleries. "he became the terror of the collerie naud, and was highly respected and revered by the designation of rumley swamy, under which appellation the colleries afterwards distinguished him." it is on record that, during the trichinopoly war, the horses of clive and stringer lawrence were stolen by two kallan brothers. tradition says that one of the rooms in tirumala nayakkan's palace at madura "was tirumala's sleeping apartment, and that his cot hung by long chains from hooks in the roof. one night, says a favourite story, a kallan made a hole in the roof, swarmed down the chains, and stole the royal jewels. the king promised a jaghir (grant of land) to anyone who would bring him the thief, and the kallan then gave himself up and claimed the reward. the king gave him the jaghir, and then promptly had him beheaded." [ ] by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] the kallans are said to be "a middle-sized dark-skinned tribe found chiefly in the districts of tanjore, trichinopoly and madura, and in the pudukota territory. the name kallan is commonly derived from tamil kallam, which means theft. mr. nelson [ ] expresses some doubts as to the correctness of this derivation, but dr. oppert accepts it, and no other has been suggested. the original home of the kallans appears to have been tondamandalam or the pallava country, and the head of the class, the raja of pudukota, is to this day called the tondaman. there are good grounds for believing that the kallans are a branch of the kurumbas, who, when they found their regular occupation as soldiers gone, 'took to maraudering, and made themselves so obnoxious by their thefts and robberies, that the term kallan, thief, was applied, and stuck to them as a tribal appellation.' [ ] the rev. w. taylor, the compiler of the catalogue raisonné of oriental manuscripts, also identifies the kallans with the kurumbas, and mr. nelson accepts this conclusion. in the census returns, kurumban is returned as one of the sub-divisions of the kallan caste.' "the chola country, or tanjore," mr. w. francis writes, [ ] "seems to have been the original abode of the kallans before their migration to the pandya kingdom after its conquest by the cholas about the eleventh century a.d. but in tanjore they have been greatly influenced by the numerous brahmans there, and have taken to shaving their heads and employing brahmans as priests. at their weddings also the bridegroom ties the tali himself, while elsewhere his sister does it. their brethren across the border in madura continue to merely tie their hair in a knot, and employ their own folk to officiate as their priests. this advance of one section will doubtless in time enhance the social estimation of the caste as a whole." it is further noted, in the gazetteer of the tanjore district, that the ambitions of the kallans have been assisted "by their own readiness, especially in the more advanced portions of the district, to imitate the practices of brahmans and vellalans. great variations thus occur in their customs in different localities, and a wide gap exists between the kallans of this district as a whole and those of madura." in the manual of the tanjore district, it is stated that "profitable agriculture, coupled with security of property in land, has converted the great bulk of the kallar and padeiyachi classes into a contented and industrious population. they are now too fully occupied with agriculture, and the incidental litigation, to think of their old lawless pursuits, even if they had an inclination to follow them. the bulk of the ryotwari proprietors in that richly cultivated part of the cauvery delta which constituted the greater part of the old taluk of tiruvadi are kallars, and, as a rule, they are a wealthy and well-to-do class. the kallar ryots, who inhabit the villages along the banks of the cauvery, in their dress and appearance generally look quite like vellalas. some of the less romantic and inoffensive characteristics of the kallars in madura and tinnevelly are found among the recent immigrants from the south, who are distinguished from the older kallar colonies by the general term terkattiyar, literally southerns, which includes emigrants of other castes from the south. the terkattiyars are found chiefly in the parts of the district which border on pudukota. kallars of this group grow their hair long all over the head exactly like women, and both men and women enlarge the holes in the lobes of their ears to an extraordinary size by inserting rolls of palm-leaf into them." the term terkattiyar is applied to kallan, maravan, agamudaiyan, and other immigrants into the tanjore district. at mayaveram, for example, it is applied to kalians, agamudaiyans, and valaiyans. it is noted, in the census report, , that agamudaiyan and kallan were returned as sub-divisions of maravans by a comparatively large number of persons. "maravan is also found among the sub-divisions of kallan, and there can be little doubt that there is a very close connection between kallans, maravans, and agamudaiyans." "the origin of the kallar caste," mr. f. s. mullaly writes, [ ] "as also that of the maravars and ahambadayars, is mythologically traced to indra and aghalia, the wife of rishi gautama. the legend is that indra and rishi gautama were, among others, rival suitors for the hand of aghalia. rishi gautama was the successful one. this so incensed indra that he determined to win aghalia at all hazards, and, by means of a cleverly devised ruse, succeeded, and aghalia bore him three sons, who respectively took the names kalla, marava, and ahambadya. the three castes have the agnomen theva or god, and claim to be descendants of thevan (indra)." according to another version of the legend "once upon a time rishi gautama left his house to go abroad on business. devendra, taking advantage of his absence, debauched his wife, and three children were the result. when the rishi returned, one of the three hid himself behind a door, and, as he thus acted like a thief, he was henceforward called kallan. another got up a tree, and was therefore called maravan from maram, a tree, whilst the third brazened it out and stood his ground, thus earning for himself the name of ahamudeiyan, or the possessor of pride. this name was corrupted into ahambadiyan." [ ] there is a tamil proverb that a kallan may come to be a maravan. by respectability he may develop into an agamudaiyan, and, by slow and small degrees, become a vellala, from which he may rise to be a mudaliar. "the kallans," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "will eat flesh, excepting beef, and have no scruples regarding the use of intoxicating liquor. they are usually farmers or field-labourers, but many of them are employed as village or other watchmen, and not a few depend for their subsistence upon the proceeds of thefts and robberies. in trichinopoly town, householders are obliged to keep a member of the kallan caste in their service as a protection against the depredations of these thieves, and any refusal to give in to this custom invariably results in loss of property. on the other hand, if a theft should, by any chance, be committed in a house where a kallan is employed, the articles stolen will be recovered, and returned to the owner. in madura town, i am informed, a tax of four annas per annum is levied on houses in certain streets by the head of the kallan caste in return for protection against theft." in the census report, , mr. francis records that "the kallans, maravans, and agamudaiyans are responsible for a share of the crime of the southern districts, which is out of all proportion to their strength in them. in , the inspector-general of prisons reported that nearly per cent. of the convicts in the madura jail, and per cent, of those in the palamcottah jail in tinnevelly, belonged to one or other of these three castes. in tinnevelly, in , cattle thefts were committed by men of these three castes against by members of others, which is one theft to , of the population of the three bodies against one to , of the other castes. the statistics of their criminality in trichinopoly and madura were also bad. the kallans had until recently a regular system of blackmail, called kudikaval, under which each village paid certain fees to be exempt from theft. the consequences of being in arrears with their payments quickly followed in the shape of cattle thefts and 'accidental' fires in houses. in madura the villagers recently struck against this extortion. the agitation was started by a man of the idaiyan or shepherd caste, which naturally suffered greatly by the system, and continued from to ." the origin of the agitation is said [ ] to have been the anger of certain of the idaiyans with a kallan lothario, who enticed away a woman of their caste, and afterwards her daughter, and kept both women simultaneously under his protection. the story of this anti-kallan agitation is told as follows in the police administration report, . "many of the kallans are the kavalgars of the villages under the kaval system. under that system the kavalgars receive fees, and in some cases rent-free land for undertaking to protect the property of the villagers against theft, or to restore an equivalent in value for anything lost. the people who suffer most at the hands of the kallars are the shepherds (konans or idaiyans). their sheep and goats form a convenient subject for the kallar's raids. they are taken for kaval fees alleged to be overdue, and also stolen, again to be restored on the payment of blackmail. the anti-kallar movement was started by a man of the shepherd caste, and rapidly spread. meetings of villagers were held, at which thousands attended. they took oath on their ploughs to dispense with the services of the kallars; they formed funds to compensate such of them as lost their cattle, or whose houses were burnt; they arranged for watchmen among themselves to patrol the villages at night; they provided horns to be sounded to carry the alarm in cases of theft from village to village, and prescribed a regular scale of fines to be paid by those villagers who failed to turn out on the sound of the alarm. the kallans in the north in many cases sold their lands, and left their villages, but in some places they showed fight. for six months crime is said to have ceased absolutely, and, as one deponent put it, people even left their buckets at the wells. in one or two places the kallans gathered in large bodies in view to overawe the villagers, and riots followed. in one village there were three murders, and the kallar quarter was destroyed by fire, but whether the fire was the work of konans or kallars has never been discovered. in august, large numbers of villagers attacked the kallars in two villages in the dindigul division, and burnt the kallar quarters." "the crimes," mr. f. s. mullaly writes, [ ] "that kallars are addicted to are dacoity in houses or on highways, robbery, house-breaking and cattle-stealing. they are usually armed with vellari thadis or clubs (the so-called boomerangs) and occasionally with knives similar to those worn by the inhabitants of the western coast. their method of house-breaking is to make the breach in the wall under the door. a lad of diminutive size then creeps in, and opens the door for the elders. jewels worn by sleepers are seldom touched. the stolen property is hidden in convenient places, in drains, wells, or straw stacks, and is sometimes returned to the owner on receipt of blackmail from him called tuppu-kuli or clue hire. the women seldom join in crimes, but assist the men in their dealings (for disposal of the stolen property) with the chettis." it is noted by the abbé dubois that the kallars "regard a robber's occupation as discreditable neither to themselves, nor to their fellow castemen, for the simple reason that they consider robbery a duty, and a right sanctioned by descent. if one were to ask of a kallar to what people he belonged, he would coolly answer, i am a robber." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "dacoity of travellers at night used to be the favourite pastime of the kallans, and their favourite haunts the various roads leading out of madura, and that from ammayanayakkanur to periyakulam. the method adopted consisted in threatening the driver of the cart, and then turning the vehicle into the ditch so that it upset. the unfortunate travellers were then forced by some of the gang to sit at the side of the road, with their backs to the cart and their faces to the ground, while their baggage was searched for valuables by the remainder. the gangs which frequented these roads have now broken up, and the caste has practically quitted road dacoity for the simpler, more paying, and less risky business of stealing officials' office-boxes and ryots' cattle. cattle-theft is now the most popular calling among them. they are clever at handling animals, and probably the popularity of the jallikats (see maravan) has its origin in the demands of a life, which always included much cattle-lifting. the stolen animals are driven great distances (as much as or miles) on the night of the theft, and are then hidden for the day either in a friend's house, or among hills and jungles. the next night they are taken still further, and again hidden. pursuit is by this time hopeless, as the owner has no idea even in which direction to search. he, therefore, proceeds to the nearest go-between (these individuals are well-known to every one), and offers him a reward if he will bring back the cattle. this reward is called tuppu-kuli, or payment for clues, and is very usually as much as half the value of the animals stolen. the kallan undertakes to search for the lost bullocks, returns soon, and states that he has found them, receives his tuppu-kuli, and then tells the owner of the property that, if he will go to a spot named, which is usually in some lonely neighbourhood, he will find his cattle tied up there. this information is always correct. if, on the other hand, the owner reports the theft to the police, no kallan will help him to recover his animals, and these are eventually sold in other districts or travancore, or even sent across from tuticorin to ceylon. consequently, hardly any cattle-thefts are ever reported to the police. where the kallans are most numerous, the fear of incendiarism induces people to try to afford a tiled or terraced roof, instead of being content with thatch. the cattle are always tied up in the houses at night. fear of the kallans prevents them from being left in the fields, and they may be seen coming into the villages every evening in scores, choking every one with the dust they kick up, and polluting the village site (instead of manuring the land) for twelve hours out of every twenty-four. buffaloes are tied up outside the houses. kallans do not care to steal them, as they are of little value, are very troublesome when a stranger tries to handle them, and cannot travel fast or far enough to be out of reach of detection by daybreak. the kallans' inveterate addiction to dacoity and theft render the caste to this day a thorn in the flesh of the authorities. a very large proportion of the thefts committed in the district are attributable to them. nor are they ashamed of the fact. one of them defended his class by urging that every other class stole, the official by taking bribes, the vakil (law pleader) by fostering animosities, and so pocketing fees, the merchant by watering the arrack (spirit) and sanding the sugar, and so on, and that the kallans differed from these only in the directness of their methods. round about melur, the people of the caste are taking energetically to wet cultivation, to the exclusion of cattle-lifting, with the periyar water, which has lately been brought there. in some of the villages to the south of that town, they have drawn up a formal agreement (which has been solemnly registered, and is most rigorously enforced by the headmen), forbidding theft, recalling all the women who have emigrated to ceylon and elsewhere, and, with an enlightenment which puts other communities to shame, prohibiting several other unwise practices which are only too common, such as the removal from the fields of cow-dung for fuel, and the pollution of drinking-water tanks (ponds) by stepping into them. hard things have been said about the kallans, but points to their credit are the chastity of their women, the cleanliness they observe in and around their villages, and their marked sobriety. a toddy-shop in a kallan village is seldom a financial success." from a recent note, [ ] i gather the following additional information concerning tuppu-kuli. "the kallans are largely guilty of cattle-thefts. in many cases, they return the cattle on receiving tuppu-kuli. the official returns do not show many of these cases. no cattle-owner thinks of reporting the loss of any of his cattle. naturally his first instinct is that it might have strayed away, being live property. the tuppu-kuli system generally helps the owner to recover his lost cattle. he has only to pay half of its real value, and, when he recovers his animal, he goes home with the belief that he has really made a profitable bargain. there is no matter for complaint, but, on the other hand, he is glad that he got back his animal for use, often at the most opportune time. cattle are indispensable to the agriculturist at all times of the year. perhaps, sometimes, when the rains fail, he may not use them. but if, after a long drought, there is a shower, immediately every agriculturist runs to his field with his plough and cattle, and tills it. if, at such a time, his cattle be stolen, he considers as though he were beaten on his belly, and his means of livelihood gone. no cattle will be available then for hire. there is nothing that he will not part with, to get back his cattle. there is then the nefarious system of tuppu-kuli offering itself, and he freely resorts to it, and succeeds in getting back his lost cattle sooner or later. on the other hand, if a complaint is made to the village magistrate or police, recovery by this channel is impossible. the tuppu-kuli agents have their spies or informants everywhere, dogging the footsteps of the owner of the stolen cattle, and of those who are likely to help him in recovering it. as soon as they know the case is recorded in the police station, they determine not to let the animal go back to its owner at any risk, unless some mutual friend intervenes, and works mightily for the recovery, in which case the restoration is generally through the pound. such a restoration is, primâ facie, cattle-straying, for only stray cattle are taken to the pound. this, too, is done after a good deal of hard swearing on both sides not to hand over the offender to the authorities." in connection with the 'vellari thadi' referred to above, dr. oppert writes [ ] that "boomerangs are used by the tamil maravans and kallans when hunting deer. the madras museum collection contains three (two ivory, one wooden) from the tanjore armoury. in the arsenal of the pudukkottai raja a stock of wooden boomerangs is always kept. their name in tamil is valai tadi (bent stick)." concerning these boomerangs, the dewan of pudukkottai writes to me as follows. "the valari or valai tadi is a short weapon, generally made of some hard-grained wood. it is also sometimes made of iron. it is crescent-shaped, one end being heavier than the other, and the outer edge is sharpened. men trained in the use of the weapon hold it by the lighter end, whirl it a few times over their shoulders to give it impetus, and then hurl it with great force against the object aimed at. it is said that there were experts in the art of throwing the valari, who could at one stroke despatch small game, and even man. no such experts are now forthcoming in the state, though the instrument is reported to be occasionally used in hunting hares, jungle fowl, etc. its days, however, must be counted as past. tradition states that the instrument played a considerable part in the poligar wars of the last century. but it now reposes peacefully in the households of the descendants of the rude kallan and maravan warriors, who plied it with such deadly effect in the last century, preserved as a sacred relic of a chivalric past along with other old family weapons in their puja room, brought out and scraped and cleaned on occasions like the ayudha puja day (when worship is paid to weapons and implements of industry), and restored to its place of rest immediately afterwards." the sub-divisions of the kallans, which were returned in greatest numbers at the census, , were isanganadu (or visangu-nadu), kungiliyan, menadu, nattu, piramalainadu, and sirukudi. in the census report, , it is recorded that "in madura the kallans are divided into ten main endogamous divisions [ ] which are territorial in origin. these are ( ) mel-nadu, ( ) sirukudi-nadu, ( ) vellur-nadu, ( ) malla-kottai nadu, ( ) pakaneri, ( ) kandramanikkam or kunnan-kottai nadu, ( ) kandadevi, ( ) puramalai-nadu, ( ) tennilai-nadu, and ( ) palaya-nadu. the headman of the puramalai-nadu section is said to be installed by idaiyans (herdsmen), but what the connection between the two castes may be is not clear. the termination nadu means a country. these sections are further divided into exogamous sections called vaguppus. the mel-nadu kallans have three sections called terus or streets, namely, vadakku-teru (north street), kilakku-teru (east street), and terku-teru (south street). the sirukudi kallans have vaguppus named after the gods specially worshipped by each, such as andi, mandai, aiyanar, and viramangali. among the vellur-nadu kallans the names of these sections seem merely fanciful. some of them are vengai puli (cruel-handed tiger), vekkali puli (cruel-legged tiger), sami puli (holy tiger), sem puli (red tiger), sammatti makkal (hammer men), tiruman (holy deer), and sayumpadai tangi (supporter of the vanquished army). a section of the tanjore kallans names its sections from sundry high-sounding titles meaning king of the pallavas, king of tanjore, conqueror of the south, mighty ruler, and so on." portions of the madura and tanjore districts are divided into areas known as nadus, a name which, as observed by mr. nelson, is specially applicable to kallan tracts. in each nadu a certain caste, called the nattan, is the predominant factor in the settlement of social questions which arise among the various castes living within the nadu. round about devakotta in the sivaganga zamindari there are fourteen nadus, representatives of which meet once a year at kandadevi, to arrange for the annual festival at the temple dedicated to swarnamurthi swami. the four nadus unjanai, sembonmari, iravaseri, and tennilai in the same zamindari constitute a group, of which the last is considered the chief nadu, whereat caste questions must come up for settlement. for marriage purposes these four nadus constitute an endogamous section, which is sub-divided into septs or karais. among the vallambans these karais are exogamous, and run in the male line. but, among the kallans, the karai is recognised only in connection with property. a certain tract of land is the property of a particular karai, and the legal owners thereof are members of the same karai. when the land has to be disposed of, this can only be effected with the consent of representatives of the karai. the nattar kallans of sivaganga have exogamous septs called kilai or branches, which, as among the maravans, run in the female line, i.e., a child belongs to the mother's, not the father's, sept. in some castes, and even among brahmans, though contrary to strict rule, it is permissible for a man to marry his sister's daughter. this is not possible among the kallans who have kilais such as those referred to, because the maternal uncle of a girl, the girl, and her mother all belong to the same sept. but the children of a brother and sister may marry, because they belong to different kilais, i.e., those of their respective mothers. subban = pachchai (kurivili kilai). | (arasiya kilai). +====================|======================+ | | karuppan, son ellamma, daughter (arasiya kilai) (arasiya kilai) | | | | raman minachi (pesadan kilai) (arasiya kilai) example of allowable cousin-marriages. in the above example, the girl minachi may not marry karuppan, as both are members of the same kilai. but she ought, though he be a mere boy, to marry raman, who belongs to a different sept. it is noted [ ] that, among the sivaganga kallans, "when a member of a certain kilai dies, a piece of new cloth should be given to the other male member of the same kilai by the heir of the deceased. the cloth thus obtained should be given to the sister of the person obtaining it. if her brother fails to do so, her husband will consider himself degraded, and consequently will divorce her." round about pudukkottai and tanjore, the visangu-nadu kallans have exogamous septs called pattaperu, and they adopt the sept name as a title, e.g., muthu udaiyan, karuppa tondaman, etc. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the tanjore district, that the sub-divisions of the kallans are split into groups, e.g., onaiyan (wolfish), singattan (lion-like), etc. it is a curious fact that the puramalai-nadu kallans practice the rite of circumcision. the origin of this custom is uncertain, but it has been suggested [ ] that it is a survival of a forcible conversion to muhammadanism of a section of the kurumbas who fled northwards on the downfall of their kingdom. at the time appointed for the initiatory ceremony, the kallan youth is carried on the shoulders of his maternal uncle to a grove or plain outside the village, where betel is distributed among those who have assembled, and the operation is performed by a barber-surgeon. en route to the selected site, and throughout the ceremony, the conch shell (musical instrument) is blown. the youth is presented with new cloths. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "every kallan boy has a right to claim the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. this aunt bears the expenses connected with his circumcision. similarly, the maternal uncle pays the costs of the rites which are observed when a girl attains maturity, for he has a claim on the girl as a bride for his son. the two ceremonies are performed at one time for large batches of boys and girls. on an auspicious day, the young people are all feasted, and dressed in their best, and repair to a river or tank (pond). the mothers of the girls make lamps of plantain leaves, and float them on the water, and the boys are operated on by the local barber." it is stated, in the census report, , that the sirukudi kallans use a tali, on which the muhammadan badge of a crescent and star is engraved. in connection with marriage among the kallans, it is noted by mr. s. m. natesa sastri [ ] that "at the mattupongal feast, towards evening, festoons of aloe fibre and cloths containing coins are tied to the horns of bullocks and cows, and the animals are driven through the streets with tom-tom and music. in the villages, especially those inhabited by the kallans in madura and tinnevelly, the maiden chooses as her husband him who has safely untied and brought to her the cloth tied to the horn of the fiercest bull. the animals are let loose with their horns containing valuables, amidst the din of tom-tom and harsh music, which terrifies and bewilders them. they run madly about, and are purposely excited by the crowd. a young kalla will declare that he will run after such and such a bull--and this is sometimes a risky pursuit--and recover the valuables tied to its horn. the kallan considers it a great disgrace to be injured while chasing the bull." a poet of the early years of the present era, quoted by mr. kanakasabhai pillai, [ ] describes this custom as practiced by the shepherd castes in those days. "a large area of ground is enclosed with palisades and strong fences. into the enclosure are brought ferocious bulls with sharpened horns. on a spacious loft, overlooking the enclosure, stand the shepherd girls, whom they intend to give away in marriage. the shepherd youths, prepared for the fight, first pray to their gods, whose images are placed under old banian or peepul trees, or at watering places. they then deck themselves with garlands made of the bright red flowers of the kanthal, and the purple flowers of the kaya. at a signal given by the beating of drums, the youths leap into the enclosure, and try to seize the bulls, which, frightened by the noise of the drums, are now ready to charge anyone who approaches them. each youth approaches a bull, which he chooses to capture. but the bulls rush furiously, with tails raised, heads bent down, and horns levelled at their assailants. some of the youths face the bulls boldly, and seize their horns. some jump aside, and take hold of their tails. the more wary young men cling to the animals till they force them to fall on the ground. many a luckless youth is now thrown down. some escape without a scratch, while others are trampled upon or gored by the bulls. some, though wounded and bleeding, again spring on the bulls. a few, who succeed in capturing the animals, are declared the victors of that day's fight. the elders then announce that the bull-fight is over. the wounded are carried out of the enclosure, and attended to immediately, while the victors and the brides-elect repair to an adjoining grove, and there, forming into groups, dance joyously before preparing for their marriage." in an account of marriage among the kallans, mr. nelson writes that "the most proper alliance in the opinion of a kallan is one between a man and the daughter of his father's sister, and, if an individual have such a cousin, he must marry her, whatever disparity there may be between their respective ages. a boy of fifteen must marry such a cousin, even if she be thirty or forty years old, if her father insists upon his so doing. failing a cousin of this sort, he must marry his aunt or his niece, or any near relative. if his father's brother has a daughter, and insists upon him marrying her he cannot refuse; and this whatever may be the woman's age. one of the customs of the western kallans is specially curious. it constantly happens that a woman is the wife of ten, eight, six, or two husbands, who are held to be the fathers jointly and severally of any children that may be born of her body, and, still more curiously, when the children grow up they, for some unknown reason, invariably style themselves the children not of ten, eight or six fathers as the case may be, but of eight and two, six and two, or four and two fathers. when a wedding takes place, the sister of the bridegroom goes to the house of the parents of the bride, and presents them with twenty-one kali fanams (coins) and a cloth, and, at the same time, ties some horse-hair round the bride's neck. she then brings her and her relatives to the house of the bridegroom, where a feast is prepared. sheep are killed, and stores of liquor kept ready, and all partake of the good cheer provided. after this the bride and bridegroom are conducted to the house of the latter, and the ceremony of an exchange between them of vallari thadis or boomerangs is solemnly performed. another feast is then given in the bride's house, and the bride is presented by her parents with one markal of rice and a hen. she then goes with her husband to his house. during the first twelve months after marriage, it is customary for the wife's parents to invite the pair to stay with them a day or two on the occasion of any feast, and to present them on their departure with a markal of rice and a cock. at the time of the first pongal feast after the marriage, the presents customarily given to the son-in-law are five markals of rice, five loads of pots and pans, five bunches of plantains, five cocoanuts, and five lumps of jaggery (crude sugar). a divorce is easily obtained on either side. a husband dissatisfied with his wife can send her away if he be willing at the same time to give her half of his property, and a wife can leave her husband at will upon forfeiture of forty-two kali fanams. a widow may marry any man she fancies, if she can induce him to make her a present of ten fanams." in connection with the foregoing account, i am informed that, among the nattar kallans, the brother of a married woman must give her annually at pongal a present of rice, a goat, and a cloth until her death. the custom of exchanging boomerangs appears to be fast becoming a tradition. but, there is a common saying still current "send the valari tadi, and bring the bride." as regards the horse-hair, which is mentioned as being tied round the bride's neck, i gather that, as a rule, the tali is suspended from a cotton thread, and the horse-hair necklet may be worn by girls prior to puberty and marriage, and by widows. this form of necklet is also worn by females of other castes, such as maravans, valaiyans, and morasa paraiyans. puramalai kallan women can be distinguished by the triangular ornament, which is attached to the tali string. it is stated, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "when a girl has attained maturity, she puts away the necklace of coloured beads she wore as a child, and dons the horse-hair necklet, which is characteristic of the kallan woman. this she retains till death, even if she becomes a widow. the richer kallans substitute for the horse-hair a necklace of many strands of fine silver wire. in tirumangalam, the women often hang round their necks a most curious brass and silver pendant, six or eight inches long, and elaborately worked." it is noted in the census report, , that as a token of divorce "a kallan gives his wife a piece of straw in the presence of his caste people. in tamil the expression 'to give a straw' means to divorce, and 'to take a straw' means to accept divorce." in their marriage customs, some kallans have adopted the puranic form of rite owing to the influence of brahman purohits, and, though adult marriage is the rule, some brahmanised kallans have introduced infant marriage. to this the puramalai section has a strong objection, as, from the time of marriage, they have to give annually till the birth of the first child a present of fowls, rice, a goat, jaggery, plantains, betel, turmeric, and condiments. by adult marriage the time during which this present has to be made is shortened, and less expenditure thereon is incurred. in connection with the marriage ceremonies as carried out by some kallans, i gather that the consent of the maternal uncle of a girl to her marriage is essential. for the betrothal ceremony, the father and maternal uncle of the future bridegroom proceed to the girl's house, where a feast is held, and the date fixed for the wedding written on two rolls of palm leaf dyed with turmeric or red paper, which are exchanged between the maternal uncles. on the wedding day, the sister of the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, accompanied by women, some of whom carry flowers, cocoanuts, betel leaves, turmeric, leafy twigs of sesbania grandiflora, paddy (unhusked rice), milk, and ghi (clarified butter). a basket containing a female cloth, and the tali string wrapped up in a red cloth borrowed from a washerman, is given to a sister of the bridegroom or to a woman belonging to his sept. on the way to the bride's house, two of the women blow chank shells (musical instrument). the bride's people question the bridegroom's party as to his sept, and they ought to say that he belongs to indra kulam, thalavala nadu, and ahalya gotra. the bridegroom's sister, taking up the tali, passes it round to be touched by all present, and ties the string, which is decorated with flowers, tightly round the bride's neck amid the blowing of the conch shell. the bride is then conducted to the home of the bridegroom, whence they return to her house on the following day. the newly married couple sit on a plank, and coloured rice-balls or coloured water are waved, while women yell out "killa, illa, illa; killa, illa, illa." this ceremony is called kulavi idal, and is sometimes performed by kallan women during the tali-tying. the following details relating to the marriage ceremonies are recorded in the gazetteer of the tanjore district. "the arrival of the bridegroom has been described as being sometimes especially ceremonious. mounted on a horse, and attended by his maternal uncle, he is met by a youth from the bride's house, also mounted, who conducts the visitors to the marriage booth. here he is given betel leaves, areca nuts, and a rupee by the bride's father, and his feet are washed in milk and water, and adorned with toe-rings by the bride's mother. the tali is suspended from a necklet of gold or silver instead of cotton thread, but this is afterwards changed to cotton for fear of offending the god karuppan. a lamp is often held by the bridegroom's sister, or some married woman, while the tali is being tied. this is left unlighted by the kallans for fear it should go out, and thus cause an evil omen. the marriage tie is in some localities very loose. even a woman who has borne her husband many children may leave him if she likes, to seek a second husband, on condition that she pays him her marriage expenses. in this case (as also when widows are remarried), the children are left in the late husband's house. the freedom of the kallan women in these matters is noticed in the proverb that, "though there may be no thread in the spinning-rod, there will always be a (tali) thread on the neck of a kallan woman," or that "though other threads fail, the thread of a kallan woman will never do so." by some kallans pollution is, on the occasion of the first menstrual period, observed for seven or nine days. on the sixteenth day, the maternal uncle of the girl brings a sheep or goat, and rice. she is bathed and decorated, and sits on a plank while a vessel of water, coloured rice, and a measure filled with paddy with a style bearing a betel leaf struck on it, are waved before her. her head, knees, and shoulders are touched with cakes, which are then thrown away. a woman, conducting the girl round the plank, pours water from a vessel on to a betel leaf held in her hand, so that it falls on the ground at the four cardinal points of the compass, which the girl salutes. a ceremony is generally celebrated in the seventh month of pregnancy, for which the husband's sister prepares pongal (cooked rice). the pregnant woman sits on a plank, and the rice is waved before her. she then stands up, and bends down while her sister-in-law pours milk from a betel or pipal (ficus religiosa) leaf on her back. a feast brings the ceremony to a close. among the vellur-nadu kallans patterns are said [ ] to be drawn on the back of the pregnant woman with rice-flour, and milk is poured over them. the husband's sister decorates a grindstone in the same way, invokes a blessing on the woman, and expresses a hope that she may have a male child as strong as a stone. when a child is born in a family, the entire family observes pollution for thirty days, during which entrance into a temple is forbidden. among the nattar kallans, children are said to be named at any time after they are a month old. but, among the puramalai kallans, a first-born female child is named on the seventh day, after the ear-boring ceremony has been performed. "all kallans," mr. francis writes, [ ] "put on sacred ashes, the usual mark of a saivite, on festive occasions, but they are nevertheless generally vaishnavites. the dead are usually buried, and it is said that, at funerals, cheroots are handed round, which those present smoke while the ceremony proceeds." some kallans are said, [ ] when a death occurs in a family, to put a pot filled with dung or water, a broomstick, and a fire-brand at some place where three roads meet, or in front of the house, in order to prevent the ghost from returning. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "the kilnad kallans usually bury their dead. lamps are periodically lighted on the tomb, and it is whitewashed annually. the piramalainad division usually burn the dead. if a woman dies when with child, the baby is taken out, and placed alongside her on the pyre. this, it may be noted, is the rule with most castes in this district, and, in some communities, the relations afterwards put up a stone burden-rest by the side of a road, the idea being that the woman died with her burden, and so her spirit rejoices to see others lightened of theirs. tradition says that the caste came originally from the north. the dead are buried with their faces laid in that direction; and, when puja is done to karuppanaswami, the caste god, the worshippers turn to the north." according to mr. h. a. stuart [ ] "the kallans are nominally saivites, but in reality the essence of their religious belief is devil-worship. their chief deity is alagarswami, the god of the great alagar kovil twelve miles to the north of the town of madura. to this temple they make large offerings, and the swami, called kalla alagar, has always been regarded as their own peculiar deity." the kallans are said by mr. mullaly to observe omens, and consult their household gods before starting on depredations. "two flowers, the one red and the other white, are placed before the idol, a symbol of their god kalla alagar. the white flower is the emblem of success. a child of tender years is told to pluck a petal of one of the two flowers, and the undertaking rests upon the choice made by the child." in like manner, when a marriage is contemplated among the idaiyans, the parents of the prospective bride and bridegroom go to the temple, and throw before the idol a red and white flower, each wrapped in a betel leaf. a small child is then told to pick up one of the leaves. if the one selected contains the white flower, it is considered auspicious, and the marriage will take place. in connection with the alagar kovil, i gather [ ] that, when oaths are to be taken, the person who is to swear is asked to worship kallar alagar, and, with a parivattam (cloth worn as a mark of respect in the presence of the god) on his head, and a garland round his neck, should stand on the eighteenth step of the eighteen steps of karuppanaswami, and say: "i swear before kallar alagar and karuppannaswami that i have acted rightly, and so on. if the person swears falsely, he dies on the third day; if truly the other person meets with the same fate." it was noted by mr. m. j. walhouse, [ ] that "at the bull games (jellikattu) at dindigul, the kallans can alone officiate as priests, and consult the presiding deity. on this occasion they hold quite a saturnalia of lordship and arrogance over the brahmans." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "the keenness of the more virile sections of the community (especially the kallans), in this game, is extraordinary, and, in many villages, cattle are bred and reared specially for it. the best jallikats are to be seen in the kallan country in tirumangalam, and next come those in melur and madura taluks." (see also maravan.) it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that karuppan is "essentially the god of the kallans, especially of the kallans of the melur side. in those parts, his shrine is usually the kallans' chavadi (assembly place). his priests are usually kallans or kusavans. alagarswami (the beautiful god) is held in special veneration by the kallans, and is often popularly called the kallar alagar. the men of this caste have the right to drag his car at the car festival, and, when he goes (from alagar kovil) on his visit to madura, he is dressed as a kallan, exhibits the long ears characteristic of that caste, and carries the boomerang and club, which were of their old favourite weapons. it is whispered that kallan dacoits invoke his aid when they are setting out on marauding expeditions, and, if they are successful therein, put part of their ill-gotten gains into the offertory (undial) box, which is kept at his shrine." for the following note i am indebted to the rev. j. sharrock. "the chief temple of the kallans is about ten miles west of madura, and is dedicated to alagarswami, said to be an incarnation of vishnu, but also said to be the brother of minatchi (the fish-eyed or beautiful daughter of the pandya king of madura). now minatchi has been married by the brahmans to siva, and so we see hinduism wedded to dravidianism, and the spirit of compromise, the chief method of conversion adopted by the brahmans, carried to its utmost limit. at the great annual festival, the idol of alagarswami is carried, in the month of chittra (april-may), to the temple of minatchi, and the banks of the river vaiga swarm with two to three lakhs [ ] of worshippers, a large proportion of whom are kallans. at this festival, the kallans have the right of dragging with a rope the car of alagarswami, though other people may join in later on. as alagarswami is a vegetarian, no blood sacrifice is offered to him. this is probably due to the influence of brahmanism, for, in their ordinary ceremonies, the kallans invariably slaughter sheep as sacrifices to propitiate their deities. true to their bold and thievish instincts, the kallans do not hesitate to steal a god, if they think he will be of use to them in their predatory excursions, [ ] and are not afraid to dig up the coins or jewels that are generally buried under an idol. though they entertain little dread of their own village gods, they are often afraid of others that they meet far from home, or in the jungles when they are engaged in one of their stealing expeditions. as regards their own village gods, there is a sort of understanding that, if they help them in their thefts, they are to have a fair share of the spoil, and, on the principle of honesty among thieves, the bargain is always kept. at the annual festival for the village deities, each family sacrifices a sheep, and the head of the victim is given to the pujari (priest), while the body is taken home by the donor, and partaken of as a communion feast. two at least of the elements of totem worship appear here: there is the shedding of the sacrificial blood of an innocent victim to appease the wrath of the totem god, and the common feasting together which follows it. the brahmans sometimes join in these sacrifices, but of course take no part of the victim, the whole being the perquisite of the pujari, and there is no common participation in the meal. when strange deities are met with by the kallans on their thieving expeditions, it is usual to make a vow that, if the adventure turns out well, part of the spoil shall next day be left at the shrine of the god, or be handed over to the pujari of that particular deity. they are afraid that, if this precaution be not taken, the god may make them blind, or cause them to be discovered, or may go so far as to knock them down, and leave them to bleed to death. if they have seen the deity, or been particularly frightened or otherwise specially affected by these unknown gods, instead of leaving a part of the body, they adopt a more thorough method of satisfying the same. after a few days they return at midnight to make a special sacrifice, which of course is conducted by the particular pujari, whose god is to be appeased. they bring a sheep with rice, curry-stuffs and liquors, and, after the sacrifice, give a considerable share of these dainties, together with the animal's head, to the pujari, as well as a sum of money for making the puja (worship) for them. some of the ceremonies are worth recording. first the idol is washed in water, and a sandal spot is put on the forehead in the case of male deities, and a kunkuma spot in the case of females. garlands are placed round the neck, and the bell is rung, while lamps are lighted all about. then the deity's name is repeatedly invoked, accompanied by beating on the udukku. this is a small drum which tapers to a narrow waist in the middle, and is held in the left hand of the pujari with one end close to his left ear, while he taps on it with the fingers of his right hand. not only is this primitive music pleasing to the ears of his barbarous audience, but, what is more important, it conveys the oracular communications of the god himself. by means of the end of the drum placed close to his ear, the pujari is enabled to hear what the god has to say of the predatory excursion which has taken place, and the pujari (who, like a clever gypsy, has taken care previously to get as much information of what has happened as possible) retails all that has occurred during the exploit to his wondering devotees. in case his information is incomplete, he is easily able to find out, by a few leading questions and a little cross-examination of these ignorant people, all that he needs to impress them with the idea that the god knows all about their transactions, having been present at their plundering bout. at all such sacrifices, it is a common custom to pour a little water over the sheep, to see if it will shake itself, this being invariably a sign of the deity's acceptance of the animal offered. in some sacrifices, if the sheep does not shake itself, it is rejected, and another substituted for it; and, in some cases (be it whispered, when the pujari thinks the sheep too thin and scraggy), he pours over it only a little water, and so demands another animal. if, however, the pujari, as the god's representative, is satisfied, he goes on pouring more and more water till the half-drenched animal has to shake itself, and so signs its own death-warrant. all who have ventured forth in the night to take part in the sacrifice then join together in the communal meal. an illustration of the value of sacrifices may here be quoted, to show how little value may be attached to an oath made in the presence of a god. some pannaikarans (servants) of a kallan land-owner one day stole a sheep, for which they were brought up before the village munsif. when they denied the theft, the munsif took them to their village god, karuppan (the black brother), and made them swear in its presence. they perjured themselves again, and were let off. their master quietly questioned them afterwards, asking them how they dared swear so falsely before their own god, and to this they replied 'while we were swearing, we were mentally offering a sacrifice to him of a sheep' (which they subsequently carried out), to pacify him for the double crime of stealing and perjury." as a typical example of devil worship, the practice of the valaiyans and kallans of orattanadu in the tanjore district is described by mr. f. r. hemingway. [ ] "valaiyan houses have generally an odiyan (odina wodier) tree in the backyard, wherein the devils are believed to live, and among kallans every street has a tree for their accommodation. they are propitiated at least once a year, the more virulent under the tree itself, and the rest in the house, generally on a friday or monday. kallans attach importance to friday in adi (july and august), the cattle pongal day in tai (january and february), and kartigai day in the month kartigai (november and december). a man, with his mouth covered with a cloth to indicate silence and purity, cooks rice in the backyard, and pours it out in front of the tree, mixed with milk and jaggery (crude sugar). cocoanuts and toddy are also placed there. these are offered to the devils, represented in the form of bricks or mud images placed at the foot of the tree, and camphor is set alight. a sheep is then brought and slaughtered, and the devils are supposed to spring one after another from the tree into one of the bystanders. this man then becomes filled with the divine afflatus, works himself up into a kind of frenzy, becomes the mouthpiece of the spirits, pronounces their satisfaction or the reverse at the offerings, and gives utterance to cryptic phrases, which are held to foretell good or evil fortune to those in answer to whom they are made. when all the devils in turn have spoken and vanished, the man recovers his senses. the devils are worshipped in the same way in the houses, except that no blood is shed. all alike are propitiated by animal sacrifices." the kallans are stated by mr. hemingway to be very fond of bull-baiting. this is of two kinds. the first resembles the game played by other castes, except that the kallans train their animals for the sport, and have regular meetings, at which all the villagers congregate. these begin at pongal, and go on till the end of may. the sport is called tolu madu (byre bull). the best animals for it are the pulikkolam bulls from the madura district. the other game is called pachal madu (leaping bull). in this, the animals are tethered to a long rope, and the object of the competition is to throw the animal, and keep it down. a bull which is good at the game, and difficult to throw, fetches a very high price. it is noted in the gazetteer of the tanjore district, that "the kallans have village caste panchayats (councils) of the usual kind, but in some places they are discontinuing these in imitation of the vellalans. according to the account given at orattanadu, the members of ambalakaran families sit by hereditary right as karyastans or advisers to the headman in each village. one of these households is considered superior to the others, and one of its members is the headman (ambalakaran) proper. the headmen of the panchayats of villages which adjoin meet to form a further panchayat to decide on matters common to them generally. in kallan villages, the kallan headman often decides disputes between members of other lower castes, and inflicts fines on the party at fault." in the gazetteer, of the madura district, it is recorded that "the organization of the kilnad kallans differs from that of their brethren beyond the hills. among the former, an hereditary headman, called the ambalakaran, rules in almost every village. he receives small fees at domestic ceremonies, is entitled to the first betel and nut, and settles caste disputes. fines inflicted are credited to the caste fund. the western kallans are under a more monarchial rule, an hereditary headman called tirumala pinnai tevan deciding most caste matters. he is said to get this hereditary name from the fact that his ancestor was appointed (with three co-adjutors) by king tirumala nayakkan, and given many insignia of office including a state palanquin. if any one declines to abide by his decision, excommunication is pronounced by the ceremony of 'placing the thorn,' which consists in laying a thorny branch across the threshold of the recalcitrant party's house, to signify that, for his contumacy, his property will go to ruin and be overrun with jungle. the removal of the thorn, and the restitution of the sinner to kallan society can only be procured by abject apologies to pinnai tevan." the usual title of the kallans is ambalakaran (president of an assembly), but some, like the maravans and agamudaiyans, style themselves tevan (god) or servaikkaran (commander). [ ] kallankanadoru (stone).--a sub-division of komati, said to be descended from those who sat on the stone (kallu) mantapa outside the penukonda kanyakamma temple, when the question whether to enter the fire-pits or not was being discussed by the caste elders. kallan muppan.--in the madras census report, , kallan muppan is returned as "a sub-caste of the malabar kammalans, the members of which are stone-workers." a correspondent writes to me that, "while the kammalans are a polluting and polyandrous class, the kallan muppans are allowed to enter the outside enclosure of temples. they do not remarry their widows, and are strictly monogamous. their purohits are tamil barbers, who officiate at their marriages. the barber shaves the bridegroom before the wedding ceremony. the purohit has also to blow the conch-shell all the way from the bridegroom's house to that of the bride." the names kallan and kalkotti are also those by which the malabar stone-masons are known. kallangi.--kallangi and kallaveli (kallan's fence) are fanciful names, returned by pallis at times of census. kallasari (stone-workers).--the occupational name of a sub-division of malayalam kammalans. kallatakurup.--a sub-division of ambalavasis, who sing in bhagavati temples. they play on a stringed instrument, called nandurini, with two strings and a number of wooden stops glued on to the long handle, and a wooden plectrum. kallu (stone).--a sub-division of ganiga and odde. kallukoti (stone-mason) is a sub-division of malabar kammalans, who work in stone. kallukatti.--it is noted, in the gazetteer of the south canara district, that "a grinding stone made of granite is an article peculiar to south canara. it is a semicircular, oval-shaped block with a flat bottom, and a round hole in the middle of the surface. it has another oval-shaped block, thin and long, with one end so shaped as to fit into the hole in the larger block. these two together make what is known as the grinding-stone of the district, which is used for grinding curry-stuff, rice, wheat, etc. mill-stones for pounding grain are also made of granite. formerly, a class of people called kallukattis used to make such articles, but the industry is now taken up by other castes as well. mile-stones, slabs for temple door-frames, idols and other figures for temple purposes are also made of granite." kallur.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a name for the pulikkappanikkan sub-division of nayar. kalluri (stone village).--an exogamous sept of medara. kal tacchan (stone-mason).--a sub-division of kammalan. kalti (expunged).--a degraded paraiyan is known as a kalti. amongst the paraiyans of madras, chingleput and north arcot, the rule is that a man who does not abide by the customs of the caste is formally excommunicated by a caste council. he then joins "those at vinnamangalam" near vellore, i.e., those who have, like himself, been driven out of the caste. kalugunadu (eagle's country).--an exogamous sept of tamil goldsmiths in the madura district. kaluthai (possessors of donkeys).--a sub-division of odde. kalyanakulam (marriage people).--a fanciful name returned by some mangalas at times of census, as they officiate as musicians at marriages. kamadi (tortoise).--a gotra of kurni. kamakshiamma.--recorded, in the north arcot manual, as a sub-division of vaniyan. kamakshiamma is the chief goddess worshipped at conjeeveram. she and minakshi amma of madura are two well-known goddesses worshipped by saivites. both names are synonyms of parvati, the wife of siva. kamati (foolish).--a name sometimes applied to carpenters, and also of a sub-division of okkiliyans, who are said to have abandoned their original occupation of cultivating land, and become bricklayers. kambalam.--the name kambalam is applied to a group of nine castes (tottiyan, annappan, kappiliyan, chakkiliyan, etc.), because at their council meetings a blanket (kambli) is spread, on which is placed a brass vessel (kalasam) filled with water, and decorated with flowers. (see tottiyan.) kambalattan.--a synonym of tottiyan. kamban.--a title of the occhans, to which caste the great tamil epic poet kamban is reputed to have belonged. kambha.--kambha or kambhapu, meaning a pillar or post, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of madiga and komati. kamma.--writing collectively concerning the kammas, kapus or reddis, velamas, and telagas, mr. w. francis states [ ] that "all four of these large castes closely resemble one another in appearance and customs, and seem to have branched off from one and the same dravidian stock. originally soldiers by profession, they are now mainly agriculturists and traders, and some of them in the north are zamindars (land-owners). the razus, who now claim to be kshatriyas, were probably descended from kapus, kammas, and velamas. the kammas and kapus of the madura and tinnevelly districts seem to have followed the vijayanagar army south, and settled in these districts when the nayak governors were established there. their women are less strict in their deportment than those of the same castes further north, the latter of whom are very careful of their reputations, and, in the case of one section of the kammas, are actually gosha (kept in seclusion) like musalmanis." various stories are current, which point to the common ancestry of the kammas, kapus, and velamas. the word kamma in telugu means the ear-ornament, such as is worn by women. according to one legend "the rishis, being troubled by rakshasas, applied to vishnu for protection, and he referred them to lakshmi. the goddess gave them a casket containing one of her ear ornaments (kamma), and enjoined them to worship it for a hundred years. at the expiry of that period, a band of five hundred armed warriors sprang up from the casket, who, at the request of the rishis, attacked and destroyed the giants. after this they were directed to engage in agriculture, being promised extensive estates, and the consideration paid to kshatriyas. they accordingly became possessed of large territories, such as amravati and others in the kistna, nellore and other districts, and have always been most successful agriculturists." [ ] some kammas, when questioned by mr. f. r. hemingway in the godavari district, stated that they were originally kshatriyas, but were long ago persecuted by a king of the family of parikshat, because one of them called him a bastard. they sought refuge with the kapus, who took them in, and they adopted the customs of their protectors. according to another legend, a valuable ear ornament, belonging to raja pratapa rudra, fell into the hands of an enemy, whom a section of the kapus boldly attacked, and recovered the jewel. this feat earned for them and their descendants the title kamma. some of the kapus ran away, and they are reputed to be the ancestors of the velamas (veli, away). at the time when the kammas and velamas formed a single caste, they observed the muhammadan gosha system, whereby the women are kept in seclusion. this was, however, found to be very inconvenient for their agricultural pursuits. they accordingly determined to abandon it, and an agreement was drawn up on a palm-leaf scroll. those who signed it are said to have become kammas, and those who declined to do so velamas, or outsiders. one meaning of the word kamma is the palm-leaf roll, such as is used to produce dilatation of the lobes of the ears. according to another story, there once lived a king, belthi reddi by name, who had a large number of wives, the favourite among whom he appointed rani. the other wives, being jealous, induced their sons to steal all the jewels of the rani, but they were caught in the act by the king, who on the following day asked his wife for her jewels, which she could not produce. some of the sons ran away, and gave origin to the velamas; others restored the kamma, and became kammas. yet one more story. pratapa rudra's wife lost her ear ornament, and four of the king's captains were sent in search of it. of these, one restored the jewel, and his descendants became kammas; the second attacked the thieves, and gave origin to the velamas; the third ran away, and so his children became the ancestors of the pakanatis; and the fourth disappeared. according to the census report, , the main sub-divisions of the kammas are gampa, illuvellani, godajati, kavali, vaduga, pedda, and bangaru. it would seem that there are two main endogamous sections, gampa (basket) chatu, and goda (wall) chatu. chatu is said to mean a screen or hiding place. concerning the origin of these sections, the following story is told. two sisters were bathing in a tank (pond), when a king happened to pass by. to hide themselves, one of the girls hid behind a basket, and the other behind a wall. the descendants of the two sisters became the gampa and goda chatu kammas, who may not intermarry by reason of their original close relationship. according to another legend, after a desperate battle, some members of the caste escaped by hiding behind baskets, others behind a wall. the terms illuvellani and pedda seem to be synonymous with godachatu. the women of this section were gosha, and not allowed to appear in public, and even at the present day they do not go out and work freely in the fields. the name illuvellani indicates those who do not go (vellani) out of the house (illu). the name pedda (great) refers to the superiority of the section. vaduga simply means telugu, and is probably a name given by tamilians to the kammas who live amongst them. the name bangaru is said to refer to the custom of the women of this sub-division wearing only gold nose ornaments (bangaramu). the godajati sub-division is said to be most numerously represented in north arcot and chingleput, the illuvellani in kistna, nellore and anantapur. the kavali sub-division is practically confined to the godavari, and the pedda to the kistna district. the vaduga kammas are found chiefly in coimbatore. in his note on the kammas of the godavari district, mr. hemingway writes that "in this district they are divided into kavitis, eredis, gampas or gudas, uggams, and rachas. these names are, according to local accounts, derived from curious household customs, generally from traditional methods of carrying water. thus, the kavitis will not ordinarily carry water except in pots on a kavidi, the eredis except on a pack-bullock, the uggams except in pots held in the hand, and not on the hip or head, the rachas except in a pot carried by two persons. the gampa women, when they first go to their husbands' houses, take the customary presents in a basket. it is said that these practices are generally observed at the present day." writing concerning the iluvedalani (illuvellani) kammas, the editor of the kurnool manual ( ) states that "a few families only exist in the district. the women are kept in strict gosha. they consider it beneath them to spin thread, or to do other work. a sub-division of this caste lives in pullalcheruvu, whose families, also gosha, work at the spindles, like other women of the country. another class of indoor kammas resides about owk. they are apparently descendants of the kammas, who followed the naiks from guntur to gandikota in the sixteenth century. they are now reduced, and the females work, like kapus, in the field. the gampas are distinguished from the indoor kammas by their women wearing the cloth over the right, instead of the left shoulder." as with other telugu castes, there are, among the kammas, a number of exogamous septs or intiperu, of which the following are examples:-- anumollu, dolichos lablab. tsanda, tax or subscription. jasthi, too much. mallela, jasmine. lanka, island. thota kura, amarantus gangetícus. komma, horn, or branch of a tree. cheni, dry field. palakala, planks. kasturi, musk. baththala, rice. karnam, accountant. irpina, combs. gali, wind. dhaniala, coriander. the kammas also have gotras such as chittipoola, kurunollu, kulakala, uppala, cheruku (sugar-cane), vallotla, and yenamalla. when matters affecting the community have to be decided, a council of the leading members thereof assembles. but, in some places, there is a permanent headman, called mannemantri or chaudri. the kammas will work as coolies in the fields, but will, on no account, engage themselves as domestic servants. "they are," the rev. j. cain writes, [ ] "as a rule a fine well-built class of cultivators, very proud and exclusive, and have a great aversion to town life. many of them never allow their wives to leave their compounds, and it is said that many never do field work on sundays, but confine themselves on that day to their house-work." "if," a correspondent writes from the kistna district, "you ask in a village whether so-and-so is a brahman, and they say 'no. he is an asami (ordinary man),' he will be a kamma or kapu. if you ask how many pay income-tax in a village, they may tell you two baniyas (merchants), and two samsari-vallu, i.e., two prosperous kamma ryots." the kammas are stated by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] to be "most industrious and intelligent cultivators, who, now that gosha has been generally abandoned, beat all rivals out of the field--a fact which is recognised by several proverbs, such as kamma vani chetulu kattina nilavadu (though you tie a kamma's hands, he will not be quiet); kamma vandlu cherite kadama jatula vellunu (if kammas come in, other castes go out); kamma variki bhumi bhayapadu tunnadi (the earth fears the kammas), and many others to the same effect. in addition to being industrious and well-to-do they are very proud, an instance of which occurred in the kistna district, when the revenue settlement officer offered them pattas, in which they were simply called naidu without the honorific ending garu. they refused on this account to accept them, and finally the desired alteration was made, as they proved that all of their caste were considered entitled to the distinction. in north arcot, however, they are not so particular, though some refuse to have their head shaved, because they scruple to bow down before a barber. besides vishnu the kammas worship ganga, because they say that long ago they fled from northern india, to avoid the anger of a certain raja, who had been refused a bride from among them. they were pursued, but their women, on reaching the mahanadi, prayed for a passage to ganga, who opened a dry path for them through the river. crossing, they all hid themselves in a dholl (cajanus indicus) field, and thus escaped from their pursuers. for this reason, at their marriages, they tie a bunch of dholl leaves to the north-eastern post of the wedding booth, and worship ganga before tying the tali." among the kammas of the tamil country, the bridegroom is said to be sometimes much younger than the bride, and a case is on record of a wife of twenty-two years of age, who used to carry her boy-husband on her hip, as a mother carries her child. [ ] a parallel is to be found in russia, where not very long ago grown-up women were to be seen carrying about boys of six, to whom they were betrothed. [ ] widow remarriage is not permitted. widows of the goda chatu section wear white, and those of the gampa chatu section coloured cloths. prior to the betrothal ceremony, female ancestors, vigneswara, and the grama devata (village deities) are worshipped. a near relation of the future bridegroom proceeds, with a party, to the home of the future bride. on their way thither, they look for omens, such as the crossing of birds in an auspicious direction. immediately on the occurrence of a favourable omen, they burn camphor, and break a cocoanut, which must split in two with clean edges. one half is sent to the would-be bridegroom, and the other taken to the bride's house. if the first cocoanut does not split properly, others are broken till the wished-for result is obtained. when the girl's house is reached, she demands the sagunam (omen) cocoanut. her lap is filled with flowers, cocoanuts, turmeric, plantains, betel leaves and areca nuts, combs, sandal paste, and coloured powder (kunkumam). the wedding day is then fixed. marriage is generally celebrated at the house of the bridegroom, but, if it is a case of kannikadhanam (presenting the girl without claiming the bride's price), at the house of the bride. the bride-price is highest in the gampa section. on the first day of the marriage rites, the petta mugada sangyam, or box-lid ceremony is performed. the new cloths for the bridal couple, five plantains, nuts, and pieces of turmeric, one or two combs, four rupees, and the bride-price in money or jewels, are placed in a box, which is placed near the parents of the contracting couple. the contents of the box are then laid out on the lid, and examined by the sammandhis (new relations by marriage). the bride's father gives betel leaves and areca nuts to the father of the bridegroom, saying "the girl is yours, and the money mine." the bridegroom's father hands them back, saying "the girl is mine, and the money yours." this is repeated three times. the officiating purohit (priest) then announces that the man's daughter is to be given in marriage to so-and-so, and the promise is made before the assembled deva brahmanas, and in the presence of light, agni, and the devatas. this ceremony is binding, and, should the bridegroom perchance die before the bottu (marriage badge) is tied, she becomes, and remains a widow. the milk-post is next set up, the marriage pots are arranged, and the nalagu ceremony is performed. this consists of the anointing of the bridal couple with oil, and smearing the shoulders with turmeric flour, or acacia concinna paste. a barber pares the nails of the bridegroom, and simply touches those of the bride with a mango leaf dipped in milk. in some places this rite is omitted by the gampa section. a small wooden framework, called dhornam, with cotton threads wound round it, is generally tied to the marriage pandal (booth) by a tsakali (washerman) not only at a marriage among the kammas, but also among the balijas, kapus, and velamas. after the return of the bridal couple from bathing, the bridegroom is decorated, and taken to a specially prepared place within or outside the house, to perform vira-gudimokkadam, or worship of heroes in their temple. at the spot selected a pandal has been erected, and beneath it three or five bricks, representing the heroes (viralu), are set up. the bricks are smeared with turmeric paste, and painted with red dots. in front of the bricks an equal number of pots are placed, and they are worshipped by breaking a cocoanut, and burning camphor and incense. the bridegroom then prostrates himself before the bricks, and, taking up a sword, cuts some lime fruits, and touches the pots three times. in former days, a goat or sheep was sacrificed. the hero worship, as performed by the goda section, differs from the above rite as practiced by the gampa section. instead of erecting a pandal, the godas go to a pipal (ficus religiosa) tree, near which one or more daggers are placed. a yellow cotton thread is wound three or five times round the tree, which is worshipped. as a substitute for animal sacrifice, lime fruits are cut. the hero worship concluded, the wrist-threads of cotton and wool (kankanam) are tied on the bride and bridegroom, who is taken to the temple after he has bathed and dressed himself in new clothes. on his return to the booth, the purohit lights the sacred fire, and the contracting couple sit side by side on a plank. they then stand, with a screen spread between them, and the bridegroom, with his right big toe on that of the bride, ties the bottu round her neck. they then go three times round the dais, with the ends of their cloths knotted together. the bottu of the gampas is a concave disc of gold, that of the godas a larger flat disc. on the following day, the usual nagavali, or sacrifice to the devas is offered, and a nagavali bottu (small gold disc) tied. all the relations make presents to the bridal pair, who indulge in a mock representation of domestic life. on the third day, pongal (rice) is offered to the pots, and the wrist-threads are removed. like the palli bridegroom, the kamma bridegroom performs a mimic ploughing ceremony, but at the house instead of at a tank (pond). he goes to a basket filled with earth, carrying the iron bar of a ploughshare, an ox-goad, and rope, accompanied by the bride carrying in her lap seeds or seedlings. while he pretends to be ploughing, his sister stops him, and will not let him continue till he has promised to give his first-born daughter to her son in marriage. the marriage pots are presented to the sisters of the bridegroom. during the marriage celebration, meat must not be cooked. among the kammas, consummation does not take place till three months after the marriage ceremony, as it is considered unlucky to have three heads of a family in a household during the first year of marriage. by the delay, the birth of a child should take place only in the second year, so that, during the first year, there will be only two heads, husband and wife. in like manner, it is noted by mr. francis [ ] that, among the gangimakkalu and madigas, the marriage is not consummated till three months after its celebration. when a pregnant woman is delivered, twigs of balanites roxburghii are placed round the house. the dead are usually cremated. as the moment of death approaches, a cocoanut is broken, and camphor burnt. the thumbs and great toes of the corpse are tied together. a woman, who is left a widow, exchanges betel with her dead husband, and the women put rice into his mouth. the corpse is carried to the burning-ground on a bier, with the head towards the house. when it approaches a spot called arichandra's temple, the bier is placed on the ground, and food is placed at the four corners. then a paraiyan or mala repeats the formula "i am the first born (i.e., the representative of the oldest caste). i wore the sacred thread at the outset. i am sangu paraiyan (or reddi mala). i was the patron of arichandra. lift the corpse, and turn it round with its head towards the smasanam (burning-ground), and feet towards the house." when the corpse has been laid on the pyre, the relations throw rice over it, and the chief mourner goes three times round the pyre, carrying on his shoulder a pot of water, in which a barber makes holes. during the third turn he lights the pyre, and throwing down the pot, goes off to bathe. on the following day, a stone is placed on the spot where the deceased breathed his last, and his clothes are put close to it. the women pour milk over the stone, and offer milk, cocoanuts, cooked rice, betel, etc., to it. these are taken by the males to the burning-ground. when arichandra's temple is reached, they place there a small quantity of food on a leaf. at the burning-ground, the fire is extinguished, and the charred bones are collected, and placed on a plantain leaf. out of the ashes they make an effigy on the ground, to which food is offered on four leaves, one of which is placed on the abdomen of the figure, and the other three are set by the side of it. the first of these is taken by the paraiyan, and the others are given to a barber, washerman, and panisavan (a mendicant caste). the final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are performed on the sixteenth day. they commence with the punyaham, or purificatory ceremony, and the giving of presents to brahmans. inside the house, the dead person's clothes are worshipped by the women. the widow is taken to a tank or well, where her nagavali bottu is removed. this usually wears out in a very short time, so a new one is worn for the purpose of the death ceremony. the males proceed to a tank, and make an effigy on the ground, near which three small stones are set up. on these libations of water are poured, and cooked rice, vegetables, etc., are offered. the chief mourner then goes into the water, carrying the effigy, which is thrown in, and dives as many times as there have been days between the funeral and the karmandhiram. the ceremony closes with the making of presents to the brahmans and agnates. towards evening, the widow sits on a small quantity of rice on the ground, and her marriage bottu is removed. the kammas perform a first annual ceremony, but not a regular sradh afterwards. [ ] as regards their religion, some kammas are saivites, others vaishnavites. most of the saivites are disciples of aradhya brahmans, and the vaishnavites of vaishnava brahmans or satanis. the gampas reverence draupadi, mannarsami, gangamma, ankamma, and padavetiamma; the godas poleramma, veikandla thalli (the thousand-eyed goddess) and padavetiamma. kamma (ear ornament).--an exogamous sept of motati kapu. kammalan (tamil).--the original form of the name kammalan appears to have been kannalan or kannalar, both of which occur in tamil poems, e.g., thondamandala satakam and er ezhuvathu, attributed to the celebrated poet kamban. kannalan denotes one who rules the eye, or one who gives the eye. when an image is made, its consecration takes place at the temple. towards the close of the ceremonial, the kammalan who made it comes forward, and carves out the eyes of the image. the name is said also to refer to those who make articles, and open the eyes of the people, i.e., who make articles pleasing to the eyes. a very interesting account of the netra mangalya, or ceremony of painting the eyes of images, as performed by craftsmen in ceylon, has been published by mr. a. k. coomaraswamy. [ ] therein he writes that "by far the most important ceremony connected with the building and decoration of a vihara (temple), or with its renovation, was the actual netra mangalya or eye ceremonial. the ceremony had to be performed in the case of any image, whether set up in a vihara or not. even in the case of flat paintings it was necessary. d. s. muhandiram, when making for me a book of drawings of gods according to the rupavaliya, left the eyes to be subsequently inserted on a suitable auspicious occasion, with some simpler form of the ceremony described. "knox has a reference to the subject as follows. 'some, being devoutly disposed, will make the image of this god (buddha) at their own charge. for the making whereof they must bountifully reward the founder. before the eyes are made, it is not accounted a god, but a lump of ordinary metal, and thrown about the shop with no more regard than anything else. but, when the eyes are to be made, the artificer is to have a good gratification, besides the first agreed upon reward. the eyes being formed, it is thenceforward a god. and then, being brought with honour from the workman's shop, it is dedicated by solemnities and sacrifices, and carried with great state into its shrine or little house, which is before built and prepared for it.'" the pupils of the eyes of a series of clay votive offerings, which were specially made for me, were not painted at the potter's house, but in the verandah of the traveller's bungalow where i was staying. the tamil kammalans are divided into three endogamous territorial groups, pandya, sozia (or chola), and kongan. the pandyas live principally in the madura and tinnevelly districts, and the sozias in the trichinopoly, tanjore, chingleput, north and south arcot districts, and madras. the kongas are found chiefly in the salem and coimbatore districts. in some places, there are still further sub-divisions of territorial origin. thus, the pandya tattans are divided into karakattar, vambanattar, pennaikku-akkarayar (those on the other side of the pennaiyar river), munnuru-vittukarar (those of the three hundred families), and so forth. they are further divided into exogamous septs, the names of which are derived from places, e.g., perugumani, musiri, oryanadu, thiruchendurai, and kalagunadu. the kammalans are made up of five occupational sections, viz., tattan (goldsmith), kannan (brass-smith), tac'chan (carpenter), kal-tac'chan (stone-mason), and kollan or karuman (blacksmith). the name panchala, which is sometimes used by the tamil as well as the canarese artisan classes, has reference to the fivefold occupations. the various sections intermarry, but the goldsmiths have, especially in towns, ceased to intermarry with the blacksmiths. the kammalans, claiming, as will be seen later on, to be brahmans, have adopted brahmanical gotras, and the five sections have five gotras called visvagu, janagha, ahima, janardana, and ubhendra, after certain rishis (sages). each of these gotras, it is said, has twenty-five subordinate gotras attached to it. the names of these, however, are not forthcoming, and indeed, except some individuals who act as priests for the kammalans, few seem to have any knowledge of them. in their marriages the kammalans closely imitate the brahmanical ceremonial, and the ceremonies last for three or five days according to the means of the parties. the parisam, or bride's money, is paid, as among other non-brahmanical castes. widows are allowed the use of ordinary jewelry and betel, which is not the case among brahmans, and they are not compelled to make the usual fasts, or observe the feasts commonly observed by brahmans. the kammalan caste is highly organised, and its organisation is one of its most interesting features. each of the five divisions has at its head a nattamaikkaran or headman, and a karyasthan, or chief executive officer, under him, who are elected by members of the particular division. over them is the anjivittu nattamaikkaran (also known as ainduvittu periyathanakkaran or anjijati nattamaikkaran), who is elected by lot by representatives chosen from among the five sub-divisions. each of these chooses ten persons to represent it at the election. these ten again select one of their number, who is the local nattamaikkaran, or one who is likely to become so. the five men thus selected meet on an appointed day, with the castemen, at the temple of the caste goddess kamakshi amman. the names of the five men are written on five slips of paper, which, together with some blank slips, are thrown before the shrine of the goddess. a child, taken at random from the assembled crowd, is made to pick up the slips, and he whose name first turns up is proclaimed as anjivittu nattamaikkaran, and a big turban is tied on his head by the caste priest. this is called uruma kattaradu, and is symbolic of his having been appointed the general head of the caste. lots are then drawn, to decide which of the remaining four shall be the anjivittu karyasthan of the newly-elected chief. at the conclusion of the ceremony, betel leaf and areca nut are given first to the new officers, then to the local officers, and finally to the assembled spectators. with this, the installation ceremony, which is called pattam-kattaradu, comes to an end. the money for the expenses thereof is, if necessary, taken from the funds of the temple, but a special collection is generally made for the occasion, and is, it is said, responded to with alacrity. the anjivittu nattamaikkaran is theoretically invested with full powers over the caste, and all members thereof are expected to obey his orders. he is the final adjudicator of civil and matrimonial causes. the divisional heads have power to decide such causes, and they report their decisions to the anjivittu nattamaikkaran, who generally confirms them. if, for any reason, the parties concerned do not agree to abide by the decision, they are advised to take their cause to one of the established courts. the anjivittu nattamaikkaran has at times to nominate, and always the right to confirm or not, the selection of the divisional heads. in conjunction with the karyasthan and the local heads, he may appoint nattamaikkarans and karyasthans to particular places, and delegate his powers to them. this is done in places where the caste is represented in considerable numbers, as at sholavandan and vattalagundu in the madura district. in this connection, a quaint custom may be noted. the pallans, who are known as "the sons of the caste" in villages of the madura and tinnevelly districts, are called together, and informed that a particular village is about to be converted into a local anjivittu nattanmai, and that they must possess a nattamaikkaran and karyasthan for themselves. these are nominated in practice by the pallans, and the nomination is confirmed by the anjivittu nattamaikkaran. from that day, they have a right to get new ploughs from the kallans free of charge, and give them in return a portion of the produce of the land. the local nattamaikkarans are practically under the control of the karyasthan of the anjivittu nattamaikkaran, and, as the phrase goes, they are "bound down to" the words of this official, who possesses great power and influence with the community. the local officials may be removed from office by the anjivittu nattamaikkaran or his karyasthan, but this is rarely done, and only when, for any valid reason, the sub-divisions insist on it. the mode of resigning office is for the nattamaikkaran or karyasthan to bring betel leaf and areca nut, lay them before the anjivittu nattamaikkaran, or his karyasthan, and prostrate himself in front of him. there is a tendency for the various offices to become hereditary, provided those succeeding to them are rich and respected by the community. the anjivittu nattamaikkaran is entitled to the first betel at caste weddings, even outside his own jurisdiction. his powers are in striking contrast with those of the caste guru, who resides in tinnevelly, and occasionally travels northwards. he purifies, it is said, those who are charged with drinking intoxicating liquor, eating flesh, or crossing the sea, if such persons subject themselves to his jurisdiction. if they do not, he does not even exercise the power of excommunication, which he nominally possesses. he is not a sanyasi, but a grihastha or householder. he marries his daughters to castemen, though he refrains from eating in their houses. the dead are, as a rule, buried in a sitting posture, but, at the present day, cremation is sometimes resorted to. death pollution, as among some other non-brahmanical castes, lasts for sixteen days. it is usual for a pandaram to officiate at the death ceremonies. on the first day, the corpse is anointed with oil, and given a soap-nut bath. on the third day, five lingams are made with mud, of which four are placed in the four corners at the spot where the corpse was buried, and the fifth is placed in the centre. food is distributed on the fifth day to pandarams and the castemen. sradh (annual death ceremony) is not as a rule performed, except in some of the larger towns. the kammalans profess the saiva form of the brahman religion, and reverence greatly pillaiyar, the favourite son of siva. a few have come under the lingayat influence. the caste, however, has its own special goddess kamakshi amma, who is commonly spoken of as vriththi daivam. she is worshipped by all the sub-divisions, and female children are frequently named after her. she is represented by the firepot and bellows-fire at which the castemen work, and presides over them. on all auspicious occasions, the first betel and dakshina (present of money) are set apart in her name, and sent to the pujari (priest) of the local temple dedicated to her. oaths are taken in her name, and disputes affecting the caste are settled before her temple. there also elections to caste offices are held. the exact connection of the goddess kamakshi with the caste is not known. there is, however, a vague tradition that she was one of the virgins who committed suicide by throwing herself into a fire, and was in consequence deified. various village goddesses (grama devata) are also worshipped, and, though the kammalans profess to be vegetarians, animal sacrifices are offered to them. among these deities are the saptha kannimar or seven virgins, kochade periyandavan, and periya nayanar. those who worship the saptha kannimar are known by the name of madavaguppu, or the division that worships the mothers. those who revere the other two deities mentioned are called nadika vamsathal, or those descended from men who, through the seven virgins, attained eternal bliss. kochade periyandavan is said to be a corruption of or jate periya pandyan, meaning the great pandya with the single lock. he is regarded as vishnu, and periya nayanar is held to be a manifestation of siva. the former is said to have been the person who invited the tattans (who called themselves pandya tattans) to settle in his kingdom. it is traditionally stated that they emigrated from the north, and settled in the madura and tinnevelly districts. an annual festival in honour of kochade periyandavan is held in these districts, for the expenses in connection with which a subscription is raised among the five sub-divisions. the festival lasts over three days. on the first day, the image of the deified king is anointed with water, and a mixture of the juices of the mango, jak (artocarpus integrifolia), and plantain, called muppala pujai. on the second day, rice is boiled, and offered to the god, and, on the last day, a healthy ram is sacrificed to him. this festival is said to be held, in order to secure the caste as a whole against evils that might overtake it. tac'chans (carpenters) usually kill, or cut the ear of a ram or sheep, whenever they commence the woodwork of a new house, and smear the blood of the animal on a pillar or wall of the house. the kammalans claim to be descended from visvakarma, the architect of the gods, and, in some places, claim to be superior to brahmans, calling the latter go-brahmans, and themselves visva brahmans. visvakarma is said to have had five sons, named manu, maya, silpa, tvashtra, and daivagna. these five sons were the originators of the five crafts, which their descendants severally follow. accordingly, some engage in smithy work, and are called manus; others, in their turn, devote their attention to carpentry. these are named mayas. others again, who work at stone-carving, are known as silpis. those who do metal work are tvashtras, and those who are engaged in making jewelry are known as visvagnas or daivagnas. according to one story of the origin of the kammalans, they are the descendants of the issue of a brahman and a beri chetti woman. hence the proverb that the kammalans and the beri chettis are one. another story, recorded in the mackenzie manuscripts, which is current all over the tamil country, is briefly as follows. in the town of mandapuri, the kammalans of the five divisions formerly lived closely united together. they were employed by all sorts of people, as there were no other artificers in the country, and charged very high rates for their wares. they feared and respected no king. this offended the kings of the country, who combined against them. as the fort in which the kammalans concealed themselves, called kantakkottai, was entirely constructed of loadstone, all the weapons were drawn away by it. the king then promised a big reward to anyone who would burn down the fort, and at length the deva-dasis (courtesans) of a temple undertook to do this, and took betel and nut in signification of their promise. the king built a fort for them opposite kantakkottai, and they attracted the kammalans by their singing, and had children by them. one of the deva-dasis at length succeeded in extracting from a young kammalan the secret that, if the fort was surrounded with varaghu straw and set on fire, it would be destroyed. the king ordered that this should be done, and, in attempting to escape from the sudden conflagration, some of the kammalans lost their lives. others reached the ships, and escaped by sea, or were captured and put to death. in consequence of this, artificers ceased to exist in the country. one pregnant kammalan woman, however, took refuge in the house of a beri chetti, and escaped decapitation by being passed off as his daughter. the country was sorely troubled owing to the want of artificers, and agriculture, manufactures, and weaving suffered a great deal. one of the kings wanted to know if any kammalan escaped the general destruction, and sent round his kingdom a piece of coral possessing a tortuous aperture running through it, and a piece of thread. a big reward was promised to anyone who should succeed in passing the thread through the coral. at last, the boy born of the kammalan woman in the chetti's house undertook to do it. he placed the coral over the mouth of an ant-hole, and, having steeped the thread in sugar, laid it down at some distance from the hole. the ants took the thread, and drew it through the coral. the king, being pleased with the boy, sent him presents, and gave him more work to do. this he performed with the assistance of his mother, and satisfied the king. the king, however, grew suspicious, and, having sent for the chetti, enquired concerning the boy's parentage. the chetti thereon detailed the story of his birth. the king provided him with the means for making ploughshares on a large scale, and got him married to the daughter of a chetti, and made gifts of land for the maintenance of the couple. the chetti woman bore him five sons, who followed the five branches of work now carried out by the kammalan caste. the king gave them the title of panchayudhattar, or those of the five kinds of weapons. they now intermarry with each other, and, as children of the chetti caste, wear the sacred thread. the members of the caste who fled by sea are said to have gone to china, or, according to another version, to chingaladvipam, or ceylon, where kammalans are found at the present day. in connection with the above story, it may be noted that, though ordinarily two different castes do not live in the same house, yet beri chettis and kammalans so live together. there is a close connection between the kammalans and acharapakam chettis, who are a section of the beri chetti caste. kammalans and acharapakam chettis interdine; both bury their dead in a sitting posture; and the tali (marriage badge) used by both is alike in size and make, and unlike that used by the generality of the beri chetti caste. the acharapakam chettis are known as malighe chettis, and are considered to be the descendants of those beri chettis who brought up the kammalan children, and intermarried with them. even now, in the city of madras, when the beri chettis assemble for the transaction of caste business, the notice summoning the meeting excludes the malighe chettis, who can neither vote nor receive votes at elections, meetings, etc., of the kandasami temple, which every other beri chetti has a right to. it may be noted that the deva-dasis, whose treachery is said to have led to the destruction of the kammalan caste, were kaikolans by caste, and that their illegitimate children, like their progenitors, became weavers. the weavers of south india, according to old tamil poems, were formerly included in the kammiyan or kammalan caste. [ ] several inscriptions show that, as late as a.d., the kammalans were treated as an inferior caste, and, in consequence, were confined to particular parts of villages. [ ] a later inscription gives an order of one of the chola kings that they should be permitted to blow conches, and beat drums at their weddings and funerals, wear sandals, and plaster their houses. [ ] "it is not difficult," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "to account for the low position held by the kammalans, for it must be remembered that, in those early times, the military castes in india, as elsewhere, looked down upon all engaged in labour, whether skilled or otherwise. with the decline of the military power, however, it was natural that a useful caste like the kammalans should generally improve its position, and the reaction from their long oppression has led them to make the exaggerated claims described above, which are ridiculed by every other caste, high or low." the claims here referred to are that they are descended from visvakarma, the architect of the gods, and are brahmans. from a note by mr. f. r. hemingway, i gather that the friendship between the muhammadans and kammalans, who call each other mani (paternal uncle) "originated in the fact that a holy muhammadan, named ibrahim nabi, was brought up in the house of a kammalan, because his father was afraid that he would be killed by a hindu king named namaduta, who had been advised by his soothsayers that he would thus avoid a disaster, which was about to befall his kingdom. the kammalan gave his daughter to the father of ibrahim in exchange. another story (only told by kammalans) is to the effect that the kammalans were once living in a magnetic castle, called kanda kottai, which could only be destroyed by burning it with varagu straw; and that the musalmans captured it by sending musalman prostitutes into the town, to wheedle the secret out of the kammalans. the friendship, according to the story, sprang up because the kammalans consorted with the musalman women." the kammalans belong to the left hand, as opposed to the right hand faction. the origin of this distinction of castes is lost in obscurity, but, according to one version, it arose out of a dispute between the kammalans and vellalas. the latter claimed the former as their jatipillaigal or caste dependents, while the former claimed the latter as their own dependents. the fight grew so fierce that the chola king of conjeeveram ranged these two castes and their followers on opposite sides, and enquired into their claims. the kammalans, and those who sided with them, stood on the left of the king, and the vellalas and their allies on the right. the king is said to have decided the case against the kammalans, who then dispersed in different directions. according to another legend, a kammalan who had two sons, one by a balija woman, and the other by his kammalan wife, was unjustly slain by a king of conjeeveram, and was avenged by his two sons, who killed the king and divided his body. the kammalan son took his head and used it as a weighing pan, while the balija son made a pedler's carpet out of the skin, and threads out of the sinews for stringing bangles. a quarrel arose, because each thought the other had got the best of the division, and all the other castes joined in, and took the side of either the kammalan or the balija. right and left hand dancing-girls, temples, and mandapams, are still in existence at conjeeveram, and elsewhere in the tamil country. thus, at tanjore, there are the kammala tevadiyals, or dancing-girls. as the kammalans belong to the left-hand section, dancing-girls of the right-hand section will not perform before them, or at their houses. similarly, musicians of the right-hand section will not play in kammalan houses. in olden days, kammalans were not allowed to ride in palanquins through the streets of the right hands. if they did, a riot was the result. such riots were common during the eighteenth century. thus, fryer refers to one of these which occurred at masulipatam, when the contumacy of the kamsalas (telugu artisans) led to their being put down by the other castes with the aid of the moors. the kammalans call themselves achari and paththar, which are equivalent to the brahman titles acharya and bhatta, and claim a knowledge of the vedas. their own priests officiate at marriages, funerals, and on other ceremonial occasions. they wear the sacred thread, which they usually don on the upakarmam day, though some observe the regular thread investiture ceremony. most of them claim to be vegetarians. non-brahmans do not treat them as brahmans, and do not salute them with the namaskaram (obeisance). their women, unlike those of other castes, throw the end of their body-cloth over the right shoulder, and are conspicuous by the nose ornament known as the nattu. in connection with the professional calling of the kammalans, surgeon-major w. r. cornish writes as follows. [ ] "the artisans, who are smiths or carpenters, usually bring up their children to the same pursuits. it might have been supposed that the hereditary influence in the course of generations would have tended to excellence in the several pursuits, but it has not been so. ordinary native work in metal, stone, and wood, is coarse and rough, and the designs are of the stereotyped form. the improvement in handicraft work of late years has been entirely due to european influence. the constructors of railways have been great educators of artisans. the quality of stone-masonry, brick-work, carpentry, and smith-work has vastly improved within the last twenty years, and especially in districts where railway works have been in progress. the gold and silver smiths of southern india are a numerous body. their chief employment consists in setting and making native jewellery. some of their designs are ingenious, but here again the ordinary work for native customers is often noticeable for a want of finish, and, with the exception of a few articles made for the european markets, there is no evidence of progressive improvement in design or execution. that the native artists are capable of improvement as a class is evident from their skill and ingenuity in copying designs set before them, and from the excellent finish of their work under european supervision; but there must be a demand for highly finished work before the goldsmiths will have generally improved. the wearers of jewellery in india look more to the intrinsic value of an article, than to the excellence of the design or workmanship. so that there is very little encouragement for artistic display." the collection of silver jewelry at the madras museum, which was made in connection with the colonial and indian exhibition, london, , bears testimony to the artistic skill of the silversmiths. recently, colonel townshend, superintendent of the madras gun carriage factory, has expressed his opinion [ ] that "good as the bombay smiths are, the blacksmiths of southern india are the best in hindustan, and the pick of them run english smiths very close, not only in skill, but in speed of outturn." anyone who has seen the celebrated temples of southern india, for example, the madura and tanjore temples, and the carving on temple cars, can form some idea of the skill of south indian stone-masons and carpenters. the following note on idols and idol-makers is taken from a recent article. [ ] "the idol-maker's craft, like most of the other callings in this country, is a hereditary one, and a workman who has earned some reputation for himself, or has had an ancestor of renown, is a made man. the sthapathi, as he is called in sanskrit, claims high social rank among the representatives of the artisan castes. of course he wears a heavy sacred thread, and affects brahman ways of living. he does not touch flesh, and liquor rarely passes down his throat, as he recognises that a clear eye and steady hand are the first essentials of success in his calling. there are two sorts of idols in every temple, mulavigrahas or stone idols which are fixed to the ground, and utsavavigrahas or metal idols used in processions. in the worst equipped pagoda there are at least a dozen idols of every variety. they do duty for generations, for, though they become black and begrimed with oil and ashes, they are rarely replaced, as age and dirt but add to their sanctity. but now and then they get desecrated for some reason, and fresh ones have to be installed in their stead; or it may be that extensions are made in the temple, and godlings in the hindu pantheon, not accommodated within its precincts till then, have to be carved and consecrated. it is on such occasions that the hands of the local sthapathi are full of work, and his workshop is as busy as a bee-hive. in the larger temples, such as the one at madura, the idols in which are to be counted by the score, there are sthapathis on the establishment receiving fixed emoluments. despite the smallness of the annual salary, the office of temple sthapathi is an eagerly coveted one, for, among other privileges, the fortunate individual enjoys that of having his workshop located in the temple premises, and thereby secures an advertisement that is not to be despised. besides, he is not debarred from adding to his pecuniary resources by doing outside work when his hands are idle. among stone images, the largest demand is for representations of ganapati or vignesvara (the elephant god), whose popularity extends throughout india. every hamlet has at least one little temple devoted to his exclusive worship, and his shrines are found in the most unlikely places. travellers who have had occasion to pass along the sandy roads of the tanjore district must be familiar with the idols of the god of the protuberant paunch, which they pass every half mile or so, reposing under the shade of avenue trees with an air of self-satisfaction suffusing their elephantine features. among other idols called into being for the purpose of wayside installation in southern india, may be mentioned those of viran, the madura godling, who requires offerings of liquor, mariamma, the small-pox goddess, and the evil spirit sangili karappan. representations are also carved of nagas or serpents, and installed by the dozen round the village asvatha tree (ficus religiosa). almost every week, the mail steamer to rangoon takes a heavy consignment of stone and metal idols commissioned by the south indian settlers in burma for purposes of domestic and public worship. the usual posture of mulavigrahas is a standing one, the figure of vishnu in the srirangam temple, which represents the deity as lying down at full length, being an exception to this rule. the normal height is less than four feet, some idols, however, being of gigantic proportions. considering the very crude material on which he works, and the primitive methods of stone-carving which he continues to favour, the expert craftsman achieves quite a surprising degree of smoothness and polish. it takes him several weeks of unremitting toil to produce a vigraha that absolutely satisfies his critical eye. i have seen him engaged for hours at a stretch on the trunk of vignesvara or the matted tuft of a rishi. the casting of utsavavigrahas involves a greater variety of process than the carving of stone figures. the substance usually employed is a compound of brass, copper and lead, small quantities of silver and gold being added, means permitting. the required figure is first moulded in some plastic substance, such as wax or tallow, and coated with a thin layer of soft wet clay, in which one or two openings are left. when the clay is dry, the figure is placed in a kiln, and the red-hot liquid metal is poured into the hollow created by the running out of the melted wax. the furnace is then extinguished, the metal left to cool and solidify, and the clay coating removed. a crude approximation to the image required is thus obtained, which is improved upon with file and chisel, till the finished product is a far more artistic article than the figure that was enclosed within the clay. it is thus seen that every idol is made in one piece, but spare hands and feet are supplied, if desired. whenever necessary, the archaka (temple priest) conceals the limbs with cloth and flowers, and, inserting at the proper places little pieces of wood which are held in position by numerous bits of string, screws on the spare parts, so as to fit in with the posture that the idol is to assume during any particular procession." an association, called the visvakarma kulabhimana sabha, was established in the city of madras by the kammalans in . the objects thereof were the advancement of the community as a whole on intellectual and industrial lines, the provision of practical measures in guarding the interests, welfare and prospects of the community, and the improvement of the arts and sciences peculiar to them by opening industrial schools and workshops, etc. of proverbs relating to the artisan classes, the following may be noted:-- the goldsmith who has a thousand persons to answer. this in reference to the delay in finishing a job, owing to his taking more orders than he can accomplish in a given time. the goldsmith knows what ornaments are of fine gold, i.e., knows who are the rich men of a place. it must either be with the goldsmith, or in the pot in which he melts gold, i.e., it will be found somewhere in the house. said to one who is in search of something that cannot be found. goldsmiths put inferior gold into the refining-pot. if, successful, pour it into a mould; if not, pour it into the melting pot. the rev. h. jensen explains [ ] that the goldsmith examines the gold after melting it. if it is free from dross, he pours it into the mould; if it is still impure, it goes back into the pot. the goldsmith will steal a quarter of the gold of even his own mother. stolen gold may be either with the goldsmith, or in his fire-pot. if the ear of the cow of a kammalan is cut and examined, some wax will be found in it. it is said that the kammalan is in the habit of substituting sealing-wax for gold, and thus cheating people. the proverb warns them not to accept even a cow from a kammalan. or, according to another explanation, a kammalan made a figure of a cow, which was so lifelike that a brahman purchased it as a live animal with his hard-earned money, and, discovering his mistake, went mad. since that time, people were warned to examine an animal offered for sale by kammalans by cutting off its ears. a variant of the proverb is that, though you buy a kammalan's cow only after cutting its ears, he will have put red wax in its ears (so that, if they are cut into, they will look like red flesh). what has a dog to do in a blacksmith's shop? said of a man who attempts to do work he is not fitted for. when the blacksmith sees that the iron is soft, he will raise himself to the stroke. will the blacksmith be alarmed at the sound of a hammer? when a child is born in a blacksmith's family, sugar must be dealt out in the street of the dancing-girls. this has reference to the legendary relation of the kammalans and kaikolans. a blacksmith's shop, and the place in which donkeys roll themselves, are alike. the carpenters and blacksmiths are to be relegated, i.e., to the part of the village called the kammalacheri. what if the carpenter's wife has become a widow? this would seem to refer to the former practice of widow remarriage. the carpenter wants (his wood) too long, and the blacksmith wants (his iron) too short, i.e., a carpenter can easily shorten a piece of wood, and a blacksmith can easily hammer out a piece of iron. when a kammalan buys cloth, the stuff he buys is so thin that it does not hide the hair on his legs. kammalan (malayalam).--"the kammalans of malabar," mr. francis writes, [ ] "are artisans, like those referred to immediately above, but they take a lower position than the kammalans and kamsalas of the other coast, or the panchalas of the canarese country. they do not claim to be brahmans or wear the sacred thread, and they accept the position of a polluting caste, not being allowed into the temples or into brahman houses. the highest sub-division is asari, the men of which are carpenters, and wear the thread at certain ceremonies connected with house-building." according to mr. f. fawcett "the orthodox number of classes of kammalans is five. but the artisans do not admit that the workers in leather belong to the guild, and say that there are only four classes. according to them, the fifth class was composed of coppersmiths, who, after the exodus, remained in izhuva land, and did not return thence with them to malabar. [ ] nevertheless, they always speak of themselves as the ayen kudi or five-house kammalans. the carpenters say that eighteen families of their community remained behind in izhuva land. some of these returned long afterwards, but they were not allowed to rejoin the caste. they are known as puzhi tachan or sand carpenters, and pathinettanmar or the eighteen people. there are four families of this class now living at or near parpan gadi. they are carpenters, but the asaris treat them as outcastes." for the following note on malabar kammalans i am indebted to mr. s. appadorai iyer. the five artisan classes, or ayinkudi kammalans, are made up of the following:-- asari, carpenters. musari, braziers. tattan, goldsmiths. karuman, blacksmiths. chembotti or chempotti, coppersmiths. the name chembotti is derived from chembu, copper, and kotti, he who beats. they are, according to mr. francis, "coppersmiths in malabar, who are distinct from the malabar kammalans. they are supposed to be descendants of men who made copper idols for temples, and so rank above the kammalans in social position, and about equally with the lower sections of the nayars." the kammalans will not condescend to eat food at the hands of kurups, tolkollans, pulluvans, mannans, or tandans. but a tandan thinks it equally beneath his dignity to accept food from a kammalan. the kammalans believe themselves to be indigenous in malabar, and boast that their system of polyandry is the result of the sojourn of the exiled pandavas, with their common wife panchali, and their mother kunthi, in the forest of the walluvanad division. they say that the destruction of the pandavas was attempted in the arakkuparamba amsam of this division, and that the tac'chans (artisans) were given as a reward by the kurus the enjoyment of tacchanattukara amsam. they state further that the pandus lived for some time at the village of bhimanad, and went to the attapadi valley, where they deposited their cooking utensils at the spot where the water falls from a height of several hundred feet. this portion of the river is called kuntipuzha, and the noise of the water, said to be falling on the upset utensils, is heard at a great distance. the kammalans, male and female, dress like nayars, and their ornaments are almost similar to those of the nayars, with this difference, that the female tattan wears a single chittu or ring in the right ear only. in the building of a house, the services of the asari are required throughout. he it is who draws the plan of the building. and, when a door is fixed or beam raised, he receives his perquisite. the completion of a house is signified as a rule by a kutti-poosa. for this ceremony, the owner of the house has to supply the workmen with at least four goats to be sacrificed at the four corners thereof, a number of fowls to be killed so that the blood may be smeared on the walls and ceiling, and an ample meal with liquor. the feast concluded, the workmen receive presents of rings, gold ear-rings, silk and other cloths, of which the moothasari or chief carpenter receives the lion's share. "the village carpenter," mr. gopal panikkar writes, [ ] "has to do everything connected with our architecture, such as fixing poles or wickets at the exact spot where buildings are to be erected, and clearing newly erected buildings of all devils and demons that may be haunting them. this he does by means of pujas (worship) performed after the completion of the building. but people have begun to break through the village traditions, and to entrust architectural work to competent hands, when the village carpenter is found incompetent for the same." it is noted by canter visscher [ ] that "in commencing the building of a house, the first prop must be put up on the east side. the carpenters open three or four cocoanuts, spilling the juice as little as possible, and put some tips of betel leaves into them; and, from the way these float in the liquid, they foretell whether the house will be lucky or unlucky, whether it will stand for a long or short period, and whether another will ever be erected on its site. i have been told that the heathens say that the destruction of fort paponetti by our arms was foretold by the builders from these auguries." the blacksmith is employed in the manufacture of locks and keys, and ornamental iron and brasswork for the houses of the rich. the smithy is near the dwelling hut, and the wife blows the bellows. the smith makes tyres for wheels, spades, choppers, knives, sickles, iron spoons, ploughshares, shoes for cattle and horses, etc. these he takes to the nearest market, and sells there. in some places there are clever smiths, who make excellent chellams (betel boxes) of brass, and there is one man at walluvanad who even makes stylographic pens. the musari works in bell-metal, and makes all kinds of household utensils, and large vessels for cooking purposes. he is an adept at making such articles with the proper proportions of copper, lead and brass. in some of the houses of the wealthier classes there are cooking utensils, which cost nearly a thousand rupees. excellent bell-metal articles are made at cherpalcheri, and kunhimangalam in north malabar is celebrated for its bell-metal lamps. the importation of enamelled and aluminium vessels, and lamps made in europe, has made such inroads into the metal industry of the district that the brazier and blacksmith find their occupation declining. the goldsmith makes all kinds of gold ornaments worn by malaialis. his lot is better than that of the other artisan classes. it is noted in the malabar marriage commission's report that "among carpenters and blacksmiths in the calicut, walluvanad and ponnani taluks, several brothers have one wife between them, although the son succeeds the father amongst them." polyandry of the fraternal type is said to be most prevalent among the blacksmiths, who lead the most precarious existence, and have to observe the strictest economy. as with the nayars, the tali-kettu kalyanam has to be celebrated. for this the parents of the child have to find a suitable manavalan or bridegroom by the consultation of horoscopes. an auspicious day is fixed, and new cloths are presented to the manavalan. the girl bathes, and puts on new clothes. she and the manavalan are conducted to a pandal (booth), where the tali-tying ceremony takes place. this concluded, the manavalan takes a thread from the new cloth, and breaks it in two, saying that his union with the girl has ceased. he then walks away without looking back. when a kammalan contemplates matrimony, his parents look out for a suitable bride. they are received by the girl's parents, and enquiries are made concerning her. the visit is twice repeated, and, when an arrangement has been arrived at, the village astrologer is summoned, and the horoscopes of the contracting parties are consulted. it is sufficient if the horoscope of one of the sons agrees with that of the girl. the parents of the sons deposit as earnest money, or achcharapanam, four, eight, twelve, or twenty-one fanams according to their means, in the presence of the artisans of the village; and a new cloth (kacha) is presented to the bride, who thus becomes the wife of all the sons. there are instances in which the girl, after the achcharam marriage, is immediately taken to the husband's house. all the brother-husbands, dressed in new clothes and decorated with ornaments, with a new palmyra leaf umbrella in the hand, come in procession to the bride's house, where they are received by her parents and friends, and escorted to the marriage pandal. the bride and bridegrooms sit in a row, and the girl's parents give them fruits and sugar. this ceremony is called mathuram kotukkal. the party then adjourns to the house of the bridegrooms where a feast is held, in the course of which a ceremony called pal kotukkal is performed. the priest of the kammalans takes some milk in a vessel, and pours it into the mouths of the bride and bridegrooms, who are seated, the eldest on the right, the others in order of seniority, and lastly the bride. during the nuptials the parents of the bride have to present a water-vessel, lamp, eating dish, cooking vessel, spittoon, and a vessel for drawing water from the well. the eldest brother cohabits with the bride on the wedding day, and special days are set apart for each brother. there seems to be a belief among the kammalan women that, the more husbands they have, the greater will be their happiness. if one of the brothers, on the ground of incompatibility of temper, brings a new wife, she is privileged to cohabit with the other brothers. in some cases, a girl will have brothers ranging in age from twenty-five to five, whom she has to regard as her husband, so that by the time the youngest reaches puberty she may be well over thirty, and a young man has to perform the duties of a husband with a woman who is twice his age. if a woman becomes pregnant before the achchara kalyanam has been performed, her parents are obliged to satisfy the community that her condition was caused by a man of their own caste, and he has to marry the girl. if the paternity cannot be traced, a council is held, and the woman is turned out of the caste. in the sixth or eighth month of pregnancy, the woman is taken to her mother's house, where the first confinement takes place. during her stay there the pulikudi ceremony is performed. the husbands come, and present their wife with a new cloth. a branch of a tamarind tree is planted in the yard of the house, and, in the presence of the relations, the brother of the pregnant woman gives her conji (rice gruel) mixed with the juices of the tamarind, spondias mangifera and hibiscus, to drink. the customary feast then takes place. a barber woman (mannathi) acts as midwife. on the fourteenth day after childbirth, the thali-kurup sprinkles water over the woman, and the mannathi gives her a newly-washed cloth to wear. purification concludes with a bath on the fifteenth day. on the twenty-eighth day the child-naming ceremony takes place. the infant is placed in its father's lap, and in front of it are set a measure of rice and paddy (unhusked rice) on a plantain leaf. a brass lamp is raised, and a cocoanut broken. the worship of ganesa takes place, and the child is named after its grandfather or grandmother. in the sixth month the choronu or rice-giving ceremony takes place. in the first year of the life of a boy the ears are pierced, and gold ear-rings inserted. in the case of a girl, the ear-boring ceremony takes place in the sixth or seventh year. the right nostril of girls is also bored, and mukkuthi worn therein. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that, "amongst kammalans, the betrothal ceremony is similar to that of the tiyans. if more than one brother is to be married, to the same girl, her mother asks how many bridegrooms there are, and replies that there are mats and planks for so many. cohabitation sometimes begins from the night of the betrothal, the eldest brother having the priority, and the rest in order of seniority on introduction by the bride's brother. if the girl becomes pregnant, the formal marriage must be celebrated before the pregnancy has advanced six months. at the formal marriage, the bridegrooms are received by the bride's mother and brothers; two planks are placed before a lighted lamp, before which the bridegrooms and the bride's brothers prostrate themselves. the bride is dressed in a new cloth, and brought down by the bridegroom's sister and fed with sweetmeats. "next day all the bridegroom's party visit the tandan of the bride's desam (village), who has to give them arrack (liquor) and meat, receiving in his turn a present of two fanams (money). the next day the bride is again feasted in her house by the bridegrooms, and is given her dowry consisting of four metal plates, one spittoon, one kindi (metal vessel), and a bell-metal lamp. the whole party then goes to the bridegroom's house, where the tandan proclaims the titles of the parties and their desam. all the brothers who are to share in the marriage sit in a row on a mat with the bride on the extreme left, and all drink cocoanut milk. the presence of all the bridegrooms is essential at this final ceremony, though for the preceding formalities it is sufficient if the eldest is present." the kammalans burn the corpses of adults, and bury the young. fifteen days' pollution is observed, and at the expiration thereof the thali-kurup pours water, and purification takes place. on the third day the bones of the cremated corpse are collected, and placed in a new earthen pot, which is buried in the grounds of the house of the deceased. one of the sons performs beli (makes offerings), and observes diksha (hair-growing) for a year. the bones are then carried to tirunavaya in ponnani, tiruvilamala in cochin territory, perur in coimbatore, or tirunelli in the wynad, and thrown into the river. a final beli is performed, and the sradh memorial ceremony is celebrated. if the deceased was skilled in sorcery, or his death was due thereto, his ghost is believed to haunt the house, and trouble the inmates. to appease it, the village washerman (mannan) is brought with his drums, and, by means of his songs, forces the devil into one of the members of the household, who is made to say what murthi or evil spirit possesses him, and how it should be satisfied. it is then appeased with the sacrifice of a fowl, and drinking the juice of tender cocoanuts. a further demand is that it must have a place consigned to it in the house or grounds, and be worshipped once a year. accordingly, seven days later, a small stool representing the deceased is placed in a corner of one of the rooms, and there worshipped annually with offerings of cocoanuts, toddy, arrack, and fowls. in the grounds of some houses small shrines, erected to the memory of the dead, may be seen. these are opened once a year, and offerings made to them. the kammalans worship various minor deities, such as thikutti, parakutti, kala bairavan, and others. some only worship stone images erected under trees annually. they have barbers of their own, of whom the mannan shaves the men, and the mannathi the women. these individuals are not admitted into the mannan caste, which follows the more honourable profession of washing clothes. in the madras census report, , the following sub-castes of malabar kammalans are recorded:--kallan muppan and kallukkotti (stone-workers), kotton (brass-smith), pon chetti (gold merchant), and puliasari (masons). in the cochin census report, , it is stated that "the kammalans are divided into six sub-castes, viz., marasari (carpenter), kallasari (mason), musari (brazier), kollan (blacksmith), tattan (goldsmith), and tolkollan (leather-worker). of these six, the first five interdine, and intermarry. the tolkollan is considered a degraded caste, probably on account of his working in leather, which in its earlier stages is an unholy substance. the other sub-castes do not allow the tolkollans even to touch them. among the marasaris are included the marasaris proper and tacchans. the tacchans are looked upon by other castes in the group as a separate caste, and are not allowed to touch them. all the sub-castes generally follow the makkathayam law of inheritance, but there are some vestiges of marumakkathayam also among them. there is a sub-caste called kuruppu, who are their barbers and priests. they officiate as priest at marriage and funeral ceremonies. when they enter the interior shrine of temples for work in connection with the image of a god, or with the temple flagstaff, the asari and musari temporarily wear a sacred thread, which is a rare privilege. their approach within a radius of twenty-four feet pollutes brahmans. on the completion of a building, the marasari, kallasari and kollan perform certain pujas, and sacrifice a fowl or sheep to drive out the demons and devils which are supposed to have haunted the house till then." for the following note on the kammalans of travancore, i am indebted to mr. n. subramania aiyar. "the titles of the malayalam kammalans are panikkan and kanakkan. the word panikkan means a worker, and kanakkan is the title given to a few old and respectable kammalas in every village, who superintend the work of others, and receive the highest remuneration. it is their business to sketch the plan of a building, and preside at the vastubali rite. many tamil kammalans have naturalised themselves on the west coast, and speak malayalam. between them and the malayalam kammalans neither intermarriage nor interdining obtains. the latter are divided into five classes, viz., asari or marapanikkan (workers in wood), kallan or kallasari (workers in stone), musari (braziers and coppersmiths), tattan (goldsmiths), and kollan (workers in iron). to these the jatinirnaya and keralaviseshamahatmya add a sixth class, the tacchan or irchchakollan, whose occupation is to fell trees and saw timber. the tacchans are also known as villasans (bowmen), as they were formerly required to supply bows and arrows for the travancore army. epigraphic records point to the existence of the five classes of kammalans in malabar at least as early as the beginning of the ninth century a.d., as a syrian christian grant refers to them as aimvazhi kammalas. there is a tradition that they were brought to kerala by parasu rama, but left in a body for ceylon on being pressed by one of the early perumal satraps of cranganur to marry into the washerman caste, after they had by a special arrangement of the marriage shed trapped to death a large number of that obnoxious community. the king of ceylon was requested, as an act of international courtesy, to send back some of the kammalans. as, however, they were loth to return to their former persecutor, they were sent in charge of some izhavas, who formed the military caste of the island. the legend is given in detail by canter visscher, who writes as follows. "in the time of cheramperoumal, a woman belonging to the caste of the washermen, whose house adjoined that of an ajari (the carpenter caste), being occupied as usual in washing a cloth in water mixed with ashes (which is here used for soap), and having no one at hand to hold the other end of it, called to a young daughter of the ajari, who was alone in the house, to assist her. the child, not knowing that this was an infringement of the laws of her caste, did as she was requested, and then went home. the washerwoman was emboldened by this affair to enter the ajari's house a few days afterwards; and, upon the latter demanding angrily how she dared to cross his threshold, the woman answered scornfully that he belonged now to the same caste as she did, since his daughter had helped to hold her cloth. the ajari, learning the disgrace that had befallen him, killed the washerwoman. upon this, her friends complained to cheramperoumal, who espoused their cause, and threatened the carpenters; whereupon the latter combined together to take refuge in ceylon, where they were favourably received by the king of candy, for whom the malabars have great veneration. cheramperoumal was placed in great embarrassment by their departure, having no one in his dominions who could build a house or make a spoon, and begged the king of candy to send them back, promising to do them no injury. the ajaris would not place entire confidence in these promises, but asked the king to send them with two chegos (chogans) and their wives, to witness cheramperoumal's conduct towards them, and to protect them. the king granted their request, with the stipulation that on all high occasions, such as weddings and deaths and other ceremonies, the ajaris should bestow three measures of rice on each of these chegos and their descendants as a tribute for their protection; a custom which still exists. if the ajari is too poor to afford the outlay, he is still obliged to present the requisite quantity of rice, which is then given back to him again; the privilege of the chegos being thus maintained. "the kammalans are to some extent educated, and a few of them have a certain knowledge of sanskrit, in which language several works on architecture are to be found. their houses, generally known as kottil, are only low thatched sheds. they eat fish and flesh, and drink intoxicating liquors. their jewelry is like that of the nayars, from whom, however, they are distinguished by not wearing the nose ornaments mukkutti and gnattu. some in central travancore wear silver mukkuttis. tattooing, once very common, is going out of fashion. "in timber work the asaris excel, but the tamil kammalans have outstripped the tattans in gold and silver work. the house-building of the asari has a quasi-religious aspect. when a temple is built, there is a preliminary rite known as anujgna, when the temple priest transfers spiritual force from the image, after which a cow and calf are taken thrice round the temple, and the kanakkan is invited to enter within for the purposes of work. the cow and calf are let loose in front of the carpenter, who advances, and commences the work. on the completion of a building, an offering known as vastubali is made. vastu is believed to represent the deity who presides over the house, and the spirits inhabiting the trees which were felled for the purpose of building it. to appease these supernatural powers, the figure of a demon is drawn with powders, and the kanakkan, after worshipping his tutelary deity bhadrakali, offers animal sacrifices to him in non-brahmanical houses, and vegetable sacrifices in brahman shrines and homes. an old and decrepit carpenter enters within the new building, and all the doors thereof are closed. the kanakkan from without asks whether he has inspected everything, and is prepared to hold himself responsible for any architectural or structural shortcomings, and he replies in the affirmative. a jubilant cry is then raised by all the assembled asaris. few carpenters are willing to undertake this dangerous errand, as it is supposed that the dissatisfied demons are sure to make short work of the man who accepts the responsibility. the figure is next effaced, and no one enters the house until the auspicious hour of milk-boiling. "vilkuruppu or vilkollakkuruppu, who used formerly to supply bows and arrows for the malabar army, are the recognised priests and barbers of the kammalans. they still make and present bows and arrows at the onam festival. in some places the kammalans have trained members of their own caste to perform the priestly offices. the malayala kammalans, unlike the tamils, are not a thread-wearing class, but sometimes put on a thread when they work in temples or at images. they worship kali, matan, and other divinities. unlike the tamil kammalans, they are a polluting class, but, when they have their working tools with them, they are less objectionable. in some places, as in south travancore, they are generally regarded as higher in rank than the izhavas, though this is not universal. "the tali-kettu ceremony is cancelled by a ceremony called vazhippu, by which all connection between the tali-tier and the girl is extinguished. the wedding ornament is exactly the same as that of the izhavas, and is known as the minnu (that which shines). the system of inheritance is makkathayam. it is naturally curious that, among a makkathayam community, paternal polyandry should have been the rule till lately. 'the custom,' says mateer, 'of one woman having several husbands is sometimes practiced by carpenters, stone-masons, and individuals of other castes. several brothers living together are unable to support a single wife for each, and take one, who resides with them all. the children are reckoned to belong to each brother in succession in the order of seniority.' but this, after all, admits of explanation. if only the marumakkathayam system of inheritance is taken, as it should be, as a necessary institution in a society living in troublous times, and among a community whose male members had duties and risks which would not ordinarily permit of the family being perpetuated solely through the male line, and not indicating any paternal uncertainty as some theorists would have it; and if polyandry, which is much more recent than the marumakkathayam system of inheritance, is recognised to be the deplorable result of indigence, individual and national, and not of sexual bestiality, there is no difficulty in understanding how a makkathayam community can be polyandrous. further, the manners of the kammalars lend a negative support to the origin just indicated by the marumakkathayam system of inheritance even among the nayars. the work of the kammalars was within doors and at home, not even in a large factory where power-appliances may lend an element of risk, for which reason they found it quite possible to keep up lineage in the paternal line, which the fighting nayars could not possibly do. and the fact that the marumakkathayam system was ordained only for the kshatriyas, and for the fighting races, and not for the religious and industrial classes, deserves to be specially noted in this connection." kammara.--the kammaras are the blacksmith section of the telugu kamsalas, whose services are in great demand by the cultivator, whose agricultural implements have to be made, and constantly repaired. it is noted, in the bellary gazetteer, that "until recently the manufacture of the huge shallow iron pans, in which the sugar-cane is boiled, was a considerable industry at kamalapuram. the iron was brought by pack bullocks from jambunath konda, the dome-shaped hill at the hospet end of the sandur range, and was smelted and worked by men of the kammara caste. of late years, the cheaper english iron has completely ousted the country product, the smelting industry is dead, and the kammaras confine themselves to making and mending the boilers with english material. they have a temple of their own, dedicated to kali, in the village, where the worship is conducted by one of themselves." the name baita kammara, meaning outside blacksmiths, is applied to kamsala blacksmiths, who occupy a lowly position, and work in the open air or outside a village. [ ] kammiyan.--a tamil name for blacksmiths. kampa (bush of thorns).--an exogamous sept of yerukala. kampo.--in the manual of the ganjam district, the kampos are described as oriya agriculturists. in the madras census report, , the name is taken as an oriya form of kapu. kampu is the name for savaras, who have adopted the customs of the hindu kampos. kamsala.--the kamsalas, or, as they are sometimes called, kamsaras, are the telugu equivalent of the tamil kammalans. they are found northward as far as berhampore in ganjam. according to tradition, as narrated in the note on kammalans, they emigrated to the districts in which they now live on the disruption of their caste by a certain king. the kamsalas of vizagapatam, where they are numerically strong, say that, during the reign of a chola king, their ancestors claimed equality with brahmans. this offended the king, and he ordered their destruction. the kamsalas fled northward, and some escaped death by taking shelter with people of the ozu caste. as an acknowledgment of their gratitude to their protectors, some of them have ozu added to their house-names, e.g., lakkozu, kattozu, patozu, etc. the kamsalas have territorial sub-divisions, such as murikinadu, pakinadu, dravida, etc. like the kammalans, they have five occupational sections, called kamsali (goldsmiths), kanchari or musari (brass-smiths), vadrangi (carpenters), and kasi or silpi (stone-masons). in a note on the kamsalas of the godavari district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes that "they recognise two main divisions, called desayi (indigenous) and turpusakas (easterns) or immigrants from vizagapatam. they sometimes speak of their occupational sub-divisions as gotras. thus, sanathana is the iron, sanaga, the wooden, abhonasa, the brass, prathanasa, the stone, and suparnasa, the gold gotra." intermarriage takes place between members of the different sections, but the goldsmiths affect a higher social status than the blacksmiths, and do not care to interdine or intermarry with them. they have taken to calling themselves brahmans, have adopted brahmanical gotras, and the brahmanical form of marriage rites. they quote a number of well-known verses of the telugu poet vemana, who satirised the brahmans for their shortcomings, and refer to the sanskrit mulastambam and silpasastram, which are treatises on architecture. they trace their descent from visvakarma, the architect of the gods. visvakarma is said to have had five sons, of whom the first was kammaracharya. his wife was surelavathi, the daughter of vasishta. the second was vadlacharyudu. the third was rudra or kamcharacharya of the abhavansa gotra, whose wife was jalavathi, the daughter of paulasthya brahma. the fourth was kasacharyudu of the prasnasa gotra. his wife was gunavati, the daughter of visvavasa. the fifth was agasalacharya or chandra of the suvarnasa gotra, whose wife was saunati, the daughter of bhrigumahamuni. visvakarma had also five daughters, of whom sarasvathi was married to brahma, sachi devi to indra, mando dari to ravana, and ahalya to gautama. since they were married to the devatas, their descendants acquired the title of acharya. the use of the umbrella, sacred thread, golden staff, the insignia of garuda, and the playing of the bheri were also allowed to them. it is recorded by the rev. j. cain [ ] that "the so-called right-hand castes object most strongly to the kamsalilu being carried in a palki (palanquin), and three years ago some of them threatened to get up a little riot on the occasion of a marriage in the kamsali caste. they were deprived of this opportunity, for the palki was a borrowed one, and its owner, more anxious for the safety of his property than the dignity of the kamsali caste, recalled the loan on the third day. a ringleader of the discontented was a madras pariah. the kamsalilu were formerly forbidden to whitewash the outside of their houses, but municipal law has proved stronger in this respect than brahmanical prejudice." the kamsalas of ganjam and vizagapatam do not make such a vigorous claim to be brahmans, as do those further south. they rear poultry, partake of animal food, do not prohibit the use of alcoholic liquor, and have no gotras. they also have sub-divisions among them, which do not wear the sacred thread, and work outside the village limits. thus, the karamalas are a section of blacksmiths, who do not wear the sacred thread. similarly, the baita kammaras are another section of blacksmiths, who do not wear the thread, and, as their name implies, work outside the village. in vizagapatam, almost the only castes which will consent to receive food at the hands of kamsalas are the humble malas and rellis. even the tsakalas and yatas will not do so. there is a popular saying that the kamsalas are of all castes seven visses (viss, a measure of weight) less. in , a criminal revision case came before the high court of madras, in which a goldsmith performed abishekam by pouring cocoanut-water over a lingam. in his judgment, one of the judges recorded that "the facts found are that st accused, a goldsmith by caste, on the night of the last mahasivaratri, entered a siva temple at vizagapatam, and performed abishekam, i.e., poured cocoanut-water over the lingam, the nd and rd accused (brahmans) reciting mantrams (sacred formulæ) while he did so. another brahman who was there expostulated with st accused, telling him that he, a goldsmith, had no right to perform abishekam himself, upon which st accused said that it was he who made the idol, and he was fit to perform abishekam. an outcry being raised, some other brahmans came up, and objected to st accused performing abishekam, and he was turned out, and some ten rupees spent in ceremonies for the purification of the idol. the nd-class magistrate convicted the st accused under sections and , indian penal code, and the nd and rd accused of abetment. all these convictions were reversed on appeal by the district magistrate. there was certainly no evidence that any of the accused voluntarily caused disturbance to an assembly engaged in the performance of religious worship or religious ceremonies, and therefore a conviction under section could not be supported. in order to support a conviction under section , it would be necessary for the prosecution to prove ( ) that the accused 'defiled' the lingam, and ( ) that he did so, knowing that a class of persons, viz., the brahmans, would consider such defilement as an insult to their religion. it may be noted that the st accused is a person of the same religion as the brahmans, and, therefore, if the act be an insult at all, it was an insult to his own religion. the act of defilement alleged was the performance of abishekam, or the pouring of cocoanut-water over the lingam. in itself, the act is regarded as an act of worship and meritorious, and i understand that the defilement is alleged to consist in the fact that the st accused was not a proper person--not being a brahman--to perform such a ceremony, but that he ought to have got some brahman to perform it for him." the other judge (sir t. muttusami aiyar) recorded that "in many temples in this presidency, it is not usual for worshippers generally to touch the idol or pour cocoanut-water upon it, except through persons who are specially appointed to do so, and enjoined to observe special rules of cleanliness. if the accused knew that the temple, in the case before us, is one of those temples, and if he did the act imputed to him to ridicule openly the established rule in regard to the purity of the lingam as an object of worship, it might then be reasonably inferred that he did the act wantonly, and with the intention of insulting the religious notions of the general body of worshippers. the sub-magistrate refers to no specific evidence in regard to the accused's knowledge of the usage. i may also observe that, in certain temples attended by the lower classes, the slaughtering of sheep is an act of worship. but, if the same act is done in other temples to which other classes resort as places of public worship, it is generally regarded as a gross outrage or defilement." the high court upheld the decision of the district magistrate. each occupational sub-division of the kamsalas has a headman styled kulampedda, and occasionally the five headmen assemble for the settlement of some important question of general interest to the community. a kamsala may, according to the custom called menarikam, claim his maternal uncle's daughter in marriage. the following account of the wedding rites is given in the nellore manual. "the relations of the bridegroom first go to the bride's parents or guardians, and ask their consent to the proposed union. if consent is given, a day is fixed, on which relations of the bridegroom go to the bride's house, where all her relations are present with cocoanuts, a cloth for the bride, betel, turmeric, etc. on the same occasion, the amount of the dower is settled. the bride bathes, and is adorned with flowers, turmeric, etc., and puts on the new cloth brought for her, and she receives the articles which the bridegroom's party have brought. on the auspicious day appointed for the marriage, the relations of the bride go to the bridegroom's house, and fetch him in a palanquin. a brahman is sent for, who performs the ceremonies near the dais on which the bride and bridegroom are seated. after the recital of the mantras (hymns) before the young couple, he sends for their uncles, and blesses them. the bridegroom then ties a pilgrim's cloth upon him, places a brass water-pot on his head, holds a torn umbrella in his hands, and starts out from the pandal (booth), and says he is going on a pilgrimage to benares, when the bride's brother runs after him, and promises that he will give his sister in marriage, swearing thrice to this effect. the bridegroom, satisfied with this promise, abandons his pretended journey, takes off his pilgrim cloths, and gives them, with the umbrella, to the brahman. the couple seat themselves on the dais, and the brahman, having repeated some mantras, gives a sacred thread to the bridegroom to place over his shoulders. he then blesses the mangalasutram (marriage badge corresponding to the tamil tali), and hands it to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck, his sister or other elderly matron seeing that it is properly tied. the bride's father comes forward, and, placing his daughter's right hand in the bridegroom's right, pours water on them. the other ceremonies are exactly similar to those practiced by the brahmans." girls are invariably married before puberty. widows are not allowed to remarry, and divorce is not recognised. the kamsalas are either madhvas, saivites, or lingayats. all revere the caste goddess kamakshi amma, who is represented by each sub-division in a special manner. thus the kanchara represents her by the stone on which he beats his metal work, the goldsmith by one of his implements, and the blacksmith by his bellows. on the eighteenth day of the dasara festival, an annual festival is celebrated in honour of the goddess. the dead are buried in a seated posture, but, in recent years, some kamsalas have taken to cremation. the death rites closely follow the brahmanical form. death pollution is observed for twelve days. in the vizagapatam district, some artisans are engaged in the ivory-carving industry. they "manufacture for european clients fancy articles, such as chess-boards, photograph frames, card-cases, trinket boxes, and so on, from tortoise-shell, horn, porcupine quills, and ivory. the industry is in a flourishing state, and has won many medals at exhibitions. it is stated to have been introduced by mr. fane, who was collector of the district from to , and to have then been developed by the kamsalis, and men of other castes who eventually took it up. the foundation of the fancy articles is usually sandal-wood, which is imported from bombay. over this are laid porcupine quills split in half and placed side by side, or thin slices of 'bison,' buffalo, or stag horn, tortoise-shell, or ivory. the ivory is sometimes laid over the horn or shell, and is always either cut into geometrical patterns with a small key-hole saw, or etched with designs representing gods and flowers. the etching is done with a small v tool, and then black wax is melted into the design with a tool like a soldering iron, any excess being scraped off with a chisel, and the result is polished with a leaf of ficus asperrima (the leaves of which are very rough, and used as a substitute for sand-paper). this gives a black design (sgraffito) on a white ground. the horn and porcupine quills are obtained from the agency, and the tortoise-shell and ivory mainly from bombay through the local marvaris. the designs employed both in the etching and fret-work are stiff, and suited rather to work in metal than in ivory; and the chief merit of this vizagapatam work perhaps lies in its careful finish--a rare quality in indian objects of art. the ivory is rarely carved now, but, in the calcutta museum and elsewhere, may be seen samples of the older vizagapatam work, which often contained ivory panels covered with scenes from holy writ, executed in considerable relief." [ ] the caste title of the kamsalas is usually ayya, but, in recent times, a good many have taken the title achari. the two begging castes panasa and runja are stated by mr. hemingway to be exclusively devoted to the kamsalas. "the former," he writes, "are said to be out-castes from the komati sub-division of that name. formerly in the service of the nizam, it is said they were disgraced by him, and driven to accept food of a degrading nature from a kamsala. the kamsalas accordingly took them under their protection. the runjas are said to have been specially created by siva. siva had killed a giant named ravundasura, and the giant's dying request was that his limbs might be turned into musical instruments, and a special caste created to play them at the celebration of siva's marriage. the runjas were the caste created. the god ordered viswakarma, the ancestor of the kamsalas, to support them, and the kamsalas say that they have inherited the obligation." it is recorded, in the kurnool manual, that "the story goes that in golkonda a tribe of komatis named bacheluvaru were imprisoned for non-payment of arrears of revenue. finding certain men of the artificer caste, who passed by in the street, spit chewed betel-nut, they got it into their mouths, and begged the artificers to get them released. the artificers pitied them, paid the arrears, and procured their release. it was then that the kamsalis fixed a vartana or annual house fee for the maintenance of the panasa class, on condition that they should not beg alms from the other castes." kamukham (areca-nut: areca catechu).--a tree or kothu of kondaiyamkottai maravan. kamunchia.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a very small class of oriya cultivators. kanagu (pongamia glabra).--an exogamous sept of koravas and thumati gollas. the latter may not use the oil obtained from the seeds of this tree. the equivalent kanagala occurs as an exogamous sept of kapu. kanaka.--an exogamous sept of badagas of the nilgiris. kanakkan.--kanakkan is a tamil accountant caste, corresponding to the oriya korono. in an account thereof, in the north arcot manual, mr. h. a. stuart writes that they are "found chiefly in the districts of north arcot, south arcot, and chingleput. the name is derived from the tamil word kanakku, which means an account. they were employed as village accountants by the ancient kings. in the inscriptions the word karanam or kanakkan occurs very often, and their title is invariably given as velan, which is possibly a contracted form of vellalan. these accountants of the tamil districts seem to be quite distinct from those of ganjam and other telugu provinces (see korono), some of whom claim to be kshatriyas, or even brahmans. it is true that the karnams themselves claim to be the sons of brahma, but others maintain that they are the offspring of a sudra woman by a vaisya. the caste is said to have four divisions, sir (sri), sarattu, kaikatti, and solia. the sir karnams are considered of highest rank, and are generally the most intelligent accountants, though they are sadly deficient when compared with the brahmans who perform the duty of keeping the village accounts above the ghats. the kai-katti karnams (or karnams who show the hand) derive their name from a peculiar custom existing among them, by which a daughter-in-law is never allowed to speak to her mother-in-law except by signs. the reason may perhaps be surmised. the members of the four divisions cannot intermarry. in their customs the caste is somewhat peculiar. they wear the thread, disallow liquor-drinking, flesh-eating, and widow remarriage. most of them worship siva, but there are some who are vaishnavites, and a very few are lingayats." their title is pillai. in the records relating to the tamil country, conicopoly, conicoply, canacappel, and other variants appear as a corrupt form of kanakka pillai. for example, in the records of fort st. george, , it is noted that "the governour, accompanyed with the councell and several persons of the factory, attended by six files of soldyers, the company's peons, of the washers, the pedda naigue, the cancoply of the towne and of the grounds, went the circuit of madras ground, which was described by the cancoply of the grounds." it is recorded by baldæus ( ) that xaverius set everywhere teachers called canacappels. [ ] the title conicopillay is still applied to the examiner of accounts by the corporation of madras. it is laid down in the village officers' manual that "the karnam, who is entrusted with the keeping of village accounts, is subordinate to the head of the village. he should help and advise the head of the village in every way. he is the clerk of the head of the village in his capacity of village munsif and magistrate. he has to prepare reports, accounts, statements, etc., which it is necessary to put in writing." when sudden or unnatural death takes place within the limits of a village, the karnam takes down in writing the evidence of persons who are examined, and frames a report of the whole proceedings. he keeps the register of those who are confined, or placed in the stocks by the head of the village for offences of a trivial nature, such as using abusive language, or petty assaults or affrays. it is the karnam who keeps the revenue accounts, and registers of the price of all kinds of grain, strangers passing or re-passing through the village, births and deaths, and cattle mortality when cattle disease, e.g., anthrax or rinderpest, exists. further, it is the duty of the karnam to take proper care of government survey instruments, and, when revenue survey is being carried out, to satisfy himself that the village and field boundary marks are properly erected. in their marriage and death ceremonies, the kanakkans closely follow the tamil puranic type as observed by vellalas. the kaikatti section, however, has one peculiar custom. after the marriage ceremony, the girl is kept inside the house, and not allowed to move about freely, for at least two or three days. she is considered to be under some kind of pollution. it is said that, in former times, she was confined in the house for forty days, and, as occupation, had to separate dhal (peas) and rice, which had been mixed together. the following proverbs are not complimentary to the kanakkan, who, as an influential village official, is not always a popular individual:-- though babies are sold for a pie each, we do not want a kanakka baby. wherever you meet with a kanakka child or with a crow's young one, put out its eyes. in travancore, kanakkan is a name by which kammalans are addressed, and a prefix to the name of todupuzha vellalas. it further occurs, on the west coast, as a sub-division of cheruman or pulayan. for the following note on the kanakkans of the cochin state, i am indebted to mr. l. k. anantha krishna aiyar. [ ] the kanakkans belong to the slave castes, and are even now attached to some landlords. in the taluks of trichur, mukandapuram, and cranganur, where i obtained all my information about them, i learnt that they are the atiyars (slaves) of chittur manakkal nambudiripad at perumanom near trichur, and they owe him a kind of allegiance. the nambudiri landlord told me that the members of the caste, not only from almost all parts of the state, but also from the british taluks of ponnani, chowghat, and even from calicut, come to him with a thirumulkazhcha, i.e., a few annas in token of their allegiance. this fact was also confirmed by a kanakkanar (headman) at cranganur, who told me that he and his castemen were the slaves of the same landlord, though, in disputes connected with the caste, they abide by the decision of the local raja. in the event of illness or calamity in the family of a kanakkan, an astrologer (kaniyan), who is consulted as to the cause and remedy, sometimes reminds the members thereof of the negligence in their allegiance to the landlord, and suggests the advisability of paying respects to him (nambikuru) with a few annas. on the puyam day in makaram (january-february), these people from various parts of the state present themselves in a body with a few annas each, to own their allegiance to him. the following story is mentioned by him. one of his ancestors chanced to pay his respects to one of the rulers of the state, when the residence of the royal family was in cochin. on arriving near the town, the boat capsised in a storm, but was luckily saved by the bravery of a few rowers of this caste. the raja, who witnessed the incident from a window of his palace, admired their valour, and desired to enlist some kanakkans into his service. there are four endogamous sub-divisions among the kanakkans, viz., patunna, the members of which formerly worked in salt-pans, vettuva, chavala, and parattu. each of these is further sub-divided into clans (kiriyam), which are exogamous. a young man may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle, but this is not permissible in some places. marriage is both infant and adult, and may be celebrated by patunna kanakkans at any time between the tenth and thirteenth years of a girl, while the vettuva kanakkans may celebrate it only after girls attain puberty. they often choose the bridegroom beforehand, with the intention of performing the ceremony after puberty. when a girl attains maturity, she is kept apart in a part of the house on the score of pollution, which lasts for seven days. she bathes on the fourth day. on the morning of the seventh day seven girls are invited, and they accompany the girl to a tank (pond) or a river. they all have an oil bath, after which they return home. the girl, dressed and adorned in her best, is seated on a plank in a conspicuous part of the hut, or in a pandal (booth) put up for the time in front of it. a small vessel full of paddy [ ] (nerapara), a cocoanut, and a lighted lamp, are placed in front of her. her enangan begins his musical tunes, and continues for an hour or two, after which he takes for himself the above things, while his wife, who has purified the girl by sprinkling cow-dung water, gets a few annas for her service. it is now, at the lucky moment, that the girl's mother ties the tali round her neck. the seven girls are fed, and given an anna each. the relations, and other castemen who are invited, are treated to a sumptuous dinner. the guests as they depart give a few annas each to the chief host, to meet the expenses of the ceremony and the feast. this old custom of mutual help prevails largely among the pulayas also. the girl is now privileged to enter the kitchen, and discharge her domestic duties. the parents of the bridegroom contribute to the ceremony a small packet of jaggery (crude sugar), a muri (piece of cloth), some oil and incha (acacia intsia), the soft fibre of which is used as soap. this contribution is called bhendu nyayam. if the girl is married before puberty, and she attains her maturity during her stay with her husband, the ceremony is performed in his hut, and the expenses are met by the parents of the bridegroom, while those of the bride contribute a share. when a vettuva kanakka girl comes of age, the headman (vatikaran) of the caste is informed. he comes, along with his wife, to help the girl's parents in the performance of the ceremony. seven girls are invited. each of them breaks a cocoanut, and pours the water on the girl's head. water is also poured over her. as soon as she is thus bathed, she is allowed to remain in a room, or in a part of the hut. near her are placed a mirror made of metal, a vessel of paddy, a pot full of water, and a lighted lamp. the young man who has been chosen as her husband is invited. he has to climb a cocoanut tree to pluck a tender cocoanut for the girl, and a cluster of flowers. he then takes a meal in the girl's hut, and departs. the same proceedings are repeated on the fourth day, and, on the seventh day, he takes the cluster of flowers, and throws it on water. as soon as a young man is sufficiently old, his parents look out for a girl as his wife. when she is chosen, the negotiations leading to marriage are opened by the father of the bridegroom, who, along with his brother-in-law and enangan (relations by marriage), goes to the house of the bride-elect, where, in the midst of relations and friends previously assembled, the formal arrangements are made, and a portion of the bride's money is also paid. the auspicious day for the wedding is settled, and the number of guests to be invited is fixed. there is also an entertainment for those that are assembled. a similar one is also held at the hut of the bridegroom-elect. these people are too poor to consult the local kaniyan (astrologer); but, if it is known that the couple were born on the day of the same constellation, the match is at once rejected. on the day chosen for the celebration of the marriage, the bridegroom, neatly dressed, and with a knife and stylus, sets out from his hut, accompanied by his parents, uncles, other relatives, and men of his village, to the hut of the bride, where they are welcomed, and seated on mats in a pandal (booth) put up for the occasion. the bride, somewhat veiled, is taken to the pandal and seated along with the bridegroom, and to both of them a sweet preparation of milk, sugar and plantain fruits is given, to establish the fact that they have become husband and wife. there is no tali-tying then. the guests are treated to a sumptuous dinner. as they take leave of the chief host, each of them pays a few annas to meet the expenses of the ceremony. the bridegroom, with the bride and those who have accompanied him, returns to his hut, where some ceremonies are gone through, and the guests are well fed. the bridegroom and bride are seated together, and a sweet preparation is given, after which the parents and the maternal uncle of the former, touching the heads of both, says "my son, my daughter, my nephew, my niece," meaning that the bride has become a member of their family. they throw rice on their heads as a token of their blessings on them. after this, the couple live together as man and wife. in some places, marriage is performed by proxy. a young vettuva kanakkan cannot marry by proxy. neither can the tali-tying ceremony be dispensed with. if a woman has abandoned herself to a member of a lower caste, she is put out of caste, and becomes a christian or muhammadan. adultery is regarded with abhorrence. all minor offences are dealt with by the headman, whose privileges are embodied in a thituram (royal order), according to which he may preside at marriage, funeral, and other ceremonies, and obtain a small fee as remuneration for his services. he may use a stick, a stylus, and a knife lined with gold. he may wear a white coat, turban and ear-rings, and use an umbrella. he may also construct a shed with six posts for marriage ceremonies. he has to pay a tax of ten annas to the sirkar (government). chittur manakkal nambudiripad in the taluk of talapilly, the cranganur raja in the taluk of cranganur, and his highness the maharaja exercise absolute powers in the settlement of disputes connected with this and other castes. the kanakkans believe in magic, sorcery, and witchcraft. persons who practice the art are very rare among them. they go to a panan, velan, or parayan, whenever they require his services. they profess hinduism, and worship siva, vishnu, ganapathi, and subramania, mukkan, chathan, kandakaranan, and the spirits of their ancestors are also adored. vettuva kanakkans do homage to kappiri and virabhadran also. chathan cannot be worshipped at cranganur, as he is opposed to the local deity. wooden or brass images of their ancestors are kept in their huts, to whom regular sacrifices are offered on karkadagom, thulam, and makaram sankranthis. in their compounds is often seen a raised platform beneath a tree, on which are placed a few stones representing the images of the demons whom they much fear and respect. sacrifices are offered to them on leaves. patunna kanakkans invariably bury their dead. the funeral rites are similar to those observed by other low castes. death pollution lasts for fifteen days. on the sixteenth morning, the hut and compound are swept and cow-dunged. the relatives and castemen are invited, and bring some rice and curry stuffs for a feast. along with the chief mourner (the son of the deceased) and his brothers, they go to the nearest tank or river to bathe. the enangan of the family purifies them by the sprinkling of cow-dung water. they return home, and those assembled are treated to a grand dinner. the son observes the diksha (mourning) either for forty-one days, or for a whole year, after which a grand feast called masam is celebrated. the kanakkans are employed in fishing in the backwaters, cutting timber and floating it on bamboo rafts down rivers flooded during the monsoon, boating, pumping out water from rice fields by means of water-wheels, and all kinds of agricultural labour. they were at one time solely engaged in the manufacture of salt from the backwaters. women are engaged in making coir (cocoanut fibre) and in agricultural labour. vettuva kanakkans are engaged in cocoanut cultivating, and making lime out of shells. they are very skilful in climbing cocoanut trees for plucking cocoanuts. the kanakkans take food prepared by members of the higher castes, and by kammalans, izhuvas, and mappillas. they have a strong objection to eating at the hands of veluthedans (washermen), velakkathalavans (barbers), panans, velans, and kaniyans. pulayas, ulladans, and nayadis have to stand far away from them. they themselves have to keep at a distance of feet from high caste hindus. they pollute izhuvas by touch, and kammalans and valans at a short distance. they cannot approach the temples of the higher castes, but take part in the festivals of temples in rural parts. at cranganur, they can come as far as the kozhikallu, which is a stone outside the temple at a short distance from it, on which fowls are offered by low caste people. kanakku.--a prefix to the name of nayars, e.g., kanakku raman krishnan, and also adopted as a prefix by the todupuzha vellalas of travancore. kancharan.--a malabar caste, the occupation of which is the manufacture of brass vessels. kanchera.--kanchera and kanchari are names of the telugu section of metal-workers. kanchimandalam vellala. --a name assumed by malaiyalis of the salem hills, who claim to be vellalas who emigrated from conjeeveram (kanchipuram). kanchu (bell-metal).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. kansukejje (bronze bell) occurs as a sub-division of toreya. kanchugara.--in the madras and mysore census reports, kanchugara is recorded as a sub-division of panchala, the members of which are workers in brass, copper, and bell-metal. the kanchugaras of south canara are described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as "a canarese caste of brass-workers. they are hindus of the vaishnava sect, and pay special reverence to venkatramana of tirupati. their spiritual guru is the head of the ramachandrapuram math. a man cannot marry within his own gotra or family. they have the ordinary system of inheritance through males. girls must be married before puberty, and the dhare form of marriage (see bant) is used. the marriage of widows is not permitted, and divorce is allowed only in the case of women who have proved unchaste. the dead are either cremated, or buried in a recumbent posture. brahmans officiate as their priests. the use of spirituous liquors, and flesh and fish is permitted. bell-metal is largely used for making household utensils, such as lamps, goglets, basins, jugs, etc. the process of manufacturing these articles is as follows. the moulds are made of clay, dried and coated with wax to the thickness of the articles required, and left to dry again, a hole being made in them so as to allow the wax to flow out when heated. after this has been done, the molten metal is poured in. the moulds are then broken, and the articles taken out and polished." kandappan.--a sub-division of occhan. kandulu (dal: cajanus indicus).--an exogamous sept of yerukala. kandikattu (dal soup) occurs as an exogamous sept of medara. kangara.--the word kangara means servant, and the kangaras (or khongars) were originally village watchmen in the vizagapatam agency tracts, corresponding to the kavalgars of the tamil country. they are described as follows by lieutenant j. macdonald smith, who was assistant agent to the governor in jeypore in the sixties of the last century. "a khongar, it seems, is nothing but a kavilgar or village watchman. that these people, in many parts of india, are little better than a community of thieves, is pretty well known, and what was the true nature of the system in jeypore was very clearly brought to light in a case which was committed to my court. it was simply this. before we entered the country, the entire police and magisterial authority of a taluk was lodged in the revenue ameen or renter. whenever a theft occurred, and the property was of sufficient importance to warrant the trouble and expense, the traveller or householder, as the case might be, resorted at once to the ameen, who (if sufficiently fed by the complainant) forthwith sent for the head khongar of the quarter, and desired him to recover the goods, whatever they might be. the khongar generally knows very well where to lay his hand on the property, and would come back with such portion of it as the urgency of the ameen's order seemed to require, while the zeal of that functionary of course varied in each case, according to the extent of the gratification the complainant seemed disposed to give. this is the khongar system of jeypore in its length and breadth, as proved at the trial referred to. wherever a taluk is taken up by the police, the system of course falls down of itself. as for the khongars, they willingly enlist in our village constabulary, and are proving themselves both intelligent and fearless." the meriah officers ( - ) remarked that the former rajas of jeypore, and their subordinate chiefs, retained in their service great numbers of professional robbers, called khongars, whom they employed within the jeypore country, and in the plains, on expeditions of rapine and bloodshed. the khongars were generally paidis by caste, and their descendants are even now the most notorious among the dacoits of the vizagapatam district. their methods are thus described in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district ( ). "like the konda doras, they have induced some of the people to employ watchmen of their caste as the price of immunity from theft. they are connected with the dombus of the rayagada and gunupur taluks, who are even worse. these people dacoit houses at night in armed gangs of fifty or more, with their faces blackened to prevent recognition. terrifying the villagers into staying quiet in their huts, they force their way into the house of some wealthy person (for choice the local sondi, liquor-seller and sowcar [ ]--usually the only man worth looting in an agency village, and a shark who gets little pity from his neighbours when forced to disgorge), tie up the men, rape the women, and go off with everything of value. their favourite method of extracting information regarding concealed property is to sprinkle the house-owner with boiling oil." kangayan.--a division of idaiyans settled in travancore. kaniala (land-owners).--a sub-division of vellala. kanigiri (a hill in the nellore district).--an exogamous sept of medara. kanikar.--the kanikars, who are commonly known as kanis, are a jungle tribe inhabiting the mountains of south travancore. till recently they were in the habit of sending all their women into the seclusion of the dense jungle on the arrival of a stranger near their settlements. but this is now seldom done, and some kanikars have in modern times settled in the vicinity of towns, and become domesticated. the primitive short, dark-skinned and platyrhine type, though surviving, has become changed as the result of contact metamorphosis, and many leptorhine or mesorhine individuals above middle height are to be met with. ==============+=======================+====================== | stature. | nasal index. ==============+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+====== | av. | max. | min. | av. | max. | min. | | | | | | jungle | . | . | . | . | | . domesticated | . | . | | . | . | . ==============+=======+=======+=======+=======+=======+====== the kanikars are said to be characterised by a high standard of honour, and to be straightforward, honest and truthful. they are good trackers and fond of sport, and in clearing forest paths they have hardly any equals. their help and guidance are sought by, and willingly given to any person who may have to travel through the forests. the jungle kanikars have no permanent abode, but shift about from one part of the forest to another. their settlements, composed of lowly huts built of bamboo and reeds, are abandoned when they suffer from fever, or are harassed by wild beasts, or when the soil ceases to be productive. the settlements are generally situated, away from the tracks of elephants, on steep hill slopes, which are terraced and planted with useful trees. in their system of cultivation the kanikars first clear a patch of forest, and then set fire to it. the ground is sown with hardly any previous tillage. when, after two or three years, the land diminishes in productiveness, they move onto another part of the forest, and follow the same rough and ready method of cultivation. thus one patch of ground after another is used for agricultural purposes, until a whole tract of forest is cleared. but the kanikars have now to a large extent abandoned this kind of migratory cultivation, because, according to the forest rules, forests may not be set fire to or trees felled at the unrestricted pleasure of individuals. they cultivate various kinds of cereals and pulses, as well as tapioca (manihot utilissima), sweet potatoes (ipomoea batatas), ganja (indian hemp), and tobacco. each settlement now has a forest block assigned to it for cultivation, with which other tribes are not allowed to interfere, and wherein the kanikars are allowed to fell, clear, and grow their crops. they do not pay anything in the way of tax to the government. once a year they go in a group to visit the maharaja at trivandrum, and he "always receives them most kindly, accepting the nuzzur they offer in the shape of the bamboo plantain with large though few fruits, a parcel of muttucheri hill rice, bamboo joints containing different varieties of honey, and virukachattam or a parcel of civet. the customary modes of court address, and the prescribed court etiquette are alike unknown to them, and the maharaja, pleased with their simplicity and unaffected homage, rewards them with presents of cloth, money, salt, and tobacco, with which they return satisfied to their jungle home." the rev. s. mateer notes that he had difficulty in persuading the kanikars to part with a sucker of the bamboo plantain, as they fancied it must be reserved for the use of the maharaja alone. some kanikars are engaged as coolies on planters' estates, or in felling timber and cutting bamboos for contractors, others in the manufacture of bows and arrows with blunt or barbed iron heads. heated arrows are used by them, for hitting elephants which invade their sugar-cane or other crop, from the safe protection of a hut built on a platform of sticks in tall trees of branches or bamboo covered with leaves of ochlandra travancorica or other large leaves. in connection with these huts, which are called anamadam (elephant huts), it has been said that "the hills abound with game. 'bison' (bos gaurus), bears, and sambar (cervus unicolor) are frequently met with, while elephants and tigers are so numerous that the kanikars are in some parts compelled to build their houses high up in trees. these primitive houses are quickly and easily constructed. the walls are made of bamboo, and the roof is thatched with jungle leaves. they are generally built about fifty feet above the ground, and are securely fastened to the branches of a substantial tree, and a crude ladder of bamboo connects them with the ground. when all the inmates are safely housed for the night, the ladder is removed aloft out of the reach of elephants, who, mischievously inclined, might remove the obstruction, and leave the kanikars to regain terra firma the best way they could." sometimes a single bamboo, with the shoots on the sides cut short, does duty for a ladder. it has been said that, when the crops are ripening, the kanikar watchmen are always at home in their arboreal houses, with their bows and arrows, and chanting their wild songs. sometimes the blunt end of an arrow is used as a twirling stick in making fire by friction, for which purpose sticks made of grewia tilioefolia, etc., are also used. in making fire, the kanikars "procure two pieces of wood, one of which is soft, and contains a small hole or hollow about half an inch deep to receive the end of the other, which is a hard round stick about eighteen inches long, and as thick as an ordinary ruler. the kanikar takes this stick between the palms of his hands, keeping it in a vertical position, with the end of it in the hollow referred to, and produces a quick rotary and reverse motion, and with slight pressure causes the friction necessary to produce a quantity of fluff, which soon ignites." the kanikars are employed by the government to collect honey, wax, ginger, cardamoms, dammar, and elephant tusks, in return for a small remuneration known as kutivaram. other occupations are trapping, capturing or killing elephants, tigers, and wild pigs, and making wicker-work articles of bamboo or rattan. the rev. s. mateer mentions having seen a wicker bridge, perhaps a hundred feet long, over which a pony could pass. a tiger trap is said to be a huge affair made of strong wooden bars, with a partition at one end for a live goat as bait. the timbers thereof are supported by a spring, which, on a wild beast entering, lets fall a crushing weight on it. the kanikars wander all over the hills in search of honey, and a resident in travancore writes that "i have seen a high rugged rock, only accessible on one side, the other side being a sheer precipice of several hundred feet, and in its deep crevices scores of bees' nests. some of them have been there for generations, and the kanikars perform periodically most daring feats in endeavouring to secure at least a portion of the honey. on this precipice i have seen overhanging and fluttering in the breeze a rattan rope, made in rings and strongly linked together, the whole forming a rope ladder several hundred feet long, and securely fastened to a tree at the top of the precipice. only a short time ago these people made one of their usual raids on the 'honey rock.' one of the tribe descended the rope ladder for a considerable distance, with a basket fastened to his back to receive the honey, and carrying with him torch-wood with which to smoke the bees out of the nests. having arrived at his goal two hundred feet from the top, and over three hundred feet from the ground below, he ignited the torch, and, after the usual smoking process, which took some little time to perform, the bees made a hurried exit from the nests, and the kanikar began the work of destruction, and with every movement the man and the ladder swayed to and fro, as if the whole thing would collapse at any moment. however, all was safe, and, after securing as much honey as he could conveniently carry, he began the return journey. hand and foot he went up ring after ring until he reached the top in safety, performing the ascent with an air of nonchalant ease, which would have done credit to any steeple jack." the honey is brought for sale in hollow bamboo joints. sometimes kanikars come into trivandrum, bringing with them live animals for the zoological gardens. the word kanikaran means a hereditary proprietor of land. there is a tradition that there were once two hill kings, sri rangan and virappan, whose descendants emigrated from the pandyan territories beyond agastyakutam under pressure from a superior force, and never returned to the low country. the following legend is current among the kanikars. "the sea originally covered everything, but god caused the water to roll back, and leave bare all the hills. then parameswara and parvati made a man and woman, whose descendants were divided into fifty-six races, and multiplied exceedingly, so that a sore famine invaded the land. in those days men were hunters, and lived by snaring animals and plucking wild fruits off the trees. there was no corn, for men did not know how to sow rice, and cultivate it. the cry of the famine-stricken reached parameswara and parvati, and they visited the earth in the form of a pair of hamsam (the bird which carries brahma), and alighted on a kanjiram tree. while seated there, the god and goddess noticed a pair of dragon-flies, which paired together, and they too, their hearts swelling with love, embraced each other, and, taking pity on mankind, willed that a field of rice should sprout on the low-lying land near the sea-shore. the paraiyans and pulayans, who witnessed the rice growing, were the first to taste of the crop, and became prosperous. this was in malabar, or the far north of travancore. the maharaja, hearing of the new grain, sent seven green parrots to go on a journey of discovery, and they returned with seven ears of rice. these the maharaja placed in a granary, and gave some to the paraiyans to sow, and the grain miraculously increased. but the maharaja wanted to know how it was to be cooked. the parrots were accordingly once more brought into requisition, and they flew away, and brought back eighteen varieties of cooked rice which a paraiyan's wife had prepared. then the maharaja, having got some rice prepared by his cooks, fell to and eat heartily. after eating, he went into the yard to wash his hands, and, before drying them on a cloth, wrung his right hand to get the last drops of water off. a valuable gold ring with three stones fell therefrom, and, burying itself in the dust, was never recovered. the maharaja was sore distressed by his loss, but, parameswara, as some recompense, caused to grow from the ground where the ring fell three trees which are very valuable in travancore, and which, by the sale of their produce, would make the maharaja wealthy and prosperous. the trees were the dammar tree, the resinous gum of which is useful in religious ceremonies, the sandal-wood tree so widely used for its perfume, and lastly the bamboo, which is so useful and necessary to the well-being of the kanikars." the sub-divisions among the kanikars are known as illams or families, of which five are said to be endogamous, and five exogamous. the former are called machchampi or brother-in-law illams, and the latter annantampi or brother illams. they are named after mountains (e.g., palamala, talamala), places (e.g., vellanat), etc. the kanikars who live south of the kodayar river cannot marry those living north of it, the river forming a marital boundary. among the names of kanikars are parapan (broad-faced), chanthiran (moon), marthandan (sun), muntan (dwarf), kaliyan (little kali), madan (a deity), nili (blue) and karumpi (black). the first name is sometimes that of the settlement in which they live. for example, the various mullans are known as kuzhumbi mullan, anaimalai mullan, chembilakayam mullan, etc. the kanikars live together in small communities under a muttakani or headman, who wields considerable influence over them, and enjoys various perquisites. he presides over tribal council meetings, at which all social questions are discussed and settled, and fixes the time for clearing the jungle, sowing the seed, gathering the harvest, worshipping the gods, etc. fines which are inflicted are spent in propitiating the gods. the language of the kanikars is a dialect of malayalam, with a large admixture of tamil, which they call malampashai or language of the hills. the system of inheritance among those who live in the hills is makkathayam (from father to son). but a moiety of the personal property goes to the nephews. with those who live in the plains, an equal distribution of their self-acquired property is made between the sons and nephews. if there are no sons, the nephews inherit the property, the widow being entitled to maintenance. the chief object of worship is said to be sasthan, a forest god. but the kanikars also make offerings to a variety of deities, including amman, poothathan, vetikad pootham, vadamala poothathan, and amcala. they have, it has been said, "certain spots, trees or rocks, where their relations or friends have met with some unusual good luck or calamity, where they generally offer their prayers. here they periodically assemble, and pray that the catastrophe that had befallen a comrade may not fall on them, or that the blessings which another had received may be showered on them." generally in february a festival called kodai is held, whereat the kanikars assemble. goats and fowls are sacrificed, and the pujari (priest) offers boiled rice and meat to the sylvan deities in a consecrated place. the festival, to which many come from the low country, winds up with drinking and dancing. the kanikar musical instruments include a reed flute or clarionet, and men dance to the music, while the women clap their hands in time with it. the kanikars worship their gods twice a year, in the months of minam and kanni. on the morning of the celebration, every family takes rice and plantains to the dwelling of the headman. with the exception of a small quantity which is set aside, the rice is husked and ground to flour by boys or men, after bathing and washing their hands and feet. the rice is taken to a clearing in the fields, whither a kanikar who knows how to invoke the deity comes after bathing. he lays out a row of plantain leaves, and spreads on each leaf a little rice, on which plantains are laid. these are covered over with a plantain leaf, on which rice is sprinkled. the officiating kanikar then burns incense, carries it round the trophy, and places it in front thereof. all do obeisance by raising their hands to their foreheads, and pray for a fruitful harvest. sometimes the officiating kanikar becomes inspired like a velichapad, and gives expression to oracular utterances. at the close of the ceremony, a distribution of the rice and plantains takes place. when the land is to be cleared for cultivation, the headman is invited to attend, and some rice and cocoanuts are presented to him, which he offers up, and clears a small portion with his own hand. on the first appearance of the ears of grain, the kanikars spend two nights in drumming, singing, and repeating mantrams at the field, and put up a tattu or platform on four sticks as a shrine for the spirits, to whom they offer raw rice, tender cocoanuts, flowers, etc. at harvest time rice, plantains, sweetmeats, and flowers are offered to the various hill demons, purcha mallan pey, the cat giant, athirakodi pey, the boundary flag demon, and others. for the following note on a kanikar harvest festival i am indebted to an article by mr. a. p. smith. [ ] it was performed in propitiation of the baradevata, or household gods of a house in the neighbourhood, the presiding deity being madan. the ceremony is commonly called the feeding ceremony, and should be carried out just before the harvesting of the grain commences. "the officiating kani is generally an elderly and influential man, who professes inspiration and knowledge obtained when asleep. the articles necessary to perform the ceremony are called paduka or sacrifice, and ashtamangalyam. paduka is for the adult gods or manes, male or female, called chava, and ashtamangalyam is for the virgins who have died, called kanyakas. a temporary pavilion or pandal had been erected in front of the house, and from the canopy long streamers of tender cocoanut leaves, bunches of plantains, and tender cocoanuts, with their husk on, were hung. branches of areca nuts and flowers adorned the posts and pillars. small heaps, consisting of boiled rice, paddy, a tender cocoanut, a sprig of areca flowers, and betel were placed on plantain leaves in seven definite spots. the officiating kanikar, after formally getting the permission of the assembled spectators, and especially of one who subsequently appeared on the scene as the chief dancer, began a monotonous chant in what appeared to be a mixed language. it was understood to be a history of the beginning of earthly kings, a record of the life and doings of departed souls, whose protection was prayed for, and a prayer for the souls of those persons for whose benefit the ceremony of propitiation was in progress. now and again the feelings of the narrator or singer would overcome him, and he would indulge in a shout or in emphatic gesticulations. this went on for about three or four hours, punctuated at intervals by the firing of petards or old smooth-bore guns, and the shrill cries of the women. before the chanting terminated, a large heap of the red flowers of ixora coccinea (thetti pu), about a yard square at the base, had been raised in the centre of the pandal, and it was prettily picked out with areca flowers in artistic designs. the horrible sound of a human voice roaring like a wild beast aroused every one to a sense of activity. from behind the hut came the man already mentioned, very primitively clothed, his hair hanging loose, his eyes staring, and what appeared like foam at his mouth. he would stand, run short distances, leap, sit, agitate his body, and dance, keeping step to the rhythmic and muffled beating of the drum. this he did for ten minutes or so. suddenly, with a shout, he dived into the hut specially set apart as the feeding place of the god madan, and presently appeared with two long sticks adorned at their ends with bells, which emitted a jingling sound. the frenzy of motion, ecstatic, unregulated and ungovernable, was apparently infectious, for a young man, hitherto a silent spectator of the scene, gave a shout, and began to dance wildly, throwing up his arms, and stepping out quite actively. this encouragement stimulated the original performer, and he caught a man standing near by the neck, thrust the stick with the bells into his hand, and he thereupon started dancing as well. in about ten minutes there were some half a dozen wild dancing dervishes, shouting, gesticulating, revolving, and most certainly in an abnormal state of excitement. a dying but still glowing heap of fire and ashes became the centre of attraction, for the chief dancer danced over the fire, and sent the sparks flying, and scattered the wood, and evoked the admiration and eulogies of the crowd. streaming with perspiration, spotted with ashes, wild, dishevelled and exhausted, the chief dancing demoniac stepped under the pandal, and finally sat himself before the heap of red flowers, and tossed the blossoms over his head in a kind of shower bath. he was assisted in this by the old kanikar and other bystanders. a little boy was brought before him, and he called the lad by a name. this was his christening ceremony, for the lad assumed the name from that time. the chief dancer then stood up, and appeared to be still in a possessed state. a fine old rooster was brought, and its throat cut. it was then handed to the dancer, who applied his lips to the gaping wound, and drained the blood, swallowing the fluid audibly. before relinquishing his hold of the bird, he swayed and fell on the ground in what seemed to be a swoon. this indicated that the sacrifice had been acceptable, that the propitiation was perfected, and that all the wishes of the persons interested in them would be granted. the crowd then set to eating and drinking the sacrificial elements, and dispersed." both adult and infant marriage are practiced. those who had married 'infants,' on being questioned, stated that this is the safest course, as grown-up brides sometimes run away to their parents' house, whereas younger girls get accustomed to their husbands' home. on a fixed day, within a month of the marriage ceremony, four kanikars, accompanied by a boy carrying betel leaves and areca nuts, go to the home of the future bride, and present them to the families of the settlement. on the wedding morning, all assemble at a pandal (booth), and the bridegroom distributes pan-supari (betel leaf and areca nuts). his sister then brings forward the bride, and the bridegroom presents her with a cloth, which she puts on. bride, bridegroom, and a young boy, then stand on a mat beneath the pandal, and the bridegroom ties the minnu (marriage badge) round the neck of the bride if she is an infant. if she is an adult, he places the minnu in front of her neck, on which it is tied by his sister. a plantain leaf is then placed in front of the bridal couple, and curry and rice served thereon by their mothers. the two women then take hold of the bride's head, and press it seven times towards her husband's shoulders. this ceremony concluded, the young boy takes a small quantity of the curry and rice, and puts it in the mouth of the bridegroom seven times. the bridegroom's younger brother then gives a morsel to the bride. the ceremonial terminates with a feast. the dowry includes billhooks, brass vessels, choppers, grain, and pulses. the headman, according to mateer, offers some advice to the husband concerning the management of his wife. the heads of his discourse are arranged under the following heads:--teaching by words, pinching, and blows, and casting the woman away at last, if she is not obedient. in the remarriage of widows, the bridegroom simply gives the woman a pair of cloths, and, with the consent of the male members of her family, takes her to his home. during the seventh month of pregnancy, a woman has to perform a ceremony called vaguthu pongal. seven pots are placed on seven hearths, and, when the rice placed therein has boiled, the woman salutes it, and all present partake thereof. according to mateer "the ceremony practised on the occasion of pregnancy is called vayaru pongal, when boiled rice is offered to the sun. first they mould an image of ganesha, and, setting it in a suitable place, boil the rice. to this they add for an offering aval or flattened rice, parched rice, cakes, plantain fruits, young cocoanuts, and tender leaves of the same palm, with the flowers of the areca palm. the headman then commences dancing, and repeating mantrams. he waves the offerings to the sun. on first giving rice to a child, a feast is held, and an offering presented to the jungle demons." concerning the death ceremonies, mateer writes that "when any one is taken ill, the headman is at once consulted. he visits the sick person, and orders two drumming and singing ceremonies to be performed. a whole night is spent in dancing, singing, drumming, and prayers for the recovery of the patient. the offerings consist of tapioca, flour and cocoanuts, and other articles. after some time the headman, with manifestations of demoniac possession, reveals whether the sufferer will die or not. if the former, he repeats a mantram (kudumi vettu mantram, or formula on cutting off the top-knot), and cuts off the sick man's kudumi. this being a sign of approaching death, the relatives and others pay their last visits to the sick. after death, a mixture of ganja (indian hemp), raw rice, and cocoanut, is put into the mouth of the corpse by the son and nephews, and it is buried at some distance from their abode, mantrams being repeated over it. occasionally the corpse is cremated. the relatives bathe before returning home, and cannot take any of the produce of their lands till the death pollution is removed, fearing that wild beasts will attack them or destroy their crops. to this end a small shed is built outside their clearing on the third day. three measures of rice are boiled, and placed in a cup or on a plantain leaf inside the shed. then all bathe, and return home. on the seventh day all this is repeated, the old shed being pulled down, and a new one put up. on returning to their dwelling, they sprinkle cow-dung on their houses and in the yard, which finally removes the defilement. people in better circumstances make a feast of curry and rice for all present." the cow-dung is sprinkled with leafy twigs of the mango or jak tree, or flower stalks of the areca palm. the ashes, after cremation, are said to be collected in a pot or leaf, and thrown into the nearest stream or river. an annual ceremony, in commemoration of ancestors, is held, at which rice is boiled and offered up. the kanikars, like the irulas and yanadis of the tamil and telugu countries, do not belong to the polluting classes. pulayans, kuruvans, and vedans are not allowed to approach them. the dietary of the jungle kanikars includes wild pigs, deer, porcupines, hares, monkeys, fowls, sheep and goats, parakeets, doves, tortoises, fish, crabs, peacocks, tigers (said to taste like black monkey), owls, squirrels and field rats, in addition to many vegetable products of the forest. they will not eat beef or the flesh of 'bison.' some kanikars are tattooed on the forehead with a crescent and dot, or a vertical stripe. the kanikars say that their ancestors wore a garment made of jungle fibre, which has been replaced by a cotton loin-cloth. "both men and women," mr. m. ratnaswami aiyar writes, "wear on the neck numerous strings of red beads and rings made of shells, which hang down to the abdomen in the case of the women. the men wear ear-rings of brass or silver. the women wear bangles of brass and iron, and a number of brass rings on the fingers. the men bear suspended from one of their shoulders a cloth bag containing two or more partitions, in which they keep their vilangupetti or box containing betel, tobacco, and chunam. they carry, too, suspended from the shoulder, a cane basket wherein they place their day's crop of grain or roots, or any other food obtained by them. they attach to their waist-string or cloth a billhook and knife, and carry their bows and arrows slung on their shoulders. whenever the kanikars from the different kanis or settlements have to be gathered together for a common meeting, or for going together elsewhere on a common purpose, a messenger amongst them carries from one kani to another the message with a knot of fibres of creepers, which serves as a symbol of call. the knotted fibre is passed on from one kani to another till the required assembly is secured. it is thus that i secured my kanikars to present them to their excellencies lord and lady curzon." for most of the information contained in this article i am indebted to mateer's 'native life in travancore,' an article by mr. ratnaswami aiyar, [ ] and notes by mr. n. subrahmani aiyar. kani kuruppu.--barbers of the kaniyans. kani razu.--a name, denoting fortune-telling razus, sometimes used as a synonym by bhatrazus, in whose songs it occurs. the name kani-vandlu, or fortune-tellers, occurs as a synonym of yerukala. kaniyan.--kaniyan, spelt and pronounced kanisan in malabar, is a malayalam corruption of the sanskrit ganika, meaning an astrologer. the word was originally kani, in which form it invariably appears in malayalam works and tamil documents. the honorific suffix 'an' has been added subsequently. the two titles, generally applied to kaniyans, are panikkar and asan. the former is said to be a common title in malabar, but in travancore it seems to be restricted to the north. the word panikkar comes from pani, or work, viz., that of military training. the fact that most of the families, who own this title at present, were once teachers of bodily exercises, is evident not only from the name kalari, literally a military school, by which their houses are usually known, but also from the keralolpatti, which assigns military training as a duty of the caste. asan, a corruption of the sanskrit acharya, is a common title among kaniyans in south travancore. special titles, such as anantapadmanabham, sivasankaran, and sankili, are said to be possessed by certain families in the south, having been conferred on them by kings in olden times. some kaniyans in the north enjoy the surname of nampikuruppu. kaniyans are divided into two endogamous sections, viz., kaniyar and tinta (or polluting). the occupations of the latter are umbrella-making and spirit-exorcising, while the others remain astrologers, pure and simple. a few families, living at alengad, are called vattakan kaniyans, and are believed to have come there on the eve of tipu sultan's invasion. the women of the kaniyans proper do not eat with them. according to tradition, eight sub-septs are said to have existed among the kaniyans, four of which were known as kiriyams, and four as illams. the names of the former are annavikkannam, karivattam, kutappilla, and nanna; of the latter pampara, tachchazham, netumkanam, and ayyarkala. these divisions were once endogamous, but this distinction has now disappeared. in a note on the kaniyans of the cochin state, [ ] mr. l. k. anantha krishna iyer writes that "there is some difference in the social status between the kaniyans of the southern, and the kalari panikkans of the northern parts of the state. the latter profess a kind of superiority in status, on the ground that the former have no kalaris. it is also said by the latter that the occupation of the former was once that of umbrella-making, and that astrology as a profession has been recently adopted by them. there is at present neither intermarriage, nor interdining between them. the kaniyans pollute the kalari panikkans by touch." in connection with the old village organisation in malabar, cochin, and travancore, mr. anantha krishna iyer writes further that "every tara or kara (village) consisted of all castemen below brahmans, especially the nayars of all classes, more or less living in a community, the kammalans, izhuvans, panans, mannans, and other castemen living further apart. for every such village in the northern part of the state, there was also a kalari panikkan, with a kalari (gymnastic or military school), where the young men of the village, chiefly the nayars, were trained in all kinds of athletic feats, and in arms. the institution of the kalaris has now disappeared, though the building remains in some places, and the panikkans are now mainly astrologers and village schoolmasters. according to their own statement, parasurama, the great coloniser of kerala, established kalaris throughout the kingdom, and appointed them as the masters to train sudra young men in all kinds of feats (one thousand and eight in number), for the protection of the country against foreign invaders. the nayars, who then formed the fighting race, were mostly trained by the panikkans. in memory of this, the kalari panikkans of the northern portions of the state, and of south malabar, profess even now a preceptorship to the nayars, and the nayars show them some respect, being present at their marriages and other ceremonies. the pannikkans say that the nayars obtained their kalaris from them. there are still a few among the panikkans, here and there, fit to teach young men various feats. the following are the names of some of them:-- ( ) pitichu kali. two persons play on their drums (chenda), while a third person, well dressed in a kacha, and with a turban on his head, and provided with a sword and shield, performs various feats in harmony with the drum beating. it is a kind of sword-dance. ( ) parishathalam kali. a large pandal (booth) is erected in front of the house where the performance is to take place, and the boys below sixteen, who have been previously trained for it, are brought there. the performance takes place at night. the chenda, maddhalam, chengala, and elathalam (circular bell-metal plates slightly concave in the middle) are the instruments used in the performance. after the performance, the boys, whom the asan has trained, present themselves before him, and remunerate him with whatever they can afford. parties are organised to give this performance on all auspicious occasions in rural districts. ( ) kolati. around a lighted lamp, a number of persons stand in a circle, each with a stick a foot in length, and as thick as a thumb, in each hand. they begin to sing, first in slow time, and gradually in rapid measure. the time is marked by each one hitting his neighbours' sticks with his own on both sides. much dexterity and precision are required, as also experience in combined action and movements, lest the amateur should be hit by his neighbours as the measure is accelerated. the songs are invariably in praise of god or man. the kaniyans, according to one tradition, are brahman astrologers, who gradually lost their position, as their predictions became less and less accurate. concerning their legendary history, mr. anantha krishna iyer writes as follows. "once, says one of these legends, when the god subrahmanya, son of siva, and his friend were learning astrology, they knew that the sound of a lizard close by foreboded some evil to the mother of the former. the friend practiced some magical rite, which averted the evil. his mother, who had been in a state of unconsciousness, suddenly woke up as if from slumber, and asked the son 'kany-ar,' i.e., who it was that she looked at. to which the son replied that she was looking at a kaniyan (astrologer). the kaniyans still believe that the umbrella, the stick, the holy ashes, and the purse of cowries, which form the paraphernalia of a kaniyan nowadays, were given by subramanya. the following is another tradition regarding the origin of the caste. in ancient times, it is said, panans, velans, and kaniyans were practicing magic, but astrology as a profession was practiced exclusively by the brahmans. there lived a famous astrologer, thalakkaleth bhattathiripad, who was the most renowned of the astrologers of the time. he had a son whose horoscope he cast, and from it he concluded that his son would live long. unfortunately he proved to be mistaken, for his son died. unable to find out the error in his calculation and prediction, he took the horoscope to an equally famous astrologer of the chola kingdom, who, aware of the cause of his advent, directed him to adore some deity that might aid him in the working out of his predictions. accordingly he came to the trichur temple, where, as directed, he spent some days in devotion to the deity. thereafter he worked wonders in astrology, and became so well known in malabar, cochin, and travancore, that he commanded the respect and admiration of the rulers, who invited him to cast horoscopes, and make predictions. for so doing he was liberally rewarded. one day a brahman, hearing that his guru at benares was seriously ill, consulted the bhattathiripad whether and how he would be able to see him before his death. the brahman astrologer directed him to go to the southern side of the trichur temple, where he would see two persons coming towards him, who might gratify his desire to see his preceptor. these persons were really the servants of yama (the god of death). they asked him to touch them, and he at once found himself at the side of his teacher. the brahman was asked who had directed him to them, and, when he told them that it was the renowned brahman astrologer, they cursed him, saying that he would become an outcaste. this fate came as no surprise to the astrologer, for he had already perceived from an evil conjunction of the planets that disgrace and danger were impending. to try to avoid the sad fate which he foresaw, he left his home and friends, and set out on a boating excursion in a river close by pazhur. the night was dark, and it was midnight when he reached the middle of the stream. a severe storm, accompanied by rain, had come on, and the river was in flood. he was swept away to an unknown region, and scrambled ashore in torrents of rain and in darkness, when he saw a light in a house near where he landed, and he made for it in an exhausted condition. on reaching it, he lay down in the verandah at the gate of the house, musing on the untoward events of the night, and on his affectionate family whom he had left. the hut belonged to the family of a kaniyan, [ ] who, as it happened, had had a quarrel with his wife that day, and had left his hut. anxiously expecting her husband's return, the wife opened the door about midnight, and, seeing a man lying in the verandah, mistook him for her husband. the man was so wrapt in his thoughts of his home that he in turn mistook her for his wife. when the brahman woke up from his slumber, he found her to be a kaniya woman. on looking at the star in the heavens to calculate the precise time, he saw that the prediction that he would become an outcaste had been fulfilled. he accepted the degradation, and lived the rest of his days with the kaniya woman. she bore him several sons, whom in due course he educated in the lore of his profession, and for whom, by his influence, he obtained an important place in the hindu social system as astrologers (ganikans). it is said that, according to his instruction, his body, after his death, was placed in a coffin, and buried in the courtyard of the house. the spot is still shown, and an elevated platform is constructed, with a thatched roof over it. a lighted lamp is placed at all times on the platform, and in front of it astrological calculations and predictions are made, for it is believed that those who made such calculations there will have the aid of the spirit of their dead brahman ancestor, who was so learned in the science that he could tell of events long past, and predict even future birth. as an instance of the last, the following incident may be given. once the great brahman ascetic vilwamangalath swamiyar was suffering severely from pains in the stomach, when he prayed to the divine krishna for relief. finding no remedy, he turned to a brahman friend, a yogi, who gave him some holy ashes, which he took, and which relieved him of the pains. he mentioned the fact to his beloved god krishna, who, by the pious adoration of the ascetic, appeared before him, when he said that he would have three births in the world instead of one which was destined for him. with an eager desire to know what they would be, he consulted the bhattathiripad, who said that he would be born first as a rat-snake (zamenis mucosus), then as an ox, and thirdly as a tulsi plant (ocimum sanctum), and that he would be along with him in these births. with great pleasure he returned home. it is also said that the astrologer himself was born as an ox, and was in this form afterwards supported by the members of his family. the incident is said to have taken place at pazhur, eighteen miles east of ernakulam. the members of the family are called pazhur kaniyans, and are well known throughout malabar, cochin and travancore, for their predictions in astrology, and all classes of people even now resort to them for aid in predictions. the kalari panikkans in the northern parts of the cochin state have a different account of the origin of the caste. once, they say, a sage and astrologer, named a ganikan, was making prediction to a sudra regarding his future destiny. as this was done by him when in an uncleanly state, he was cursed by the saptharishis (seven sages). the panikkans who are reputed to be his descendants are ordained to be teachers and astrologers of all castes below brahmans." according to another legendary account, there were kaniyans before the time of bhattatiri, but their astrological attainments are connected with him. talakulattu bhattatiri was one of the earliest astrologers of renown, being the author of muhurtapadavi, and lived in the fourth century a.d. there is a tradition, believed by the kaniyans south of neyyattenkara, that their ancestor was descended from the union of a gandharva woman with kani, a brahman saint, who lived in the western ghats. their grandson propitiated the god subrahmanya presiding over astronomy, and acquired the surname nalika from his never-ceasing truthfulness. some of the southern kaniyans even at the present day call themselves nali. according to another legend, parameswara and his wife parvati were living happily together, when agni fell desperately in love with the latter. eventually, parameswara caught them together, and, to save agni, parvati suggested that he should hide himself inside her body. on agni doing this, parvati became very indisposed, and parameswara, distressed at seeing his wife rolling in agony, shed tears, one of which fell on the ground, and became turned into a man, who, being divinely born, detected the cause of parvati's indisposition, and, asking for some incense, sprinkled it over a blazing torch. agni, seeing his opportunity, escaped in the smoke, and parvati had instant relief. for this service, parameswara blessed the man, and appointed him and his descendants to cure diseases, exorcise demons, and foretell events. the kaniyans of malabar have been connected by tradition with the valluvans of the tamil country, who are the priests, doctors, and astrologers of the pallans and paraiyans. according to this tradition, the modern kaniyans are traced to the valluvans brought from the east by a perumal who ruled over kerala in m.e. the latter are believed to have become kaniyans proper, while the old kaniyans of the west coast descended to the rank of tinta kaniyans. the chief of the valluvans so brought was a yogi or ascetic, who, being asked by a nambutiri concerning a missing article at pazhur, replied correctly that the lost ring had been placed in a hole in the bank of the nambutiri's tank (pond), and was consequently invited to settle there permanently. the kaniyans are easily recognised by their punctilious cleanness of person and clothing, the iron style and knife tucked into the waist, the palm umbrella with its ribs holding numbers of horoscopes, their low artistic bow, and their deliberate answers to questions put to them. most of them are intelligent, and well versed in malayalam and sanskrit. they are, however, not a flourishing community, being averse to manual labour, and depending for their living on their hereditary profession. there are no more conservative people in travancore, and none of them have taken kindly to western education. in their clothing they follow the orthodox malabar fashion. the dress of the males seldom hangs loose, being tucked in in token of humility. the kaniyan, when wanted in his professional capacity, presents himself with triple ash marks of siva on his chest, arms, and forehead. the woman's ornaments resemble those of the izhuvans. fish and flesh are not forbidden as food, but there are many families, as those of pazhur and onakkuru, which strictly abstain from meat. marriage between families which eat and abstain from flesh is not absolutely forbidden. but a wife must give up eating flesh immediately on entering the house of her vegetarian husband. the profession of the kaniyans is astrology. marco polo, writing as early as the thirteenth century about travancore, says that it was even then pre-eminently the land of astrologers. barbosa, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, has a detailed reference to the kaniyans, of whom he writes that "they learn letters and astronomy, and some of them are great astrologers, and foretell many future things, and form judgments upon the births of men. kings and great persons send to call them, and come out of their palaces to gardens and pleasure-grounds to see them, and ask them what they desire to know; and these people form judgment upon these things in a few days, and return to those that asked of them, but they may not enter the palaces; nor may they approach the king's person on account of being low people. and the king is then alone with him. they are great diviners, and pay great attention to times and places of good and bad luck, which they cause to be observed by those kings and great men, and by the merchants also; and they take care to do their business at the time which these astrologers advise them, and they do the same in their voyages and marriages. and by these means these men gain a great deal." buchanan, three centuries later, alludes in the same glowing terms to the prosperity of the kaniyans. he notes that they are of very low caste, a nambutiri coming within twenty-four feet of one being obliged to purify himself by prayer and ablution. "the kaniyans," he writes, "possess almanacks, by which they inform people as to the proper time for performing ceremonies or sowing their seeds, and the hours which are fortunate or unfortunate for any undertaking. when persons are sick or in trouble, the cunishun, by performing certain ceremonies in a magical square of places, discovers what spirit is the cause of the evil, and also how it may be appeased. some cunishuns possess mantrams, with which they pretend to cast out devils." captain conner notes twenty years later that "kanneans derive the appellation from the science of divination, which some of their sect profess. the kannean fixes the propitious moment for every undertaking, all hysterical affections being supposed to be the visitation of some troublesome spirit. his incantations are believed alone able to subdue it." the kaniyans are practically the guiding spirits in all the social and domestic concerns of travancoreans, and even muhammadans and christians do not fail to profit by their wisdom. from the moment of the birth of an infant, which is noted by the kaniyan for the purpose of casting its horoscope, to the moment of death, the services of the village astrologer are constantly in requisition. he is invariably consulted as to the cause of all calamities, and the cautious answers that he gives satisfy the people. "putro na putri," which may either mean no son but a daughter, or no daughter but a son, is jocosely referred to as the type of a kaniyan's answer, when questioned about the sex of a child in utero. "it would be difficult," mr. logan writes, [ ] "to describe a single important occasion in everyday life when the kanisan is not at hand as a guiding spirit, foretelling lucky days and hours, casting horoscopes, explaining the cause of calamities, prescribing remedies for untoward events, and physicians (not physic) for sick persons. seed cannot be sown, or trees planted, unless the kanisan has been consulted beforehand. he is even asked to consult his shastras to find lucky days and moments for setting out on a journey, commencing an enterprise, giving a loan, executing a deed, or shaving the head. for such important occasions as births, marriages, tonsure, investiture with the sacred thread, and beginning the a, b, c, the kanisan is of course indispensable. his work in short mixes him up with the gravest as well as the most trivial of the domestic events of the people, and his influence and position are correspondingly great. the astrologer's finding, as one will solemnly assert with all due reverence, is the oracle of god himself, with the justice of which everyone ought to be satisfied, and the poorer classes follow his dictates unhesitatingly. there is no prescribed scale of fees for his services, and in this respect he is like the native physician and teacher. those who consult him, however, rarely come empty-handed, and the gift is proportioned to the means of the party, and the time spent in serving him. if no fee is given, the kanisan does not exact it, as it is one of his professional characteristics, and a matter of personal etiquette, that the astrologer should be unselfish, and not greedy of gain. on public occasions, however, and on important domestic events, a fixed scale of fees is usually adhered to. the astrologer's most busy time is from january to july, the period of harvest and of marriages, but in the other six months of the year his is far from being an idle life. his most lucrative business lies in casting horoscopes, recording the events of a man's life from birth to death, pointing out dangerous periods of life, and prescribing rules and ceremonies to be observed by individuals for the purpose of propitiating the gods and planets, and so averting the calamities of dangerous times. he also shows favourable junctures for the commencement of undertakings, and the grantham or book, written on palmyra leaf, sets forth in considerable detail the person's disposition and mental qualities, as affected by the position of the planets in the zodiac at the moment of birth. all this is a work of labour, and of time. there are few members of respectable families who are not thus provided, and nobody grudges the five to twenty-five rupees usually paid for a horoscope according to the position and reputation of the astrologer. two things are essential to the astrologer, namely, a bag of cowry shells (cypræa moneta), and an almanac. when any one comes to consult him, he quietly sits down, facing the sun, on a plank seat or mat, murmuring some mantrams or sacred verses, opens his bag of cowries, and pours them on the floor. with his right hand he moves them slowly round and round, solemnly reciting meanwhile a stanza or two in praise of his guru or teacher, and of his deity, invoking their help. he then stops, and explains what he has been doing, at the same time taking a handful of cowries from the heap, and placing them on one side. in front is a diagram drawn with chalk on the floor, and consisting of twelve compartments (rasis) one for each month in the year. before commencing operations with the diagram, he selects three or five of the cowries highest up in the heap, and places them in a line on the right-hand side. [in an account before me, three cowries and two glass bottle-stoppers are mentioned as being placed on this side.] these represent ganapati (the belly god, the remover of difficulties), the sun, the planet jupiter, sarasvati (the goddess of speech), and his own guru or preceptor. to all of these the astrologer gives due obeisance, touching his ears and the ground three times with both hands. the cowries are next arranged in the compartments of the diagram, and are moved about from compartment to compartment by the astrologer, who quotes meanwhile the authority on which he makes the moves. finally he explains the result, and ends with again worshipping the deified cowries, who were witnessing the operation as spectators." according to another account, [ ] the astrologer "pours his cowries on the ground, and, after rolling them in the palm of his right hand, while repeating mantrams (consecrated formulæ), he selects the largest, and places them in a row outside the diagram at its right hand top corner. they represent the first seven planets, and he does obeisance to them, touching his forehead and the ground three times with both hands. the relative position of the nine planets is then worked out, and illustrated with cowries in the diagram." at the chal (furrow) ceremony in malabar, on the eve of the new agricultural year, "every hindu house in the district is visited by the kanisans of the respective desams, who, for a modest present of rice, vegetables and oils, makes a forecast of the season's prospects, which is engrossed on a cadjan (palm leaf). this is called the vishu phalam, which is obtained by comparing the nativity with the equinox. special mention is made therein as to the probable rainfall from the position of the planets--highly prized information in a district where there are no irrigation works or large reservoirs for water." [ ] the science of astrology is studied and practiced by other castes, but the kani house of pazhur is the most celebrated. numerous stories are related of the astrological skill of the pazhur kaniyans, of which one relates to the planets mercury and venus, who, arriving at the house of one of the kaniyans, were asked by him to wait at the gate. he then jumped into a neighbouring well, to conduct some prayers with a view to keeping them there permanently. in this task he succeeded, and even today a prophecy made at that out-house is believed to be certain of turning out true. in addition to astrology, the kaniyans practice sorcery and exorcism, which are strictly the occupation of the tinta kaniyans. the process by which devils are driven out is known as kolamtullal (a peculiar dance). a troupe of kaniyans, on being invited to a house where a person is suspected of being possessed by a devil, go there wearing masques representing gandharva, yakshi, bhairava, raktesvari, and other demons, and dressed up in tender cocoanut leaves. accompanied by music and songs, they rush towards the affected person, who is seated in the midst of the assembly, and frighten away the evil spirit. for the cure of disease, which is considered as incurable by ordinary methods of treatment, a form of exorcism called kalapasamtikkuka, or the removal of the rope or evil influence, is resorted to. in this, two kaniyans take the stage, and play the parts of siva and yama, while a third recites in song the story of the immortal markandeya. "the pannikar's astrology," mr. f. fawcett writes, [ ] "he will tell you, is divided into three parts:-- ( ) ganita, which treats of the constellations. ( ) sankita, which explains the origin of the constellations, comets, falling stars, and earthquakes. ( ) hora, by which the fate of man is explained. "the panikkar, who follows in the footsteps of his forefathers, should have a thorough knowledge of astrology and mathematics, and be learned in the vedas. he should be sound in mind and body, truthful, and patient. he should look well after his family, and should worship regularly the nine planets:--suryan, the sun; chandran, moon; chovva, mars; budhan, mercury; vyazham, guru, or brihaspati, jupiter; sukran, venus; sani, saturn; rahu; and ketu. the two last, though not visible, are, oddly enough, classed as planets by the panikkar. they are said to be two parts of an asura who was cut in two by vishnu. the panikkars also dabble in magic, and i have in my possession a number of yantrams presented to me by a panikkar. they should be written on a thin gold, silver, or copper plate, and worn on the person. a yantram written on gold is the most effective. as a rule, the yantram is placed in a little cylinder-case made of silver, fastened to a string tied round the waist. many of these are often worn by the same person. the yantram is sometimes written on cadjan (palm leaf), or paper. i have one of this kind in my collection, taken from the neck of a goat. it is common to see them worn on the arm, around the neck." the following examples of yantrams are given by mr. fawcett:-- aksharamala.--fifty-one letters. used in connection with every other yantram. each letter has its own meaning, and does not represent any word. in itself this yantram is powerless, but it gives life to all others. it must be written on the same plate as the other yantram. sulini.--for protection against sorcery or devils, and to secure the aid of the goddess. maha sulini.--to prevent all kinds of harm through the devils, chief of whom is pulatini, he who eats infants. women wear it to avert miscarriage. ganapati.--to increase knowledge, and put away fear and shyness. sarasvati.--to enable its possessor to please his listeners, and increase his knowledge. santana gopalam.--as a whole it represents sri krishna. used by barren women, so that they may bear children. it may be traced on a metal plate and worn in the usual way, or on a slab of butter, which is eaten. when the latter method is adopted, it is repeated on forty-one consecutive days, during which the woman, as well as the panikkar, may not have sexual connection. navva.--drawn in ashes of cow-dung on a new cloth, and tied round the waist. it relieves a woman in labour. asvarudha (to climb a horse).--a person wearing it is able to cover long distances easily on horseback, and he can make the most refractory horse amenable by tying it round its neck. it will also help to cure cattle. "the charms," mr. fawcett explains, "are entirely inoperative, unless accompanied in the first place with the mystic rite, which is the secret of the panikkar." many kaniyans used formerly to be village schoolmasters, but, with the abolition of the old methods of teaching, their number is steadily decreasing. some of them are clever physicians. those who have no pretension to learning live by making palm-leaf umbrellas, which gives occupation to the women. but the industry is fast declining before the competition of umbrellas imported from foreign countries. the kaniyans worship the sun, the planets, the moon, ganesa and subramanya, vishnu, siva, and baghavati. on each day of the week, the planet, which is believed to preside over it, is specially worshipped by an elaborate process, which is compulsorily gone through for at least three weeks after a kaniyan has become proficient in astrology, and able to make calculations for himself. it is generally believed that the supreme authority in all social matters affecting the kaniyan rests in british malabar with the yogi already referred to, in cochin and north travancore with the head of the pazhur house, and in south travancore with the eldest member of a house at manakkad in trivandrum, known by the name of sankili. practically, however, the spiritual headmen, called kannalmas, are independent. these kannalmas are much respected, and well paid on festive occasions by every kaniyan house. they and other elders sit in judgment on persons guilty of adultery, commensality with lower castes, and other offences, and inflict punishments. the kaniyans observe both the tali-kettu ceremony before puberty, and sambandham after that event. inheritance is through the father, and the eldest male of a family has the management of the ancestral estate. fraternal polyandry is said to have been common in olden times, and mr. logan observes that, "like the pandava brothers, as they proudly point out, the kanisans used formerly to have one wife in common among several brothers, and this custom is still observed by some of them." there is no restriction to the marriage of widows. concerning polyandry, mr. anantha krishna iyer states that "among the kaniyans, as well as among panikkans, polyandry largely prevails. if the young woman is intended to be the wife of several brothers, the eldest brother goes to the bride's house, and gives her the cloth, and takes her home the next day along with her parents and relations, who are all well entertained. the young woman and the brothers are seated together, and a sweet preparation is given to them, which signifies that she has become the common wife of all. the kalari muppan (nayar headman of the village) also declares her to be such. the guests depart, and the bridegroom (the eldest brother) and the bride are invited to what they call virunnu-oon (sumptuous meal) in the house of the latter, where they stay for a few days. the bridegroom then returns home with the wife. the other brothers, one after another, are similarly entertained along with the bride at her house. the brothers cannot afford to live together for a long time, and they go from place to place, earning their livelihood by astrology. each brother is at home only for a few days in each month; hence practically the woman has only one husband at a time. if several of them happen to be at home together for a few weeks, each in turn associates with the woman, in accordance with the directions given by their mother." the kaniyans follow high-caste hindus as regards many of their ceremonies. they have their name-bestowing, food-giving and tuft-making ceremonies, and also a superstitious rite called ittaluzhiyuka, or exorcism in child-birth on the seventh or ninth day after the birth of a child. a kaniyan's education begins in his seventh year. in the sixteenth year a ceremony, corresponding to the upanayana of the higher castes, is performed. for forty-one days after, the kannalma initiates the young kaniyan into the mysteries of astrology and witchcraft. he is obliged to worship subramanya, the tutelary god of the caste, and abstains from meat and liquor. this may be taken as the close of his brahmacharya stage or samavartana, as marriage cannot take place before the observance of this ceremony. on the subject of religion, mr. anantha krishna iyer writes that "the kalari panikkans and the kaniyans are generally saivite worshippers, but are not disinclined to the worship of vishnu also. it is said that their kalaris are forty-two feet long, and contain the images of forty-two deities. the following are the most important of them:--subrahmanya, sastha, ganapati, virabhadran, narasimha, ashtabairavas, hanuman, and bhadrakali. some of their kalaris, which were seen by me, contained stone and metal images of these gods. every night a lamp is lighted in front of them for their worship. during the mandalam (forty days) from the first of vrischikam to the tenth of dhanu ( th november to th december), the senior member of the panikkan's family bathes early in the morning, and performs his pujas to all the gods, making offerings of boiled rice, plantains and cocoanuts. on the fortieth day, i.e., the last day of the mandalam, a grand puja is performed individually to every one of the deities in the kalari, and this lasts for twenty-four hours, from sunrise to sunrise, when offerings of boiled rice, parched rice, sheep and fowls are also given. this is the grand puja performed once in the course of the year. besides this, some of their deities command their special reverence. for instance, subrahmanya is adored for the sake of astrology, sastha for wealth and offspring. they are also worshippers of sakti in any of her following manifestations, namely, bala, thripura, mathangi, ambika, durga, bhadrakali, the object of which is to secure accuracy in their astrological predictions. further, every member of the caste proficient in astrology daily offers, after an early bath, his prayers to the seven planets. among the minor deities whom they worship, are also mallan, mundian, muni and ayutha vadukan, the first three of which they worship for the prosperity of their cattle, and the last four for their success in the training of young men in athletic feats. these deities are represented by stones placed at the root of some shady tree in their compounds. they also worship the spirits of their ancestors, on the new-moon nights in karkadakam (july-august), thulam (october-november), and makaram (december-january). the kalari panikkans celebrate a kind of feast to the spirits of their female ancestors. this is generally done a few days before the celebration of a wedding in their houses, and is probably intended to obtain their blessings for the happy married life of the bride. this corresponds to the performance of sumangalia prarthana (feast for the spirits of departed virgins and married women) performed by brahmans in their families. at times when small-pox, cholera, and other pestilential diseases prevail in a village, special pujas are offered to mariamma (the small-pox demon) and bhadrakali, who should be propitiated. on these occasions, their priest turns velichapad (oracle), and speaks to the village men as if by inspiration, telling them when and how the maladies will subside." kaniyans were formerly buried, but are now, excepting young children, cremated in a portion of the grounds of the habitation, or in a spot adjacent thereto. the ashes are collected on the fourth day, and deposited under water. in memory of the deceased, an annual offering of food is made, and an oblation of water offered on every new moon. the potuvans or kani kuruppus are the barbers of the kaniyans, and have the privilege of being in attendance during marriages and funerals. it is only after they have sprinkled water in the houses of polluted kaniyans that they again become pure. in fact, the potuvans stand in the same relation to the kaniyans as the marans to the nayars. the potuvans are not expected to shave the tinta kaniyans. the kaniyans are said to keep at a distance of twenty-four feet from a brahman or kshatriya, and half that distance from a sudra. the corresponding distances for a tinta kaniyan are thirty-six and eighteen feet. this restriction is not fully observed in trivandrum, and south of it. it is noted by mr. anantha krishna iyer that, on marriage occasions, a nayar gives a gift of a few annas and betel leaves to the astrologer, standing close beside him, and yet there is no pollution. the malayalam proverb "on marriage occasions the nayars give dakshina (gift), almost touching the hand," refers to this fact. the kaniyans cannot enter brahmanical temples. they will not receive food from izhavans, except in a few villages in central travancore, but this is a regular practice with the tinta kaniyans. it is believed that the kaniyans proper have no objection to receiving sweetmeats from kammalans. the kaniyans have been summed up as a law-abiding people, who not infrequently add agriculture to their avocations of village doctor, prophet, or demon-driver, and are popular with christians and muhammadans as well as with hindus. [ ] the late mr. pogson, when government astronomer, used to say that his principal native assistant was an astronomer from a.m. to p.m. and an astrologer from p.m. to a.m. kannada.--kannada (kanarese) has, at recent times of census, been returned as a linguistic or territorial division of various classes, e.g., agasa, bedar, devanga, holeya, koracha, kumbara, samagara, rachewar, and uppiliyan. kanna pulayan.--described by the rev. w. j. richards [ ] as pulayans of travancore, who wear rather better and more artistically made aprons than the thanda pulayan women. kannaku.--a prefix to the name of nanchinat vellalas in travancore. kannan.--a sub-division of kammalans, the members of which do braziers' work. kannadiyan.--the kannadiyans have been summed up [ ] as "immigrants from the province of mysore. their traditional occupation is said to have been military service, although they follow, at the present day, different pursuits in different districts. they are usually cattle-breeders and cultivators in north and south arcot and chingleput, and traders in the southern districts. most of them are lingayats, but a few are vaishnavites." "they are," it is stated, [ ] "in the mysore state known as gaulis. at their weddings, five married women are selected, who are required to bathe as each of the most important of the marriage ceremonies is performed, and are alone allowed to cook for, or to touch the happy couple. weddings last eight days, during which time the bride and bridegroom must not sit on anything but woollen blankets." some kannadiyans in the tanjore district are said to be weavers. for the following account of the kannadiyans of the chingleput district i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. about twenty miles from the city of madras is a big tank (lake) named after the village of chembrambakam, which is close by. the fertile land surrounding this tank is occupied, among others, by a colony of lingayats, of whom each household, as a rule, owns several acres of land. with the cultivation thereof, they have the further occupation of cattle grazing. they utilize the products of the cow in various ways, and it supplies them with milk, butter and curds, in the last two of which they carry on a lucrative trade in the city of madras. the curds sold by them are very highly appreciated by madras brahmans, as they have a sour taste caused by keeping them till fermentation has set in. so great is the demand for their curds that advances of money are made to them, and regular delivery is thus secured. their price is higher than that of the local madras curds, and if a lingayat buys the latter and sells them at the higher rate, he is decisively stigmatised as being a "local." they will not even touch sheep and goats, and believe that even the smell of these animals will make cows and buffaloes barren. though the chief settlement of the lingayats is at chembrambakam, they are also to be found in the adjacent villages and in the conjeeveram taluk, and, in all, they number, in the chingleput district, about four thousand. the lingayats have no idea how their forefathers came to the chingleput district. questioned whether they have any relatives in mysore, many answered in the affirmative, and one even pointed to one in a high official position as a close relation. another said that the gurukkal or jangam (priest) is one and the same man for the mysore lingayats and themselves. a third told me of his grandfather's wanderings in mysore, bellary, and other places of importance to the lingayats. i have also heard the story that, on the chembrambakam lingayats being divided into two factions through disputes among the local caste-men, a lingayat priest came from mysore, and brought about their union. these few facts suffice to show that the lingayats are emigrants from mysore, and not converts from the indigenous populations of the district. but what as to the date of their immigration? the earliest date which can, with any show of reason, be ascribed thereto seems to be towards the end of the seventeenth century, when chikka deva raja ruled over mysore. he adopted violent repressive measures against the lingayats for quelling a widespread insurrection, which they had fomented against him throughout the state. his measures of financial reform deprived the lingayat priesthood of its local leadership and much of its pecuniary profit. what followed may best be stated in the words of colonel wilks, [ ] the mysore historian. "everywhere the inverted plough, suspended from the tree at the gate of the village, whose shade forms a place of assembly for its inhabitants, announced a state of insurrection. having determined not to till the land, the husbandmen deserted their villages, and assembled in some places like fugitives seeking a distant settlement; in others as rebels breathing revenge. chikka deva raja, however, was too prompt in his measures to admit of any very formidable combination. before proceeding to measures of open violence, he adopted a plan of perfidy and horror, yielding to nothing which we find recorded in the annals of the most sanguinary people. an invitation was sent to all the jangam priests to meet the raja at the great temple of nunjengod, ostensibly to converse with him on the subject of the refractory conduct of their followers. treachery was apprehended, and the number which assembled was estimated at about four hundred only. a large pit had been previously prepared in a walled enclosure, connected by a series of squares composed of tent walls with the canopy of audience, at which they were received one at a time, and, after making their obeisance, were desired to retire to a place where, according to custom, they expected to find refreshments prepared at the expense of the raja. expert executioners were in waiting in the square, and every individual in succession was so skilfully beheaded and tumbled into the pit as to give no alarm to those who followed, and the business of the public audience went on without interruption or suspicion. circular orders had been sent for the destruction on the same day of all the jangam mutts (places of residence and worship) in his dominions, and the number reported to have been destroyed was upwards of seven hundred.... this notable achievement was followed by the operations of the troops, chiefly cavalry. the orders were distinct and simple--to charge without parley into the midst of the mob; to cut down every man wearing an orange-coloured robe (the peculiar garb of the jangam priests)." how far the husbandmen carried out their threat of seeking a distant settlement it is impossible, at this distance of time, to determine. if the theory of religious persecution as the cause of their emigration has not an air of certainty about it, it is at least plausible. if the beginning of the eighteenth century is the earliest, the end of that century is the latest date that can be set down for the lingayat emigration. that century was perhaps the most troublous one in the modern history of india. armies were passing and repassing the ghats, and i have heard from some old gentlemen that the chingleput lingayats, who are mostly shepherds, accompanied the troops in the humble capacity of purveyors of milk and butter. whatever the causes of their emigration, we find them in the chingleput district ordinarily reckoning the mysore, salem and bellary lingayats as of their own stock. they freely mix with each other, and i hear contract marital alliances with one another. they speak the kannada (kanarese) language--the language of mysore and bellary. they call themselves by the name of kannadiyans or kannadiyars, after the language they speak, and the part of the village they inhabit--kannadipauliem, or village of the kannadiyars. in parts of madras they are known as kavadi and kavadiga (=bearers of head-loads). both men and women are possessed of great stamina. almost every other day they walk to and fro, in all seasons, more than twenty miles by road to sell their butter and curds in madras. while so journeying, they carry on their heads a curd pot in a rattan basket containing three or four madras measures of curds, besides another pot containing a measure or so of butter. some of the men are good acrobats and gymnasts, and i have seen a very old man successively break in two four cocoanuts, each placed on three or four crystals of common salt, leaving the crystals almost intact. and i have heard that there are men who can so break fifty cocoanuts--perhaps an exaggeration for a considerable number. in general the women may be termed beautiful, and, in mysore, the lingayat women are, by common consent, regarded as models of feminine beauty. these lingayats are divided into two classes, viz., gauliyars of damara village, and kadaperi or kannadiyars proper, of chembrambakam and other places. the gauliyars carry their curd pots in rattan baskets; the kannadiyars in bamboo baskets. each class has its own beat in the city of madras, and, while the majority of the rattan basket men traffic mainly in triplicane, the bamboo basket men carry on their business in georgetown and other localities. the two classes worship the same gods, feed together, but do not intermarry. the rattan is considered superior to the bamboo section. both sections are sub-divided into a large number of exogamous septs or bedagagulu, of which the meaning, with a few exceptions, e.g., split cane, bear, and fruit of eugenia jambolana, is not clear. monogamy appears to be the general rule among them, but polygamy to the extent of having two wives, the second to counteract the sterility of the first, is not rare. marriage before puberty is the rule, which must not be transgressed. and it is a common thing to see small boys grazing the cattle, who are married to babies hardly more than a year old. marriages are arranged by the parents, or through intermediaries, with the tacit approval of the community as a whole. the marriage ceremony generally lasts about nine or ten days, and, to lessen the expenses for the individual, several families club together and celebrate their marriages simultaneously. all the preliminaries such as inviting the wedding guests, etc., are attended to by the agent of the community, who is called chaudri. the appointment of agent is hereditary. the first day of the marriage ceremony is employed in the erection of the booth or pandal. on the following day, the bodice-wearing ceremony is performed. the bride and bridegroom are presented with new clothes, which they put on amid general merriment. in connection with this ceremony, the following mysore story may not be out of place. when tipu sultan once saw a lingayat woman selling curds in the street without a body cloth, he ordered the cutting off of her breasts. since then the wearing of long garments has come into use among the whole female population of mysore. the third day is the most important, as it is on that day that the muhurtham, or tali-tying ceremony, takes place, and an incident of quite an exceptional character comes off amid general laughter. a brahman (generally a saivite) is formally invited to attend, and pretends that he is unable to do so. but he is, with mock gravity, pressed hard to do so, and, after repeated guarantees of good faith, he finally consents with great reluctance and misgivings. on his arrival at the marriage booth, the headman of the family in which the marriage is taking place seizes him roughly by the head, and ties as tightly as possible five cocoanuts to the kudumi, or lock of hair at the back of the head, amidst the loud, though not real, protestations of the victim. all those present, with all seriousness, pacify him, and he is cheered by the sight of five rupees, which are presented to him. this gift he readily accepts, together with a pair of new cloths and pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts). meanwhile the young folk have been making sport of him by throwing at his new and old clothes big empty brinjal fruits (solanum melongena) filled with turmeric powder and chunam (lime). he goes for the boys, who dodge him, and at last the elders beat off the youngsters with the remark that "after all he is a brahman, and ought not to be trifled with in this way." the brahman then takes leave, and is heard of no more in connection with the wedding rites. the whole ceremony has a decided ring of mockery about it, and leads one to the conclusion that it is celebrated more in derision than in honour of the brahmans. it is a notorious fact that the lingayats will not even accept water from a brahman's hands, and do not, like many other castes, require his services in connection with marriage or funeral ceremonies. the practice of tying cocoanuts to the hair of the brahman seems to be confined to the bamboo section. but an equally curious custom is observed by the rattan section. the village barber is invited to the wedding, and the infant bride and bridegroom are seated naked before him. he is provided with some ghi(clarified butter) in a cocoanut shell, and has to sprinkle some of it on the head of the couple with a grass or reed. he is, however, prevented from doing so by a somewhat cruel contrivance. a big stone (representing the linga) is suspended from his neck by a rope, and he is kept nodding to and fro by another rope which is pulled by young lads behind him. eventually they leave off, and he sprinkles the ghi, and is dismissed with a few annas, pan-supari, and the remains of the ghi. by means of the stone the barber is for the moment turned into a lingayat. the officiating priest at the marriage ceremony is a man of their own sect, and is known as the gurukkal. they address him as ayyanavaru, a title generally reserved for brahmans in kannada-speaking districts. the main items of expenditure at a wedding are the musician, presents of clothes, and pan-supari, especially the areca nuts. one man, who was not rich, told me that it cost him, for a marriage, three maunds of nuts, and that guests come more for them than for the meals, which he characterised as not fit for dogs. widow remarriage is permitted. but it is essential that the contracting parties should be widower and widow. for such a marriage no pandal is erected, but all the elders countenance it by their presence. such a marriage is known as naduvittu tali, because the tali is tied in the mid-house. it is usually a simple affair, and finished in a short time after sunset instead of in the day time. the offspring of such marriages are considered as legitimate, and can inherit. but remarried couples are disqualified from performing certain acts, e.g., the distribution of pan-supari at weddings, partaking in the harathi ceremony, etc. the disqualifications attaching to remarried people are, by a curious analogy, extended to deformed persons, who are, in some cases, considered to be widowers and widows. among the ordinary names of males are basappa, linganna, devanna, ellappa, naganna; and of females ellamma, lingi and nagamma. it is said that all are entitled to the honorific saudri; but the title is specially reserved for the agent of their sect. among common nicknames are chikka and dodda thamma (younger and elder brother), andi (beggar), karapi (black woman), guni (hunch back). in the mysore province the most becoming method of addressing a lingayat is to call him sivane. their usual titles are ravut, appa, anna, and saudri. the child-naming ceremony is a very important one. five swords with limes fixed to their edges are set in a line with equi-distant spaces between them. by each sword are placed two plantain fruits, a cocoanut, four dried dates, two cocoanut cups, pan-supari, and karamani (vigna catiang) cakes. in front of the swords are also placed rice-balls mixed with turmeric powder, various kinds of vegetables and fruits, curds and milk. opposite each sword five leaves are spread out, and in front of each leaf a near relation of the family sits. the chief woman of the house then brings five pots full of water, and gives to each man a potful for the worship of the jangama linga which he wears. she also brings consecrated cow-dung ashes. the men pour the water over the linga, holding it in the left hand, and smear both the linga and their faces with the ashes. the woman then retires, and the guests partake of a hearty meal, at the conclusion of which the woman reappears with five vessels full of water, with which they wash their hands. the vessels are then broken, and thrown on a dung-heap. after partaking of pan-supari and chunam (lime), each of the men ties up some of the food in a towel, takes one of the swords in his hand, and leaves the house without turning back. the headman of the family then removes the limes from the swords, and puts them back in their scabbards. the same evening the child is named. sometimes this ceremony, which is costly, is held even after the child is a year old. when a death takes place, information is sent round to the relations and castemen by two boys carrying little sticks in their hands. under the instructions of a priest, the inmates of the house begin to make arrangements for the funeral. the corpse is washed, and the priest's feet are also washed, and the refuse-water on the ground is poured over the corpse or into its mouth. among certain sections of lingayats it is customary, contrary to the usual hindu practice, to invite the friends and relations, who have come for the funeral, to a banquet, at which the priest is a guest. it is said that the priest, after partaking of food, vomits a portion of it, which is shared by the members of the family. these practices do not seem to be followed by the chingleput lingayats. a second bath is given to the corpse, and then the nine orifices of the body are closed with cotton or cloth. the corpse is then dressed as in life, and, if it be that of a priest, is robed in the characteristic orange tawny dress. before clothing it, the consecrated cow-dung ashes are smeared over the forehead, arms, chest, and abdomen. the bier is made like a car, such as is seen in temple processions on the occasion of car festivals. to each of its four bamboo posts are attached a plantain tree and a cocoanut, and it is decorated with bright flowers. in the middle of the bier is a wooden plank, on which the corpse is set in a sitting position. the priest touches the dead body three or four times with his right leg, and the funeral cortège, accompanied by weird village music, proceeds to the burial-ground. the corpse, after removal from the bier, is placed in the grave in a sitting posture, facing south, with the linga, which the man had worn during life, in the mouth. salt, according to the means of the family, is thrown into the grave by friends and relations, and it is considered that a man's life would be wasted if he did not do this small service for a dead fellow-casteman. they quote the proverb "did he go unserviceable even for a handful of mud?" the grave is filled in, and four lights are placed at the corners. the priest, standing over the head of the corpse, faces the lamps, with branches of leucas aspera and vitex negundo at his feet. a cocoanut is broken and camphor burnt, and the priest says "lingannah (or whatever the name of the dead man may be), leaving nara loka, you have gone to bhu loka," which is a little incongruous, for nara loka and bhu loka are identical. perhaps the latter is a mistake for swarga loka, the abode of bliss of brahmanical theology. possibly, swarga loka is not mentioned, because it signifies the abode of vishnu. then the priest calls out oogay! oogay! and the funeral ceremony is at an end. on their return home the corpse-bearers, priest, and sons of the deceased, take buttermilk, and apply it with the right hand to the left side of the back. a nandi (the sacred bull) is made of mud, or bricks and mortar, and set up over the grave. unmarried girls and boys are buried in a lying position. from enquiries made among the lingayats of chembarambakam, it appears that, when a death has occurred, pollution is observed by the near relatives; and, even if they are living at such distant places as bellary or bangalore, pollution must be observed, and dissolved by a bath. basava attached no importance to pilgrimages. the chingleput lingayats, however, perform what they call jatray (i.e., pilgrimage), of which the principal celebration takes place in chittra-vyasi (april-may), and is called virabhadra jatray. the bamboo lingayats of chembarambakam send word, with some raw rice, to the rattan lingayats of kadaperi to come to the festival on a fixed day with the image of their god virabhadra. the gauliyars of kadaperi and other villages accordingly proceed to a tank on the confines of the village of chembrambakam, and send word that they have responded to the call of their brethren. the chief men of the village, accompanied by a crowd, and the village musicians, start for the tank, and bring in the kadaperi guests. after a feast all retire for the night, and get up at a.m. for the celebration of the festival. swords are unsheathed from their scabbards, and there is a deafening noise from trumpets and pipes. the images of virabhadra are taken in procession to a tank, and, on the way thither, the idol bearers and others pretend that they are inspired, and bawl out the various names of the god. sometimes they become so frenzied that the people break cocoanuts on their foreheads, or pierce their neck and wrists with a big needle, such as is used in stitching gunny bags. under this treatment the inspired ones calm down. all along the route cocoanuts are broken, and may amount to as many as four hundred, which become the perquisite of the village washerman. when the tank is reached, pan-supari and kadalai (cicer arietinum) are distributed among the crowd. on the return journey, the village washerman has to spread dupatis (cloths) for the procession to walk over. at about noon a hearty meal is partaken of, and the ceremony is at an end. after a few days, a return celebration takes place at kadaperi. the virabhadra images of the two sections, it may be noted, are regarded as brothers. other ceremonial pilgrimages are also made to tirutani, tiruvallur and mylapore, and they go to tiruvallur on new moon days, bathe in the tank, and make offerings to vira raghava, a vaishnava deity. they do not observe the feast of pongal, which is so widely celebrated throughout southern india. it is said that the celebration thereof was stopped, because, on one occasion, the cattle bolted, and the men who went in pursuit of them never returned. the ugadi, or new year feast, is observed by them as a day of general mourning. they also observe the kama festival with great éclat, and one of their national songs relates to the burning of kama. when singing it during their journeys with the curd-pots, they are said to lose themselves, and arrive at their destination without knowing the distance that they have marched. in addition to the grand virabhadra festival, which is celebrated annually, the ariservai festival is also observed as a great occasion. this is no doubt a tamil rendering of the sanskrit hariservai, which means the service of hari or worship of vishnu. it is strange that lingayats should have this formal worship of vishnu, and it must be a result of their environment, as they are surrounded on all sides by vaishnavite temples. more than six months before the festival a meeting of elders is convened, and it is decided that an assessment of three pies per basket shall be levied, and the saudri is made honorary treasurer of the fund. if a house has two or more baskets, i.e., persons using baskets in their trade, it must contribute a corresponding number of three pies. in other words, the basket, and not the family, is the unit in their communal finance. an invitation, accompanied by pan-supari, is sent to the thadans (vaishnavite dramatists) near conjeeveram, asking them to attend the festival on the last saturday of paratasi, the four saturdays of which month are consecrated to vishnu. the thadans arrive in due course at chembrambakam, the centre of the bamboo section of the lingayats, and make arrangements for the festival. invitations are sent to five persons of the lingayat community, who fast from morning till evening. about or p.m., these five guests, who perhaps represent priests for the occasion, arrive at the pandal (booth), and leaves are spread out before them, and a meal of rice, dhal (cajanus indicus) water, cakes, broken cocoanuts, etc., is served to them. but, instead of partaking thereof, they sit looking towards a lighted lamp, and close their eyes in meditation. they then quietly retire to their homes, where they take the evening meal. after a torchlight procession with torches fed with ghi (clarified butter) the village washermen come to the pandal, and collect together the leaves and food, which have been left there. about p.m. the villagers repair to the spot where a dramatic performance of hiranya kasyapa natakam, or the prahallada charitram, is held during five alternate nights. the latter play is based on a favourite story in the bhagavatha, and it is strange that it should be got up and witnessed by a community of saivites, some of whom (vira saivas) are such extremists that they would not tolerate the sight of a vaishnavite at a distance. the chembrambakam lingayats appear to join the other villagers in the performance of the annual puja (worship) to the village deity, namamdamma, who is worshipped in order to ward off cholera and cattle disease. one mode of propitiating her is by sacrificing a goat, collecting its entrails and placing them in a pot, with its mouth covered with goat skin, which is taken round the village, and buried in a corner. the pot is called bali setti, and he who comes in front of it while it is being carried through the streets, is supposed to be sure to suffer from serious illness, or even die. the sacrifice, filling of the pot, and its carriage through the streets, are all performed by low class occhans and vettiyans. the chembrambakam lingayats assert that the cholera goddess has given a promise that she will not attack any of their community, and keeps it faithfully, and none of them die even during the worst cholera epidemics. kanni (rope).--a gotra of kurni. kapata.--a name for rag-wearing koragas. kappala (frog).--an exogamous sept of madiga, and sub-division of yanadis, who are said to be frog-eaters. it is also a gotra of janappans, who have a legend that, when some of their family were fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. consequently, members of this gotra will not injure frogs. i have seen frogs hanging up for sale in the cochin bazar. kappiliyan.--the kappiliyans, or karumpuraththals, as they are sometimes called, are canarese-speaking farmers, who are found chiefly in madura and tinnevelly. it is noted, in the manual of the madura district, that "a few of the original poligars were canarese; and it is to be presumed that the kappiliyans immigrated under their auspices. they are a decent and respectable class of farmers. their most common agnomen is koundan (or kavandan)." some kappiliyans say that they came south six or seven generations ago, along with the urumikkarans, from the banks of the tungabhadra river, because the tottiyans tried to ravish their women. according to another tradition, similar to that current among the tottiyans, "the caste was oppressed by the musalmans of the north, fled across the tungabhadra, and was saved by two pongu (pongamia glabra) trees bridging an unfordable stream, which blocked their escape. they travelled, says the legend, through mysore to conjeeveram, thence to coimbatore, and thence to the madura district. the stay at conjeeveram is always emphasised, and is supported by the fact that the caste has shrines dedicated to kanchi varadaraja perumal." [ ] the kappiliyans are one of the nine kambalam castes, who are so called because, at their caste council meetings, a kambli (blanket) is spread, on which is placed a kalasam (brass vessel) filled with water, and decorated with flowers. its mouth is closed by mango leaves and a cocoanut. according to the gazetteer of the madura district, they are "split into two endogamous sub-divisions, namely the dharmakattu, so called because, out of charity, they allow widows to marry one more husband, and the munukattu, who permit a woman to have three husbands in succession." they are also said to recognise, among themselves, four sub-divisions, vokkiliyan (cultivator), muru balayanoru (three bangle people), bottu kattoru (bottu tying people), vokkulothoru, to the last of which the following notes mainly refer. they have a large number of exogamous septs, which are further divided into exogamous sub-septs, of which the following are examples:-- sept. sub-sept. basiriyoru { hennu (female) basiri. { gandu (male) basiri. { loddu. { palingi loddu. { kolingi loddu. lodduvoru { uddudhoru (phaseolus mungo, var. { radiatus). { huniseyoru (tamarind people). { mottuguni. { manaloru, sand people. one exogamous sept is called ane (elephant), and as names of sub-septs, named after animate or inanimate objects, i may mention hatti (hamlet), arane (lizard) and puli (tiger). the affairs of the caste are regulated by a headman called gauda, assisted by the saundari. in some places, the assistance of a pallan or maravan called jadipillai, is sought. marriage is, as a rule, adult, and the common emblem of married life--the tali or bottu--is dispensed with. on the first day of the marriage ceremonies, the bride and bridegroom are conducted, towards evening, to the houses of their maternal uncles. there the nalagu ceremony, or smearing the body with phaseolus mungo, sandal and turmeric paste, is performed, and the uncles place toe-rings on the feet of the contracting couple. on the following day, the bride's price is paid, and betel is distributed, in the presence of a kummara, urumikkaran, and washerman, to the villagers in a special order of precedence. on the third day, the bridegroom goes in procession to the house of the bride, and their fingers are linked together by the maternal uncle or uncles. for this reason, the day is called kai kudukahodina, or hand-locking day. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "the binding portions of the marriage ceremony are the donning by the bride of a turmeric-coloured cloth sent her by bridegroom, and of black glass bangles (unmarried girls may only wear bangles made of lac), and the linking of the couple's little fingers. a man's right to marry his paternal aunt's daughter is so rigorously insisted upon that, as among the tottiyans, ill-assorted matches are common. a woman, whose husband is too young to fulfil the duties of his position, is allowed to consort with his near relations, and the children so begotten are treated as his. [it is said that a woman does not suffer in reputation, if she cohabits with her brothers-in-law.] adultery outside the caste is punished by expulsion, and, to show that the woman is thenceforward as good as dead, funeral ceremonies are solemnly performed to some trinket of hers, and this is afterwards burnt." at the first menstrual period, a girl remains under pollution for thirteen days, in a corner of the house or outside it in the village common land (mandai). if she remains within, her maternal uncle makes a screen, and, if outside, a temporary hut, and, in return for his services, receives a hearty meal. on the thirteenth day the girl bathes in a tank (pond), and, as she enters the house, has to pass over a pestle and a cake. near the entrance, some food is placed, which a dog is allowed to eat. while so doing, it receives a severe beating. the more noise it makes, the better is the omen for a large family of children. if the poor brute does not howl, it is supposed that the girl will bear no children. a cotton thread, dyed with turmeric, is tied round her neck by a married woman, and, if she herself is married, she puts on glass bangles. the hut is burnt down and the pots she used are broken to atoms. the caste deities are said to be lakkamma and vira lakkamma, but they also worship other deities, such as chenraya, thimmappa, and siranga perumal. certain septs seem to have particular deities, whom they worship. thus thimmaraya is reverenced by the dasiriyoru, and malamma by the hattiyoru. the dead are as a rule cremated, but children, those who have died of cholera, and pregnant women, are buried. in the case of the last, the child is, before burial, removed from the mother's body. the funeral ceremonies are carried out very much on the lines of those of the tottiyans. fire is carried to the burning ground by a chakkiliyan. on the last day of the death ceremonies (karmandiram) cooked food, fruits of solanum xanthocarpum, and leaves of leucas aspera are placed on a tray, by the side of which a bit of a culm of saccharum arundinaceum, with leaves of cynodon dactylon twined round it, is deposited. the tray is taken to a stream, on the bank of which an effigy is made, to which the various articles are offered. a small quantity thereof is placed on arka (calotropis gigantea) leaves, to be eaten by crows. on the return journey to the house, three men, the brother-in-law or father-in-law of the deceased, and two sapindas (agnates) stand in a row at a certain spot. a cloth is stretched before them as a screen, over which they place their right hands. these a washerman touches thrice with cynodon leaves dipped in milk, cow's urine, and turmeric water. the washerman then washes the hands with water. all the agnates place new turbans on their heads, and go back in procession to the village, accompanied by a urimikkaran and washerman, who must be present throughout the ceremony. for the following note on the kappiliyans of the kambam valley, in the madura district, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. according to a tradition which is current among them, they migrated from their original home in search of new grazing ground for their cattle. the herd, which they brought with them, still lives in its descendants in the valley, which are small, active animals, well known for their trotting powers. it is about a hundred and fifty strong, and is called devaru avu in canarese, and thambiran madu in tamil, both meaning the sacred herd. the cows are never milked, and their calves, when they grow up, are not used for any purpose, except breeding. when the cattle die, they are buried deep in the ground, and not handed over to chakkiliyans (leather-workers). one of the bulls goes by the name of pattada avu, or the king bull. it is selected from the herd by a quaint ceremonial. on an auspicious day, the castemen assemble, and offer incense, camphor, cocoanuts, plantains, and betel to the herd. meanwhile, a bundle of sugar-cane is placed in front thereof, and the spectators eagerly watch to see which of the bulls will reach it first. the animal which does so is caught hold of, daubed with turmeric, and decorated with flowers, and installed as the king bull. it is styled nanda gopala, or venugopalaswami, after krishna, the divine cattle-grazer, and is an object of adoration by the caste. to meet the expenses of the ceremony, which amount to about two hundred rupees, a subscription is raised among them. the king bull has a special attendant, or driver, whose duties are to graze and worship it. he belongs to the maragala section of the endar sub-division of the caste. when he dies, a successor is appointed in the following manner. before the assembled castemen, puja (worship) is offered to the sacred herd, and a young boy, "upon whom the god comes," points out a man from among the maragalas, who becomes the next driver. he enjoys the inams, and is the custodian of the jewels presented to the king bull in former days, and of the copper plates, whereon grants made in its name are engraved. as many as nine of these copper grants were entrusted to the keeping of a youthful driver, about sixteen years old, in . most of them record grants from unknown kings. one ponnum pandyan, a king of gudalur, is recorded as having made grants of land, and other presents to the bull. others record gifts of land from ballala raya and rama rayar. only the names of the years are recorded. none of the plates contain the saka dates. before the annual migration of the herd to the hills during the summer, a ceremony is carried out, to determine whether the king bull is in favour of its going. two plates, one containing milk, and the other sugar, are placed before the herd. unless, or until the bull has come up to them, and gone back, the migration does not take place. the driver, or some one deputed to represent him, goes with the herd, which is accompanied by most of the cattle of the neighbouring villages. the driver is said to carry a pot of fresh-drawn milk within a kavadi (shrine). on the day on which the return journey to the valley is commenced, the pot is opened, and the milk is said to be found in a hardened state. a slice thereof is cut off, and given to each person who accompanied the herd to the hills. it is believed that the milk would not remain in good condition, if the sacred herd had been in any way injuriously affected during its sojourn there. the sacred herd is recruited by certain calves dedicated as members thereof by people of other castes in the neighbourhood of the valley. these calves, born on the st of the month thai (january-february), are dedicated to the god nandagopala, and are known as sanni pasuvu. they are branded on the legs or buttocks, and their ears are slightly torn. they are not used for ploughing or milking, and cannot be sold. they are added to the sacred herd, but the male calves are kept distinct from the male calves thereof. many miracles are attributed to the successive king bulls. during the fight between the tottiyans and kappiliyans at dindigul, a king bull left on the rock the permanent imprint of its hoof, which is still believed to be visible. at a subsequent quarrel between the same castes, at dombacheri, a king bull made the sun turn back in its course, and the shadow is still pointed under a tamarind tree beneath which arbitration took place. for the assistance rendered by the bull on this occasion, the maragalas will not use the wood of the tamarind tree, or of the vela tree, to which the bull was tied, either for fuel or for house-building. the kappiliyans have recently ( ) raised rs. , by taxing all members of the caste in the periyakulam taluk for three years, and have spent this sum in building roomy masonry quarters at kambam for the sacred herd. their chief grievance at present is that the same grazing fees are levied on their animals as on mere ordinary cattle, which, they urge, is equivalent to treating gods as equals of men. in the settlement of caste affairs, oaths are taken within the enclosure for the sacred herd. "local tradition at kambam (where a large proportion of the people are kappiliyans) says that the anuppans, another canarese caste, were in great strength here in olden days, and that quarrels arose between the two bodies, in the course of which the chief of the kappiliyans, ramachcha kavundan, was killed. with his dying breath he cursed the anuppans, and thenceforth they never prospered, and now not one of them is left in the town. a fig tree to the east of the village is shown as marking the place where ramachcha's body was burned; near it is the tank, the ramachchankulam; and under the bank of this is his math, where his ashes were deposited." [ ] kapu.--the kapus or reddis are the largest caste in the madras presidency, numbering more than two millions, and are the great caste of cultivators, farmers, and squireens in the telugu country. in the gazetteer of anantapur they are described as being the great land-holding body in the telugu districts, who are held in much respect as substantial, steady-going yeomen, and next to the brahmans are the leaders of hindu society. in the salem manual it is stated that "the reddis are provident. they spend their money on the land, but are not parsimonious. they are always well dressed, if they can afford it. the gold ornaments worn by the women or the men are of the finest kind of gold. their houses are always neat and well built, and the reddis give the idea of good substantial ryots. they live chiefly on ragi (grain: eleusine coracana), and are a fine, powerful race." of proverbs relating to the hereditary occupation of the reddis, the following may be quoted. "only a reddi can cultivate the land, even though he has to drink for every clod turned over." "those are reddis who get their living by cultivating the earth." "the reddi who grows arika (paspalum strobiculatum) can have but one cloth for man and wife." "the term kapu," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "means a watchman, and reddi means a king. the kapus or reddis (ratti) appear to have been a powerful dravidian tribe in the early centuries of the christian era, for they have left traces of their presence at various places in almost every part of india. though their power has been put down from time to time by the chalukyas, the pallavas, and the bellalas, several families of zamindars came into existence after the captivity of pratapa rudra of warrangal in a.d. by the muhammadan emperor ghiyas-ud-din toghluk." writing in the manual of the salem district concerning the kongu kingdom, the rev. t. foulkes states that "the kongu kingdom claims to have existed from about the commencement of the christian era, and to have continued under its own independent kings down to nearly the end of the ninth century a.d., when it was conquered by the chola kings of tanjore, and annexed to their dominions. the earliest portion of the kongu chronicle (one of the manuscripts of the mackenzie collection) gives a series of short notices of the reigns of twenty-eight kings who ruled the country previous to its conquest by the cholas. these kings belonged to two distinct dynasties: the earlier line was of the solar race, and the later line of the ganga race. the earlier dynasty had a succession of seven kings of the ratti tribe, a tribe very extensively distributed, which has at various periods left its mark throughout almost every part of india. this is probably the earliest reference to them as a ruling power, and it is the most southern situation in which they ever held dominion. they disappear in these parts about the end of the second century a.d.; and, in the next historical references to them, we find them high up in the northern dakkan, amongst the kingdoms conquered by the chalukyas about the fourth century a.d. soon after they first crossed the nerbudda. in the kongu chronicle they are stated to be of the solar race: and the genealogies of this tribe accordingly trace them up to kusha, the second son of rama, the hero of the great solar epic of the hindus; but their claim to this descent is not undisputed. they are, however, sometimes said to be of the lunar race, and of the yadava tribe, though this latter statement is sometimes confined to the later rathors." according to the rev. t. foulkes, the name ratti is found under various forms, e.g., irattu, iretti, radda, rahtor, rathaur, rashtra-kuta, ratta, reddi, etc. in a note on the rashtrakutas, mr. j. f. fleet writes [ ] that "we find that, from the first appearance of the chalukyas in this part of the country, in the fifth century a.d., the kanarese districts of the bombay presidency were held by them, with short periods of interruption of their power caused by the invasions of the pallavas and other kings, down to about the early part or the middle of the eighth century a.d. their sway over this part of the country then ceased entirely for a time. this was due to an invasion by the rashtrakuta kings, who, like their predecessors, came from the north.... it is difficult to say when there was first a rashtrakuta kingdom. the earliest notices that we have of the family are contained in the western chalukya inscriptions. thus, the miraj plates tell us that jayasimha i, restored the fortunes of the chalukya dynasty by defeating, among others, one indra of the rashtrakuta family, who was the son of krishna, and who possessed an army of eight hundred elephants; and there is little doubt that appayika-govinda, who, as we are told in the aihole meguti inscription, came from the north and invaded the chalukya kingdom with his troops of elephants, and was repulsed by pulikesi ii, also belonged to this same dynasty. it is plain, therefore, that in the fifth and sixth centuries a.d. the rashtrakuta dynasty was one of considerable importance in central or in northern india. the later inscriptions state that the rashtrakutas were of the somavamsa or lunar race, and were descendants of yadu. dr. burnell seems inclined to look upon the family as of dravidian origin, as he gives 'rashtra' as an instance of the sanskritising of dravidian names, and considers it to be a mythological perversion for 'ratta,' which is the same as the kanarese and telugu 'reddi.' dr. bühler is unable to record any opinion as to 'whether the rashtrakutas were an aryan kshatriya, i.e., rajput race, which immigrated into the dekkan from the north like the chalukyas, or a dravidian family which was received into the aryan community after the conquest of the dekkan.' the earliest inscriptions, at any rate, show them as coming from the north, and, whatever may be their origin, as the word rashtrakuta is used in many inscriptions of other dynasties as the equivalent of rashtrapati, i.e., as an official word meaning 'the headman or governor of a country or district,' it appears to me that the selection of it as a dynastic name implies that, prior to attaining independent sovereignty, the rashtrakutas were feudal chiefs under some previous dynasty, of which they have not preserved any record." it is a common saying among the kapus that they can easily enumerate all the varieties of rice, but it is impossible to give the names of all the sections into which the caste is split up. some say that there are only fourteen of these, and use the phrase panta padnalagu kulalu, or panta and fourteen sections. the following sub-divisions are recorded by mr. stuart [ ] as being the most important:-- ayodhya, or oudh, where rama is reputed to have lived. the sub-division is found in madura and tinnevelly. they are very proud of their supposed connection with oudh. at the commencement of the marriage ceremony, the bride's party asks the bridegroom's who they are, and the answer is that they are ayodhya reddis. a similar question is then asked by the bridegroom's party, and the bride's friends reply that they are mithila reddis. balija. the chief telugu trading caste. many of the balijas are now engaged in cultivation, and this accounts for so many having returned kapu as their main caste, for kapu is a common telugu word for a ryot or cultivator. it is not improbable that there was once a closer connection than now between the kapus and balijas. bhumanchi (good earth). desur. possibly residents originally of a place called desur, though some derive the word from deha, body, and sura, valour, saying that they were renowned for their courage. gandi kottai. found in madura and tinnevelly. named after gandi kota in the ceded districts, whence they are said to have emigrated southward. gazula (glass bangle makers). a sub-division of the balijas. they are said to have two sections, called naga (cobra) and tabelu (tortoise), and, in some places, to keep their women gosha. kammapuri. these seem to be kammas, who, in some places, pass as kapus. some kammas, for example, who have settled in the city of madras, call themselves kapu or reddi. morasa. a sub-division of the vakkaligas. the verala icche kapulu, or kapus who give the fingers, have a custom which requires that, when a grandchild is born in a family, the wife of the eldest son of the grandfather must have the last two joints of the third and fourth fingers of her right hand amputated at a temple of bhairava. nerati, nervati, or neradu. most numerous in kurnool, and the ceded districts. oraganti. said to have formerly worked in the salt-pans. the name is possibly a corruption of warangal, capital of the pratapa rudra. pakanati. those who come from the eastern country (prak nadu). palle. in some places, the pallis who have settled in the telugu country call themselves palle kapulu, and give as their gotra jambumaha rishi, which is the gotra of the pallis. though they do not intermarry with the kapus, the palle kapulu may interdine with them. panta (panta, a crop). the largest sub-division of all. pedaganti or pedakanti. by some said to be named after a place called pedagallu. by others the word is said to be derived from peda, turned aside, and kamma eye, indicating one who turns his eyes away from the person who speaks to him. another suggestion is that it means stiff-necked. the pedakantis are said to be known by their arrogance. the following legend is narrated in the baramahal records. [ ] "on a time, the guru or patriarch came near a village, and put up in a neighbouring grove until he sent in a dasari to apprize his sectaries of his approach. the dasari called at the house of one of them, and announced the arrival of the guru, but the master of the house took no notice of him, and, to avoid the guru, he ran away through the back door of the house, which is called peradu, and by chance came to the grove, and was obliged to pay his respects to the guru, who asked if he had seen his dasari, and he answered that he had been all day from home. on which, the guru sent for the dasari, and demanded the reason of his staying away so long, when he saw the master of the house was not in it. the dasari replied that the person was at home when he went there, but that, on seeing him, he fled through the back door, which the guru finding true, he surnamed him the peratiguntavaru or the runaway through the back door, now corruptly called perdagantuwaru, and said that he would never honour him with another visit, and that he and his descendants should henceforth have no guru or patriarch." pokanadu (poka, areca palm: areca catechu). velanati. kapus from a foreign (veli) country. yerlam. "the last division," mr. stuart writes, "are the most peculiar of all, and are partly of brahmanical descent. the story goes that a brahman girl named yerlamma, not having been married by her parents in childhood, as she should have been, was for that reason turned out of her caste. a kapu, or some say a besta man, took compassion on her, and to him she bore many children, the ancestors of the yerlam kapu caste. in consequence of the harsh treatment of yerlamma by her parents and caste people, all her descendants hate brahmans with a deadly hatred, and look down upon them, affecting also to be superior to every other caste. they are most exclusive, refusing to eat with any caste whatever, or even to take chunam (lime for chewing with betel) from any but their own people, whereas brahmans will take lime from a sudra, provided a little curd be mixed with it. the yerlam kapus do not employ priests of the brahman or other religious classes even for their marriages. at these no homam (sacred fire) ceremony is performed, and no worship offered to vigneswara, but they simply ascertain a fortunate day and hour, and get an old matron (sumangali) to tie the tali to the bride's neck, after which there is feasting and merry-making." the panta kapus are said to be divided into two tegas or endogamous divisions, viz., perama reddi or muduru kapu (ripe or old kapu); and katama reddi or letha kapu (young or unripe kapus). a sub-division called konda (hill) kapus is mentioned by the rev. j. cain [ ] as being engaged in cultivation and the timber trade in the eastern ghats near the godavari river (see konda dora). akula (betel-leaf seller) was returned at the census, , as a sub-caste of kapus. in the census report, , kapu (indicating cultivator), is given as a sub-division of chakkiliyans, dommaras, gadabas, savaras and telis. it further occurs as a sub-division of mangala. some maratha cultivators in the telugu country are known as are kapu. the konda doras are also called konda kapus. in the census report, , pandu is returned as a tamil synonym, and kampo as an oriya form of kapu. reddi is the usual title of the kapus, and is the title by which the village munsiff is called in the telugu country, regardless of the caste to which he may belong. reddi also occurs as a sub-division of cultivating linga balijas, telugu vadukans or vadugans in the tamil country, velamas, and yanadis. it is further given as a name for kavarais engaged in agriculture, and as a title of the kallangi sub-division of pallis, and sadars. the name sambuni reddi is adopted by some palles engaged as fishermen. as examples of exogamous septs among the kapus, the following may be cited:-- avula, cow. alla, grain. bandi, cart. barrelu, buffaloes. dandu, army. gorre, sheep. gudise, hut. guntaka, harrow. kodla, fowl. mekala, goats. kanugala, pongamia glabra. mungaru, woman's skirt. nagali, plough. tangedu, cassia auriculata. udumala, varanus bengalensis. varige, setaria italica. yeddulu, bulls. yenuga, elephant. at conjeeveram, some panta reddis have true totemistic septs, of which the following are examples:-- magili (pandanus fascicularis). women do not, like women of other castes, use the flower-bracts for the purpose of adorning themselves. a man has been known to refuse to purchase some bamboo mats, because they were tied with the fibre of this tree. ippi (bassia longifolia). the tree, and its products, must not be touched. mancham (cot). they avoid sleeping on cots. arigala (paspalum scrobiculatum). the grain is not used as food. chintaginjalu (tamarind seeds). the seeds may not be touched, or used. puccha (citrullus vulgaris; water melon). the fruit may not be eaten. the pichigunta vandlu, a class of mendicants who beg chiefly from kapus and gollas, manufacture pedigrees and gotras for these castes and the kammas. concerning the origin of the kapus, the following legend is current. during the reign of pratapa rudra, the wife of one belthi reddi secured by severe penance a brilliant ear ornament (kamma) from the sun. this was stolen by the king's minister, as the king was very anxious to secure it for his wife. belthi reddi's wife told her sons to recover it, but her eldest son refused to have anything to do with the matter, as the king was involved in it. the second son likewise refused, and used foul language. the third son promised to secure it, and, hearing this, one of his brothers ran away. finally the ornament was recovered by the youngest son. the panta kapus are said to be descended from the eldest son, the pakanatis from the second, the velamas from the son who ran away, and the kammas from the son who secured the jewel. the kapus are said to have originally dwelt in ayodhya. during the reign of bharata, one pillala mari belthi reddi and his sons deceived the king by appropriating all the grain to themselves, and giving him the straw. the fraud was detected by rama when he assumed charge of the kingdom, and, as a punishment, he ordered the kapus to bring cucurbita (pumpkin) fruits for the sradh (death ceremony) of dasaratha. they accordingly cultivated the plant, but, before the ceremony took place, all the plants were uprooted by hanuman, and no fruits were forthcoming. in lieu thereof, they promised to offer gold equal in weight to that of the pumpkin, and brought all of which they were possessed. this they placed in the scales, but it was not sufficient to counterbalance a pumpkin against which it was weighed. to make up the deficiency in weight, the kapu women removed their bottus (marriage badges), and placed them in the scales. since that time women of the motati and pedakanti sections have substituted a cotton string dyed with turmeric for the bottu. it is worthy of notice that a similar legend is current among the vakkaligas (cultivators) of mysore, who, instead of giving up the bottu, seem to have abandoned the cultivation of the cucurbita plant. the exposure of the fraud led belthi reddi to leave ayodhya with one of his wives and seventy-seven children, leaving behind thirteen wives. in the course of their journey, they had to cross the silanadi (petrifying river), and, if they passed through the water, they would have become petrified. so they went to a place called dhonakonda, and, after worshipping ganga, the head of the idol was cut off, and brought to the river bank. the waters, like those of the red sea in the time of pharaoh, were divided, and the kapus crossed on dry ground. in commemoration of this event, the kapus still worship ganga during their marriage ceremonies. after crossing the river, the travellers came to the temple of mallikarjuna, and helped the jangams in the duties of looking after it. some time afterwards the jangams left the place for a time, and placed the temple in charge of the kapus. on their return, the kapus refused to hand over charge to them, and it was decided that whoever should go to nagalokam (the abode of snakes), and bring back naga malligai (jasmine from snake-land), should be considered the rightful owner of the temple. the jangams, who were skilled in the art of transformation, leaving their mortal frames, went in search of the flower in the guise of spirits. taking advantage of this, the kapus burnt the bodies of the jangams, and, when the spirits returned, there were no bodies for them to enter. thereon the god of the temple became angry, and transformed the jangams into crows, which attacked the kapus, who fled to the country of oraganti pratapa rudra. as this king was a sakti worshipper, the crows ceased to harass the kapus, who settled down as cultivators. of the produce of the land, nine-tenths were to be given to the king, and the kapus were to keep a tithe. at this time the wife of belthi reddi was pregnant, and she asked her sons what they would give to the son who was about to be born. they all promised to give him half their earnings. the child grew into a learned man and poet, and one day carried water to the field where his brothers were at work. the vessel containing the water was only a small one, and there was not enough water for all. but he prayed to sarasvati, with whose aid the vessel was always filled up. towards evening, the grain collected during the day was heaped together, with a view to setting apart the share for the king. but a dispute arose among the brothers, and it was decided that only a tithe should be given to him. the king, being annoyed with the kapus for not giving him his proper share, waited for an opportunity to bring disgrace on belthi reddi, and sought the assistance of a jangam, who managed to become the servant of belthi reddi's wife. after some time, he picked up her kamma when it fell off while she was asleep, and handed it over to pratapa rudra, who caused it to be proclaimed that he had secured the ornament as a preliminary to securing the person of its owner. the eldest son of belthi reddi, however, recovered the kamma in a fight with the king, during which he carried his youngest brother on his back. from him the kammas are descended. the velamas are descended from the sons who ran away, and the kapus from those who would neither fight nor run away. pollution at the first menstrual ceremony lasts, i am informed, for sixteen days. every day, both morning and evening, a dose of gingelly (sesamum) oil is administered to the girl, and, if it produces much purging, she is treated with buffalo ghi (clarified butter). on alternate days water is poured over her head, and from the neck downwards. the cloth which she wears, whether new or old, becomes the property of the washerwoman. on the first day the meals consist of milk and dhal (cajanus indicus), but on subsequent days cakes, etc., are allowed. in their marriage ceremonial, the panta reddis of the south arcot and salem districts appear to follow the brahmanical form. in the telugu country, however, it is as follows. on the pradhanam or betrothal day, the party of the bridegroom-elect go in procession under a canopy (ulladam), attended by musicians, and matrons carrying betel, cocoanuts, date and plantain fruits, and turmeric on plates. as soon as they have arrived at the courtyard of the future bride's house, she seats herself on a plank. a brahman purohit moulds a little turmeric paste into a conical mass representing vigneswara (the elephant god), and it is worshipped by the girl, in front of whom the trays brought by the women are placed. she is presented with a new cloth, which she puts on, and a near female relation gives her three handfuls of areca nuts, a few betel leaves, and the bride-price and jewels tied up in a turmeric-dyed cloth. all these things the girl deposits in her lap. the fathers of the contracting couple then exchange betel, with the customary formula. "the girl is yours, and the money mine" and "the money is yours, and the girl mine." early on the wedding morning the bridegroom's party, accompanied by a purohit and washerman (tsakala), go to fetch the bride from her house. the milk-post is set up, and is usually made of a branch of mimusops hexandra or, in the tamil country, odina wodier. on the conclusion of the marriage rites, the odina post is planted in the backyard, and, if it takes root and flourishes, it is regarded as a happy omen for the newly married couple. a small party of kapus, taking with them some food and gingelly (sesamum) oil, proceed in procession beneath a canopy to the house of a washerman (tsakala), in order to obtain from him a framework made of bamboo or sticks over which cotton threads are wound (dhornam), and the ganga idol, which is kept in his custody. the food is presented to him, and some rice poured into his cloth. receiving these things, he says that he cannot find the dhornam and idol without a torch-light, and demands gingelly oil. this is given to him, and the kapus return with the washerman carrying the dhornam and idol to the marriage house. when they arrive at the entrance thereto, red coloured food, coloured water (arathi) and incense are waved before the idol, which is taken into a room, and placed on a settle of rice. the washerman is then asked to tie the dhornam to the pandal (marriage booth) or roof of the house, and he demands some paddy, which is heaped up on the ground. standing thereon, he ties the dhornam. the people next proceed to the houses of the goldsmith and potter, and bring back the bottu (marriage badge) and thirteen marriage pots, on which threads (kankanam) are tied before they are removed. a brahman purohit ties the thread round one pot, and the kapus round the rest. the pots are placed in the room along with the ganga idol. the bottu is tied round the neck of a married woman who is closely related to the bridegroom. the contracting couple are seated with the ends of their clothes tied together. a barber comes with a cup of water, and a tray containing rice dyed with turmeric is placed on the floor. a number of men and women then scatter rice over the heads of the bride and bridegroom, and, after, waving a silver or copper coin in front of them, throw it into the barber's cup. the barber then pares the finger and toe nails of the bridegroom, and touches the toe nails of the bride with his razor. they then go through the nalagu ceremony, being smeared with oil and phaseolus mungo paste, and bathe. after the bath the bridegroom, dressed in his wedding finery, proceeds to the temple. as he leaves the house, a madiga hands him a pair of shoes, which he puts on. the madiga is given food placed in a basket on eleven leaves. at the temple worship is performed, and a bhatrazu (bard and panegyrist), who has accompanied the bridegroom, ties a bashingham (chaplet) on his forehead. from this moment the bhatrazu must remain with the bridegroom, as his personal attendant, painting the sectarian marks on his forehead, and carrying out other functions. in like manner, a bhogam woman (dedicated prostitute) waits on the bride. "the tradition," mr. stuart writes, "is that the bhatrazus were a northern caste, which was first invited south by king pratapa rudra of the kshatriya dynasty of warrangal ( - a.d.). after the downfall of that kingdom they seem to have become court bards and panegyrists under the reddi and velama feudal chiefs." from the temple the bridegroom and his party come to the marriage pandal, and, after food and other things have been waved to avert the evil eye, he enters the house. on the threshold his brother-in-law washes his feet, and sits thereon till he has extracted some money or a cow as a present. the bridegroom then goes to the marriage dais, whither the bride is conducted, and stands facing him, with a screen interposed between them. vigneswara is worshipped, and the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on, the bridegroom placing his right foot on the left foot of the bride. the bottu is removed from the neck of the married woman, passed round to be blessed, and tied by the bridegroom on the bride's neck. the bride is lifted up by her maternal uncle, and the couple sprinkle each other with rice. the screen is removed, and they sit side by side with the ends of their cloths tied together. rice is thrown over them by those assembled, and they are made to gaze at the pole star (arundati). the proceedings terminate by the pair searching for a finger-ring and pap-bowl in one of the pots filled with water. on the second day there is feasting, and the nalagu ceremony is again performed. on the following day, the bridegroom and his party pretend to take offence at some thing which is done by the bride's people, who follow them with presents, and a reconciliation is speedily effected. towards evening, a ceremony called nagavali, or sacrifice to the devatas, is performed. the bridal pair, with the bhatrazu and bhogam woman, occupy the dais. the brahman purohit places on a tray a conical mass of turmeric representing vigneswara, to whom puja (worship) is done. he then places a brass vessel (kalasam) filled with water, and with its mouth closed by a cocoanut, on a settle of rice spread on a tray. the kalasam is worshipped as representing the devatas. the brahman invokes the blessing of all the gods and devatas, saying "let siva bless the pair," "let indra bless the pair," etc. a near relative of the bridegroom sits by the side of the purohit with plenty of betel leaves and areca nuts. after each god or devata has been mentioned, he throws some of the nuts and leaves into a tray, and, as these are the perquisites of the purohit, he may repeat the same name three or four times. the kapu then makes playful remarks about the greed of the purohit, and, amid much laughter, refuses to put any more leaves or nuts in the tray. this ceremonial concluded, the near relations of the bridegroom stand in front of him, and, with hands crossed, hold over his head two brass plates, into which a small quantity of milk is poured. fruit, betel leaves and areca nuts (pan-supari) are next distributed in a recognised order of precedence. the first presentation is made to the house god, the second to the family priest, and the third to the brahman purohit. if a pakanati kapu is present, he must receive his share immediately after the brahman, and before other kapus, kammas, and others. before it is presented to each person, the leaves and nuts are touched by the bridegroom, and the hand of the bride is placed on them by the bhogam woman. at a panta kapu wedding, the ganga idol, together with a goat and a kavadi (bamboo pole with baskets of rice, cakes, betel leaves and areca nuts), is carried in procession to a pond or temple. the washerman, dressed up as a woman, heads the procession, and keeps on dancing and singing till the destination is reached. the idol is placed inside a rude triangular hut made of three sheaves of straw, and the articles brought in the baskets are spread before it. on the heap of rice small lumps of flour paste are placed, and these are made into lights by scooping out cavities, and feeding the wicks with ghi (clarified butter). one of the ears of the goat is then cut, and it is brought near the food. this done, the lights are extinguished, and the assembly returns home without the least noise. the washerman takes charge of the idol, and goes his way. if the wedding is spread over five days, the ganga idol is removed on the fourth day, and the customary mock-ploughing ceremony performed on the fifth. the marriage ceremonies close with the removal of the threads from the wrists of the newly married couple. among the panta reddis of the tamil country, the ganga idol is taken in procession by the washerman two or three days before the marriage, and he goes to every reddi house, and receives a present of money. the idol is then set up in the verandah, and worshipped daily till the conclusion of the marriage ceremonies. "among the reddis of tinnevelly," dr. j. shortt writes, "a young woman of sixteen or twenty years of age is frequently married to a boy of five or six years, or even of a more tender age. after marriage she, the wife, lives with some other man, a near relative on the maternal side, frequently an uncle, and sometimes with the boy-husband's own father. the progeny so begotten are affiliated on the boy-husband. when he comes of age, he finds his wife an old woman, and perhaps past child-bearing. so he, in his turn, contracts a liaison with some other boy's wife, and procreates children." the custom has doubtless been adopted in imitation of the maravans, kallans, agamudaiyans, and other castes, among whom the reddis have settled. in an account of the ayodhya reddis of tinnevelly, mr. stuart writes that it is stated that "the tali is peculiar, consisting of a number of cotton threads besmeared with turmeric, without any gold ornament. they have a proverb that he who went forth to procure a tali and a cloth never returned." this proverb is based on the following legend. in days of yore a reddi chief was about to be married, and he accordingly sent for a goldsmith, and, desiring him to make a splendid tali, gave him the price of it in advance. the smith was a drunkard, and neglected his work. the day for the celebration of the marriage arrived, but there was no tali. whereupon the old chief, plucking a few threads from his garment, twisted them into a cord, and tied it round the neck of the bride, and this became a custom. [ ] in the census report, , mr. stuart states that he was informed that polyandry of the fraternal type exists among the panta kapus, but the statement requires verification. i am unable to discover any trace of this custom, and it appears that reddi yanadis are employed by panta reddis as domestic servants. if a reddi yanadi's husband dies, abandons, or divorces his wife, she may marry his brother. and, in the case of separation or divorce, the two brothers will live on friendly terms with each other. in the indian law reports [ ] it is noted that the custom of illatom, [ ] or affiliation of a son-in-law, obtains among the motati kapus in bellary and kurnool, and the pedda kapus in nellore. he who has at the time no son, although he may have more than one daughter, and whether or not he is hopeless of having male issue, may exercise the right of taking an illatom son-in-law. for the purposes of succession this son-in-law stands in the place of a son, and, in competition with natural-born sons, takes an equal share. [ ] according to the kurnool manual ( ), "the pakanadus of pattikonda and ramallakota taluks allow a widow to take a second husband from among the caste-men. she can wear no signs of marriage, such as the tali, glass bangles, and the like, but she as well as her husband is allowed to associate with the other caste-men on equal terms. their progeny inherit their father's property equally with children born in regular wedlock, but they generally intermarry with persons similarly circumstanced. their marriage with the issue of a regularly married couple is, however, not prohibited. it is matter for regret that this privilege of remarrying is much abused, as among the linga balijas. not unfrequently it extends to pregnant widows also, and so widows live in adultery with a caste-man without fear of excommunication, encouraged by the hope of getting herself united to him or some other caste-man in the event of pregnancy. in many cases, caste-men are hired for the purpose of going through the forms of marriage simply to relieve such widows from the penalty of excommunication from caste. the man so hired plays the part of husband for a few days, and then goes away in accordance with his secret contract." the abuse of widow marriage here referred to is said to be uncommon, though it is sometimes practiced among kapus and other castes in out-of-the-way villages. it is further noted in the kurnool manual that pedakanti kapu women do not wear the tali, or a bodice (ravika) to cover their breasts. and the tight-fitting bodice is said [ ] to be "far less universal in anantapur than bellary, and, among some castes (e.g., certain sub-divisions of the kapus and idigas), it is not worn after the first confinement." in the disposal of their dead, the rites among the kapus of the telugu country are very similar to those of the kammas and balijas. the panta reddis of the tamil country, however, follow the ceremonial in vogue among various tamil castes. the news of a death in the community is conveyed by a paraiyan toti (sweeper). the dead man's son receives a measure containing a light from a barber, and goes three times round the corpse. at the burning-ground the barber, instead of the son, goes thrice round the corpse, carrying a pot containing water, and followed by the son, who makes holes therein. the stream of water which trickles out is sprinkled over the corpse. the barber then breaks the pot into very small fragments. if the fragments were large, water might collect in them, and be drunk by birds, which would bring sickness (pakshidhosham) on children, over whose heads they might pass. on the day after the funeral, a panisavan or barber extinguishes the fire, and collects the ashes together. a washerman brings a basket containing various articles required for worship, and, after puja has been performed, a plant of leucas aspera is placed on the ashes. the bones are collected in a new pot, and thrown into a river, or consigned by parcel-post to an agent at benares, and thrown into the ganges. by religion the kapus are both vaishnavites and saivites, and they worship a variety of deities, such as thallamma, nagarapamma, putlamma, ankamma, muneswara, poleramma, desamma. to muneswara and desamma pongal (cooked rice) is offered, and buffaloes are sacrificed to poleramma. even matangi, the goddess of the madigas, is worshipped by some kapus. at purificatory ceremonies a madiga basavi woman, called matangi, is sent for, and cleanses the house or its inmates from pollution by sprinkling and spitting out toddy. from an interesting note [ ] on agricultural ceremonies in the bellary district, the following extract is taken. "on the first full-moon day in the month of bhadrapada (september), the agricultural population celebrate a feast called the jokumara feast, to appease the rain-god. the barikas (women), who are a sub-division of the kabbera caste belonging to the gaurimakkalu section, go round the town or village in which they live, with a basket on their heads containing margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves, flowers of various kinds, and holy ashes. they beg alms, especially of the cultivating classes (kapus), and, in return for the alms bestowed (usually grain and food), they give some of the margosa leaves, flowers, and ashes. the kapus take these to their fields, prepare cholam (millet: sorghum) gruel, mix them with it, and sprinkle the kanji or gruel all round their fields. after this, the kapu proceeds to the potter's kiln, fetches ashes from it, and makes a figure of a human being. this figure is placed prominently in some convenient spot in the field, and is called jokumara or rain-god. it is supposed to have the power of bringing down the rain in proper time. the figure is sometimes small, and sometimes big. a second kind of jokumara worship is called muddam, or outlining of rude representations of human figures with powdered charcoal. these representations are made in the early morning, before the bustle of the day commences, on the ground at crossroads and along thoroughfares. the barikas who draw these figures are paid a small remuneration in money or in kind. the figure represents jokumara, who will bring down rain when insulted by people treading on him. another kind of jokumara worship also prevails in this district. when rain fails, the kapu females model a figure of a naked human being of small size. they place this figure in an open mock palanquin, and go from door to door singing indecent songs, and collecting alms. they continue this procession for three or four days, and then abandon the figure in a field adjacent to the village. the malas then take possession of this abandoned jokumara, and in their turn go about singing indecent songs and collecting alms for three or four days, and then throw it away in some jungle. this form of jokumara worship is also believed to bring down plenty of rain. there is another simple superstition among these kapu females. when rain fails, the kapu females catch hold of a frog, and tie it alive to a new winnowing fan made of bamboo. on this fan, leaving the frog visible, they spread a few margosa leaves, and go singing from door to door 'lady frog must have her bath. oh! rain-god, give a little water for her at least.' this means that the drought has reached such a stage that there is not even a drop of water for the frogs. when the kapu woman sings this song, the woman of the house brings a little water in a vessel, pours it over the frog which is left on the fan outside the door, and gives some alms. the woman of the house is satisfied that such an action will soon bring down rain in torrents." in the kapu community, women play an important part, except in matters connected with agriculture. this is accounted for by a story to the effect that, when they came from ayodhya, the kapus brought no women with them, and sought the assistance of the gods in providing them with wives. they were told to marry women who were the illegitimate issue of pandavas, and the women consented on the understanding that they were to be given the upper hand, and that menial service, such as husking paddy (rice), cleaning vessels, and carrying water, should be done for them. they accordingly employ gollas and gamallas, and, in the tamil country, pallis as domestic servants. malas and madigas freely enter kapu houses for the purpose of husking paddy, but are not allowed into the kitchen, or room in which the household gods are worshipped. in some kapu houses, bundles of ears of paddy may be seen hung up as food for sparrows, which are held in esteem. the hopping of sparrows is said to resemble the gait of a person confined in fetters, and there is a legend that the kapus were once in chains, and the sparrows set them at liberty, and took the bondage on themselves. it has been noted [ ] by mr. c. k. subbha rao, of the agricultural department, that the reddis and others, who migrated southward from the telugu country, "occupy the major portion of the black cotton soil of the tamil country. there is a strange affinity between the telugu cultivators and black cotton soil; so much so that, if a census was taken of the owners of such soil in the tamil districts of coimbatore, trichinopoly, madura, and tinnevelly, ninety per cent, would no doubt prove to be vadugars (northerners), or the descendants of telugu immigrants. so great is the attachment of the vadugan to the black cotton soil that the tamilians mock him by saying that, when god offered paradise to the vadugan, the latter hesitated, and enquired whether there was black cotton soil there." in a note on the pongala or pokanati and panta reddis of the trichinopoly district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes as follows. "both speak telugu, but they differ from each other in their customs, live in separate parts of the country, and will neither intermarry nor interdine. the reddis will not eat on equal terms with any other sudra caste, and will accept separate meals only from the vegetarian section of the vellalas. they are generally cultivators, but they had formerly rather a bad reputation for crime, and it is said that some of them are receivers of stolen property. like various other castes, they have beggars, called bavani nayakkans, attached to them, who beg from no other caste, and whose presence is necessary when they worship their caste goddess. the chakkiliyans are also attached to them, and play a prominent part in the marriages of the panta sub-division. formerly, a chakkiliyan was deputed to ascertain the status of the other party before the match was arranged, and his dreams were considered as omens of its desirability. he was also honoured at the marriage by being given the first betel and nuts. nowadays he precedes the bridegroom's party with a basket of fruit, to announce its coming. a chakkiliyan is also often deputed to accompany a woman on a journey. the caste goddess of the reddis is yellamma, whose temple is at esanai in perambalur, and she is reverenced by both pantas and pongalas. the latter observe rather gruesome rites, including the drinking of a kid's blood. the pantas also worship rengayiamman and polayamman with peculiar ceremonies. the women are the principal worshippers, and, on one of the nights after pongal, they unite to do reverence to these goddesses, a part of the ritual consisting in exposing their persons. with this may be compared the sevvaipillayar rite celebrated in honour of ganesa by vellala woman (see vellala). both divisions of reddis wear the sacred thread at funerals. neither of them allow divorcées or widows to marry again. the women of the two divisions can be easily distinguished by their appearance. the panta reddis wear a characteristic gold ear-ornament called kammal, a flat nose-ring studded with inferior rubies, and a golden wire round the neck, on which both the tali and the pottu are tied. they are of fairer complexion than the pongala women. the panta women are allowed a great deal of freedom, which is usually ascribed to their dancing-girl origin, and are said to rule their husbands in a manner rare in other castes. they are often called devadiya (dancing-girl) reddis, and it is said that, though the men of the caste receive hospitality from the reddis of the north country, their women are not invited. their chastity is said to be frail, and their lapses easily condoned by their husbands. the pongalas are equally lax about their wives, but are said to rigorously expel girls or widows who misconduct themselves, and their seducers as well. however, the panta men and women treat each other with a courtesy that is probably to be found in no other caste, rising and saluting each other, whatever their respective ages, whenever they meet. the purification ceremony for a house defiled by the unchastity of a maid or widow is rather an elaborate affair. formerly a kolakkaran (huntsman), a tottiyan, a priest of the village goddess, a chakkiliyan, and a bavani nayakkan had to be present. the tottiyan is now sometimes dispensed with. the kolakkaran and the bavani nayakkan burn some kamacchi grass (andropogon schoenanthus), and put the ashes in three pots of water. the tottiyan then worships pillayar (ganesa) in the form of some turmeric, and pours the turmeric into the water. the members of the polluted household then sit in a circle, while the chakkiliyan carries a black kid round the circle. he is pursued by the bavani nayakkan, and both together cut off the animal's head, and bury it. the guilty parties have then to tread on the place where the head is buried, and the turmeric and ash water is poured over them. this ceremony rather resembles the one performed by the uralis. the pantas are said to have no caste panchayats (council), whereas the pongalas recognise the authority of officers called kambalakkarans and kottukkarans who uphold the discipline." the following are some of the proverbs relating to the kapus:-- the kapu protects all. the kapu's difficulties are known only to god. the kapu dies from even the want of food. the kapu knows not the distinction between daughter and daughter-in-law (i.e., both must work for him). the karnam (village accountant) is the cause of the kapu's death. the kapu goes not to the fort (i.e., into the presence of the raja). a modern variant is that the kapu goes not to the court (of law). while the kapu was sluggishly ploughing, thieves stole the rope collars. the year the kapu came in, the famine came too. the reddis are those who will break open the soil to fill their bellies. when the unpracticed reddi got into a palanquin, it swung from side to side. the reddi who had never mounted a horse sat with his face to the tail. the reddi fed his dog like a horse, and barked himself. karadhi.--a name sometimes given to mari holeyas. karadi (bear).--an exogamous sept of tottiyan. karaikkat.--karaikkat, karaikkatar, or karkatta, meaning those who waited for rain, or, according to another version, those who saved or protected the clouds, is an endogamous division of vellala. some tamil malayalis, who claim to be vellalas who emigrated to the hills from conjeeveram, have, at times of census, returned themselves as karaikkaat vellalas. karaiturai (sea-coast) vellala.--a name assumed by some pattanavans. karaiyalan (ruler of the coast).--a title of maravans, also taken by some idaiyans. karaiyan.--a name for tamil sea-fishermen, who live on the coast (karai). the fishing section of the palles is known as palle kariyalu. see pattanavan. karalan.--in the census report, , the karalans (rulers of clouds) are returned as a tribe of hunters and cultivators found in the hills of salem and south arcot. in the report, , karalan is given as a synonym for vellala in malabar, and also as a name for malayalis. at the census, , many of the malayalis of the shevaroy hills in the salem district returned themselves as vellalas and karalans. and the divisions returned by the karalans, e.g., kolli, pacchai, periya, and perianan, connect them with these malayalis (q.v.). karepaku.--karepaku or karuvepilai is a name for koravas, who hawk for sale leaves of the curry-leaf plant (murraya koenigii). karichcha.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. karimbarabannaya (sugar-cane sept).--an exogamous sept of kelasi. karimpalan.--the karimpalans are a small hunting and cultivating forest tribe in malabar. they are "punam (shifting) cultivators, hewers of wood, and collectors of wild pepper, and are found in all the foot hills north of the camel's hump. they wear the kudumi (hair knot), and are said to follow the marumakkatayam system of inheritance in the female line, but they do not perform the tali kettu ceremony. they are supposed to have the power of exorcising the demon karuvilli, possession by whom takes the form of fever." [ ] kariya.--a sub-division of kudubi. karkadabannaya (scorpion sept).--an exogamous sept of bant. karkatta.--a synonym of karaikattu vellala. karna.--a sub-division of golla, and an exogamous sept of mala. karnabattu.--the karnabattus, or karnabhatus, are a telugu weaving caste, found chiefly in the godavari district. the story goes that there once lived a king, who ruled over a portion of the country now included in this district, and was worried by a couple of demons, who carried off some of his subjects for their daily food. the king prayed siva for deliverance from them, and the god, being gratified at his devotion to him, produced nine persons from his ears, and ordered them to slay the demons. this they did, and their descendants are the karnabhatus, or ear soldiers. by religion, the karnabattus are either ordinary saivites or lingayats. when a girl reaches maturity, she remains under a pollution for sixteen days. early marriage is the rule, and a brahman officiates at weddings. the dead, as among other lingayats, are buried in a sitting posture. the caste is organised in the same manner as the sales, and, at each place, there is a headman called kulampedda or jatipedda, corresponding to the senapatbi of the sales. they weave coarse cloths, which are inferior in texture to those manufactured by patta sales and silevantas. in a note on the karnabattus, mr. f. r. hemingway writes that "though a low caste, they forbid the remarriage of widows. but the remark in the census report ( ) that they abstain from meat is not true of the karnabattus questioned, who admitted that they would eat even pork. their special deity is somesvara, whom they unite to worship on the new-moon day of pushyam (january-february). the god is represented by a mud idol made for the occasion. the pujari (priest) throws flowers over it in token of adoration, and sits before it with his hands outstretched and his mouth closed until one of the flowers falls into his hands." the karnabattus have no regular caste titles, but sometimes the elders add ayya or anna as a suffix to their name. karna sale.--the karna sales are a caste of telugu weavers, who are called seniyans in the tamil country, e.g., at madura and tanjore. they seem to have no tradition as to their origin, but the name karna would seem to have its origin in the legend relating to the karnabattus. these are, in the community, both saivites and vaishnavites, and all members of the illabaththini sept are vaishnavites. they are said to have only one gotra, kasi (benares), and numerous exogamous septs, of which the following are examples:-- vasthrala, cloth. rudrakshala, seeds of elæocarpus ganitrus. mandha, village common or herd. kodavili, sickle. thadla, rope. thatichettu, palmyra palm. dhoddi, court-yard. thippa, rubbish-heap. in some places, the office of headman, who is called setti, is hereditary. he is assisted by a pedda kapu, and nela setti, of whom the latter is selected monthly, and derives his name from the telugu nela (month). in their marriage ceremonial, the karna sales closely follow the padma sales, but they have no upanayanam (sacred thread rite), or kasiyathre (mock pilgrimage to benares), have twelve pots brought for worship, and no pot-searching. as among other telugu castes, when a girl reaches puberty, twigs of strychnos nux-vomica are placed in the special hut erected for the occasion. on the third or fifth day, the girl's relations come to her house under a cloth canopy (ulladam), carrying rice soaked in jaggery (crude sugar) water. this rice is called dhadibiyam (wet rice), and is placed in a heap, and, after the waving of coloured water, distributed, with pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts), among those present. the dead are carried to the burial-ground in a car, and buried, after the manner of lingayats, in a sitting posture. jangams officiate at funerals. the caste deity is somesvara. some karna sales wear the lingam, but are not particular about keeping it on their person, leaving it in the house, and wearing it when at meals, and on important occasions. concerning the lingayat section of the community, mr. h. a. stuart writes, as follows. [ ] "the lingayats resemble the linga balijas in all their customs, in all respects, except that they recognise sutakam, or pollution, and bathe to remove it. they freely eat in the houses of all linga balijas, but the latter will not eat with them. they entirely disregard the spiritual authority of the brahmans, recognising priests among the linga balijas, jangams, or pandarams. in the exercise of their trade, they are distinguished from the kaikolans in that they sometimes weave in silk, which the kaikolans never do." like the padma sales, the karna sales usually only weave coarse cotton cloths. karnam.--see korono. karnam (accountant).--an exogamous sept of kamma. karnataka.--the territorial name of a sub-division of handichikka and uppara. it is also the name of a sub-division of madhva and smarta brahmans who speak the kanarese language, as opposed to the desastha brahmans, who are immigrants into southern india from the maratha country. karo panikkar.--a class of temple servants in malabar. "the karo panikkar is said to be descended from the union of vettakorumagan (the god of hunting) and a kiriyattil nayar woman. his occupation is to act as vellichapad or oracle in temples dedicated to his divine ancestor." [ ] karpura chetti.--a synonym of uppiliyans, who used to manufacture camphor (karpura). karta.--karta and kartavu, meaning agent or doer, is an honorific title of nayars and samantas. it is also the name for the chief mourner at funerals of nayars and other castes on the west coast. kartakkal, denoting, it is said, governors, has been returned, at times of census by balijas claiming to be descendants of the nayak kings of madura and tanjore. karukku-pattayar (those of the sharp sword).--a sub-division of shanan. in the census report, , the division karukku-mattai (petiole of the palmyra leaf with serrated edges) was returned. some shanans are said to have assumed the name of karukku-mattai vellalas. karumala (black mountain).--an exogamous sept of kanikar. karuman.--a sub-division of kammalans, who do blacksmith's work. karumpuraththal.--a synonym for the caste name adopted by some kappiliyans. karumpurattan.--it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "the term karumpurattan is said to be a corruption of karu-aruttar, which means the annihilators, and to have been given to the caste because they are the descendants of a garrison of chola vellalas, who treacherously allowed an enemy to enter the tanjore fort, and annihilate the raja and his family. winslow, however, says [ ] that karumpuram is a palmyra tree. [ ] and karumpurattan may thus mean a palmyra man, that is, a toddy-drawer. in the enumeration schedules, the name was often written karumpuran. if this etymology is correct, this caste must originally have been shanans or iluvans. it is said to have come from the village of tiruvadamarudur in tanjore, and settled in the north-eastern part of madura. the caste has seven sub-castes, called after seven nadus or villages in madura, in which it originally settled. in its ceremonies, etc., it closely follows the ilamagams. its title is pillai." karutta (dark-coloured).--recorded, at the madras census, , as a sub-division of idaiyans, who have also returned karuttakkadu, meaning black cotton soil or regur. karuva haddi.--a name for the scavenging section of haddis. karuvan.--a corrupt form of karuman. karuvelam.--recorded in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. kasayi (butcher).--a muhammadan occupational name. kasi (benares).--a gotra of medara and karna sale. kasi.--a name for the stone-mason section of kamsalas. kasturi (musk).--an exogamous sept of badaga, kamma, okkiliyan, and vakkaliga. indian musk is obtained from the musk glands of the himalayan musk-deer, moschus moschiferus. kasuba (workmen).--a section of irulas of the nilgiris, who have abandoned jungle life in favour of working on planters' estates or elsewhere. kasukkar.--the name, derived from kas, cash, of a sub-division of chetti. kasula (copper coins).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. kasyapa.--a brahmanical gotra adopted by bhatrazus, khatris, and tontis. kasyapa was one of the seven important rishis, and the priest of parasu rama. katakam (crab).--an exogamous sept of komati. katal arayan.--see valan. katari (dagger: katar).--an exogamous sept of golla, mutracha, and yerukala. the dagger or poignard, called katar, has "a solid blade of diamond section, the handle of which consists of two parallel bars with a cross-piece joining them. the hand grips the crosspiece, and the bars pass along each side of the wrist." [ ] katasan.--recorded [ ] as "a small caste of basket-makers and lime-burners in the tinnevelly district. it has at least two endogamous sub-divisions, namely, pattankatti and nittarasan. widows are allowed to remarry. the dead are buried. the social position of the caste is above that of the vettuvans, and they consider themselves polluted if they eat food prepared by a shanan. but they are not allowed to enter hindu temples, they worship devils, and they have separate washermen and barbers of their own, all of which are signs of inferiority. their title is pattamkatti, and kottan is also used." kaththavaraya.--a synonym for vannan, derived from kaththavaraya, the deified son of kali, from whom the vannans trace their descent. kaththe (donkey).--an exogamous sept of madiga. kaththi (knife).--an exogamous sept of devanga and madiga. kaththiri (scissors).--an exogamous sept of devanga, and sub-division of gadaba. kaththiravandlu (scissors people).--concerning this section of the criminal classes, mr. f. s. mullaly writes to me as follows. "this is purely a nellore name for this class of professional pick-pockets. the appellation seems to have been given to them from the fact that they frequent fairs and festivals, and busy railway platforms, offering knives and scissors for sale. and, when an opportunity presents itself, they are used for cutting strings of beads, ripping open bags, etc. several of these light-fingered gentry have been found with small scissors in their mouths. most of them wear shoes of a peculiar shape, and these form a convenient receptacle for the scissors. bits of broken glass (to act as knives) are frequently found in their mouths. in different districts they are known by different appellations, such as donga dasaris in north arcot and parts of cuddapah; golla woddars, donga woddars, and muheri kalas in cuddapah, bellary, and kurnool; pachupus in kistna and godavari; alagiris, ena or thogamalai koravas in the southern districts. individuals belonging to this class of thieves have been traced, since the opening of the east coast railway, as far as midnapore. an important way of identifying them is the fact that everyone of them, male and female, is branded at the corners of the eyebrows and between the eyes in childhood, as a safeguard against convulsions." for the following additional information i am indebted to an official of the police department. "i am not aware of these people using any particular shoes. they use sandals such as are generally worn by ryots and the lower classes. these they get by stealing. they pick them up from houses during the daytime, when they go from house to house on the pretence of begging, or they steal them at nights along with other property. these sandals are made in different fashions in different districts, and so those possessed by kathiras are generally of different kinds, being stolen from various parts of the country. they have no shoes of any peculiar make, nor do they get any made at all. kathiras do not generally wear any shoes. they walk and run faster with bare feet. they wear shoes when walking through the jungle, and entrust them to one of their comrades when walking through the open country. they sometimes throw them off when closely pursued, and run away. in , when we arrested one on the highroad, he had with him five or six pairs of shoes of different kinds and sizes, and he did not account satisfactorily for being in possession of so many. i subsequently learnt that some supernumeraries were hiding in the jungle close to the place where he was arrested. "about marks of branding on the face, it is not only kathiras, but almost all nomadic tribes who have these marks. as the gangs move on exposed to changes of weather, the children sometimes get a disease called sandukatlu or palakurkura. they generally get this disease from the latter part of the first year up to the fifth year. the symptoms are similar to those which children sometimes have at the time of teething. it is when children get this disease that they are branded on the face between the eyebrows, on the outer corners of the eyes, and sometimes on the belly. the brand-marks on the face and corners of the eyes are circular, and those on the belly generally horizontal. the circular brand-marks are made with a long piece of turmeric, one end of which is burnt for the purpose, or with an indigo-coloured cloth rolled like a pencil and burnt at one end. the horizontal marks are made with a hot needle. similar brand-marks are made by some caste hindus on their children." to mr. p. b. thomas i am indebted for specimens of the chaplet, made of strips of rolled pith, worn by kaththira women when begging, and of the cotton bags, full of false pockets, regularly carried by both men and women, in which they secrete the little sharp knife and other articles constituting their usual equipment. in his "history of railway thieves," mr. m. paupa rao naidu, writing about the pick-pockets or thetakars, says that "most of them wear shoes called chadavs, and, if the articles stolen are very small, they put them at once into their shoes, which form very convenient receptacles from their peculiar shape; and, therefore, when a pick-pocket with such a shoe on is suspected of having stolen a jewel, the shoes must be searched first, then the mouth and the other parts of the body." kaththula (sword).--an exogamous sept of yanadi. katige (collyrium).--a gotra of kurni. katikala (collyrium).--an exogamous sept of devanga. katike.--the katike or katikilu are butchers in the telugu country, concerning whom it is noted, in the kurnool manual, that "some are called sultani butchers, or hindus forcibly circumcised by the late nabob of kurnool. they observe both mussalman and hindu customs." a correspondent in the kurnool district informs me that the butchers of kurnool belong to three classes, one selling beef, and the others mutton. of these, the first are muhammadans, and are called gayi khasayi, as they deal in beef. the other two are called respectively sultanis and surasus, i.e., the circumcised and uncircumcised. both claim to be the descendants of two brothers, and have the following tradition concerning their origin. tipu sultan is said not to have relished the idea of taking mutton at the hands of hindus, as they would not perform bismallah at the time of slaughtering the sheep. he accordingly ordered both the brothers to appear before him. being the manager of the family, the elder went, and was forcibly circumcised. on hearing the news, the younger brother absconded. the descendants of the former are muhammadans, and of the latter hindus. as he was made a muhammadan by force, the elder brother and his descendants did not adopt all the muhammadan manners and customs. till recently they did not even allow their beards to grow. at the present day, they go to mosques, dress like muhammadans, shave their heads, and grow beards, but do not intermarry with the true muhammadans. the descendants of the younger brother still call themselves ari-katikelu, or maratha butchers, profess the hindu religion, and follow hindu manners and customs. though they do not eat with muhammadans or sultanis, their hindu brethren shun them because of their profession, and their intimacy with sultanis. i am informed that, at nandyal in the kurnool district, some maratha butchers, who observe purely hindu customs, are called by muhammadan names. the tahsildar of the sirvel taluk in the same district states that, prior to the reign of the father of ghulam rasul khan, the dethroned nawab of kurnool, the butcher's profession was solely in the hands of the marathas, some of whom were, as stated in the manual, forcibly circumcised, and became a separate butcher caste, called sultani. there are two sections among these sultani butchers, viz., bakra (mutton) and gai kasai (beef butcher). similar stories of forcible conversion to the muhammadan religion are prevalent in the bellary district, where the kasayis are mostly converted hindus, who dress in the hindu style, but possess muhammadan names with hindu terminations, e.g., hussainappa. in connection with butchers, i may quote the following extract from a petition to the governor of madras on the subject of a strike among the madras butchers in . "we, the residents of madras, beg respectfully to bring to your excellency's notice the inconvenience and hardship we are suffering owing to the strike of the butchers in the city. the total failure of the supply of mutton, which is an important item in the diet of non-brahmin hindus, muhammadans, indian christians, parsis, eurasians and europeans, causes a deprivation not merely of something to which people have become accustomed, but of an article of food by which the health of many is sustained, and the want of which is calculated to impair their health, and expose them to diseases, against which they have hitherto successfully contended." katorauto.--a name for the offspring of maid servants in the harems of oriya zamindars, who are said to claim to be kshatriyas. katta.--katta or katte, meaning a bund, dam, or embankment, has been recorded as an exogamous sept or gotra of devanga and kurni. kattelu (sticks or faggots).--an exogamous sept of boya. kattira.--a sub-division of gadaba. kattu.--see kadu. kattukudugirajati.--the name, meaning the caste which allows living together after marriage of an informal kind, recorded [ ] as the caste name of turuvalars (vedars) of salem, derived from a custom among them, which authorises temporary matrimonial arrangements. kattu kapari (dweller in the forest).--said to be a name for irulas or villiyans. the equivalent kattu kapu is, in like manner, said to be a name for jogis. kattu marathi.--a synonym of kuruvikaran. kaudikiaru.--kaudikiaru or gaudikiaru is a title of kurubas. kavadi.--in the madras census report, , kabadi is returned as the name of a class of telugu wood-cutters. kavadi is the name of a division of koravas, who carry offerings to perumalswami at tirupati on a pole (kavadi). kavadi or kavadiga is further the name given to kannadiyan curd-sellers in madras, who carry the curds in pots as head-loads. kavalgar (watchman).--recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of ambalakaran, and title of nattaman, malaiman, and sudarman. the equivalent kavali is recorded as a sub-division of the kammas. the kavalis, or watchers, in the telugu country, are said to be generally lingayat boyas. [ ] the telugu mutrachas are also called kavalgar. the village kaval system in the southern districts is discussed in the note on maravans. kavandan.--at the census, , more than nine thousand people returned themselves as kavandan or kaundan, which is a title of konga vellalas, and many other castes, such as anappan, kappiliyan, palli, sembadavan, urali, and vettuvan. the name corresponds to the canarese gauda or gaunda. kaundinya (a sage).--a brahmanical gotra adopted by razus and bhatrazus. kavane (sling).--an exogamous sept of gangadikara holeyas. kavarai.--kavarai is the name for balijas (telugu trading caste), who have settled in the tamil country. the name is said to be a corrupt form of kauravar or gauravar, descendants of kuroo of the mahabaratha, or to be the equivalent of gauravalu, sons of gauri, the wife of siva. other suggested derivatives are: (a) a corrupt form of the sanskrit kvaryku, badness or reproach, and arya, i.e., deteriorated aryans; (b) sanskrit kavara, mixed, or kavaraha, a braid of hair, i.e., a mixed class, as many of the telugu professional prostitutes belong to this caste; (c) kavarai or gavaras, buyers or dealers in cattle. the kavarais call themselves balijas, and derive the name from bali, fire, jaha sprung, i.e., men sprung from fire. like other telugu castes, they have exogamous septs, e.g., tupaki (gun), jetti (wrestler), pagadala (coral), bandi (cart), simaneli, etc. the kavarais of srivilliputtur, in the tinnevelly district, are believed to be the descendants of a few families, which emigrated thither from manjakuppam (cuddalore) along with one dora krishnamma nayudu. about the time of tirumal nayak, one ramaswami raju, who had five sons, of whom the youngest was dora krishnamma, was reigning near manjakuppam. dora krishnamma, who was of wandering habits, having received some money from his mother, went to trichinopoly, and, when he was seated in the main bazar, an elephant rushed into the street. the beast was stopped in its career, and tamed by dora krishnamma, to escort whom to his palace vijayaranga chokkappa sent his retinue and ministers. while they were engaged in conversation, news arrived that some chiefs in the tinnevelly district refused to pay their taxes, and dora krishnamma volunteered to go and subdue them. near srivilliputtur he passed a ruined temple dedicated to krishna, which he thought of rebuilding if he should succeed in subduing the chiefs. when he reached tinnevelly, they, without raising any objection, paid their dues, and dora krishnamma returned to srivilliputtur, and settled there. their marriage ceremonies are based on the type common to many telugu castes, but those who belong to the simaneli sept, and believe themselves to be direct descendants of krishnamma, have two special forms of ceremonial, viz., krishnamma perantalu, and the carrying of pots (gurigelu) on the heads of the bride and bridegroom when they go to the temple before the kasiyatra ceremony. the krishnamma perantalu is performed on the day prior to the muhurtam (tali-tying), and consists in the worship of the soul of krishnamma, a married woman. a new cloth is purchased and presented to a married woman, together with money, betel, etc., and she is fed before the rest. it is practically a form of sradh ceremony, and all the formalities of the sradh, except the homam (sacred fire) and repeating of mantras from the vedas, are gone through. this is very commonly observed by brahmans, and a few castes which engage a brahman priest for their ceremonies. the main idea is the propitiation of the soul of the dead married woman. if such a woman dies in a family, every ceremony of an auspicious nature must be preceded by sumangaliprarthana, or worship of this married woman (sumangali). orthodox females think that, if the ceremony is not performed, she will do them some harm. another custom, now dying out, is the tying of a dagger to the waist of the bridegroom. in the madura district, the kavarais are described [ ] as being "most commonly manufacturers and sellers of bangles made of a particular kind of earth, found only in one or two parts of the district. those engaged in this traffic usually call themselves chettis or merchants. when otherwise employed as spinners, dyers, painters, and the like, they take the title of nayakkan. it is customary with these, as with other nayakkans, to wear the sacred thread: but the descendants of the nayakkan kings, who are now living at vellei-kuricchi, do not conform to this usage, on the ground that they are at present in a state of impurity and degradation, and consequently ought not to wear the sacred emblem." the bulk of the kavarais in tanjore are said [ ] "to bear the title nayak. some that are engaged in trade, more especially those who sell glass bangles, are called settis, and those who originally settled in agriculture are called reddis. the title of nayak, like pillai, mudali, and setti, is generally sought after. as a rule, men of the palli or cooly class, when they enter the government service, and shepherds, when they grow rich in trade or otherwise, assume this title, wear the namam (the trident mark on the forehead emblematic of the vaishnava persuasion), and call themselves kavarais or vadugars, though they cannot speak telugu, much less point to any part of the telugu country as the seat of their forefathers." one of the largest sub-divisions of the kavarais is valaiyal, the tamil equivalent of gazula, both words meaning a glass or lac bangle. [ ] kavuthiyan.--the kavuthiyans are described as follows in the gazetteer of malabar. "they are barbers who serve the tiyans and lower castes; they are also sometimes given the title kurup. their females act as midwives. there seem to be several sections, distinguished by the affix of the name of the castes which they serve, as for instance tacchakavuthiyan or tacchakurup, and kanisakavuthiyan, appropriated to the service of the asaris and kanisans respectively; while the barbers who serve the izhuvans are known both as aduttons, vattis, or izhuva kavuthiyans. but whether all these should be regarded as offshoots of one main barber caste, or as degraded sections of the castes which they serve, the kavuthiyans proper being only barbers to the tiyans, it is difficult to determine. the fact that the naviyan or kavuthiyan section of the veluttedans, as well as the kavuthiyan section of the mukkuvans, are admittedly but degraded sections of these castes, makes the second the more probable view. it is also to be noticed that the kavuthiyans, in the north at least, follow marumakkattayam (inheritance in the female line), while the taccha and kanisa kavuthiyans follow the other principle of descent." kayalan.--the kayalans are tamil-speaking muhammadans, closely allied to the marakkayars and living at kayalpatnam in tinnevelly. many of them have settled as merchants in madras, and sell glass beads, cowry shells, dolls from tirupati, toys, etc. some are money-lenders to the lower classes, and others travel about from village to village selling, for cash or credit rates, cloths, brass vessels, and other articles. they are sometimes called arumasaththukadankarar, or six months' debt people, as this is the time usually allowed for payment. at kayalpatnam, a kayalan husband is expected to live in his father-in-law's house, and, in connection with this custom, the following legend is narrated. the chiefman of the town gave his daughter in marriage to a man living in an adjacent village. one evening, she went to fetch water from a tank, and, on her way back, trod on a cobra. she could not move her foot, lest she should be bitten, so she stood where she was, with her water-pot on her head, till she was discovered by her father on the following morning. he killed the snake with the kitti (tweezers) and knife which he had with him, and told the girl to go with him to his house. she, however, refused to do so, and went to her husband's house, from which she was subsequently taken to that of her father. the kitti is an instrument of torture, consisting of two sticks tied together at one end, between which the fingers were placed as in a lemon squeezer. with this instrument, the fingers were gradually bent backwards towards the back of the hand, until the sufferer, no longer able to endure the excruciating pain, yielded to the demands made on him to make confession of guilt. kayasth.--kayasth or kayastha is the writer-caste of bengal. see risley, tribes and castes of bengal. kayerthannaya (strychnos nux-vomica sept).--an exogamous sept of the bants and shivalli brahmans in south canara. kayila (unripe fruit).--an exogamous sept of orugunta kapu. keimal (kei, hand, as an emblem of power).--a sub-division of nayar. kela.--a small class of oriya jugglers and mountebanks, whose women, like the dommara females, are often prostitutes. the name is derived from keli, dancing, or khel to play. kelasi.--for the following account of the kelasi or barber caste of south canara, i am indebted to a note on the barbers of tuluva by mr. m. bapu rao. [ ] the caste name is derived from kelasa, work. in like manner, the canarese barbers of bellary and dharwar call themselves kashta madovaru, or those who perform the difficult task. the barbers of south canara are of different castes or sub-castes according to the language they speak, or the people for whom they operate. thus there are ( ) the tulu kelsi (kutchidaye, man of the hair) or bhandari; ( ) the konkani kelsi or mhallo, who must have migrated from the north; ( ) the hindustani kelsi or hajams; ( ) the lingayat kelsi or hadapavada (man of the wallet); ( ) the mappilla (moplah) barber vasa; ( ) the malayali barber kavudiyan; and even telugu and tamil barbers imported by the sepoy regiments until recently stationed at mangalore. naturally the tulus form the bulk of the class in tuluva. there is among them a section known as maddele, employed by palm-tappers, and hence considered socially inferior to the bhandari, who is employed by the higher classes. [the billava barbers are called parel madiali or parel madivala.] if a high caste barber operates for a man of lower caste, he loses his caste thereby, and has to pay a fine, or in some other way expiate his offence before he gains re-admission into his community. pariahs in these parts have no separate caste of barbers, but anyone among themselves may try his skill on any head. mappilla barbers are employed only by the muhammadans. even in their own community, however, they do not live in commensality with other mappillas though gradations of caste are not recognised by their religion. the barber is not ambitious enough to claim equality of rank with the bant, the potter, the piper, the weaver, or the oilmonger; but he shows a decided disposition to regard himself as above the level of the fisherman or the palanquin-bearer. the latter often disclaim any such inferiority, and refer to the circumstance that they discharge the functions of carrying the huge umbrella in marriage processions, and shouldering the gods in religious processions. they argue that their rivals perform an operation, the defilement of which can only be wiped off by bathing the head with a solution of sacred earth taken from besides the roots of the tulsi plant (ocimum sanctum). in justice to the barber, however, it must be mentioned that he has to perform certain priestly duties for most sudras. his presence is essential at two of the ceremonies observed by castes professing to be superior to his. at the name-giving ceremony a tulu barber has to tie a thread round the waist of the child, and name it, among sudras of a higher caste than himself. [at the present day, the bhandari is said to receive his fee for tying the thread, though he does not actually perform the act.] again, on the death of a high caste sudra, the barber has to carry the fire to the cremation ground, though the funeral pyre is lighted by the relations of the deceased. he also has to assist at certain other rites connected with funeral obsequies, such as purifying the house. [the collection of fragments of bones from the ashes, heaping up the ashes, and cleaning the spot where the corpse was burnt, are the business of the kelasi. these duties he performs for morlis, bants, gattis, and vodaris. the bhandari or kelasi is an object of intense hatred to konkani women, who call them by abusive names, such as fellow with a burnt face, miserable wretch, widow-maker, etc.] the barber in south canara has invented several stories concerning the origin of his first progenitor. at a time when the barber had not yet been created, siva was a bachelor, spending his time in austere devotions, and allowing his hair to grow into long matted locks. a time came when he became bent on matrimony, and he thought that the hirsute condition of his face would not be appreciated by his bride, the young daughter of the king of the mountains. it was at this juncture that the barber was created to make siva a good-looking bridegroom, and the brahman to officiate at the marriage ceremony. according to another legend, a gandharva-born woman was on one occasion cast into the sea by irate brahma, and doomed to be turned into a rock. moved by her piteous entreaties, however, brahma relented, and ordained that she should be restored to human form when parasurama should happen to set his foot upon the rock. this came to pass when parasurama thrust back the waters of the western sea in order to create the western coast. the re-humanised woman thereupon offered her thanksgivings in such winning words that the great brahman hero asked her to beg any boon she wished. she begged a son, who should in some way remind generations to come of the great brahman who had reclaimed her from her inanimate state. the boon was thereupon granted that she should give birth to sons, who would not indeed be brahmans, but who would perform functions analogous to those performed by brahmans. the barber thus discharges certain priestly duties for sudras, and cleanses the body even as the brahman cleanses the soul; and the defilement caused by the razor can be removed only by the smearing of mud and water, because the barber's female progenitor was a rock recovered out of water. the primary occupation of the barber does not always bring in a sufficient income, while it leaves him a large amount of leisure. this he spends, if possible, in agricultural labour, in which he is materially assisted by his female relations. barbers residing in towns hold no land to fall back upon, but their average monthly earnings range from five to seven rupees. their brethren in the villages are not so busy plying the razor, so they cultivate land as tenants. one of the blessings conferred by parasurama is that the barber shall never starve. when a child is born, a male member of the family has to tie a thread round its waist, and give it a name. the choice of a name often depends upon the day of the week on which the child was born. if it is born on a sunday it is called, if a boy, aitha (auditya, sun), or, if a girl, aithe; if on a monday, some or somu; if on a tuesday, angara or angare; if on a wednesday, budara or budare, changed among pariahs into mudara or mudaru; if on a thursday, guruva or guruvu; if on a friday, tukra (shukra) or tukru; if on a saturday, taniya (saniya) or taniyaru. other names which are common are lakkana (lakshmana), krishna, subba, and korapulu (koraga woman). those who can afford to do so often employ a brahman priest to ascertain whether the child is born lucky or unlucky; and, in the latter case, the barber is advised to offer something to the tutelary deity or the nine planets, or to propitiate the village deity, if it is found that the child is born under its evil eye. no lullaby should be sung while the child is being rocked for the first time in a cradle, perhaps because, if the very first rocking is done with a show of rejoicing, some evil spirit may be envious of the human joy, and mar the happiness. the initiation of a boy into the mysteries of his hereditary profession takes place between the tenth and the fourteenth year. in very rare cases, nowadays, a boy is sent to school between the sixth and eighth year. these occasions are marked by offerings of cocoanuts and plantains to the village deity. with boys marriage takes place between the sixteenth and twenty-fifth year, with girls before or after puberty. matches are made by selection on the part of the parents. lads are sometimes allowed to choose their own brides, but their choice is subject to the approval of the parents, as it must necessarily be in a joint family. bridegrooms have to pay for their brides a dowry varying from twenty to fifty rupees, and sometimes as much as a hundred rupees. deformed girls, however, fetch no price; on the other hand, they have to pay some pecuniary inducement to the bridegroom. widows are allowed, and, when young, encouraged to remarry. the most essential condition of a valid marriage is that the contracting parties should belong to different baris or balis (exogamous septs). as examples of the names of these balis, the following may be cited: bangaru (gold), salia (weaver), uppa (salt), kombara (cap made of areca palm leaf), karimbara (sugar-cane). horoscopes are not consulted for the suitability or future prosperity of a match, but the day and hour, or lagnam of a marriage are always fixed by a brahman priest with reference to the conjunction of stars. the marriage lasts for three days, and takes place in the house of the bridegroom. this is in accordance with the primitive conception of marriage as a bringing away by force or procuring a bride from her parents, rather than with the current brahman idea that the bridegroom should be invited, and the girl given away as a present, and committed to his custody and protection. the marriage ceremony takes place in a pandal (booth) on a raised or conspicuous place adorned with various figures or mandala. the pair are made to sit on a bench, and rice is sprinkled on their heads. a barber then shaves the chin and forehead of the bridegroom, the hair border being in the form of a broken pointed arch converging upwards. he also touches the bride's cheeks with the razor, with the object of removing what is called monetha kale, the stain on the face. the full import of this ceremony is not clear, but the barbers look upon the act as purificatory. if a girl has not come of age at the time of marriage, it is done on the occasion of the nuptials. if she has, the barber, in addition to touching the cheeks with the razor, goes to her house, sprinkles some water over her with a betel leaf, and makes her touch the pot in which rice is to be cooked in her husband's house. at the bridegroom's house, before the assembled guests, elders, and headman of the caste, the man and the girl are linked together in the marriage bond by having water (dhare) poured on their joined hands. next, the right hands of the pair being joined (kaipattavane), the bridegroom leads the bride to her future home. soon after a death occurs, a barber is summoned, who sprinkles water on the corpse, and touches it with a razor if it be of a male. in every ceremony performed by him, the barber must have recourse to his razor, even as the brahman priest cannot do without his kusa grass. the rich burn their dead, and the poor bury them. persons dying of infectious diseases are always buried. prior to the removal of the corpse to the cremation or burial ground, all the clothes on and about it, with the exception of one cloth to cover it from head to foot, are removed and distributed to pariahs, who have prepared the pyre or dug the grave. before the mourners return from the cemetery, they light four lamps in halves of cocoanuts, and leave them burning on the spot. coming home, the chief mourner places in the hands of the gurukara or headman of the caste a jewel or other valuable article as a security that he will duly perform all the funeral rites. this is termed savuotti dipuna. the gurukara, in the presence of the relations and friends assembled, returns the same, enjoining its recipient to be prepared to perform the requisite rites, even with the proceeds of the sale of the pledged article if necessary. the eleventh day is the savu or principal mourning day, on which the headman and elders of the caste, as well as the friends and relations of the deceased ought to be present. on the spot where the deceased expired, or as near thereto as possible, an ornamental square scaffolding is erected, and covered with cloth coloured with turmeric. the ground below the scaffolding is covered with various figures, and flowers and green leaves are strewn on it. each mourner throws on this spot handfuls of cooked rice, coloured yellow and red, and cries out "oh! uncle, i cry murrio," or "oh! father, i cry murrio," and so on, according to the relationship in which the deceased stood to the mourner. this ceremony is called murrio korpuna, or crying alas. in well-to-do families it is usual to accompany this with devil-dancing. on the twelfth day, rice is offered to crows, the original belief apparently being that the spirits of the deceased enter into birds or beasts, so that food given to these may happen to reach and propitiate them. on the night of the thirteenth day, the relations of the deceased set apart a plantain leaf for the spirit of the departed, serve cooked rice on it, and, joining their hands, pray that the soul may be gathered unto its ancestors, and rest in peace. the anniversary of the death, called agel, is celebrated by placing cooked rice on two plantain leaves placed over sacrificial twigs, and burning incense and waving lamps before it. this is called soma dipuna. the family god of the barber is krishna of udipi, and the high-priest to whom he pays homage is the saniyasi (religious ascetic), who for the time being worships that god. the same high-priest is also the final court of appeal from the decisions of the village council of the barbers in matters relating to caste and religion. the powers which are ever present to the barber's mind, and which he always dreads and tries to propitiate, are the village demons, and the departed spirits of members of his own family. if a child falls ill, he hastens to the brahman seer, to learn who is offended, and how the spirit should be appeased. if his cow does not eat hay, he anxiously enquires to which demon he should carry a cock. if the rain fails or the crops are poor, he hies to the nearest deity with cocoanuts, plantains, and the tender spikes of areca. in case of serious illness, he undertakes a vow to beg from door to door on certain days, and convey the money thus accumulated to tirupati. in his house, he keeps a small closed box with a slit in the lid, through which he drops a coin at every pinch of misfortune, and the contents are eventually sent to that holy place. the affairs of the community are regulated by a council of elders. in every village, or for every group of houses, there is an hereditary gurukara or headman of the barbers, who is assisted by four moktesars. if any of these five authorities receives a complaint, he gives notice to the others, and a meeting is arranged to take place in some house. when there is a difference of opinion, the opinion of the majority decides the issue. when a decision cannot be arrived at, the question is referred to the council of another village. if this does not settle the point at issue, the final appeal lies to the swami of the the udipi temple. the council inquires into alleged offences against caste, and punishes them. it declares what marriages are valid, and what not. it not only preserves discipline within the community itself, but takes notice of external affairs affecting the well-being of the community. thus, if the pipers refuse to make music at their marriage processions, the council resolves that no barber shall shave a piper. disputes concerning civil rights were once submitted to these councils, but, as their decisions are not now binding, aggrieved parties seek justice from courts of law. punishments consist of compensation for minor offences affecting individuals, and of fine or excommunication if the offence affects the whole community. if the accused does not attend the trial, he may be excommunicated for contempt of authority. if the person seeks re-admission into the caste, he has to pay a fine, which goes to the treasury of the temple at udipi. the presiding swami at the shrine accepts the fine, and issues a writ authorising the re-admission of the penitent offender. the headman collects the fine to be forwarded to the swami, and, if he is guilty of any mal-practice, the whole community, generally called the ten, may take cognisance of the offence. offences against marriage relations, shaving low caste people, and such like, are all visited with fine, which is remitted to the swami, from whom purification is obtained. the power of the village councils, however, has greatly declined in recent years, as the class of cases in which their decision can be enforced is practically very small. the tulu barbers, like many other castes on the western coast, follow the aliya santana system of inheritance (in the female line). the tradition in south canara is that this, and a number of other customs, were imposed upon certain castes by bhutala pandya. the story relates that deva pandya, a merchant of the pandya kingdom, once had some new ships built, but before they put to sea, the demon kundodara demanded a human sacrifice. the merchant asked his wife to spare one of her seven sons for the purpose, but she refused to be a party to the sacrifice, and went away with her sons to her father's house. the merchant's sister thereupon offered her son. kundodara, however, was so very pleased with the appearance of this son that he spared his life, and made him a king, whose sway extended over tuluva. this king was called bhutala pandya, and he, being directed by kundodara, imposed upon the people the system of nephew inheritance. the barber is changing with the times. he now seldom uses the old unfoldable wooden-handled razor forged by the village blacksmith, but has gone in for what he calls raja sri (royal fortune; corruption of rodgers) razors. he believes that he is polluted by the operation which it is his lot to perform, and, on his return home from his morning round, he must bathe and put on washed clothes. ken.--ken (red) and kenja (red ant) have both been recorded as gotras of kurni. kenna.--a division of toda. kepumari.--it is noted, in the gazetteer of south arcot, that "the kepumaris are one of the several foreign communities from other districts, who help to swell the total of the criminal classes in south arcot. their head-quarters is at tiruvallur in the chingleput district, but there is a settlement of them at mariyankuppam (not far from porto novo), and another large detachment at kunisampet in french territory. they commit much the same class of crime as the donga dasaris, frequenting railway trains and crowded gatherings, and they avert suspicion by their respectable appearance and pleasant manners. their house-language is telugu. they call themselves alagiri kepumaris. the etymology of the second of these two words is not free from doubt, but the first of them is said to be derived from alagar, the god of the kallans, whose temple at the foot of the hills about twelve miles north of madura town is a well-known place of pilgrimage, and to whom these people, and other criminal fraternities annually offer a share of their ill-gotten gains." information concerning the criminal methods of these people, under the name capemari, will be found in mr. f. s. mullaly's 'notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency.' kerala.--defined by mr. wigram [ ] as "the western coast from gokarnam to cape comorin, comprising travancore, cochin, malabar, and part of south canara." kere (tank).--a gotra of kurni. kesari (lion).--a gotra of kurni. kethaki (pandanus fascicularis).--an exogamous sept of stanika. kethri.--see khatri. kevuto.--it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "the kevutas are the fisherman caste of ganjam, and they are said to be the descendants of the kaibartas, a fishing caste of bengal. besides fishing in rivers, canals and lakes, they ply boats and catamarans, and some are also traders. uriya brahmans and bairagis are their priests. from the fifth day after child-birth till the twenty-first, the uriya brahmans read the bhagavata purana in the house, and on the last day they give a name to the child. the married girls and widows put a veil over their faces whenever they go out of doors." the kevutos are low in the social scale, but not a polluting caste. they apparently recognise the following endogamous sub-divisions:--bhettiya, bilva, jonka, khottia, koibarto or dasa, liyari, chuditiya, and thossa. of these the thossas are cultivators, the liyaris make a preparation of fried rice (liya), and the chudityas are engaged in parching grain (chuda, parched rice). by reason of their change of occupation, the liyaris and chudityas have practically become distinct castes, and some deny that there is any connection between them and the kevutos. telugu people sometimes call the chuditiyas neyyalu, and i am told that there is a street in parlakimedi almost wholly inhabited by kevutos, who say that they are of the neyyalu caste. of gotras which occur among the kevutos, nago (cobra), bhago (tiger), and kochipo (tortoise) are the most common. they also have exogamous septs or bamsams, among which are gogudiya (bells) and nolini (bamboo carrier). the titles which occur in the caste are behara, sitto, torei, jalli, bejjo, and paiko. the marriage rite is performed at night, and the bride's father ties a gold bead (konti) on the neck of the bridegroom. the kevutos worship especially dasaraj and gangadevi. the latter is worshipped at the dasara festival, and, in some places, fowls and goats are sacrificed in her honour. in the neighbourhood of the chilka lake, the goats are not sacrificed, but set at liberty, and allowed to graze on the kalikadevi hill. there is a belief that animals thus devoted to gangadevi do not putrify when they die, but dry up. in the vizagapatam agency tracts, the kevutos are said to be notorious for their proficiency in magic and necromancy. khadi.--a sub-division of telli. khadiya.--a name, said to be derived from ghatiyal, meaning a person possessed, and used as a term of reproach for kudumis of travancore. khajjaya (cake).--an exogamous sept of vakkaliga. kharvi.--the kharvis are described, in the south canara manual, as "marathi fishermen, who migrated to this district from the bombay presidency. the name kharvi is said to be a corrupt form of the sanskrit kshar, salt. they are hardworking but thriftless, and much given to drink, chiefly toddy. they are sea-fishermen and good sailors, and also work as domestic servants and labourers. they employ havik brahmans to perform their marriage and other ceremonies. the head of the sringeri math is their spiritual teacher." the kharvis are konkani-speaking fishermen and cultivators, found in the kundapur taluk of south canara. those who are not engaged in fishing always wear the sacred thread, whereas the fishermen wear it for seven days from the sravana hunnami, or full-moon day of the month sravana (august-september), and then remove it. all are saivites, and disciples of the sringeri mutt. ajai masti and nagu masti are the deities specially worshipped by them. they follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (from father to son). their headmen are called saranga or patel, and these names are used as titles by members of the families of the headmen. the assistant to the headman is styled naik or naicker. for the performance of the marriage ceremonial, shivalli or kota brahmans are engaged. the dhare form of marriage (see bant) is observed, but there are a few points of detail, which may be noted. five women decorate the bride inside her house just before she comes to the marriage pandal (booth), and tie on her neck a gold bead (dhare mani) and black beads. at the pandal she stands in front of the bridegroom, separated from him by a screen, which is stretched between them. garlands of tulsi (ocimum sanctum) are exchanged, and the screen is removed. bashingams (chaplets) are tied on the foreheads of the bridal pair at the outset of the ceremonial, and are worn for five days. the dead are cremated, and, in most cases, the ashes are thrown into a river. but, among the orthodox, they are taken to gokarna, and thrown into the river at that place. on the eleventh day, presents are made to brahmans after purification. on the following day, food is offered on two leaves to the soul of the deceased. one of the leaves is thrown into water, and the other given to a cow or bull. khasa.--it is noted by the rev. j. cain [ ] that "members of this caste are found chiefly in attendance on zamindars and other rich people, and report says that they are not unfrequently their illegitimate children." khasa is synonymous with adapapa (q.v.). khasgi.--marathas, of whom a few families constitute the aristocracy in the sandur state. khatri.--the khatris are described by mr. lewis rice [ ] as "silk weavers, who in manners, customs, and language are akin to patvegars, but they do not intermarry with them, although the two castes eat together. the katris claim to be kshatriyas, and quote renuka purana as their authority. the legend is that, during the general massacre of the kshatriyas by parasu rama, five women, each of whom was big with child, escaped, and took refuge in a temple dedicated to kali. when the children came of age, their marriages were celebrated, and their mothers prayed to kali to point out some means of livelihood. in answer to their supplications, the goddess gave them looms, and taught them weaving and dyeing. the katris claim descent from these refugees, and follow the same trades." the following note relates to the khatris of conjeeveram, where most of them trade in silk thread, silk sashes, and dye-stuffs. some deal in human hair, which is used by native females as a chignon. by reason of their connection with the silk industry, the khatris are called patnulkaran by other castes. the true patnulkarans are called koshta by the khatris. the khatris give bhuja raja kshatriya as their caste name, and some say that they are the descendants of one karta virya arjuna of the human race. their tribal deity is renukamba, the mother of parasu rama, to whom pongal (boiled rice) is offered, and a goat sacrificed in the month of thai (january-february). they have exogamous septs, such as sulegar, powar, mudugal, sonappa, bojagiri, etc., and have adopted the same brahmanical gotras as the bhats or bhatrazus, e.g., gautama, kasyapa, vasishta, and bharadwaja. attached to them is a caste beggar, called bhat, who comes round at long intervals. he is said to keep the genealogies of the khatri families. he ties a flag to a post of the house at which he intends to claim a meal, and, after partaking thereof, he receives information concerning the births and marriages, which have taken place in the family since his last visit. girls are married both before and after puberty, and infant marriage is fashionable at the present day. the remarriage of widows is permitted, but a divorced woman may not marry again so long as her husband is alive. a man may not marry the widow of his brother, or of an agnate. the custom of menarikam, by which a man may marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is prohibited. families belonging to one sept may give their daughters in marriage to men of another sept, from which, however, they are not allowed to receive girls as wives for their sons. for example, a man of a sulegar sept may give his daughters in marriage to men of the powar sept, but may not take powar girls as wives for his sons. but a certain elasticity in the rule is allowed, and the prohibition ceases after a certain number of generations by arrangement with the bhat. the marriage ceremonies last over seven days. on the first day, the deity bharkodev, who is represented by seven quartz pebbles placed in a row on plantain leaves, is worshipped with offerings of fruit, etc., and a goat is sacrificed. the blood which flows from its cut neck is poured into a vessel containing cooked rice, of which seven balls are made, and offered to the pebbles. towards evening some of the rice is thrown to the four cardinal points of the compass, in order to conciliate evil spirits. on the second day, the house is thoroughly cleansed with cow-dung water, and the walls are whitewashed. the eating of meat is forbidden until the marriage ceremonies are concluded. the third day is devoted to the erection of the marriage pandal (booth) and milk-post, and the worship of female ancestors (savasne). seven married women are selected, and presented with white ravikes (bodices) dyed with turmeric. after bathing, they are sumptuously fed. before the feast, the bridegroom's and sometimes the bride's mother, goes to a well, tank (pond) or river, carrying on a tray a new woman's cloth, on which a silver plate with a female figure embossed on it is placed. another silver plate of the same kind, newly made, is brought by a goldsmith, and the two are worshipped, and then taken to the house, where they are kept in a box. the bridegroom and his party go in procession through the streets in which their fellow castemen live. when they reach the house of the bride, her mother comes out and waves coloured water to avert the evil eye, washes the bridegroom's eyes with water, and presents him with betel and a vessel filled with milk. the bride is then conducted to the bridegroom's house, where she takes her seat on a decorated plank, and a gold or silver ornament called sari or kanti is placed on her neck. she is further presented with a new cloth. a brahman purohit then writes the names of the contracting parties, and the date of their marriage, on two pieces of palm leaf or paper, which he hands over to their fathers. the day closes with the performance of gondala puja, for which a device (muggu) is made on the ground with yellow, red, and white powders. a brass vessel is set in the centre thereof, and four earthen pots are placed at the corners. puja (worship) is done, and certain stanzas are recited amid the beating of a pair of large cymbals. on the fourth day, the bridal couple bathe, and the bridegroom is invested with the sacred thread. they then go to the place where the metal plates representing the ancestors are kept, with a cloth thrown over the head like a hood, and some milk and cooked rice are placed near the plates. on their way back they, in order to avert the evil eye, place their right feet on a pair of small earthen plates tied together, and placed near the threshold. the bride's mother gives the bridegroom some cakes and milk, after partaking of which he goes in procession through the streets, and a further ceremony for averting the evil eye is performed in front of the bride's house. this over, he goes to the pandal, where his feet are washed by his father-in-law, who places in his hands a piece of plantain fruit, over which his mother-in-law pours some milk. the bride and bridegroom then go into the house, where the latter ties the tali on the neck of the former. during the tying ceremony, the couple are separated by a cloth screen, of which the lower end is lifted up. the screen is removed, and they sit facing each other with their bashingams (forehead chaplets) in contact, and rice is thrown over their heads by their relations. the brahman hands the contracting couple the wrist-threads (kankanams), which they tie on. these threads are, among most castes, tied at an earlier stage in the marriage ceremonies. on the fifth day, seven betel nuts are placed in a row on a plank within the pandal, round which the bride and bridegroom go seven times. at the end of each round, the latter lifts the right foot of the former, and sweeps off one of the nuts. for every marriage, a fee of rs. - - must be paid to the headman of the caste, and the money thus accumulated is spent on matters such as the celebration of festivals, which affect the entire community. if the fee is not paid, the bride and bridegroom are not permitted to go round the plank the seventh time. on the sixth day, the bride receives presents from her family, and there is a procession at night. on the last day of the ceremonies, the bride is handed over to her mother-in-law by her mother, who says "i am giving you a melon and a knife. deal with them as you please." the bride is taken inside the house by the mother-in-law and shown some pots containing rice into which she dips her right hand, saying that they are full. the mother-in-law then presents her with a gold finger-ring, and the two eat together as a sign of their new relationship. the dead are cremated, and, when a married man dies, his corpse is carried on a palanquin to the burning-ground, followed by the widow. near the pyre it is laid on the ground, and the widow places her jewelry and glass bangles on the chest. the corpse should be carried by the sons-in-law if possible, and the nomination of the bearers is indicated by the eldest son of the deceased person making a mark on their shoulders with ashes. on the third day after death, the milk ceremony takes place. three balls of wheat-flour, mixed with honey and milk, are prepared, and placed respectively on the spot where the deceased breathed his last, where the bier was laid on the ground, and at the place where the corpse was burnt, over which milk is poured. the final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are observed on the seventh or tenth day, till which time the eating of flesh is forbidden. the headman of the khatris, who is called gramani, is elected once a month, and he has an assistant called vanja, who is appointed annually. the khatris are saivites, and wear the sacred thread, but also worship various grama devatas (village deities). they speak a dialect of marathi. the caste title is sa, e.g., dharma sa. kethree is described, in the vizagapatam manual, as "the caste of the zamindar's family in jeypore. it is divided into sixteen classes. they wear the paieta (sacred thread), and the zamindar used formerly to sell the privilege of wearing it to any one who could afford to pay him twelve rupees. pariahs were excluded from purchasing the privilege." the khatri agriculturists of the jeypore agency tracts in vizagapatam are, mr. c. hayavadana rao informs me, entirely distinct from the weaving khatris of the south. they are divided into four septs, viz., surya (sun), bhag (tiger), kochchimo (tortoise), and nag (cobra). girls are married before puberty, and an oriya brahman officiates at their marriages, instead of the customary desari. they do not, like other castes in the agency tracts, give fermented liquor (madho) as part of the jholla tonka or bride-price, which consists of rice, a goat, cloths, etc. the marriage ceremonies are performed at the bride's house. these khatris put on the sacred thread for the first time when they are married, and renew it from time to time throughout life. they are fair skinned, and speak the oriya language. their usual title is patro. khinbudi (bear).--a sept of rona. khodalo.--see bavuri. khodikaro.--a name for panditos, derived from the stone (khodi), with which they write figures on the floor, when making astrological calculations. khodura.--the name is derived from khodu, bangle. the khoduras, mr. francis writes, [ ] are "manufacturers of the brass and bell-metal bangles and rings ordinarily worn by the lower class odiyas. their headman is called nahako sahu, and under him there are deputies called dhoyi nahako and behara. there is a fourth functionary styled aghopotina, whose peculiar duty is said to be to join in the first meal taken by those who have been excommunicated, and subsequently readmitted into the caste by the caste panchayat (council). a quaint custom exists, by which honorific titles like senapati, mahapatro, subuddhi, etc., are sold by the panchayat to any man of the caste who covets them, and the proceeds sent to puri and pratabpur for the benefit of the temples there. it is said that the original home of the caste was orissa, and that it came to ganjam with purushottam deva, the maharaja of puri. in its general customs it resembles the badhoyis." i am informed that the name of the fourth functionary should be aghopotiria, or first leaf man, i.e., the man who is served first at a public dinner. khoira.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a low caste of oriya cultivators. khoja.--in the madras census report, , eleven khojas are recorded as belonging to a mussalman tribe of traders from bombay. for the following note on the khojas of southern india, i am indebted to an article by dr. j. shortt. [ ] "the true kojahs, or eunuchs, are not numerous in southern india. they are chiefly to be seen in the houses of wealthy mussalman nobles, by whom they are placed at the head of their zenanas or harems. the kojahs are properly divided into two classes: ( ) kojahs; ( ) hijras. sometimes hindus, sudras, and brahmans subject themselves to the operation (of castration), of their own accord from a religious impression. others, finding themselves naturally impotent, consider it necessary to undergo the operation, to avoid being born again at a future birth in the same helpless state. the operation of castration is generally performed by a class of barbers, sometimes by some of the more intelligent of the eunuchs themselves, in the following manner. the patient is made to sit on an upturned new earthen pot, being previously well drugged with opium or bhang. the entire genitals being seized by the left hand, an assistant, who has a bamboo lath slit in the centre, runs it down quite close to the pubis, the slit firmly embracing the whole of the genitals at the root, when the operator, with a sharp razor, runs it down along the face of the lath, and removes penis, testicles and scrotum in one swoop, leaving a large clean open wound behind, in which boiling gingelly (sesamum indicum) oil is poured to staunch the bleeding, and the wound covered over with a soft rag steeped in warm oil. this is the only dressing applied to the wound, which is renewed daily, while the patient is confined in a supine position to his bed, and lightly fed with conjee (rice gruel), milk, etc. during the operation, the patient is urged to cry out 'din' (the faith in mahomet) three times. "of the two classes, the kojahs are the artificially created eunuchs, in contradistinction to the hijras (impotents) or natural eunuchs. some years ago there were three kojahs at the head of the state prison or royal mahal at vellore, in charge of some of the wives, descendants, and other female connections of tippoo sultan. these men were highly respected, held charges of considerable trust, and were muhammadans by birth. tales were often repeated that the zenana women (slaves and adopted girls) were in the habit of stripping them naked, and poking fun at their helplessness. there were two kojahs in the employ of the late nabob of the carnatic. they were both africans. on the death of the nabob, the government allowed one of them a pension of fifteen rupees a month. "the second class, hijras or natural eunuchs as they are termed, are not so, strictly speaking, but are said to be impotent. while some are naturally so from birth, others are impressed with a belief in childhood, and are dressed up in women's clothes, taught to ape their speech and manners, whilst a few adopt it as a profession in after-life. they are chiefly mussalmans. the hair of the head is put up as in women, well oiled, combed, and thrown back, tied into a knot, and shelved to the left side, sometimes plaited, ornamented, and allowed to hang down the back. they wear the cholee or short jacket, the saree or petticoat, and put on abundance of nose, ear, finger, and toe rings. they cultivate singing, play the dhol (a drum), and attitudinise. they go about the bazaars in groups of half a dozen or more, singing songs with the hope of receiving a trifle. [such a group i saw at sandur, who, on hearing that i wished to photograph them, made tracks for another place.--e.t.] they are not only persistent, but impudent beggars, singing filthy, obscene, and abusive songs, to compel the bazaarmen to give them something. should they not succeed, they would create a fire and throw in a lot of chillies, the suffocating and irritative smoke producing violent coughing, etc., so that the bazaarmen are compelled to yield to their importunity, and give them a trifle to get rid of their annoyance. while such were the pursuits in the day, at nightfall they resorted to debauchery and low practices by hiring themselves out to a dissipated set of moslems, who are in the habit of resorting to these people for the purpose, whilst they intoxicate themselves with a preparation termed majoon, being a confection of opium, and a drink termed boja, a species of country beer manufactured from ragi (eleusine coracana), which also contains bhang (indian hemp). in addition to this, they smoke bhang. the hijras are met with in most of the towns of southern india, more especially where a large proportion of mussalmans is found." in hyderabad, castration used to be performed at about the age of sixteen. a pit, / feet deep, was dug in the ground, and filled with ashes. after the operation, the patient had to sit on the ashes, with crossed legs, for three days. the operation was performed, under the influence of narcotics, by a pir--the head of the khoja community. i am informed by mr. g. t. paddison that, at the annual festival of the gadabas of vizagapatam, thorns are set on a swing outside the shrine of the goddess. on these the priest or priestess sits without harm. if the priest is masculine, he has been made neuter. but, if the village is not fortunate enough to possess a eunuch, a woman performs the ceremony. the following notes were recorded by me on the occasion of an interview with some eunuchs living in the city of madras:-- hindu, aged about . generative organs feebly developed. is a natural eunuch. speaks and behaves like a female. keeps a stall, at which he sells cakes. goes out singing and dancing with four other eunuchs, and earns from ten annas to a rupee in a night. there are, in madras, about thirty eunuchs, who go about dancing. others keep shops, or are employed as domestic servants. one well acquainted with the hindu eunuchs of madras stated that, when a boy is born with ill-developed genitalia, his unnatural condition is a source of anxiety to his parents. as he grows up he feels shy, and is made fun of by his companions. such boys run away from home, and join the eunuchs. they are taught to sing and dance, and carry on abominable practices. they are employed by dancing-girls, to decoy paramours to them. for this purpose, they dress up as dancing-girls, and go about the streets. at times of census, they return themselves as males engaged in singing and dancing. khond.--see kondh. khongar.--see kangara. kichagara.--a small class of canarese basket-makers and beggars. the name is said to be derived from kichaku, meaning an imitative sound, in reference to the incessant noise which the kichagaras make when begging. kidaran (copper boiler).--a synonym for malayalam artisans. kilakku teru (east street).--a section of kallan. killavar.--a sub-division of tottiyan. killekyata.--the killekyatas are a marathi-speaking people, who amuse villagers with their marionette shows in the telugu and canarese countries. "they travel round the villages, and give a performance wherever they can secure sufficient patronage. contributions take the form of money, or oil for the foot-lights." [ ] "their profession," mr. s. m. natesa sastri writes, [ ] "is enacting religious dramas before the village public (whence their name, meaning buffoon). the black kambli (blanket) is their screen, and any mandapa or village chavadi, or open house is their stage. night is the time for giving the performance. they carry with them pictures painted in colours on deer skins, which are well tanned, and made fine like parchment. the several parts of the picture representing the human or animal body are attached to each other by thin iron wires, and the parts are made to move by the assistance of thin bamboo splits, and thus the several actions and emotions are represented to the public, to the accompaniment of songs. their pictures are in most cases very fairly painted, with variety and choice of colours. the stories chosen for representation are generally from the ramayana and the mahabharata, which they however call ravanyakatha and pandavakatha--the stories of ravana and the pandavas." the dead are buried in a seated posture. some of the women are engaged as professional tattooers. kimedi.--a local name for koronos who live at parlakimedi. kindal (basket-maker).--a sub-division of savara. kinkila (the koel or cuckoo).--a gotra of kurni. the cuckoo, named eudynamis honorata, is the bird, whose crescendo cry, ku-il, ku-il, is trying to the nerves during the hot season. kinthali.--a sub-division of the telugu kalingis. kira (parrot).--a sept of gadaba. kira also occurs as a sub-division of sondi. kiraikkaran.--kiraikkaran is an occupational name, denoting those who cultivate kirai (amarantus). the kiraikkarans are stated, in the census report, , to be usually agamudaiyans in coimbatore. i gathered, however, that the name is given by tamil-speaking people to the kempati okkiliyans of coimbatore, a canarese people who migrated thither from kempati in mysore. the majority of them cultivate kirai and other edible vegetables, but some are petty traders or fishermen. some of their marriage divisions are named after deities, e.g., masani and viramashti, and one division is called jogi. kirata (hunter).--a name assumed by bedars, ekaris, and other classes. kirganiga.--kirganiga or kiruganiga is the name of a sub-division of ganigas, who express oils in wooden mills. kiriyam.--a sub-division of nayar. also the malayalam word for house name or sept. kiriyattil.--a sub-division of nayar. kizhakathi.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a sub-division of paraiyan. the word means easterner, and a paraiyan of north or south arcot would call a paraiyan of madras by this name. koalaka (arrow).--an exogamous sept of jatapu. kobbiriya.--a sub-division of domb. kochattabannaya.--kochattabannaya or kojjarannaya (jak tree, artocarpus integrifolia, sept) is an exogamous sept of bant. kochimo (tortoise).--a sept of oriya gaudo, bosantiya, bottada, konda dora, mattiya, and omanaito. kochuvalan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a name for ulladans. kodaketti (umbrella tying).--a sub-division of panan. kodavili (sickle).--an exogamous sept of karna sale. kodekal hata-kararu (cloth-weavers).--a sub-division of devanga. kodi (cock).--an exogamous sept of kapu. thorika occurs as a sept of jatapus, who are said to revere a species of fowl called thorika kodi, and kodi kandla (fowl's eyes) as a sept of boya. kodikkal.--kodikkal, kodikkar, or kodikkalkaran, meaning betel vine man, is the occupational name of a sub-division of vellalas, and of labbai muhammadans who cultivate the betel vine. in the census report, , it is noted that those who gave this as the name of their caste returned their parent tongue as tamil, and their title as nayakkan, and were therefore clubbed with pallis. kodikkal is further a sub-division of the shanans, who derive the name from kodi, a flag, and give flag-bearer as its significance. other castes, however, make it to mean a betel garden, in reference to shanans who were betel vine growers. kodikkal pillaimar is a synonym of the senaikkudaiyans, indicating pillaimars who cultivate the betel vine. kodiyal.--a sub-division of kudubi. kodla.--kodla (fowl) has been recorded as an exogamous sept of tsakala, and kodla bochchu (fowl's feathers) as an exogamous sept of kapu. kodu.--a form of kondh. also a sub-division of konda razu. kohoro.--a form of kahar. koi.--see koya. koibarto.--a sub-division of kevuto. koil pandala (keeper of the royal treasury).--one of the divisions of kshatriyas in travancore. koil tampuran.--the following note is extracted from the travancore census report, . the koil tampurans form a small community, made up of the descendants of the immigrant kshatriya families from certain parts of malabar lying to the north of travancore and cochin. they are also known as koil pantalas. in early records, the term koviladhikarikal appears to have been used. immemorial tradition connects the koil tampurans with cheraman perumal, and goes to say that their original settlement was beypore. about m.e. a few male members were invited to settle in travancore, and form marital alliances with the ladies of the travancore royal house, known then as the venat svarupam. houses were built for them at kilimanur, six miles from attingal, where all the female members of the royal family resided. in m.e. , eight persons--three males and five females--from the family of aliakkotu, oppressed by the invasion of tipu sultan, sought shelter in travancore. maharaja rama varma received them kindly, and gave them the palace of the tekkumkur raja, who had been subjugated by rama iyen dalawah. this site in changanachery is still recognised as nirazhikkottaram. in m.e. one of the five ladies removed to kirtipuram near kantiyur (mavelikara taluk), and thence to a village called gramam in the same taluk. another shifted to pallam in the kottayam taluk, a third to paliyakkara in tiruvalla, and a fourth, having no issue, continued to live at changanachery with the fifth lady who was the youngest in the family. raja raaja varma koil tampuran, who married rani lakshmi bai, sovereign of travancore from to m.e. was the eldest son of the lady that stayed at changanachery. their present house at that place, known as lakshmipuram kottaram, was named after the koil tampuran's royal consort. raja raja varma's sister gave birth to three daughters and two sons. the eldest daughter and sons removed to kartikapalli in , and thence, in , to anantapuram in haripad. in , the second daughter and issue removed to chemprol in tiruvalla, while the third continued to live at changanachery. thus there came into existence seven families of koil tampurans, namely those of kilimanur, changanachery, anantapuram, pallam, chemprol, gramam, and paliyakkare. some time after m.e. (a.d. ), three more families, viz., those of cherukol, karamma, and vatakkematham, immigrated from north malabar. the koil tampurans are all regarded as blood relations, and observe birth and death pollutions like dayadis among brahmans. they follow the matriarchal system of inheritance. nambutiri brahmans marry their ladies. their religious ceremonies are the same as those of nambutiris, whom they resemble in the matter of food and drink. their caste government is in the hands of the nambutiri vaidikans. their ceremonies are the usual brahmanical samskaras--gatakarma, namakarana, annaprasana, etc. regarding the namakarana, or naming, the only noteworthy fact is that the first-born male always goes by the name of raja raja varma. the upanayana, or investiture with the sacred thread, takes place in the sixteenth year of age. on the morning of the upanayana, chaula or the tonsure ceremony is performed. it is formally done by the nambutiri priest in the capacity of guru, just as the father does to his son among brahmans, and afterwards left to be completed by the maran. the priest invests the boy with the thread, and, with the sacrificial fire as lord and witness, initiates him in the gayatri prayer. the koil tampurans are to repeat this prayer morning, noon and evening, like the brahmans, but are to do so only ten times on each occasion. on the fourth day, the boy listens to a few vedic hymns recited by the priest. there is not the prolonged course of severe discipline of the brahmanical brahmachari, which the nambutiris so religiously observe. the samavartana, or pupilage stage, is performed on the fifteenth day. the ceremony of proceeding to benares is then gone through. just as in the case of the brahmans, a would-be father-in-law intercedes, and requests the snataka (past brahmachari) to bless his daughter, and settle in life as a grihastha. the nambutiri priest then steps in to remind the boy of his dharma (duty) as a kshatriya, and gives him a sword symbolic of his pre-ordained function in society. the marriage of a koil tampuran does not present many peculiar features. one item in the programme, called dikshavirippu, may be referred to. during all the four days of the marriage, the bride is confined to a special room, where a white cloth with a carpet over it is spread on the floor, and a lamp burns day and night. the ceremonial bridegroom is either an aryappattar or a nambutiri, now generally a nambutiri. of course, the marriage is a mere ceremonial, and the bridegroom at the ceremony is not necessarily the spouse of actual life. his death deprives her of the right to wear the tali, and makes her an amangali (an inauspicious person) for all socio-religious purposes. at sraddhas (memorial service for the dead), the tampuratti with her married husband alive faces the east, and one that has lost him has to look in the direction of yamaloka (south). mr. ravi varma, the celebrated artist, who died recently, was a koil tampuran of kilimanur, an extensive village assigned to his ancestors rent-free for the military services they had rendered to the state in times of trouble. [ ] kokala (woman's cloth).--an exogamous sept of golla. kokkara.--recorded, in the travancore census report, as a sub-division of nayar. kokkundia.--see kukkundi. kola (ear of corn).--an exogamous sept of medara. kolari.--see kolayan. kolalo (arrack-seller).--a name of sondis. kolata gudiya.--a name for gudiyas engaged in agriculture. kolayan.--it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "the caste is found chiefly in the kasaragod taluk of south canara, and in the northern part of malabar. in south malabar, it is called urali. its traditional occupation is herding cows, and it claims the privilege of supplying milk and ghee to certain hindu temples, but at present most of its members are masons. it has two endogamous sections, ayan or kol-ayan, and mariyan or eruman" (eruma, a cow-buffalo). it is further noted, in the same report under the heading eruman, that "the people of the caste were originally buffalo drivers and keepers, and still follow their traditional occupation in the kasaragod taluk of south canara. in north malabar, they are masons and bricklayers." the masonry work of temples is done by kolayans. the name kolayan has been said to be derived from golla and ayan, meaning cowherd. golla is, however, a telugu word not used in the malayalam country. members of the two sections, kolayan and eruman (or eruvan), are said not to intermarry. women of both sections may affect sambandham (alliance) with nayars. children born of such unions are regarded as somewhat inferior to those born of kolayan parents, and are not allowed to worship at the temples. the priests of the kolayans are called muthavan or poduvan, and are usually elected by rajas. kolayan girls go through the mangalam or tali-kettu ceremony before they reach puberty. on an auspicious day fixed by the kanisan (astrologer), the girl sits on a plank in the middle room of the house, and four lamps are placed near her. her father throws rice and flowers over her head, and ties the tali (marriage emblem) on her neck. the girl, four women, and four girls, are fed in the middle room. on the following day, a priest (vathiyan) places rice, paddy (unhusked rice), tender cocoanut, betel leaves and areca nuts, before the girl. men and women of the priest's family wave rice, cocoanuts, etc., in front of her both in the morning and afternoon. finally, towards evening, a vathiyan woman waves the rice and other articles thrice, calling out "kolachi, kolachi, kolachi." the girl may then leave the middle room. at the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for three days. on the first day, a cloth (mattu) is given to her by a washerwoman, and on the fourth day she receives one from a malayan woman. the dead are usually cremated. daily, until the twelfth day of the death ceremonies, food is offered to the spirit of the deceased, on a dais set up outside the house, by the relatives. on the fifth day, all the agnates are purified by the vathiyan sprinkling water over them. on the twelfth day, the vathiyan draws the image of a man with vibuthi (sacred ashes) on the spot where the deceased breathed his last. near the figure, cooked rice, vegetables, etc., are placed. the chief mourner offers these to the dead person, and makes a bundle of them in his cloth. going outside the house, he kicks the dais already referred to with his foot, while the vathiyan holds one hand, and his relations the other hand or arm. he then bathes in a tank (pond) or river, while his hands are held in like manner. koli.--in the madras census report, , the kolis are described as being "a bombay caste of fishermen and boatmen in south canara; also a low class of bengal weavers found in ganjam." the kolis who were investigated in ganjam are an oriya-speaking class, who are apparently telugu people who have settled in the oriya country as weavers of coarse cloths, traders, and agriculturists. they have oriya titles such as behara. they worship village deities (takuranis), are saivites, and none of them have been converted to the paramartho form of vishnavism. the caste council, puberty and death ceremonies, are based on the common oriya type, but the marriage rites are an interesting blend of the oriya and telugu types of ceremonial. thus the usual telugu marriage post, but made of streblus asper wood, is set up, and nine kinds of grain are placed near it. a bottu (marriage badge) is tied on the neck of the bride by the bridegroom, and the hands of the contracting couple are united (hasthagonthi) as among the oriyas. koliyan.--the koliyans are summed up, in the madras census report, , as "a weaver caste, the members of which were originally paraiyans, but now do not eat or intermarry with that caste." they are largely found in the tanjore and madura districts, and are divided into various nadus (territories) and kuppams (settlements). those at pattukottai, for example, belong to ambu nadu, and are sub-divided into five kuppams. many of the koliyans are engaged in weaving coarse white cloths, while some work as field labourers. as some paraiyans have samban (siva) as their title, so the title of the koliyans is isan (god). at times of marriage, the names of persons must not be mentioned without this title, e.g., one who is, in everyday life, called ponnan is addressed as isa ponnan. an interesting point in connection with the first puberty ceremonial of a girl is that, on the sixteenth day, when she bathes, a withe of a creeper (dalbergia, sp.) made into a loop, is passed round her body by a barber from head to foot thrice, without touching her. if this is not done, it is believed that the girl is not free from pollution. there are two forms of marriage ceremony, called chinna (little) and periya (big) kalyanam. the former is resorted to by those who cannot afford the more elaborate ceremonial. the sister of the bridegroom is sent to the house of the bride on an auspicious day. she there ties the tali (marriage badge) on the bride's neck, and conducts her to the house of the bridegroom. women who are thus married may not take part in the marriage of their children. more especially, they may not decorate them with garlands and flowers, unless they have themselves performed the sadangu rite. in this, which is usually carried out a day or two before the child's marriage, the husband and wife sit on planks, and, after being decorated, and the performance of wave offerings (arathi), the former ties the tali on his wife's neck. in the periya kalyanam, the bridegroom goes on a horse to the bride's house, where he is met by her brother, who is also on horseback. they exchange garlands, and proceed to the marriage pandal (booth). the bridegroom receives from the bride's father a cocoanut, and the bride seats herself on a bench. the bridegroom gives her the cocoanut, and ties the tali on her neck. they then exchange garlands, and their fingers are linked together. all these items must be performed as quickly as possible, in accordance with a saying that the tali should be tied without dismounting from the horse, which one is riding. before the tali is tied, the contracting couple go through the sadangu ceremony, in which a loop of cotton thread is passed over them from head to foot, without touching them. then the kankanams, or wrist threads, are tied on their wrists. the milk-post and marriage pots are set up within the pandal, and the bride and bridegroom prostrate themselves before them, and salute their maternal uncles, parents and relations, and lastly the musicians. the day's proceedings terminate with a feast, at the conclusion of which hands are washed within the house. for six days the bride and bridegroom pay visits to each other alternately, and, on the seventh day, the wrist-threads, marriage pots, and milk-post are removed. during marriage and other auspicious ceremonies, coloured water, into which leaves of bauhinia variegata are thrown, are waved (arathi). on ceremonial occasions, and at times of worship, the koliyans put on saivite sect marks. among other deities, they worship aiyanar, pattavanswami, and pothiamman. the dead are burnt, and the body is placed in a seated posture with fingers and toes tied together. on the way to the burning-ground, a widow goes round the corpse, and breaks a pot containing water. on the day after the funeral, the calcined bones are collected, and arranged so as to represent a human figure, to which food is offered. the final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are performed on the sixteenth day. a mass of cooked rice, vegetables, and meat, is placed within an enclosure, round which the relations go in tears. kollakar.--there are about seven hundred members of this community at cochin, to which place the kollakars, or people of kollam, are said to have come from quilon (kollam) in travancore one or two centuries ago. the majority of the men work as coolies on board steamers, and a few as fishermen. the women of the poorer classes twist rope and sell fish, while the others make lace. a few hold appointments under the government, and, in , two had passed the matriculation examination of the madras university. they are roman catholics, and are said to have been converted to christianity by the portuguese. they marry among themselves. the kollakars are also found at calicut, cannanore, mahe, and tellicherry, and are mainly occupied in fishing, rope-making, and making fishing-nets. a few at tellicherry are employed as carpenters, tailors, and petty shopkeepers. kolla kurup.--the kolla kurups of malabar are described, in the gazetteer of malabar, as a sub-caste of, or a caste allied to, the kammalans. "they combine two professions, which at first sight seem strangely incongruous, shampooing or massage, and the construction of the characteristic leather shields of malabar. but the two arts are intimately connected with the system of combined physical training, as we should now call it, and exercise in arms, which formed the curriculum of the kalari (gymnasium), and the title kurup is proper to castes connected with that institution." among kolla kurups, the following symbolical ceremony is necessary to constitute a valid divorce. "the husband and the wife's brother stand east and west respectively of a lighted lamp placed in the yard of the woman's original home. the husband pulls a thread from his cloth, and approaches the lamp, and breaks the thread saying 'here is your sister's accharam.'" kollan.--the blacksmiths are iron-workers among the malayalam kammalans. "these malabar kollans," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are said to practice fraternal polyandry to a greater extent even than the rest of the malabar artizan castes. kollans are divided into ( ) ti (fire) kollan, ( ) perum (big) kollan, ( ) tiperum kollan, ( ) irumbu (iron) kollan. there are also kadacchil kollan (knife-grinders) and tol kollan (leather-workers). these are of inferior status, on account of the nature of their professions." kollar.--a section of tottiyan, the full name of which is yerrakollavaru or yerrakolla tottiyar. kollar is a corrupt tamil form of golla, to which caste the tottiyans trace their descent. kolli (fire-brand).--a sub-division of kadu kurumba. kolli (a hill-range, the kollimalais).--a sub-division of malayalis. komali (buffoon).--an exogamous sept of odde. komanandi.--a sub-division of andis, who go about naked, except for a small loin cloth (komanam). komaro.--oriya blacksmiths. see badhoyi. komati.--the komatis form the great trading caste of the madras presidency, and are found in almost all the districts thereof. they are further found in the mysore state, bombay presidency, berar, central provinces, and as far north-west as baroda. their wide distribution accounts for the great variety which prevails in the minor details of the religious and social ceremonials. the name komati has been derived in many different ways. by some it is said to be from ko-mati, meaning fox-minded. this has reference to the cunning of the komatis in business, and is undoubtedly the outcome of their unpopularity with their customers. the phrase komatiguttu (the secrecy of a komati) is said to be a common one. others say that it is from go-mati, meaning the possessor of cows, one of the ordained duties of vaisyas being the protecting of cows. others, again, say that it is from go-mati, meaning cow-minded. a modern redaction of the kanyaka purana, the sacred book of the komatis, gives this derivation. according to this work, the komatis did severe penance, and were consequently invited to live in heaven. their continued absence from this world gave rise to serious trouble, and vishnu accordingly asked them to return thither for the good of mankind. they, however, refused to do so. vishnu then called for siva, and asked him to induce them to return. siva brought a cow, and directed all the komatis to get into its right ear. from there they saw gloriously decorated towns, with magnificent temples, pleasure gardens, etc., and begged permission to live in them. siva assented, and they speedily began to march off to their new abodes. but, almost immediately, a huge conflagration came in view, and began to overwhelm them. terror-stricken, they cried out to siva to help them in their trouble. he consented on condition that they would return to the mortal world. this they accordingly did. siva gave them the name of gomati, because they exhibited as much fear at the conflagration as a cow would when anything untoward happened. yet another derivation of komati is go-mati, meaning sprung from the cow in accordance with the above legend, or cow-gored in reference to the story that the ancestors of the komatis commingled in a cow-shed, where a pregnant woman was gored by a cow. the derivation ku-mati, meaning evil-minded, is grammatically impossible. the komatis are said to have originally lived, and still live in large numbers on the banks of the godavari river. one of the local names thereof is gomati or gomti, and the sanskrit gomati would, in telugu, become corrupted into komati. the komatis everywhere speak telugu, and are devoted to their mother-tongue. there is a common proverb among them, "telugu theta, aravam adhvanam," meaning that telugu is easy (has an easy flow), and tamil is wretched. "of all dravidian languages," mr. henry morris writes, "telugu is the sweetest and most musical. it is exceedingly mellifluous, and sounds harmonious even in the mouth of the most vulgar and illiterate. it has justly been called the italian of the east." komatis are clever at learning languages other than their own. in the tamil and canarese districts, they are conversant with the languages thereof, and in bombay they speak marathi. in the ganjam and vizagapatam agencies, they speak the kondh and savara languages very fluently. as a commercial caste, the komatis have a secret trade language of their own, which is substantially the same all over the country. it will be seen from the tables given how complete their numerical tables are, ranging, as they do, from one pie to a thousand rupees. it will be observed that the rupee is represented by the word thelupu, which means white. some tamil trading castes in like manner call the rupee velle (white):-- . pie table. pies. nakili batu ke batu kevu nakili batu rayam batu rayam nakili batu . anna table. annas. thapi kamanalu / nakili ana / kev ana kevan nakili ana / rayam analu uddulam analu uddulam nakili analu / kungidu analu sulalu analu the word sulalu is connected with trisulam, the trident emblem of siva, and sometimes used to denote three annas. . rupee table. rs. thapi thelupu / nakili thelupu / ke thelupu rayam thelupu uddulam thelupu uddulam nakili thelupu / panam thelupu mulam thelupu thipam thelupu maram thelupu thamam thelupu navaram thelupu galam thelupu rayam galalu uddulam galalu panam galalu mulam galalu thipanam galalu maram galalu thamam galalu navaram galalu ke savalu rayam savalu uddulam savalu panam savalu mulam savalu thipanam savalu maram savalu thamam savalu navaram savalu galam savalu , . varaham (pagoda) table. ke makaram rayam makaram uddulam makaram panam makaram mulam makaram thipanam makaram maram makaram thamam makaram navaram makaram galam makaram a common saying is that, if you commence at galam, it will be settled at mulam, or, in plain language, begin at ten varahams, and the bargain will be closed at five. when one man says to another "dotu" or "dotra," it means strike the bargain. if a komati is the purchaser, and another says to him "dot ko," it means take it. the komatis are a highly organised caste. in each place where they are settled there is a pedda setti, who, among the kalinga komatis, is known as puri setti or senapathi. among the latter, there is also a headman for several villages, who is styled kularaju or vaisyaraju. each pedda setti is assisted by a mummadi setti, who assembles the castemen for the settlement of important questions, by fines, excommunication, etc. there is further a caste guru bhaskaracharya, whose duties are more religious than social. komatis have recourse to the established courts of justice only as a last resort. they are consulted by other castes in the settlement of their disputes, and it must be said to their credit that their decisions are usually sound, and bear ample testimony to the confidence which is placed in them. the komatis are, broadly speaking, divided into two great sections, called gavara and kalinga. the former live as far north of vizianagram, and are then replaced by the latter. the gavaras or gauras are said to be so called because, by following the caste goddess kanyakamma into the fire-pits, they maintained the gauravam or social status of the caste. according to another version, they are so called because they revere gauri (parvati), the consort of siva, whose incarnation was the goddess kanyakamma. the kalinga komatis are those who live in the old kalinga or kling country, which extended roughly from vizagapatam to orissa. they are forbidden to settle beyond ramatirtham, a place of pilgrimage close to vizianagram. the story goes that their ancestors lived at padmanabham, the hill close to bimlipatam, well known from the battle which took place close to it in , and there sustained great losses. hence the place was deserted, and has ever since been regarded as inauspicious. the komatis have since that time not resided at any place from which the hill can be seen. in fact, they make their first appearance at chipurupalli, and increase in numbers as we go north-eastward. the kalinga komatis believe themselves to be gavara komatis, who became separated from the main stock owing to their emigration from their original home. their meat-eating habit has, they say, widened the breach which separates the two divisions. while the kalinga komatis form a fairly compact division by themselves, the gavaras have become more and more sub-divided. their sub-divisions are either territorial, occupational, or religious in character. thus there are penukonda and veginadu komatis, of whom the former belong to the town of penukonda in the godavari district, and the latter to the vegi or vengi country, the former name of part of the modern kistna district. again, there are trinikas or traivarnikas (third caste people), who are invariably vaishnavas, and to which section a good many of the komatis in the city of madras belong. lingadhari komatis are found mostly in the vizagapatam, godavari, guntur and kistna districts. they wear the lingam in a gold or silver casket. besides these, there are the siva, vaishnava, and madhva komatis, of which the last are mostly found in the bellary district. of occupational sub-divisions, the following may be noted:-- nune (oil); nethi (ghi, clarified butter); dudi (cotton); uppu (salt); gone (gunny-bag); gantha (torn cloth). lastly, there are other divisions, of which the origin dates back to the time of kanyakamma, the caste goddess. thus, there are those who entered the fire-pits with kanyakamma, and those who did not. the former are known as vegina, and the latter as beri, which is said to be a corruption of bedari, meaning those who fled through fear. all gavara komatis are said to be descended from those who entered the fire-pits. the majority of the komatis of the sandur state, in the bellary district, belong to the kallankanadavaru section, which is said to be descended from those who sat on the stone (kallu) mantapa outside the penukonda kanyakamma temple, when the question whether to enter the fire-pits or not was being discussed by the caste elders. the mutual relations between the various sub-divisions vary much. broadly speaking, gavaras and kalingas do not intermarry, and the objection to intermarriage is due to several causes. the former, according to the caste purana, gave their lives to their goddess, while the latter did not. moreover, the former do not partake of animal food and spirituous drinks, whereas the latter do. lingadharis and ordinary saivites intermarry, as also do saivites and madhvas. gavaras and traivarnikas occasionally intermarry, but such marriages are looked down upon. the traivarnikas, like the kalingas, eat animal food. the occupational sub-divisions neither intermarry nor interdine. socially, the gavaras are held in the highest esteem, while the beris are regarded as the lowest in the social scale. the sub-divisions are split up into septs, which are of a strictly exogamous character. that these originated in totemistic belief seems to be supported by what remains of these beliefs at the present day. all the sub-divisions contain such septs, which are very numerous, the names of as many as a hundred and twenty having been collected. the tendency for a long time past has been to reduce the number to a hundred and two, to represent the number of families which followed kanyakamma to the fire-pits. it would be tedious to enumerate the names of all these septs, from which the following, with the corresponding totems, are selected:-- munikula agasi (sesbania grandiflora). amalaka or usiri amalaka or usiri (phyllanthus emblica). anupa or anupala anupala (dolichos lablab). tulasi or tulashishta. tulasi (ocimum sanctum). chinta, chintya, or varachinta. chinta (tamarindus indica). vakkala vakkalu (areca catechu). puchcha puchcha (citrullus colocynthis). padma-sista padma (red lotus). kamala kamalam (white lotus). aranta arati (musa sapientum: plantain). thotakula thotakura (amarantus, sp.). uthakula uththareni (achyranthes aspera). mandu mamadikaya (mangifera indica). dikshama drakshapandu (grapes). venkola vankaya (solanum melongena: brinjal). sauna samanthi (chrysanthemum indicum). gosila, sathya gosila, and uthama gosila. cow. asthi elephant. enupa buffalo. ghonta horse. ananta cobra. bhramada or bhramara bee. arka or surya sun. chandra, chandra sishta, suchandra, or vannavamsam. moon. it may be observed that the totems are variously termed gotram, vamsam, and kulam. the first of these is in imitation of the brahman gotras. vamsam is the bams of the agency tracts of ganjam, vizagapatam, and the godavari districts. the name means bamboo, and denotes a family, whose branches are as countless as those of a bamboo. kulam is used as the equivalent of group or family. the totem objects are revered in the usual way, and no secret is made of the reverence shown to them. in regard to plant totems, it is stated that, if the totem objects are not strictly treated as tabu, delinquents will be born as insects for seven generations. but an exception is allowed. a person who wishes to eat the forbidden plant may do so by annually performing the funeral ceremonies of the totem ancestor at gaya, the great hindu place of pilgrimage where obsequial ceremonies to ancestors are performed. in recent times, the komatis have claimed to be the vaisyas mentioned in the vedic purusha-sukta. accordingly, the totems have been arranged under the different brahmanical gotras, whose pravaras have been appropriated. thus, munikula and four others are grouped under madgalya rishi gotra, whose pravara is given for all the five. similarly, vakkala kula and another kula come under vayavya rishi; ghonta kula under goupaka rishi; arati, arisishta and a few others under atri rishi; anupa kula under agasthya rishi, and so on. it is said that the totem names are secret names (sanketa namamulu) given by kanyakamma, in order that the bearers thereof may be distinguished from those who did not take up her cause. all sub-divisions of the caste, however, have these septs in common. in the northern parts of the madras presidency, the sept is further sub-divided into sections called intiperulu (house names). these are either named after some distinguished ancestor, or the place where the family once lived before emigrating to their present abode. these intiperulu are purely exogamous. a komati can claim his maternal uncle's daughter in marriage, in accordance with the custom of menarikam. the rigidity with which this right is exercised is testified by the sacred book of the caste--the kanyaka purana. on their descent from heaven, it is said, the komatis settled in eighteen towns (ashta dasapuramulu), which had been built by visvakarma under the orders of siva. these towns are said to be situated in a tract of country sixty-four yojanas in extent, and bounded on the east by the gautami (godavari), on the south by the sea, on the west by the gostani, and on the north by the ganges. of these, penukonda, in the modern godavari district, was the capital. in it are the temples of nagariswaraswami (dedicated to siva), and janardhanaswami (dedicated to vishnu). its pedda setti was kusama sreshti, and his wife was kusamamba. he performed putra kameshti sacrifice, and was blessed with a son and daughter. the former was named virupaksha, and the latter vasavambika (vasavakanya, kanyakamma, or kanyaka parameswari). the girl was possessed of indescribable beauty. vishnu vardhana, the son of vijayarka of the lineage of the moon, who had his capital at rajamundry, while on a pleasure tour round his dominions, halted at penugonda, on learning that it was ruled by setti rajas, who paid no tribute to him. being informed of his arrival by their boys, the caste elders, headed by kusuma setti, welcomed him, and took him in procession through the town. then the women of the place waved arathi before him. among them was the beautiful vasavambika, with whom the king instantly fell in love. he proposed to her father that he should give her in marriage to himself, and in return obtain the gift of half of his kingdom. kusuma sreshti protested, and said that the sastras were against such a union. the king, through his minister, threatened that he would plunder his town, take him prisoner, and, with the riches of the place, carry off his daughter, and marry her. the setti chief and his compatriots prayed for time to think over the matter, and retired. the chief then called a meeting of the castemen, at which it was decided that they should make a false promise to the king that they would give the girl in marriage to him, and send him off with a dinner, to return to penugonda for the marriage after the lapse of a couple of months. meanwhile, the boys of the town assembled, and resolved that the dinner ought not to be given. they informed their elders of this resolution, and were commissioned to induce the king to leave the town without it. this they did, with the ambiguous promise that, if they did not give the girl in marriage to him, they would kill themselves. on this, the king went off towards his capital, and kusuma setti called a caste meeting of the eighteen towns, at which various proposals were made. one proposed that the girl should not be given in marriage, and that, if the king came to claim her hand, he should be driven off. another proposed that they should give the girl to the king, and save themselves from ruin. others suggested that it would be best to marry the king to a substituted girl, to secrete the coveted girl, or to bribe the ministers to induce the king to abandon his intention of marrying her. the last of these proposals was adopted, and a few elders were sent to rajamundry, to negotiate the affair. they first argued that, though they promised to give the girl in marriage, the promise was made through fear of the king's anger, and they could not give the girl in contravention of the rule of menarikam. the king, in his fury, ordered that the troops should immediately besiege the eighteen towns, imprison the inhabitants in dark dungeons, and carry off the girl in a palanquin. on this, the envoys heavily bribed the ministers, and begged them not to march the army on their towns. but the king would not yield, and sent his troops on penugonda. the envoys returned home, and narrated their sad tale. a further meeting of the castemen was called at the instance of bhaskaracharya, the caste guru, and it was resolved that all who wished to maintain the caste rule of menarikam should prepare to kill themselves in burning fire-pits. the majority fled rather than comply with the resolution. those, however, who determined to sacrifice themselves in the fire-pits were gotras in number, and they assembled in council, and asked kusuma sreshti to induce his daughter (who was only seven years old) to die with them. to this she consented, and showed herself in her true form of paramesvari, the wife of siva. on this, the setti chief returned to his castemen, who asked him to get fire-pits ready in the western portion of the town before the arrival of the king. these were accordingly dug, and decorated with festoons and plantain trunks at the four corners. then the heads of the gotras assembled, with their wives, in the courtyard of the temple of nagaresvaraswami, where vasavambika was symbolically married to the god. the headmen then tied on vira kankanams (heroes' wrist-threads), and marched in a body, with vasavambika, to the fire-pits. there they gave counsel to their children that they should not ask voli (bride-price) for the marriage of their daughters, or communicate their secrets to females, or allow karnams (village accountants), rulers, unbelievers, or those universally abused into their homes. they further counselled them to give their daughters in marriage to the sons of their paternal aunts, even though they should be black-skinned, plain, blind of one eye, senseless, or of vicious habits, and though their horoscopes did not agree, and the omens were inauspicious. they were warned that, if they failed in so doing, they would lose their riches, and misfortune would fall on their families. moreover, full power was given to the castemen to excommunicate the delinquents, and put them outside the town limits. if the transgressors subsequently repented, they were, after the lapse of six months, to be sent to kasi (benares), bathe in the ganges, and return to their home. there they were to openly express their regret for their past conduct, fast the whole day, feed brahmans, and present them with three hundred cows, and hear the mahabharatha during the night. on the following day, they were again to fast, present two hundred cows to brahmans and feast them, and hear the ramayana during the night. on the third day, they were once more to fast, present a hundred cows, and hear the bhagavatam during the night. on the fourth day, they were again to feast brahmans, and worship nagaresvaraswami of penugonda, and thus purge themselves from the sin of contravening the rule of menarikam. but they were not bound to follow the rule, if the paternal aunt's son was totally blind, deaf, insane, stricken with disease, a eunuch, thief, idiot, leper, dwarf, or immoral, or if an old man or younger than the girl. the children were further advised to respect, at the time of their marriage, the families whose heads went as envoys to the king at rajamundry, and the boys who made false promises to the king, and induced him to withdraw to his capital. the heads of the families then made various gifts to brahmans, and asked vasavambika to enter the pit. in her true form of paramesvari, she blessed those gotras which had resolved to follow her, and announced that those who had fled would be nameless and without caste. she then declared that, immediately vishnu vardhana entered penugonda, his head would fall severed from his neck. finally, she invoked brahma not to create thenceforth beautiful girls in the caste in which she was born, and prayed that in future they should be short of stature, with gaping mouth, disproportionate legs, broad ears, crooked hands, red hair, sunken eyes, dilated eye-balls, insane looks, broad noses and wide nostrils, hairy body, black skin, and protruding teeth. she then jumped into her pit, and immediately afterwards the heads of the gotras, with their wives, fell into their respective pits, and were reduced to ashes. on the morrow, vishnu vardhana started on his journey from rajamundry to penugonda. brahmans portended evil, and a voice from heaven said that he would lose his life. an evil spirit obstructed him, and it rained blood. lightning struck men, and numerous other signs of impending evil occurred. arrived at penugonda, vishnu vardhana was informed that the castemen and vasavambika had been burnt in the fire-pits. stunned by the news, he fell from his elephant, and his head was severed from his body, and broke into a thousand pieces. his broken head and body were carried by his followers to rajamundry, and cremated by his son raja raja narendra. then the latter pacified the citizens of penugonda, and appointed virupaksha, the son of kusuma sreshti, pedda setti of the towns. the families performed funeral rites for their dead parents, visited kasi and ramesvaram, and built a temple in honour of vasavambika at penugonda, in which they placed an image in her name, and worshipped it ever afterwards. popular versions of the story here related from the purana are told all over southern india, where komatis live. one of the most singular of these is narrated by bishop whitehead. [ ] "the story," he writes, "goes that, in ancient days, there was a bitter hatred between the komatis, who claim to belong to the vaisya caste, and the mlechas or barbarians. when the komatis were getting worsted in the struggle for supremacy, they requested parvati, the wife of siva, to come and deliver them. it so happened that about that time parvati was incarnate as a girl of the komati caste, who was exceedingly beautiful. the mlechas demanded that she should be given in marriage to one of their own people, and the refusal of the komatis led to severe fighting, in which the komatis, owing to the presence of the avatar of siva among them, were completely victorious, and almost exterminated their enemies. after their victory, the komatis entertained doubts as to the chastity of the girl, and compelled her to purify herself by passing through fire. this she did, and disappeared in the fire, resuming her real shape as parvati, and taking her place beside siva in heaven. her last words were a command to the komatis to worship her, if they wished their caste to prosper." it is impossible to identify with certainty the vishnu vardhana of the purana. there are as many as eleven individuals of that name known in eastern chalukyan history. the purana refers to vishnu vardhana, the son of vijayarka, who had his capital at rajamundry. his son, according to the same authority, was raja raja narendra. according to the mackenzie manuscripts, the town of rajamundry was founded by a king named vijayaditya mahendra, who has not been identified. dr. fleet is of opinion that vishnu vardhana vi, who ruled between and a.d., was the first to occupy, and re-name it. he, therefore, called himself rajamahendra. amma ii, who ruled between and a.d., bore the same title. his brother and successor was danarnaya ( -- a.d.). passing over the hiatus of thirty years, when the country was in the hands of the cholas, we come to the reign of saktivarman, the eldest son of danarnaya. if we are to believe the kanyaka purana, then we must identify this saktivarman with its vijayarka. saktivarman's successor, according to inscriptions, was vimaladitya, who must be identified with the vishnu vardhana of the purana. vimaladitya's son, according to inscriptions, was raja raja i, surnamed vishnu vardhana viii. he has been identified with the raja raja narendra of current tradition in the telugu country, to whom nannayya bhatta dedicated his translation of the mahabharatha. he must also be the raja raja narendra of the purana. if that is so, we must set down the cardinal incidents mentioned in it to the first quarter of the th century a.d. the actual spots where the principal events of the tragedy were enacted are still pointed out at penugonda. thus, the garden in which king vishnu vardhana halted is said to be the site on which the hamlet of vanampalli (meaning village of gardens) stands at present. the spot where the huge fire-pit for kanyakamma was dug is pointed out as having been in field nos. / and / to the north of the now non-existent nagarasamudram tank. the other pits were, it is said, in the fields round the bund (embankment) of this tank. the tank is now under cultivation, but faint traces of the bund are said to be still visible. it is about two furlongs to the north-west of the temple of nagaresvaraswami. it is locally believed that kanyakamma's fire-pit was, on the morning following her tragic end, found to contain, among the ashes, a golden likeness of herself, which was placed by the side of the image of nagareswara, to whom she had been married. long afterwards, the golden image was removed, and one in stone substituted for it, in accordance, it is said, with the direction of kanyakamma, who appeared to one of the townsmen in a dream. the temple of nagaresvaraswami has several inscriptions on slabs, built into its prakara, and elsewhere. one of these is on the gateway inside the prakara walls. it opens with a glowing description of the powers of nagaresvaraswami in giving blessings and gifts, and refers to penugonda as one of the eighteen towns built by visvakarma, and presented by siva to the komatis as a place of residence. the object of the inscription appears to be to record the restoration by one kothalinga, a komati whose genealogy is given, of the great town (penugonda), which had been burnt to ashes by a gajapathi king. he is also stated to have made grants of tanks, wells, and pleasure gardens, for the benefit of nagaresvaraswami, for whose daily offerings and the celebration of festivals he provided by the grants of the villages of mummadi, ninagepudi, varanasi, kalkaveru, and mathampudi, all included in the town of penugonda. various inscriptions show that, from so early a time as a.d., if not from still earlier times, the temple had become popular with the komatis, and got intertwined with the statements now found in the purana. rai bahadur v. venkayya, government epigraphist, writes to say that the teki plates found in the ramachandrapuram taluk of the godavari district, and published by dr. e. hultzsch, [ ] may refer to some komatis. the edict contained in it was, according to dr. hultzsch, probably issued about a.d., and records the grant of certain honorary privileges on the descendants of a family of merchants belonging to the teliki family. that about the end of the th century a.d., the story of kanyakamma was popular is obvious from the telugu version of the markandeya purana, which was composed by the poet marana, the disciple of tikkana, the part author of the telugu bharata. in this purana, the following episode, which bears a close resemblance to the story narrated in the kanyaka purana, is introduced. a king, named vrushadha, while on a hunting expedition, killed a cow, mistaking it for a "bison." he was cursed by bhabhravya, the son of a rishi, who was in charge of it, and in consequence became a sudra, by name anaghakara. he had seven sons, a descendant of one of whom was nabhaga, who fell in love with a komati girl, and asked her parents to give her in marriage to him. the komatis replied much in the same manner as kusuma sreshti and his friends did to the ministers of vishnu vardhana in the kanyaka purana. their answer will be found in canto vii, , of the markandeya purana, which contains the earliest authentic literary reference to the name komati. in effect they said "thou art the ruler of the whole of this universe, oh! king; we are but poor komatis living by service. say, then, how can we contract such a marriage?" the king was further dissuaded by his father and the brahmans. but all to no purpose. he carried off the girl, and married her in the rakshasa form (by forcible abduction), and, in consequence, in accordance with the law of manu, became a komati. he then performed penance, and again became a kshatriya. it would seem that this episode, which is not found in the sanskrit markandeya purana, is undoubtedly based on the incident recorded in the kanyaka purana. there remain only three arguments to adduce in support of the suggestion that the chief event narrated in the kanyaka purana is worthy of credence. in the marriage ceremonies as performed by the komatis, some prominence is given to certain of the incidents alleged to have taken place in setting at naught the demands of king vishnu vardhana. such, for instance, is the respect shown to the bala nagaram boys, which is referred to later on. secondly, there are certain castes which beg only from komatis, in return for services rendered during this critical period of their history. these are the mailaris and viramushtis. the former still carry round the villages an image of kanyakamma, sing her story, and beg alms of devotees. the viramushtis are wrestlers, who, by acrobatic performances, delayed, by previous arrangement, the second advance of vishnu vardhana, before the komatis committed themselves to the flames. allied to these castes are the bukka komatis. originally, it is explained, the bukkas belonged to the komati caste. when kanyakamma threw herself into the fire-pit, they, instead of following her example, presented bukka powder, saffron, and kunkumum prepared by them to her. she directed that they should live apart from the faithful komatis, and live by selling the articles which they offered to her. the kalinga komatis also have a beggar caste attached to them, called jakkali-vandlu, who have nothing to do with the gavara komati beggar castes. thirdly, if we may place any faith in the stories told by other castes, e.g., the jains of south arcot, the tottiyans, kappiliyans, and beri chettis, the persecution of their subjects by their kings, in the manner indicated in the kanyaka purana, seems to have been widely practiced all over the country. and the method adopted by the komatis to evade the king, and maintain the menarikam rule, has its counterpart in the popular ballad known as lakshmammapata, still sung all over the northern circars, which gives a graphic description of the murder of his wife by a husband, who would not agree to giving their daughter away from his own sister's son. even now, the sentiment on this subject is so strong that a man who goes against the rule of menarikam, not only among the komatis, but among all castes observing it, is looked down on. it is usually described as bending the twig from its natural course, and, as the twig would waste away and die in consequence, so would parties to such marriages not prosper. in , according to the asiatic journal, a case was taken before the supreme court of madras, in which the plaintiff brought an action against his uncle for giving his daughter away in marriage, without making him an offer of her hand. the judges were anxious that the matter should be settled out of court, but the parties disagreed so entirely that nothing less than a public trial would satisfy them. it has not been possible to trace the decision of the court. the komatis have for a long time been alleged to be connected with the madigas in a variety of ways. "the komatis," mr. f. r. hemingway writes, "do not as a rule deny the fact of this connection. the madigas are, indeed, apparently under the protection of the komatis, apply to them for help when in trouble, and obtain loans and other assistance. some komatis explain the connection with the madigas by a story that either vishnu vardhana, or his successor rajaraja narendra persecuted the komatis, and that they had to fly for refuge to the madigas. the madigas took them in, and hid them, and they say that the present favour shown to that caste is only in gratitude for the kindness shown to themselves in the past. the komatis themselves do not admit the title mid-day madigas (applied to them by other castes), but explain it by a story that long ago a komati killed and ate a cow-buffalo, which was really no cow-buffalo, but the wife of a great sage who had transformed her into that shape in order that she might be safe when he was in contemplation. the saint accordingly cursed the caste, and said that they should be mid-day madigas for ever more." it is possible that the connection between the komatis and madigas was originally such as that of the kammalans, ambattans, and other castes, with paraiyans, vettiyans, and other depressed classes, and that, in later times, weird stories were invented by fertile brains to explain them away. one of these undoubtedly is that which makes the komatis the descendants of the issue of a plain brahman and a handsome madiga woman. it is said that their children managed a sweetmeat bazar, which the brahman kept in a much frequented forest, and, in his absence, pointed with a stick (kol) to the plates, and thereby told their prices, without polluting the articles with the touch. hence arose the name kolmutti (those who pointed with the stick), which became softened down to komutti. another story runs to the effect that the madiga woman, when she was pregnant with her first child, was gored by a cow, and gave birth to it in the cow-shed. hence arises the name go-mutti, or cow-gored. in days gone by, it was incumbent on the komatis to bear the marriage expenses of the madiga families attached to their village, much in the same way that the chakkiliyan is treated in the madura district by the tottiyan caste in return for the services he renders when a tottiyan girl is under pollution on reaching maturity. in later times, this custom dwindled in some places [ ] to the payment of the expenses of the marriage of two madigas, and even this was abandoned in favour of inviting the madigas to their weddings. in the city of madras, it would appear to have been customary, in the eighteenth century, for the komatis to get the mangalyam or sathamanam (marriage badge) blessed by an aged madiga before it was tied on the bride's neck. further, it would appear to have then been customary to give the sacred fire, used at marriages for the performance of homam, to a madiga, and receive it back from him. these, and similar customs, traces of which still exist in some places (e.g., north arcot), show that the madiga has some claim on the komatis. what that claim is is not clear. however, it is reported that, if the madiga is not satisfied, he can effectually put a stop to a marriage by coming to the house at which it is to be celebrated, chopping away the plantain trunks which decorate the marriage booth, and carrying them off. similarly, kammalans invite vettiyans (or paraiyans) to their marriage, and, if this is not done, there is the same right to cut down the plantain trunks. it would seem that the right thus exercised has reference to the right to the soil on which the booth stands. the cutting away of the plantain shows that their right to stand there is not recognised. the invitation to the madiga or vettiyan would thus refer to the recognition by the komatis and kammalans to the lordship of the soil held in bygone days by these now depressed castes. writing in and , respectively, sir walter elliot and major j. s. f. mackenzie of the mysore commission refer [ ] to the presentation of betel and nuts by the komatis to the madigas, thereby inviting them to be present at their marriages. dr. g. oppert also refers to the same custom. [ ] having risen in the social scale, the komatis would naturally wish to give this invitation covertly. major mackenzie says that the komatis in mysore, in order to covertly invite the madigas to the wedding, went to the back of their houses at a time when they were not likely to be seen, and whispered into an iron vessel, such as is commonly used for measuring grain, an invitation in the following words:--"in the house of the small ones (i.e., komatis) a marriage is going to take place. the members of the big house (i.e., madigas) are to come." the madigas look on such a secret invitation as an insult, and would, if they saw the inviters, handle them roughly. it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "now-a-days the presentation (of betel leaf and nuts) is sometimes veiled by the komati concerned sending his shoes to be mended by the madiga a few days before the wedding, deferring payment till the wedding day, and then handing the madiga the leaf and nut with the amount of his bill." according to another account, the komati of set purpose unbinds the toe-ring of his native shoes (cherupu), and summons the madiga, whose function it is to make and repair these articles of attire. the madiga quietly accepts the job, and is paid more amply than is perhaps necessary in the shape of pan-supari, flowers, and money. on the acceptance by the madiga of the betel and nuts, the komati asks "cherinda, cherinda"? i.e., has it reached you, and the madiga replies "cherindi, cherindi", i.e., it has reached. until he replies thus, the mangalyam cannot, it is said, be tied on the bride's neck. in the bellary district, betel leaf and nuts are usually left at night behind the madiga's house, in token of the invitation to the wedding. in the godavari district, according to mr. hemingway, the komati gives an order for a madiga for palmyra leaf baskets before the marriage, and presents him with betel and nut when he brings the baskets. still another account says that some of the komatis, just before a marriage, leave in the backyard of madiga houses a few pice and betel close to the cattle-pen, and that it is whispered that some komatis use chuckler's (leather-worker's) tools, made in silver, for worship. it is also reported that chuckler's work is pretended to be gone through by some komatis, after the completion of the marriage ceremonies, in the backyard of the house at dead of night, in the presence of caste-people only, and by preference under a danimma chettu (punica granatum: pomegranate). this is known as kulacharam, kuladharmam, or gotra puja (custom of the caste, or worship of the gotras). the figure of a cow is made of flour, and into its stomach they put a mixture of turmeric, lime, and water, called wokali. this, it has been suggested, is meant to represent blood. after the cow has been worshipped in due form, it is cut up with instruments made of flour, and intended to represent those used by cobblers. to each family is secretly sent that portion of the cow, which, according to custom, they are entitled to receive. thus, the kommala-varu receive the horns, the gontula the neck, the karakapala the hands and temples, the thonti the hump, the danta the teeth, the veligollu the white nails, and so on. major mackenzie testified to the performance of this ceremony by the caste in mysore in , and it is recorded from different parts of the madras presidency. the flour, which is thus distributed, is known as nepasani mudda or nepasani unta. the ceremony is still performed in the city of madras, on the night of the fifth day if the marriage lasts over seven days, or on the night of the third day if it lasts over five days. if the wedding ceremonies are completed in one day, the ceremony is performed even during the day time. the following details are performed. a brass vessel (kalasam) and a cocoanut are set up in the house, and the bride and bridegroom's parties arrange themselves on each side of it. the vessel is decorated, and the cocoanut is made to represent the face of a woman, with eyes, nose, mouth, etc., and adorned with jewelry, flowers, anilin and turmeric powder marks. a young man of the bridegroom's party worships the feet of all present. the flour cow is then made, cut up, and distributed. cocoanuts are broken, and camphor is set on fire, and waved before the vessel. mr. muhammad ibrahim states that families are known by the names of the various organs of the cow in the godavari district. there is, he says, a story to the effect that some komatis killed a cow-buffalo, which went about as such by day, but became transformed into a beautiful woman under the miraculous influence of a pious brahman. as a redemption for their sin, these komatis were ordered by the brahman to take their names after the various parts of the animal, and as, by killing the animal, they proved worse than madigas, they were ordered to show respect to these people. in the kumbum taluk of the kurnool district, a flour buffalo is substituted for the cow. in the markapur taluk of the same district, two elephants are made of mud, and the bride and bridegroom sit beside them. presentations of cloths and jewels are then made to them. the officiating purohit (priest) worships the elephants, and the bride and bridegroom go round them. two further points of connection between the komatis and madigas are referred to by major mackenzie. "i find," he writes, "that it is the custom to obtain the fire for burning kama, the indian cupid, at the end of the holi feast from a madiga's house. the madigas do not object to giving the fire, in fact they are paid for it." this appears to be a purely local custom, and no trace of its existence has been found in various parts of the madras presidency. the other point refers to the identification of the goddess matangi of the madigas with the komati goddess kanyaka amma. "i cannot," major mackenzie writes, "discover the connection between two such different castes as the komatis and madigas, who belong to different divisions. the komatis belong to the pana division, while the madigas are members of the pana. [ ] one reason has been suggested. the caste goddess of the komatis is the virgin kannika amma, who destroyed herself rather than marry a prince, because he was of another caste. she is usually represented by a vessel full of water, and, before the marriage ceremonies are commenced, she is brought in state from the temple, and placed in the seat of honour in the house. the madigas claim kannika as their goddess, worship her under the name of matangi and object to the komatis taking their goddess." the komatis stoutly deny that there is any connection between matangi and kanyaka amma, and it would seem that they are independent goddesses. marriage is always infant. a brahman purohit officiates. each purohit has a number of houses attached to his circle, and his sons usually divide the circle among themselves on partition, like any other property. polygamy is permitted, but only if the first wife produces no offspring. the taking of a second wife is assented to by the first wife, who, in some cases, believes that, as the result of the second marriage, she herself will beget children. two forms of marriage ceremonial are recognised, one called puranoktha, according to long established custom, and the other called vedoktha, which follows the vedic ritual of brahmans. in madras, on the first day of a marriage, the contracting couple have an oil bath, and the bridegroom goes through the upanayana (sacred thread investiture) ceremony. he then pretends to go off to kasi (benares), and is met by the bride's party, who take him to the bride's house, where the mangalyam is tied by the bridegroom before the homam (sacrificial fire). on the second day, homam is continued, and a caste dinner is given. on the third day, the gotra puja is performed. on the fourth day, homam is repeated, and, on the following day, the pair are seated on a swing, and rocked to and fro. presents, called katnam, are made to the bridegroom, but no voli (bride-price) is paid. in the mofussil, [ ] where the puranoktha form of ceremonial is more common, ancestors are invoked on the first day. on the second day, the ashtavarga is observed, and the bride and bridegroom worship eight of the principal gods of the hindu pantheon. on this day, the pandal (marriage booth) is erected. on the third day, the mangalyam is tied, sometimes by the officiating brahman purohit, and sometimes by the bridegroom. on the fourth day, the brahmans of the place are honoured, and, on the following day, in most places, a festival is held in honour of the goddess kanyaka parameswari. the bride and bridegroom's mothers go to a tank (pond) or river with copper vessels, and bring back water at the head of a procession. the vessels are placed in a special pandal, and worshipped with flowers, anilin and turmeric powders. finally, cocoanuts are broken before them. on the next day, or on the same day if the marriage ceremonies conclude thereon, the festival in honour of the balanagaram boys, or those who helped the komatis of penugonda in their trouble with vishnu vardhana, is held. five boys and girls are bathed, decked with jewelry, and taken in procession to the local temple, whence they are conducted to the bride's house, where they are fed. on the following day, the ceremony called thotlu puja is performed. a doll is placed in a cradle connected with two poles, and rocked to and fro. the bridegroom gives the doll into the hands of the bride, saying that he has to go on a commercial trip. the bride hands it back to him, with the remark that she has to attend to her kitchen work. on the following day, the bridal couple are taken in procession, and, in the bellary district, a further day is devoted to the surgi ceremony. the bride and bridegroom bathe together, go to the local temple, and return. then five girls bathe, the five posts of the marriage pandal are worshipped, and the kankanams (wrist-threads) are removed from the wrists of the newly-married couple. kalinga komatis, who live in the northern part of ganjam, and have forgotten their mother-tongue, have practically adopted the oriya customs, as they have to depend mainly on oriya brahmans. at their marriages, however, they use the telugu bottu or sathamanam. widow remarriage is not permitted among any sections of the caste, which is very strict in the observance of this rule. except among the saivites, a widow is not compelled to have her head shaved, or give up wearing jewelry, or the use of betel. in the south of the madras presidency, if a little girl becomes a widow, her mangalyam is not removed, and her head is not shaved till she reaches maturity. vaishnava widows always retain their hair. concerning a form of marriage between the living and the dead, performed by members of this caste if a man and woman have been living together, and the man dies, mr. hutchinson writes as follows. [ ] "the sad intelligence of her man's death is communicated to her neighbours, a guru or priest is summoned, and the ceremony takes place. according to a writer who once witnessed such a proceeding, the dead body of the man was placed against the outer wall of the verandah of the house in a sitting posture, attired like a bridegroom, and the face and hands besmeared with turmeric. the woman was clothed like a bride, and adorned with the usual tinsel ornament over the face, which, as well as the arms, was daubed over with yellow. she sat opposite the dead body, and spoke to it in light unmeaning words, and then chewed bits of dry cocoanuts, and squirted them on the face of the dead man. this continued for hours, and not till near sunset was the ceremony brought to a close. then the head of the corpse was bathed, and covered with a cloth of silk, the face rubbed over with some red powder, and betel leaves placed in the mouth. now she might consider herself married, and the funeral procession started." this refers to the vira saiva or lingayat komatis of the northern circars. in the northern circars, and part of the ceded districts, the vedoktha form of marriage now prevails, and its usage is spreading into the southern districts of mysore. further, the komatis perform most of their ceremonies in the same form. this, it is contended, is a latter day development by some of the more conservative members of the caste, but it is stated by those who follow it that it is allowed to them by the hindu sastras (law books), as they are vaisyas. during recent years, the latter view has obtained a great impetus through the writings and influence of several of the more prominent members of the caste, between whom and their opponents a war of pamphlets has taken place. it is not possible here to go into details of the dispute, but the main point seems to be as follows. on the one hand, it is denied that there are any true vaisyas in the kaliyuga (iron age). and so, though the komatis are accorded the status of vaisyas in recognition of their being traders, yet they cannot follow the vedic form of ceremonial, which is the exclusive right of brahmans; and, even if they ever followed it, they forfeited it after the break-up of the caste on the death of kanyakamma. on the other hand, it is stated that the komatis are dwijas (twice born), and that they are consequently entitled to follow the vedic ritual, and that those who forfeited the vedic rights are those who did not follow kanyakamma to the fire-pits, and do not therefore belong to the gotras. the dispute is an old standing one, and nearly a century ago was taken for adjudication as far as the judicial committee of the privy council. the question whether the komatis are entitled to perform their subah and asubah (auspicious, like marriage, and inauspicious, like death) ceremonies according to the vedic form, was raised by the brahmans of masulipatam in , and adjudicated upon. [ ] disputes had occurred between the brahmans and komatis for a long time, and disturbances constantly took place. the magistrate of masulipatam prohibited the komatis from performing one of the ceremonies, until they had established their right to do so in a civil court. the appellants thereon sued the defendants in damages for impediments made against their attending to the rites prescribed by the vedas, and prayed for permission to perform them in conformity with the vedas. the defendants denied the right of the komatis to perform, and the fact of their ever having performed the ceremonies appointed by the vedas. they admitted the intervention of the magistrate, and stated that "upwards of two thousand years ago, the komatis adopted the customs of the soodra caste, and some of them became byri komatis, and bookha caste people, etc. the rest of them, amounting to a hundred and two gotras, fabricated false gotrams for themselves, and called themselves nagaram komatis. they fabricated a book called canniaca puranam, named the bashcara puntulu varu their priest, conformed to that book, performed the sign of the upanayana ceremony in a loose manner, and in the language of the puranas; at the time of marriage, made marriage ceremony in seven days contrary to the custom of all castes whatever, erected prolu posts, made lumps of dough with flour, and got the same divided among them according to their spurious gotrams, at midnight fetched the pot of water called arivany, and observed the ceremonies for ten days on the occurrence of a birth, and fifteen days on the occurrence of a death. in this manner, the forefathers of the plaintiffs, the other merchants, and the plaintiffs themselves, had got all ceremonies conducted for upwards of two thousand years past." they cited instances, in which the plaintiffs, or some of them, had failed in previous attempts to sustain the right now claimed, and objected to the form of the plaint as not sufficiently setting forth the particulars and nature of the obstruction for which the plaintiffs claimed compensation. the plaintiffs, in their reply, did not negative or rebut the specific statements of the defendants, but insisted generally on their right to the performance of the ceremonies in question. the point at issue being not clear from the pleadings, the parties were questioned in open court as to the precise object of the action, and the ground on which it was maintained. the plaintiffs stated that their object was the establishment of their right to have the whole of the subha and asubha ceremonies performed in their houses by brahmans in the language of the vedas, and that they claimed this right on the ground of the sastras. on this, the zilla judge framed a hypothetical statement of facts and law based on the defendant's answer for the opinion of the pandit of the court, and, upon his opinion, declared the plaintiffs entitled to have the ceremonies performed for them by brahmans. upon appeal, the provincial court for the northern division remitted the suit to the zilla court to take evidence, and, upon such opinions of the pandits which the provincial court took upon the same statement as the zilla, they affirmed the decree, but without costs. the pandits consulted by them were those of the provincial courts of the northern, centre, southern and western divisions. they all agreed that "the brahmans ought not to perform the ceremonies in the language of the vadas for the vaisyas." three of them further added that, in their opinion, the judges ought to pass a decision, awarding that the komatis are to continue to perform religious rites according to the rules laid down in the book called puranam (i.e., in the puranoktha form), as are at present observed by the corrupt or degenerate vaisyas or komatis and others. on appeal, the sudder dewani adawlut reversed the decisions of the lower courts, "having maturely weighed the evidence produced, and considered the unbiassed and concurring opinions of the four law officers of the provincial courts." on further appeal to the privy council, lord brougham, in delivering judgment, observed that "the plaintiffs, not having, in their opinion, alleged any case of injury done to them by the defendants upon which they were entitled to go into evidence, and not having therefore established any case for damages in their suit against the defendants, no question remained but of a mere declaration of a right to perform certain religious ceremonies; that, if the courts had jurisdiction to proceed to the determination of that question in this suit (upon which their lordships guard themselves in their judgment), the plaintiffs have not produced sufficient evidence to establish such a right; that, under these circumstances, all the decrees therefore ought to be reversed, and the plaint dismissed (the reversal of the sudder court amounts in fact to a dismissal of the plaint); but it is not, as it ought to be, a dismissal without costs; and that this decision should be without prejudice to the existence or non-existence of the right claimed by the appellants, in any other suit, in which such a question may be properly raised." the komatis wear the sacred thread, and utter the gayatri and other sacred mantras. a number of them, at adoni in the bellary district, refused to be measured by me in the afternoon, as they would not have time to bathe, and remove the pollution by evening. in telugu dictionaries, the komatis are given the alternative names of mudava kolamuvaru (those of the third caste), vaisyalu, and nallanayya todabiddalu (those who were begotten from the thighs of vishnu). as already stated, there are among the komatis ordinary saivites, who daub themselves with ashes; lingayats or vira saivas, who wear the linga in a silver casket; ramanuja vaishnavites; chaitanya vaishnavas, who are confined to the kalinga section; and madhvas, who put on the sect marks of madhva brahmans. the traivarnikas are a special class among the vaishnavas. they imitate the vaishnava brahmans more closely than the rest. they, and their females, tie their cloths like brahmans, and the men shave moustaches. unlike the saivites and lingayats, they eat flesh and fish, and drink spirituous liquors. they will eat in the houses of satanis, whereas other komatis do not eat in any but brahman houses. but it may be observed that velamas, balijas, kammalans, ambattans, vannans, and many other castes, will take neither water nor food from komatis. this, however, does not prevent them from purchasing the cakes prepared in ghi or oil, which the komatis sell in petty shops. writing early in the nineteenth century, buchanan refers [ ] to a dispute at gubbi in the mysore state between the komatis and banajigas, which arose from the former building a temple to their goddess kanyakamma. purnia, the prime-minister, divided the town by a wall, thus separating the two parties. the komatis claimed that it had been the custom for all parties to live together, and that it would be an infringement of the rules of caste for them to be forced into a separate quarter. the chief of the komatis entered the town in procession, on horseback with an umbrella held over his head. this assumption of rank was regarded by the banajigas with the utmost indignation. to such a pitch did the quarrel reach that, at the time of buchanan's visit, there was a rumour current as to the necessity of killing a jack-ass in the street, which would cause the immediate desolation of the place. "there is," he writes, "not a hindu in karnata, that would remain another night in it, unless by compulsion. even the adversaries of the party would think themselves bound in honour to fly. this singular custom seems to be one of the resources upon which the natives have fallen to resist arbitrary oppression, and may be had recourse to whenever the government infringes, or is considered to have infringed upon the custom of any caste. it is of no avail against any other kind of oppression." a brief reference may be made to the part which the komatis took, in bygone days, in the faction fights known as right and left-hand caste disputes. some of the south indian castes, including the komatis, belong to the former, and others to the latter. those belonging to the left-hand would not let those belonging to the right-hand pass through their streets with their marriage and other processions. the right-hand section was equally jealous of the left. the komatis, who were among the early settlers in the town of madras in the seventeenth century, were involved in faction disputes on two recorded occasions, once, in a.d., during the governorship of aaron baker, and later on during that of william pitt, [ ] in . when a wedding procession of members of one section passed through the streets of the other section, pitt summoned twelve of the heads of each section, and locked them up in a room together, until the dispute should be adjusted. an agreement was speedily arrived at, according to which the right-hand settled on the west side of the town, now known as pedda naikan pettah, and the left-hand on the east side, in what is at present called mutialu pettah. the komatis accordingly are now mainly found in the western part of the city of madras. all over the country, the komatis venerate the deified virgin kannika parameswari, to whom, in most places, they have erected temples. one of these, at tadpatri in the anantapur district, which was in course of construction in , is of more than ordinary interest. it was being built at the expense of the local komatis, who had raised a subscription among themselves for the purpose. the design was original, and even arches entered into its construction. the sculpture, with which it is decorated, is quite excellent in design and finish. much of it is copied from the two beautiful temples, which have existed at the place since the days of the vijianagar dynasty. other notable temples are those at penukonda, vizianagram in vizagapatam, and berhampur in ganjam. fines collected from erring castemen in the godavari, guntur and kistna districts, are still sent to the temple at penukonda. the komatis worship various goddesses, in addition to kanyaka parameswari. those who live in vizagapatam "relax their faith in favour of the celebrated muhammadan saint, who lies buried by the durga on the top of the hill which overlooks the harbour. every vessel, passing the harbour inwards and outwards, salutes him by hoisting and lowering its flag three times. he is considered all potent over the elements in the bay of bengal, and many a silver dhoney (boat) is presented at his shrine by hindu ship-owners after a successful voyage. we remember a suit between a komati, the owner of a dhoney, and his muhammadan captain, who was also the super-cargo, for settlement of accounts. in a storm off the coast of arakan, the skipper stated that he had vowed a mudupu or purse of rupees to the durga, and had duly presented it on his return. this sum, among other sets-off, he charged to the owner of the vessel, the plaintiff, whose sole contention was that the vow had never been discharged; the propriety of conciliating the old fakir in a hurricane he submissively allowed." even now, the komatis, though no longer boat-owners, revere the saint, and make vows to him for the success of civil suits, and recovery from all sorts of maladies. the komatis employ brahmans for the performance of their ceremonial rites, and recognise a brahman as their guru. he is commonly called bhaskaracharya, after the individual of that name who lived at penukonda prior to the sixteenth century a.d., and translated the sanskrit kanyaka purana into a telugu poem. he made certain regulations for the daily conduct of the komatis, and made the gotras submit to them. a copy of an inscription on a copper plate, in the possession of one kotta appaya, the archaka or priest of the nagareswaraswami temple at penukonda, is given in the mackenzie manuscripts. it records a grant (of unknown date) to bhaskaracharya, the guru of the vaisyas, by the gotrams, according to which each family agreed for ever afterwards to give half a rupee for every marriage, and a quarter of a rupee for each year. such doles are common even at the present day to his successors. these, like the original bhaskaracharya, who is considered to be an incarnation of brahma, are house-holders, and not sanyasis (religious ascetics). there are several of them, in different parts of the country, one for example being at penukonda, and another near hospet, who makes periodical tours in state, with drums, silver maces, and belted peons, and is received with every mark of respect. he settles disputes, levies fines, and collects subscriptions towards the upkeep of his mutt (religious institution), which is also supported by inam (rent-free) lands. the komati dead, except children and lingayats, are cremated, lingayat komatis, like other lingayats, bury their dead in a sitting posture. the death ceremonies among the gavaras closely resemble those of brahmans. the period of death pollution is sixteen days, during which sweets are taboo. the komatis are best known as merchants, grocers, and money-lenders. in the city of madras, they are the principal vendors of all sorts of imported articles. the row of shops in the china bazar, between pachaiyappa's college and popham's broadway, is almost entirely maintained by them. many komatis are cloth merchants, and traivarnikas are almost entirely engaged in the glassware trade. in the northern circars, some earn a living as petty dealers in opium and ganja (indian hemp). in the ganjam, vizagapatam and godavari districts they are found in the hills, acting as middle-men between the hill tribes and the people of the plains. most of the komatis are literate, and this helps them in their dealings with their constituents. they are proverbially shrewd, industrious, and thrifty, and are often rich. if a komati fails in business, his compatriots will come to his rescue, and give him a fresh start. organised charity is well known among them. each temple of kanyaka parameswari is a centre for charity. in the city of madras the kanyaka parameswari charities, among other good objects, promote the development of female education. in , the komatis established a southern india vysia association, with the object of encouraging "the intellectual, moral, religious, social, industrial and commercial advancement of the vysia community." among the means employed for so doing, are the helping of deserving students with scholarships for the prosecution of the study of the english and vernacular languages, and organised relief of poor and distressed members of the community by founding orphanages, and so forth. the affairs of the association are managed by an executive committee made up of prominent members of the caste, including merchants, lawyers, and contractors. many stories and proverbs have reference to the wealth, ready wit, thrift, and other qualities of the komatis. [ ] of these, the following are selected from a large repertoire:-- the blind komati and vishnu. a blind komati prayed to vishnu for the restoration of his eyesight, and at last the god appeared before him, and asked him what he wanted. "oh! god," he replied, "i want to see from above the seventh storey of my mansion my great-grandsons playing in the streets, and eating their cakes from golden vessels." vishnu was so astonished at the request of the blind man, which combined riches, issue, and the restoration of his eyesight in one demand, that he granted all his desires. the komati and the thief. an old komati observed a thief at dead of night lurking under a pomegranate tree, and cried out to his wife to bring him a low stool. on this he seated himself in front of the thief, and bawled out for hot water, which his wife brought him. pretending that he was suffering from severe tooth-ache, he gargled the water, and spat it out continuously at the wondering thief. this went on till daybreak, when he called out his neighbours, who captured the thief, and handed him over to the police. the komati and his cakes. a komati was on his way to the weekly market, with his plate of cakes to sell there. a couple of thieves met him when he was half way there, and, after giving him a severe thrashing, walked off with the cakes. the discomfited komati, on his way back home with the empty plate, was met by another komati going to market with his cakes. the latter asked how the demand for cakes was at the market, and the former replied "why go to the market, when half-way people come and demand your cakes?" and passed on. the unsuspecting komati went on, and, like the other, was the recipient of a sound thrashing at the hands of the thieves. the komati and the scorpion. a number of komatis went one day to a temple. one of them put one of his fingers into the navel of the image of vinayakan (the elephant god) at the gateway, when a scorpion, which was inside it, stung him. putting his finger to his nose, the komati remarked "what a fine smell! i have never experienced the like." this induced another man to put his finger in, and he too was stung, and made similar pretence. all of them were thus stung in succession, and then consoled each other. the komati and the milk tax. once upon a time, a great king levied a tax upon milk, and all his subjects were sorely tried by it. the komatis, who kept cows, found the tax specially inconvenient. they, therefore, bribed the minister, and mustered in strength before the king, to whom they spoke concerning the oppressive nature of the tax. the king asked what their profit from the milk was. "a pie for a pie" said they to a man, and the king, thinking that persons who profit only a pie ought not to be troubled, forthwith passed orders for the abolition of the tax. the komati and the pandyan king. once upon a time, a pandyan king had a silver vessel of enormous size made for the use of the palace, and superstitiously believed that its first contents should not be of an ordinary kind. so he ordered his minister to publish abroad that all his subjects were to put into the vessel a chembu-full of milk from each house. the frugal komatis, hearing of this, thought, each to himself, that, as the king had ordered such a large quantity, and others would bring milk, it would suffice if they took a chembu-full of water, as a little water poured into such a large quantity of milk would not change its colour, and it would not be known that they only contributed water. all the komatis accordingly each brought a chembu-full of water, and none of them told the others of the trick he was about to play. but it so happened that the komatis were the first to enter the palace, while they thought that the people of other castes had come and gone. the vessel was placed behind a screen, so that no one might cast the evil eye on it, and the komatis were let in one by one. this they did in all haste, and left with great joy at the success of their trick. thus there was nothing but water in the vessel. now it had been arranged that the king was to be the first person to see the contents of his new vessel, and he was thunderstruck to find that it contained only water. he ordered his minister to punish the komatis severely. but the ready-witted komatis came forward, and said "oh! gracious king, appease thy anger, and kindly listen to what we have to say. we each brought a chembu-full of water, to find out how much the precious vessel will hold. now that we have taken the measurement, we will forthwith fetch the quantity of milk required." the king was exceedingly pleased, and sent them away. a story is told to the effect that, when a komati was asked to identify a horse about which a muhammadan and hindu were quarrelling, he said that the fore-part looked like the muhammadan's, and the hind-part like the hindu's. another story is told of a komati, who when asked by a judge what he knew about a fight between two men, deposed that he saw them standing in front of each other and speaking in angry tones when a dust-storm arose. he shut his eyes, and the sound of blows reached his ears, but he could not say which of the men beat the other. of proverbs relating to the komatis, the following may be noted:-- a brahman will learn if he suffers, and a komati will learn if he is ruined. if i ask whether you have salt, you say that you have dhol (a kind of pulse). like the burning of a komati's house, which would mean a heavy loss. when two komatis whisper on the other side of the lake, you will hear them on this side. this has reference to the harsh voice of the komatis. in native theatricals, the komati is a general favourite with the audience, and he is usually represented as short of stature, obese, and with a raucous voice. the komati that suits the stake. this has reference to a story in which a komati's stoutness, brought on by want of exercise and sedentary habits, is said to have shown that he was the proper person to be impaled on a stake. according to the rev. h. jensen, [ ] the proverb refers to an incident that took place in 'the city of injustice.' a certain man was to be impaled for a crime, but, at the last moment he pointed out that a certain fat merchant (komati) would be better suited for the instrument of punishment, and so escaped. the proverb is now used of a person who is forced to suffer for the faults of others. the komatis are satirically named dhaniyala jati, or coriander caste, because, as the coriander seed has to be crushed before it is sown, so the komati is supposed to come to terms only by rough treatment. the komatis have the title setti or chetti, which is said to be a contracted form of sreshti, meaning a precious person. in recent times, some of them have assumed the title ayya. kombara.--the name, meaning a cap made of the spathe of the areca palm (areca catechu) of an exogamous sept of kelasi. such caps are worn by various classes in south canara, e.g., the holeyas and koragas. kombu (stick).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. komma.--komma (a musical horn) or kommula has been recorded as an exogamous sept of kamma and mala. kommula is further a professional title for horn-blowers, mainly mala, madiga, and panisavan, who perform at festivals and funerals. kommi.--a gotra of gollas, the members of which may not use kommi fuel. kompala (houses).--an exogamous sept of devanga. konan.--konan or konar is a title of idaiyans. some gollas call themselves konanulu. konangi (buffoon).--an exogamous sept of devanga. konda (mountain).--an exogamous sept of devanga and medara, and a synonym for konda dora. konda dora.--the konda doras are a caste of hill cultivators, found chiefly in vizagapatam. concerning them surgeon-major w. r. cornish writes as follows. [ ] "contrasting strangely with the energetic, patriarchal, and land-reverencing parja (poroja), are the neighbouring indigenous tribes found along the slopes of the eastern ghauts. they are known as konda doras, konda kapus, and ojas. from what has been ascertained of their languages, it seems certain that, divested of the differences which have been engrafted upon them by the fact of the one being influenced by uriya and the other by telugu, they are substantially of the same origin as the parja language and the khond language. but the people themselves seem to have entirely lost all those rights to the soil, which are now characteristic of the more northern tribes. they are completely at the mercy of late immigrants, so much so that, though they call themselves konda doras, they are called by the bhaktas, their immediate superiors, konda kapus. if they are found living in a village with no telugu superior, they are known as doras. if, on the other hand, such a man is at the head of the village affairs, they are to him as adscripti glebæ, and are denominated kapus or ryots (cultivators). it is apparent that the comparatively degraded position that this particular soil-folk holds is due to the influence of the telugu colonists; and the reason why they have been subjected to a greater extent than the cognate tribes further inland is possibly that the telugu colonization is of more ancient date than the uriya colonization. it may further be surmised that, from the comparative proximity of the telugu districts, the occupation of the crests of these ghats partook rather of the character of a conquest than that of mere settlings in the land. but, however it came about, the result is most disastrous. some parts of pachipenta, hill madugulu, and kondakamberu, which have been occupied by telugu-speaking folk, are far inferior in agricultural prosperity to the inland parts, where the uriyas have assumed the lead in the direction of affairs." in the census report, , mr. h. a. stuart writes that "these people all speak telugu, and the majority of them have returned that as their parent-tongue. but a large number returned their caste name in the parent-tongue column. i have since received a vocabulary, which is said to be taken from the dialect of the konda doras; and, if this is correct, then the real speech of these people is a dialect of khond." one durgi patro, the head of a mutta (division of a zemindari) informed mr. g. f. paddison that konda doras and khonds are identical. in the census report, , mr. w. francis states that the konda doras "seem to be a section of the khonds, which has largely taken to speaking telugu, has adopted some of the telugu customs, and is in the transitional stage between animism and hinduism. they call themselves hindus, and worship the pandavas and a goddess called talupulamma. they drink alcohol, and eat pork, mutton, etc., and will dine with kapus." at times of census, pandavakulam (or pandava caste) has been returned as a title of the konda doras. for the following note i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. there are, among the konda doras, two well-defined divisions, called pedda (big) and chinna (little) kondalu. of these, the former have remained in their old semi-independent position, while the latter have come under telugu domination. the chinna kondalu, who have been living in contact with the bhaktha caste, have adopted the telugu system of intiperulu, as exogamous septs, whereas the pedda kondalu have retained the totem divisions, which occur among other hill castes, e.g., naga (cobra), bhag (tiger), and kochchimo (tortoise). among the chinna kondalu, the custom of menarikam, according to which a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter, is observed, and may further marry his own sister's daughter. the chinna kondalu women wear glass bangles and beads, like women of the plains. men of the chinna kondalu section serve as bearers and government employees, whereas those of the pedda kondalu section are engaged in cultivation. the former have personal names corresponding to those of the inhabitants of the plains, e.g., linganna, gangamma, while the names of the latter are taken from the day of the week on which they were born, e.g., bhudra (wednesday), sukra (friday). among the chinna kondalu, a girl is married before or after puberty. when a marriage is decided on, the girl's parents receive a present (voli) of four rupees and a female cloth. on an auspicious day fixed by the chukkamusti (star-gazer), the bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom. the contracting couple are bathed in turmeric-water, put on new cloths presented by their fathers-in-law, and wrist-threads are tied on their wrists. on the same day, or the following morning, at a time settled by the chukkamusti, the bridegroom, under the direction of a caste elder, ties the sathamanam (marriage badge) on the bride's neck. on the following day, the wrist-threads are removed, and the newly married couple bathe. among the pedda, as among the chinna kondalu, a girl is married before or after puberty. when a man contemplates taking a wife, his parents carry three pots of liquor to the home of the girl whose hand he seeks. the acceptance of these by her father is a sign that the match is agreeable to him, and a jholla tonka (bride-price) of five rupees is paid to him. the future bridegroom's party has to give three feasts to that of the bride-elect, for each of which a pig is killed. the girl is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and, if she has reached puberty, remains there. otherwise she returns home, and joins her husband later on, the occasion being celebrated by a further feast of pork. both sections allow the remarriage of widows. among the pedda kondalu, a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. by both sections divorce is permitted. among the chinna kondalus, a man who marries a divorcée has to pay her first husband twenty-four rupees, of which half is divided among the neighbouring caste villages in certain recognised proportions. the dead are usually burnt by both sections. the pedda kondalu kill a pig on the third day, and hold a feast, at which much liquor is disposed of. by the chinna kondalu the chinna rozu (little day) ceremony is observed, as it is by other castes dwelling in the plains. the chinna kondalu bear the titles anna or ayya when they are merely cultivators under bhaktha landlords, and dora under other circumstances. the pedda kondalu usually have no title. a riot took place, in , at the village of korravanivalasa in the vizagapatam district, under the following strange circumstances. "a konda dora of this place, named korra mallayya, pretended that he was inspired, and gradually gathered round him a camp of four or five thousand people from various parts of the agency. at first his proceedings were harmless enough, but in april he gave out that he was a re-incarnation of one of the five pandava brothers; that his infant son was the god krishna; that he would drive out the english and rule the country himself; and that, to effect this, he would arm his followers with bamboos, which should be turned by magic into guns, and would change the weapons of the authorities into water. bamboos were cut, and rudely fashioned to resemble guns, and armed with these, the camp was drilled by the swami (god), as mallayya had come to be called. the assembly next sent word that they were going to loot pachipenta, and when, on the st may, two constables came to see how matters stood, the fanatics fell upon them, and beat them to death. the local police endeavoured to recover the bodies, but, owing to the threatening attitude of the swami's followers, had to abandon the attempt. the district magistrate then went to the place in person, collected reserve police from vizagapatam, parvatipur, and jeypore, and at dawn on the th may rushed the camp to arrest the swami and the other leaders of the movement. the police were resisted by the mob, and obliged to fire. eleven of the rioters were killed, others wounded or arrested, and the rest dispersed. sixty of them were tried for rioting, and three, including the swami, for murdering the constables. of the latter, the swami died in jail, and the other two were hanged. the swami's infant son, the god krishna, also died, and all trouble ended at once and completely." concerning the konda kapus or konda reddis of the godavari district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes as follows. [ ] "the hill reddis, or konda reddis, are a caste of jungle men, having some characteristics in common with the koyas. they usually talk a rough telugu, clipping their words so that it is often difficult to understand them; but it is said that some of them speak koya. they are of slighter build than the koyas, and their villages are even smaller. they will not eat in the house of a koya. they call themselves by various high-sounding titles, such as pandava reddis, raja reddis, and reddis of the solar race (suryavamsa), and do not like the plain name of konda reddi. they recognize no endogamous sub-divisions, but have exogamous septs. in character they resemble the koyas, but are less simple and stupid, and in former years were much given to crime. they live by shifting cultivation. they do not touch beef, but will eat pork. they profess to be both saivites and vaishnavites, and occasionally employ brahman priests at their funerals; and yet they worship the pandavas, the spirits of the hills (or, as they call them, the sons of racha), their ancestors including women who have died before their husbands, and the deity muthyalamma and her brother poturazu, saralamma, and unamalamma. the last three are found in nearly every village. other deities are doddiganga, who is the protector of cattle, and is worshipped when the herds are driven into the forests to graze, and desaganga (or paraganga), who takes the place of the maridamma of the plains, and the muthyalamma of the koyas as goddess of cholera and small-pox. the shrine of saralamma of pedakonda, eight miles east of rekapalle, is a place of pilgrimage, and so is bison hill (papikonda), where an important reddi festival is held every seven or eight years in honour of the pandava brothers, and a huge fat pig, fattened for the occasion, is killed and eaten. the reddis, like the koyas, also observe the harvest festivals. they are very superstitious, believing firmly in sorcery, and calling in wizards in time of illness. their villages are formed into groups like those of the koyas, and the hereditary headmen over these are called by different names, such as dora, muttadar, varnapedda, and kulapatradu. headmen of villages are known as pettadars. they recognise, though they do not frequently practice, marriage by capture. if a parent wishes to show his dislike for a match, he absents himself when the suitor's party calls, and sends a bundle of cold rice after them when they have departed. children are buried. vaishnavite reddis burn their adult dead, while the saivites bury them. satanis officiate as priests to the former, and jangams to the latter. the pyre is kindled by the eldest male of the family, and a feast is held on the fifth day after the funeral. the dead are believed to be born again into their former families." kondaikatti.--the name of a sub-division of vellalas, meaning those who tie the whole mass of hair of the head (kondai) in a knot on the top of the head, as opposed to the kudumi or knot at the back of the partially shaved head. kondaita.--a sub-division of doluva. kondaiyamkottai.--a sub-division of maravan. kondalar.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a sub-caste of vellala. kondalam means women's hair or a kind of dance, and it is possible that the name was returned by people of the deva-dasi caste, who are rising in the social scale, and becoming absorbed in the vellala caste. kondali, of doubtful meaning, has been returned by cultivators and agricultural labourers in north arcot. kondh.--in the administration report of the ganjam agency, - , mr. c. b. cotterell writes that kondh is an exact transliteration from the vernacular, and he knows of no reason, either sentimental or etymological, for keeping such spelling as khond. it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "the khonds inhabit the hill tracts of ganjam and parts of vizagapatam, and are found also in bengal and the central provinces. they call themselves kui, a name identical with the koi or koya of the godavari agency and the south of the jeypore zemindari. the telugu people call them kotuvandlu. the origin of the name khond is doubtful, but macpherson is, i think, right in deriving it from telugu konda, a hill. there is a tribe in vizagapatam called konda dora or konda kapu, and these people are also frequently called kotuvandlu. all these names are derivatives of the root kô or kû, a mountain. the number of sub-divisions returned is . the list includes many names of other castes, a fact which must be in part ascribed to the impossibility of distinguishing the true khonds from persons returned as kondavandlu, kondalu, kotuvandlu, etc., terms which mean simply highlanders, and are applicable to all the hill tribes. for example, , panos have returned their main caste as khond." in a note on the kui, kandhi, or khond language, mr. g. a. grierson writes as follows. [ ] "the kandhs or khonds are a dravidian tribe in the hills of orissa and neighbouring districts. the tribe is commonly known under the name of khond. the oriyas call them kandhs, and the telugu people gonds or kods. the name which they use themselves is ku, and their language should accordingly be denominated kui. the word ku is probably related to koi, one of the names by which the gonds used to denote themselves. the koi dialect of gondi is, however, quite different from kui. the khonds live in the midst of the oriya territory. their habitat is the hills separating the districts of ganjam and vizagapatam in the madras presidency, and continuing northwards into the orissa tributary states, bod, daspalla, and nayagarh, and, crossing the mahanadi, into angul and the khondmals. the khond area further extends into the central provinces, covering the northern part kalahandi, and the south of patna. kui is surrounded on all sides by oriya. towards the south it extends towards the confines of the telugu territory. the language varies locally, all over this area. the differences are not, however, great, though a man from one part of the country often experiences difficulty in understanding the kui spoken in other parts. there are two principal dialects, one eastern, spoken in gumsur and the adjoining parts of bengal, and one western, spoken in chinna kimedi. in the north, kui has come under the influence of the neighbouring aryan forms of speech, and a specimen forwarded from the patna state was written in oriya with a slight admixture of chattisgarhi. the number of kandhs returned at the census of was , . the language returns, however, give a much smaller figure. the reason is that many kandhs have abandoned their native speech." it has been noted that "the character of the khonds varies as much as their language. where there has been much contact with the plains, it is not as favourable as elsewhere. as a rule, they may be taken to be a bold, and fitfully laborious mountain peasantry of simple, but not undignified manners; upright in their conduct; sincere in their superstitions; proud of their position as landholders; and tenacious of their rights. the linepada khonds affect manners like uriyas, and, among other things, will not eat pork (the flesh of wild pigs excepted). the khond villages have quite the appearance of uriya villages, the houses are built with mud walls, a thing unknown with khonds in other parts of the maliahs; and there is also much neat garden cultivation, which is rare elsewhere, probably because the produce thereof would be appropriated by the uriyas. in , the linepada muttah (settlement) presented the unusual spectacle of a khond ruler as dolabehara, as well as moliko, with the uriya paiks really at his beck and call. in some places, the most valuable portions of the land have passed into the possession of sondis and low-country sowcars (money-lenders), who have pandered to the khonds by advancing them money, the greater portion of which has been expended in drink, the repayment being exacted in land. except in the goomsur maliahs, paddy (rice) cultivation is not extensively carried on by the khonds; elsewhere it is chiefly in the hands of the uriyas. the khonds take little trouble in raising their crops. the result is that, except in the goomsur maliahs, where they grow crops to sell in the market for profit, we find a poverty-stricken race, possessing hardly any agricultural stock, and no signs of affluence. in kimedi, however, they are beginning to follow the example of goomsur, and doubtless their material prosperity would much increase if some check could be devised to save them from the uriyas and sondis, who are steadily acquiring all the wet land, and utilising the khonds merely as cultivators." it is noted by mr. f. fawcett ( ) [ ] that "up to within fifteen years ago, the khônds of the ganjam hills would not engage in any ordinary labour. they would not, for example, carry even the smallest article of the district officer's luggage. elephants were accordingly provided by government for carriage of tents and all camp luggage. but there has come a change, and, within the last ten years or so, the khônds have taken to work in the ordinary way. within the last few years, for the first time, the khônds have been emigrating to assam, to work in the tea-gardens. accurate figures are not available, but the estimate of the best authority gives the number as about , . this emigration is now stopped by edict. of course, they do not set out, and go of their own accord. they are taken. the strange thing is that they go willingly." it was enacted, in an order of government, in , [ ] that "in exercise of the power conferred by section of the assam labour and emigration act, , and with the previous sanction of the governor-general in council, the governor in council is pleased to prohibit absolutely all persons from recruiting, engaging, inducing, or assisting any native of india to emigrate from the tracts known as the scheduled districts in the district of ganjam to any labour district of assam." in , the madras government approved of certain proposals made by the collector of ganjam for utilising the services of the kondhs in the conservancy of the forests in the pondakhol agency. the following is a summary of these proposals. [ ] the chief difficulty to be contended against in pondakhol is podu cultivation. this cultivation is not only devastating the hill tops and upper slopes, which should be kept well covered to preserve water for the upper reaches of the rushikulya river, the chief source of irrigation in ganjam, but is also the origin of most of the forest fires that rage throughout pondakhol in the hot weather. the district forest officer, in discussing matters with the kondhs, was told by some of the villagers that they would forego poduing if they had cattle to plough the lands in the plains and valleys. the supply of buffaloes would form the compensation for a right relinquished. the next aim should be to give the people work in the non-cultivation season, which is from the middle of january to the middle of july. this luckily coincides with the fire season. there is an abundance of useful work that the kondhs can be engaged in, e.g., rendering the demarcation lines permanent, making fire lines, constructing roads, and building inspection sheds. the question arises as to how the khonds should be repaid for their labour. money is of little use to them in this out-of-the-way part of the country, and, if they got it, they would probably go to surada to get drunk on it. it would be better to pay them in food-grain and cloths, and for this purpose departmental shops, and a regular system of accounts, such as are in force among the chenchus in kurnool, would be necessary. in the course of a lament over the change which has come over the kondhs who live in the range of hills near berhampore, mr. s. p. rice writes as follows. [ ] "here they live in seclusion and in freedom, but also in the lowest depths of squalor and poverty. once they loved gay colours. true khond dresses, both male and female, are full of stripes and patterns, in blue, yellow, and red. where has gone the love of colour? instead of the long waistcloth ending in tails of blue and red, the man binds about him a wretched rag that can hardly be called a garment. once the women took a delight in decking themselves with flowers, and a pride in the silver ornaments that jangled on their naked breasts. where are now the grasses that adorned them, and the innocence that allowed them to go clothed only to the waist? gone! withered by the blast of the breath of a 'superior civilization.' gone are the hairpins of sambur bone--an inestimable treasure in the eyes of the true hill khond. gone are the floral decorations, and the fantastic head-dresses, which are the pride of the mountain tribes. in dull, unromantic squalor our khond lives, moves, and has his being; arid, ever as he moves, is heard the clanking upon his wrists of the fetters of his debt. yet for all that he is happy." the hairpins referred to above are made from sambur (deer: cervus unicolor) bones, and stuck in the hair of male kondhs. porcupine quills are sometimes used by them as hairpins. the following brief, but interesting summary of the kondhs of ganjam is given by mr. c. f. maccartie. [ ] "the staple food of the oriyas is rice, and of the khond also during the two or three months that succeed the harvest. in february, they gather the crop of hill dholl, which, eked out with dry mohwa (bassia) fruit, fresh mangoes, and mango stones ground to a sort of flour, pull them through the hot weather, with the help of various yams and edible roots that are plentiful in the jungles. when the south-west monsoon sets in, dry crops, consisting of millets, hill paddy, and indian corn, are sown, which ripen from august on, and thus afford plentiful means of subsistence. the hot weather is generally called the sukki kalo, or hungry season, as the people are rather pinched just then. turmeric is perhaps the most valuable crop which the khonds raise, as it is the most laborious, in consequence of the time it takes to mature--two full years, and the constant field-work thus entailed, first in sheltering the young plants from the sun by artificial shade, and afterwards in digging, boiling, and burnishing the root for market. tobacco is raised much as in the low country. it is generally grown in back-yards, as elsewhere, and a good deal of care is devoted to its cultivation, as the khonds are inveterate smokers. among the products of the jungles may be included myrabolams (terminalia fruits), tassar silk, cocoons, and dammar, all of which are bartered by the finders to trading panos in small quantities, generally for salt. [honey and wax are said to be collected by the kondhs and benias, who are expert climbers of precipitous rocks and lofty trees. the kondhs recognise four different kinds of bees, known by the following oriya names:--(a) bhaga mohu, a large-sized bee (apis dorsata); (b) sattapuri mohu, building its comb in seven layers (apis indica); (c) binchina mohu, with a comb like a fan; (d) nikiti mohu, a very small bee.] [ ] wet paddy is, of course, grown in the valleys and low-lying bottoms, where water is available, and much ingenuity is exercised in the formation of bunds (embankments) to retain the natural supply of moisture. the khond has a dead eye for a natural level; it is surprising how speedily a seemingly impracticable tract of jungle will be converted into paddy fields by a laborious process of levelling by means of a flat board attached to a pair of buffaloes. the chief feature of the dry cultivation is the destructive practice of kumeri. a strip of forest, primeval, if possible, as being more fertile, is burnt, cultivated, and then deserted for a term of years, which may vary from three to thirty, according to the density or otherwise of the population. the kutiah khonds are the chief offenders in respect of kumeri, to which they confine themselves, as they have no ploughs or agricultural cattle. in the rare instances when they grow a little rice, the fields are prepared by manual and pedal labour, as men, women, and children, assemble in the field, and puddle the mud and water until it assumes the desired consistency for the reception of the seed. "the hair is worn long during childhood, but tied into a club when maturity is reached, and turbans are seldom worn. a narrow cloth is bound round the loins, with tartan ends which hang down in front and behind, and a coarse long-cloth is wrapped round the figure when the weather is cold. the war dress of the khonds is elaborate, and consists of a leather cuirass in front, and a flowing red cloak, which, with an arrangement of 'bison' horns and peacock's feathers, is supposed to strike awe into the beholder's mind. khond women wear a red or parti-coloured skirt reaching the knee, the neck and bosom being left bare. pano females generally wear an upper cloth. all tattoo their faces. [tattooing is said to be performed, concurrently with ear-boring, when girls are about ten years old. the tattoo marks are said to represent the implement used in tilling the soil for cultivation, moustache, beard, etc.] ornaments of beads and brass bangles are worn, but the usage of diverse muttas (settlements) varies very much. in some parts of the goomsur maliahs, the use of glass and brass beads is confined to married women, virgins being restricted to decorations composed of plaited grass. matrons wear ten or twelve ear-rings of different patterns, but, in many parts, young girls substitute pieces of broom, which are worn till the wedding day, and then discarded for brazen rings. anklets are indispensable in the dance on account of the jingling noise they make, and gold or silver noserings are very commonly worn. [the kondh of the ganjam maliahs has been described as follows. [ ] "he centres his great love of decoration in his hair. this he tends, combs and oils, with infinite care, and twists into a large loose knot, which is caught with curiously shaped pins of sambur bone, gaily coloured combs and bronze hairpins with curiously ornamented designs, and it is then gracefully pinned over the left eyebrow. this knot he decorates according to his fancy with the blue feathers of the jay (indian roller, coracias indica), or the white feathers of the crane and stork, or the feathers of the more gorgeous peacock. two feathers generally wave in front, while many more float behind. this knot, in the simple economy of his life, also does duty as a pocket or pincushion, for into it he stuffs his knife, his half-smoked cigarette of home-grown tobacco rolled in a sal (shorea robusta) leaf, or even his snuff wrapped in another leaf pinned together with a thorn. round his waist he wraps a white cloth, bordered with a curious design in blue and red, of excellent home manufacture, and over his shoulder is borne his almost inseparable companion, the tanghi, of many curious shapes, consisting of an iron blade with a long wooden handle ornamented with brass wire. in certain places, he very frequently carries a bow and arrows, the former made of bent bamboo, the string of a long strip of bark, and the handle ornamented with stripes of the white quills of the peacock.] "the khonds are very keen in the pursuit of game, for which the hot weather is the appointed time, and, during this period, a sambar or 'bison' has but little chance of escape if once wounded by an arrow, as they stick to the trail like sleuth hounds, and appear insensible to distance or fatigue. the arms they carry are the bow, arrows, and tangi, a species of light battle-axe that inflicts a serious wound. the women are not addicted to drink, but the males are universally attached to liquor, especially during the hot weather, when the sago palm (solopo: caryota urens) is in full flow. they often run up sheds in the jungle, near especially good trees, and drink for days together. a great many deaths occur at this season by falls from trees when tapping the liquor. feasts and sacrifices are occasions for drinking to excess, and the latter especially are often scenes of wild intoxication, the liquor used being either mohwa, or a species of strong beer brewed from rice or koeri. khond women, when once married, appear to keep pretty straight, but there is a good deal of quiet immorality among the young men and girls, especially during the commencement of the hot weather, when parties are made up for fishing or the collection of mohwa fruit and other jungle berries. at the same time, a certain sense of shame exists, as instances are not at all uncommon of double suicide, when a pair of too ardent lovers are blown upon, and their liaison is discovered. "the generality of khond and pâno houses are constructed of broad sâl logs hewn out with the axe, and thatched with jungle grass, which is impervious to white-ants. in bamboo jungles, bamboo is substituted for sâl. the khond houses are substantially built but very low, the pitch of the roof never exceeding feet, and the eaves being only about feet from the ground, the object being to ensure resistance to the violent storms that prevail during the monsoons. "intermarriage between khonds, pânos, and uriyas is not recognised, but cases do occur when a pâno induces a khond woman to go off with him. she may live with him as his wife, but no ceremony takes place. if a pâno commits adultery with a khond married woman, he has to pay a paronjo, or a fine of a buffalo, to the husband who retains his wife, and in addition a goat, a pig, a basket of paddy, a rupee, and a cavady (shoulder-pole) load of pots. if the adulterer is a khond, he gets off with payment of the buffalo, which is slaughtered for the entertainment of the village. the husband retains his wife in this case, as also if he finds her pregnant when first she comes to him; this is not an uncommon incident. divorce of the wife on the husband's part is thus very rare, if it occurs at all, but cases are not unknown where the wife divorces her husband, and adopts a fresh alliance. when this takes place, her father has to return the whole of the gifts known as gontis, which the bridegroom paid for his wife when the marriage was originally arranged." in a note on the tribes of the agency tracts of the vizagapatam district, mr. w. francis writes as follows. [ ] "of these, by far the most numerous are the khonds, who are about , strong. an overwhelming majority of this number, however, are not the wild barbarous khonds regarding whom there is such a considerable literature, and who are so prominent in ganjam, but a series of communities descended from them, which exhibit infinite degrees of difference from their more interesting progenitors, according to the grade of civilisation to which they have attained. the only really primitive khonds in vizagapatam are the dongria (jungle) khonds of the north of bissamkatak taluk, the desya khonds who live just south-west of them in and around the nimgiris, and the kuttiya (hill) khonds of the hills in the north-east of the gunupur taluk. the kuttiya khond men wear ample necklets of white beads and prominent brass earrings, but otherwise they dress like any other hill people. their women, however, have a distinctive garb, putting on a kind of turban on state occasions, wearing nothing above the waist except masses of white bead necklaces which almost cover their breasts, and carrying a series of heavy brass bracelets half way up their forearms. the dhangadi basa system (separate hut for unmarried girls to sleep in) prevails among them in its simplest form, and girls have opportunities for the most intimate acquaintance before they need inform their parents they wish to marry. special ceremonies are practiced to prevent the spirits of the dead (especially of those killed by tigers) from returning to molest the living. except totemistic septs, they have apparently no sub-divisions. [ ] the dress of the civilised khonds of both sexes is ordinary and uninteresting. these civilised khonds worship all degrees of deities, from their own tribal jakara down to the orthodox hindu gods; follow every gradation of marriage and funeral customs from those of their primitive forefathers to those of the low-country telugu; speak dialects which range from good khond through bastard patois down to corrupt telugu; and allow their totemistic septs to be degraded down to, or divided into, the intiperulu of the plains." there is a tradition that, in olden days, four kondhs, named kasi, mendora, bolti, and bolo, with eyes the size of brass pots, teeth like axe-heads, and ears like elephant's ears, brought their ancestor mandia patro from jorasingi in boad, and gave him and his children authority all over the country now comprised in mahasingi, and in kurtilli barakhumma, bodogodo, balliguda, and pussangia, on condition of settling their disputes, and aiding them in their rights. the following legendary account of the origin of the kondhs is given by mr. a. b. jayaram moodaliar. once upon a time, the ground was all wet, and there were only two females on the earth, named karaboodi and tharthaboodi, each of whom was blessed with a single male child. the names of the children were kasarodi and singarodi. all these individuals sprang from the interior of the earth, together with two small plants called nangakoocha and badokoocha, on which they depended for subsistence. one day, when karaboodi was cutting these plants for cooking, she accidentally cut the little finger of her left hand, and the blood dropped on the ground. instantly, the wet soft earth on which it fell became dry and hard. the woman then cooked the food, and gave some of it to her son, who asked her why it tasted so much sweeter than usual. she replied that she might have a dream that night, and, if so, would let him know. next morning, the woman told him that, if he would act on her advice, he would prosper in this world, that he was not to think of her as his mother, and was to cut away the flesh of her back, dig several holes in the ground, bury the flesh, and cover the holes with stones. this her son did, and the rest of the body was cremated. the wet soil dried up and became hard, and all kinds of animals and trees came into existence. a partridge scratched the ground with its feet, and ragi (millet), maize, dhal (pea), and rice sprung forth from it. the two brothers argued that, as the sacrifice of their mother brought forth such abundance, they must sacrifice their brothers, sisters, and others, once a year in future.a god, by name boora panoo, came, with his wife and children, to tharthaboodi and the two young men, to whom boora panoo's daughters were married. they begat children, who were divided equally between boora panoo the grandfather and their fathers. tharthaboodi objected to this division on the grounds that boora panoo's son would stand in the relation of mamoo to the children of kasarodi and singarodi; that, if the child was a female, when she got married, she would have to give a rupee to her mamoo; and that, if it was a male that boora panoo's daughter brought forth, the boy when he grew up would have to give the head of any animal he shot to mamoo (boora panoo's son). then boora panoo built a house, and kasarodi and singarodi built two houses. all lived happily for two years. then karaboodi appeared in a dream, and told kasarodi and singarodi that, if they offered another human victim, their lands would be very fertile, and their cattle could flourish. in the absence of a suitable being, they sacrificed a monkey. then karaboodi appeared once more, and said that she was not pleased with the substitution of the monkey, and that a human being must be sacrificed. the two men, with their eight children, sought for a victim for twelve years. at the end of that time, they found a poor man, who had a son four years old, and found him, his wife and child good food, clothing, and shelter for a year. they then asked permission to sacrifice the son in return for their kindness, and the father gave his assent. the boy was fettered and handcuffed to prevent his running away, and taken good care of. liquor was prepared from grains, and a bamboo, with a flag hoisted on it, planted in the ground. next day, a pig was sacrificed near this post, and a feast was held. it was proclaimed that the boy would be tied to a post on the following day, and sacrificed on the third day. on the night previous to the sacrifice, the janni (priest) took a reed, and poked it into the ground in several places. when it entered to a depth of about eight inches, it was believed that the god and goddess tadapanoo and dasapanoo were there. round this spot, seven pieces of wood were arranged lengthways and crossways, and an egg was placed in the centre of the structure. the khonds arrived from the various villages, and indulged in drink. the boy was teased, and told that he had been sold to them, that his sorrow would affect his parents only, and that he was to be sacrificed for the prosperity of the people. he was conducted to the spot where the god and goddess had been found, tied with ropes, and held fast by the khonds. he was made to lie on his stomach on the wooden structure, and held there. pieces of flesh were removed from his back, arms and legs, and portions thereof buried at the khond's place of worship. portions were also set up near a well of drinking water, and placed around the villages. the remainder of the sacrificed corpse was cremated on a pyre set alight with fire produced by the friction of two pieces of wood. on the following day, a buffalo was sacrificed, and a feast partaken of. next day, the bamboo post was removed outside the village, and a fowl and eggs were offered to the deity. the following stanza is still recited by the janni at the buffalo sacrifice, which has been substituted for that of a human victim:--oh! come, male slave; come, female slave. what do you say? what do you call out for? you have been brought, ensnared by the haddi. you have been called, ensnared by the domba. what can i do, even if you are my child? you are sold for a pot of food. the ethnological section of the madras museum received a few years ago a very interesting relic in the shape of a human (meriah) sacrifice post from baligudu in ganjam. this post, which was fast being reduced to a mere shell by white-ants, is, i believe, the only one now in existence. it was brought by colonel pickance, who was assistant superintendent of police, and set up in the ground near the gate of the reserve police barracks. the veteran members of a party of kondhs, who were brought to madras for the purpose of performing before the prince and princess of wales in , became wildly excited when they came across this relic of their former barbarous custom. "the best known case," mr. frazer writes, [ ] "of human sacrifices systematically offered to ensure good crops is supplied by the khonds or kandhs. our knowledge of them is derived from the accounts written by british officers, who, forty or fifty years ago, were engaged in putting them down. the sacrifices were offered to the earth goddess, tari pennu or bera pennu, and were believed to ensure good crops, and immunity from all diseases and accidents. in particular, they were considered necessary in the cultivation of turmeric, the khonds arguing that the turmeric could not have a deep red colour without the shedding of blood. the victim, a meriah, was acceptable to the goddess only if he had been purchased, or had been born a victim, that is the son of a victim father, or had been devoted as a child by his father or guardian." in , mr. russell, in a report on the districts entrusted to his control, wrote as follows. [ ] "the ceremonies attending the barbarous rite, and still more the mode of destroying life, vary in different parts of the country. in the maliahs of goomsur, the sacrifice is offered annually to thadha pennoo (the earth) under the effigy of a bird intended to represent a peacock, with the view of propitiating the deity to grant favourable seasons and crops. the ceremony is performed at the expense of, and in rotation by, certain mootahs (settlements) composing a community, and connected together from local circumstances. besides these periodical sacrifices, others are made by single mootahs, and even by individuals, to avert any threatening calamity from sickness, murrain, or other cause. grown men are the most esteemed (as victims), because the most costly. children are purchased, and reared for years with the family of the person who ultimately devotes them to a cruel death, when circumstances are supposed to demand a sacrifice at his hands. they seem to be treated with kindness, and, if young, are kept under no constraint; but, when old enough to be sensible of the fate which awaits them, they are placed in fetters and guarded. most of those who were rescued had been sold by their parents or nearest relations, a practice which, from all we could learn, is very common. persons of riper age are kidnapped by wretches who trade in human flesh. the victim must always be purchased. criminals, or prisoners captured in war, are not considered fitting subjects. the price is paid indifferently in brass utensils, cattle or corn. the zanee (or priest), who may be of any caste, officiates at the sacrifice, but he performs the poojah (offering of flowers, incense, etc.) to the idol through the medium of the toomba, who must be a khond child under seven years of age. this child is fed and clothed at the public expense, eats with no other person, and is subjected to no act deemed impure. for a month prior to the sacrifice, there is much feasting and intoxication, and dancing round the meriah, who is adorned with garlands, etc., and, on the day before the performance of the barbarous rite, is stupefied with toddy, and made to sit, or, if necessary, is bound at the bottom of a post bearing the effigy above described. the assembled multitude then dance around to music, and addressing the earth, say: 'oh! god, we offer the sacrifice to you. give us good crops, seasons, and health.' after which they address the victim, 'we bought you with a price, and did not seize you. now we sacrifice you according to custom, and no sin rests with us.' on the following day, the victim being again intoxicated and anointed with oil, each individual present touches the anointed part, and wipes the oil on his own head. all then proceed in procession around the village and its boundaries, preceded by music, bearing the victim and a pole, to the top of which is attached a tuft of peacock's feathers. on returning to the post, which is always placed near the village deity called zakaree pennoo, and represented by three stones, near which the brass effigy in the shape of a peacock is buried, they kill a hog in sacrifice and, having allowed the blood to flow into a pit prepared for the purpose, the victim, who, if it has been found possible, has been previously made senseless from intoxication, is seized and thrown in, and his face pressed down until he is suffocated in the bloody mire amid the noise of instruments. the zanee then cuts a piece of flesh from the body, and buries it with ceremony near the effigy and village idol, as an offering to the earth. all the rest afterwards go through the same form, and carry the bloody prize to their villages, where the same rites are performed, part being interred near the village idol, and little bits on the boundaries. the head and face remain untouched, and the bones, when bare, are buried with them in the pit. after this horrid ceremony has been completed, a buffalo calf is brought in front of the post, and, his forefeet having been cut off, is left there till the following day. women, dressed in male attire and armed as men, then drink, dance and sing round the spot, the calf is killed and eaten, and the zanee is dismissed with a present of rice and a hog or calf." in the same year, mr. arbuthnot, collector of vizagapatam, reported as follows. "of the hill tribe codooloo, there are said to be two distinct classes, the cotia codooloo and jathapoo codooloo. the former class is that which is in the habit of offering human sacrifices to the god called jenkery, with a view to secure good crops. this ceremony is generally performed on the sunday preceding or following the pongal feast. the victim is seldom carried by force, but procured by purchase, and there is a fixed price for each person, which consists of forty articles such as a bullock, a male buffalo, a cow, a goat, a piece of cloth, a silk cloth, a brass pot, a large plate, a bunch of plantains, etc. the man who is destined for the sacrifice is carried before the god, and a small quantity of rice coloured with saffron (turmeric) is put upon his head. the influence of this is said to prevent his attempting to escape, even though set at liberty. it would appear, however, that, from the moment of his seizure till he is sacrificed, he is kept in a continued state of stupefaction or intoxication. he is allowed to wander about the village, to eat and drink anything he may take a fancy to, and even to have connection with any of the women whom he may meet. on the morning set apart for the sacrifice, he is carried before the idol in a state of intoxication. one of the villagers acts as priest, who cuts a small hole in the stomach of the victim, and with the blood that flows from the wound the idol is smeared. then the crowds from the neighbouring villages rush forward, and he is literally cut into pieces. each person who is so fortunate as to procure it carries away a morsel of the flesh, and presents it to the idol of his own village." concerning a method of sacrifice, which is illustrated by the post preserved in the madras museum, colonel campbell records [ ] that "one of the most common ways of offering the sacrifice in chinna kimedi is to the effigy of an elephant (hatti mundo or elephant's head) rudely carved in wood, fixed on the top of a stout post, on which it is made to revolve. after the performance of the usual ceremonies, the intended victim is fastened to the proboscis of the elephant, and, amidst the shouts and yells of the excited multitude of khonds, is rapidly whirled round, when, at a given signal by the officiating zanee or priest, the crowd rush in, seize the meriah, and with their knives cut the flesh off the shrieking wretch as long as life remains. he is then cut down, the skeleton burnt, and the horrid orgies are over. in several villages i counted as many as fourteen effigies of elephants, which had been used in former sacrifices. these i caused to be overthrown by the baggage elephants attached to my camp in the presence of the assembled khonds, to show them that these venerated objects had no power against the living animal, and to remove all vestiges of their bloody superstition." in another report, colonel campbell describes how the miserable victim is dragged along the fields, surrounded by a crowd of half intoxicated khonds, who, shouting and screaming, rush upon him, and with their knives cut the flesh piecemeal from the bones, avoiding the head and bowels, till the living skeleton, dying from loss of blood, is relieved from torture, when its remains are burnt, and the ashes mixed with the new grain to preserve it from insects." yet again, he describes a sacrifice which was peculiar to the khonds of jeypore. "it is," he writes, "always succeeded by the sacrifice of three human beings, two to the sun to the east and west of the village, and one in the centre, with the usual barbarities of the meriah. a stout wooden post about six feet long is firmly fixed in the ground, at the foot of it a narrow grave is dug, and to the top of the post the victim is firmly fastened by the long hair of his head. four assistants hold his outstretched arms and legs, the body being suspended horizontally over the grave, with the face towards the earth. the officiating junna or priest, standing on the right side, repeats the following invocation, at intervals hacking with his sacrificial knife the back part of the shrieking victim's neck. 'o! mighty manicksoro, this is your festal day. to the khonds the offering is meriah, to kings junna. on account of this sacrifice, you have given to kings kingdoms, guns and swords. the sacrifice we now offer you must eat, and we pray that our battle-axes may be converted into swords, our bows and arrows into gunpowder and balls; and, if we have any quarrels with other tribes, give us the victory. preserve us from the tyranny of kings and their officers.' then, addressing the victim:--'that we may enjoy prosperity, we offer you a sacrifice to our god manicksoro, who will immediately eat you, so be not grieved at our slaying you. your parents were aware, when we purchased you from them for sixty rupees, that we did so with intent to sacrifice you. there is, therefore, no sin on our heads, but on your parents. after you are dead, we shall perform your obsequies.' the victim is then decapitated, the body thrown into the grave, and the head left suspended from the post till devoured by wild beasts. the knife remains fastened to the post till the three sacrifices have been performed, when it is removed with much ceremony. in an account by captain mac viccar of the sacrifice as carried out at eaji deso, it is stated that on the day of sacrifice the meriah is surrounded by the khonds, who beat him violently on the head with the heavy metal bangles which they purchase at the fairs, and wear on these occasions. if this inhuman smashing does not immediately destroy the victim's life, an end is put to his sufferings by strangulation, a slit bamboo being used for the purpose. strips of flesh are then cut off the back, and each recipient of the precious treasure carries his portion to the stream which waters his fields, and there suspends it on a pole. the remains of the mangled corpse are then buried, and funeral obsequies are performed seven days subsequently, and repeated one year afterwards." the kondhs of bara mootah promised to relinquish the rite on condition, inter alia, that they should be at liberty to sacrifice buffaloes, monkeys, goats, etc., to their deities with all the solemnities observed on occasions of human sacrifice; and that they should be at liberty, upon all occasions, to denounce to their gods the government, and some of its servants in particular, as the cause of their having relinquished the great rite. the last recorded meriah sacrifice in the ganjam maliahs occurred in , and there are still kondhs alive, who were present at it. twenty-five descendants of persons who were reserved for sacrifice, but were rescued by government officers, returned themselves as meriah at the census, . the kondhs have now substituted a buffalo for a human being. the animal is hewn to pieces while alive, and the villagers rush home to their villages, to bury the flesh in the soil, and so secure prosperous crops. the sacrifice is not unaccompanied by risk to the performers, as the buffalo, before dying, frequently kills one or more of its tormenters. this was the case near baliguda in , when a buffalo killed the sacrificer. in the previous year, the desire of a village to intercept the bearer of the flesh for a neighbouring village led to a fight, in which two men were killed. it was the practice, a few years ago, at every dassara festival in jeypore, vizagapatam, to select a specially fine ram, wash it, shave its head, affix thereto red and white bottu and namam (sect marks) between the eyes and down the nose, and gird it with a new white cloth after the manner of a human being. the animal being then fastened in a sitting posture, certain puja (worship) was performed by a brahman priest, and it was decapitated. the substitution of animals for human victims is indicated by various religious legends. thus, a hind was substituted for iphigenia, and a ram for isaac. it was stated by the officers of the meriah agency that there was reason to believe that the raja of jeypore, when he was installed on his father's death in - , sacrificed a girl thirteen years of age at the shrine of the goddess durga in the town of jeypore. [ ] it is noted, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district ( ), that "goats and buffaloes now-a-days take the place of human meriah victims, but the belief in the superior efficacy of the latter dies hard, and every now and again revives. when the rampa rebellion of - spread in this district, several cases of human sacrifice occurred in the disturbed tracts. in , two persons were convicted of attempting a meriah sacrifice near ambadala in bissamkatak. in , a man (a beggar and a stranger) was found at daybreak murdered in one of the temples in jeypore, in circumstances which pointed to his having been slain as a meriah; and, as late as , a formal enquiry showed that there were ample grounds for the suspicion that the kidnapping of victims still went on in bastar." as recently as , a petition was presented to the district magistrate of ganjam, asking him to sanction the performance of a human sacrifice. the memory of the abandoned practice is kept green by one of the kondh songs, for a translation of which we are indebted to mr. j. e. friend-pereira. [ ] "at the time of the great kiabon (campbell) sahib's coming, the country was in darkness; it was enveloped in mist. having sent paiks to collect the people of the land, they, having surrounded them, caught the meriah sacrificers. having caught the meriah sacrificers, they brought them, and again they went and seized the evil councillors. having seen the chains and shackles, the people were afraid; murder and bloodshed were quelled. then the land became beautiful, and a certain mokodella (macpherson) sahib came. he destroyed the lairs of the tigers and bears in the hills and rocks, and taught wisdom to the people. after the lapse of a month, he built bungalows and schools; and he advised them to learn reading and law. they learnt wisdom and reading; they acquired silver and gold. then all the people became wealthy." human sacrifice was not practiced in the kurtilli muttah of the ganjam maliahs. the reason of this is assigned to the fact that the first attempt was made with a crooked knife, and the sacrificers made such a bad business of it that they gave it up. colonel campbell gives another tradition, that, through humanity, one of the kurtilli patros (head of a group of villages) threatened to leave the muttah if the practice was carried out. of a substituted sacrifice, which was carried out in the ganjam maliahs in , [ ] the following graphic account has been given. "suddenly we came upon a number of khonds carrying an immensely long bamboo, about fifty feet in length, surmounted by a gorgeous sort of balloon made of red and white cloth stretched on a bamboo frame. attached to this were dried strips of pig's flesh, and the whole of the extraordinary structure was surmounted by a huge plume of peacock's feathers that waved gaily in the breeze. along with this was carried another bamboo, not so long, slung all over with iron bells. we found that the men had been worshipping, and presenting these structures to a sylvan deity close by, and were now hastening to the small khond village of dhuttiegaum, the scene of the present meriah sacrifice. half a mile brought us to this hamlet, situated amongst a dense grove of trees, in the midst of which was tied to a curiously fluted and carved wooden post the sacrificial buffalo, a placid animal, with its body glistening with the oil of many anointings. the huge bamboo pole, with its crown of red and white cloth and peacock's feathers, and incongruous shreds of dried pig's flesh, was now erected in the centre of the village. the comparative quiet in the village did not last long, for on a sudden the air was rent with a succession of shrieks. with the sound of the beating of maliah drums, and the blowing of buffalo horns, a party of khonds came madly dancing and rushing down a steep hillside from some neighbouring village. they dashed up to the buffalo, and began frantically dancing with the villagers already assembled round and round the animal. each man carried a green bough of some tree, a sharp knife, and a tanghi. they were all adorned in holiday attire, their hair combed and knotted on the forehead, and profusely decorated with waving feathers. all of them were more or less intoxicated. various other villagers now began to arrive, thick and fast, in the same manner, with wavings of green boughs, flourishing of knives, and hideous yells. each party was led by the headman or moliko of the village. the dancing now became more general, and faster and more furious, as more and more joined the human 'merry go round,' circling about the unfortunate buffalo. the women, who had followed their lords and masters at a discreet distance, stood sedately by in a group, and took no part whatever in the revels. they were for the most part fine buxom girls, well groomed and oiled, and stood demurely watching everything with their sharp black eyes. the hitherto quiet buffalo, who for nearly two days had been without food and water, now began to get excited, and, straining at its tether, plunged and butted at the dancers, catching one man neatly on the nose so that the blood flowed copiously. however, the khonds were too excited to care, and circled round and round the poor maddened brute, singing and blowing horns into its ears, beating drums, and every now and then offering it cakes brought with them from their villages, and then laying them on the top of the post as offerings. as they thus madly careered about, we had ample time to note their extraordinary costumes. one man had somehow got hold of an old blue police overcoat, which he had put on inside out, and round his waist he had gathered what seemed to be a number of striped tent carpets, forming a stiff ballet skirt or kilt. he was one of the most athletic in spinning round the buffalo, flourishing a kitchen chopper. another man's costume consisted of almost nothing at all. he had, however, profusely daubed his body with white and black spots, and on his head he had centred all his decorative genius. the head in question was swathed in yards of cloth, terminating at the back in a perfect cascade of cock's feathers. he excitedly waved over this erection an ancient and very rusty umbrella, with many ventilations, with streamers of white cloth attached to the top. others had tied on to their heads with bands of cloth the horns of buffaloes, or brass horns made in imitation of those of the spotted deer. their long, black and curly hair hung in masses from beneath this strange erection, giving them a most startling appearance. the dancing round the buffalo lasted quite two hours, as they were waiting for the arrival of the patro, before concluding the final ceremonies, and the great man was fashionably late. to incite their jaded energies to further terpsichorean efforts, from time to time the dancers drank copious draughts of a kind of beer, used specially on these occasions, and made from kukuri, a species of grain. at last, the long expected patro arrived with the usual uproar of many deafening sounds, both artificial and natural, and with the waving of green boughs. on this occasion he walked last, while the whole of his retinue preceded him dancing, headed by an ancient and withered hag, carrying on her shoulders a maliah drum of cow-hide stretched tightly over a hoop of iron, and vigorously beaten from behind her by a khond with stiff thongs of dried leather. the great man himself walked sedately, followed by his 'charger,' a broken-kneed tat (pony), extraordinarily caparisoned, and led by a youth of tender years, whose sole garment consisted of a faded red drummer's coat of antiquated cut. as soon as the patro had seated himself comfortably on a log near the dancers, a change came over the scene. the hitherto shouting and madly revolving throng stopped their gyrations round the stupefied beast, too much exhausted and frightened to offer any resistance, and, falling on its neck and body, began to smother it with caresses and endearments, and, to a low plaintive air, crooned and wailed over it, the following dirge, of which i append a rude translation. tradition says that they used to sing it, with slight variations, over their human victims before the sacrifice:-- blame us not, o buffalo! thus for sacrificing thee, for our fathers have ordained this ancient mystery. we have bought thee with a price, have paid for thee all thy worth. what blame can rest upon us, who save our land from dearth? famine stares us in the face, parched are our fields, and dry, death looks in at ev'ry door, for food our young ones cry. thadi pennoo veils her face, propitiate me, she cries, give to me of flesh and blood, a willing sacrifice. that where'er its blood is shed, on land, or field, or hill, there the gen'rous grain may spring, so ye may eat your fill. then be glad, o buffalo! willing sacrifice to be, soon in thadi's meadows green, thou shalt brouse eternally. after the khonds had been chanting this sacrificial hymn for some time, the buffalo was untied from the carved post, and led, with singing, dancing and shouting, and with the noise of many musical instruments, to a sacred grove a few hundred yards off, and there tied to a stake. as soon as it had been firmly tied, the khonds threw off all their superfluous clothing to the large crowd of womankind waiting near, and stood round the animal, each man with his hand uplifted, and holding a sharp knife ready to strike at a moment's notice, as soon as the priest or janni had given the word of command. the janni, who did not differ outwardly from the others, now gave the buffalo a slight tap on the head with a small axe. an indescribable scene followed. the khonds in a body fell on the animal, and, in an amazingly short time, literally tore the living victim to shreds with their knives, leaving nothing but the head, bones, and stomach. death must, mercifully, have been almost instantaneous. every particle of flesh and skin had been stripped off during the few minutes they fought and struggled over the buffalo, eagerly grasping for every atom of flesh. as soon as a man had secured a piece of flesh, he rushed away with the gory mass, as fast as he could, to his fields, to bury it therein according to ancient custom, before the sun had set. as some of them had to do good distances to effect this, it was imperative that they should run very fast. a curious scene now took place, for which we could obtain no explanation. as the men ran, all the women flung after them clods of earth, some of them taking very good effect. the sacred grove was cleared of people, save a few that guarded the remnants left of the buffalo, which were taken, and burnt with ceremony at the foot of the stake." i pass on to the subject of infanticide among the kondhs. it is stated, in the manual of the vizagapatam district, that female infanticide used to be very common all over the jeypore country, and the rajah is said to have made money out of it in one large taluk (division). the custom was to consult the dasari (priest) when a child was born as to its fate. if it was to be killed, the parents had to pay the amin of the taluk a fee for the privilege of killing it; and the amin used to pay the rajah three hundred rupees a year for renting the privilege of giving the license and pocketing the fees. the practice of female infanticide was formerly very prevalent among the kondhs of ganjam, and, in , lieutenant macpherson was deputed to carry into effect the measures which had been proposed by lord elphinstone for the suppression of the meriah sacrifices and infanticide. the custom was ascribed to various beliefs, viz., ( ) that it was an injunction by god, as one woman made the whole world suffer; ( ) that it conduces to male offspring; ( ) that woman, being a mischief-maker, is better out of the world than in it; ( ) that the difficulty, owing to poverty, in providing marriage portions was an objection to rearing females. from macpherson's well known report [ ] the following extracts are taken. "the portion of the khond country, in which the practice of female infanticide is known to prevail, is roughly estimated at , square miles, its population at , , and the number of infants destroyed annually at , to , . the tribes (who practice infanticide) belong to the division of the khond people which does not offer human sacrifices. the usage of infanticide has existed amongst them from time immemorial. it owes its origin and its maintenance partly to religious opinions, partly to ideas from which certain very important features of khond manners arise. the khonds believe that the supreme deity, the sun god, created all things good; that the earth goddess introduced evil into the world; and that these two powers have since conflicted. the non-sacrificing tribes make the supreme deity the great object of their adoration, neglecting the earth goddess. the sacrificing tribes, on the other hand, believe the propitiation of the latter power to be the most necessary worship. now the tribes which practice female infanticide hold that the sun god, in contemplating the deplorable effects produced by the creation of feminine nature, charged men to bring up only as many females as they could restrain from producing evil to society. this is the first idea upon which the usage is founded. again, the khonds believe that souls almost invariably return to animate human forms in the families in which they have been first born and received. but the reception of the soul of an infant into a family is completed only on the performance of the ceremony of naming upon the seventh day after its birth. the death of a female infant, therefore, before that ceremonial of reception, is believed to exclude its soul from the circle of family spirits, diminishing by one the chance of future female births in the family. and, as the first aspiration of every khond is to have male children, this belief is a powerful incentive to infanticide." macpherson, during his campaign, came across many villages of about a hundred houses, in which there was not a single female child. in like manner, in , captain frye found many baro bori khond villages without a single female child in them. in savage societies, it has been said, sexual unions were generally effected by the violent capture of the woman. by degrees these captures have become friendly ones, and have ended in a peaceful exogamy, retaining the ancient custom only in the ceremonial form. whereof an excellent example is afforded by the kondhs, concerning whom the author of the ganjam manual writes as follows. "the parents arrange the marriages of their children. the bride is looked upon as a commercial speculation, and is paid for in gontis. a gonti is one of anything, such as a buffalo, a pig, or a brass pot; for instance, a hundred gontis might consist of ten bullocks, ten buffaloes, ten sacks of corn, ten sets of brass, twenty sheep, ten pigs, and thirty fowls. the usual price, however, paid by the bridegroom's father for the bride, is twenty or thirty gontis. a khond finds his wife from among the women of any mutah (village) than his own. on the day fixed for the bride being taken home to her husband's house, the pieces of broom in her ears are removed, and are replaced by brass rings. the bride is covered over with a red blanket, and carried astride on her uncle's back towards the husband's village, accompanied by the young women of her own village. music is played, and in the rear are carried brass playthings, such as horses, etc., for the bridegroom, and cloths and brass pins as presents for the bridegroom from the bride's father. on the road, at the village boundary, the procession is met by the bridegroom and the young men of his village, with their heads and bodies wrapped up in blankets and cloths. each is armed with a bundle of long thin bamboo sticks. the young women of the bride's village at once attack the bridegroom's party with sticks, stones, and clods of earth, which the young men ward off with the bamboo sticks. a running fight is in this manner kept up until the village is reached, when the stone-throwing invariably ceases, and the bridegroom's uncle, snatching up the bride, carries her off to her husband's house. this fighting is by no means child's play, and the men are sometimes seriously injured. the whole party is then entertained by the bridegroom as lavishly as his means will permit. on the day after the bride's arrival, a buffalo and a pig are slaughtered and eaten, and, upon the bride's attendants returning home on the evening of the second day, a male and female buffalo, or some less valuable present, is given to them. on the third day, all the khonds of the village have a grand dance or tamasha (festivity), and on the fourth day there is another grand assembly at the house of the bridegroom. the bride and bridegroom are then made to sit down on a cot, and the bridegroom's brother, pointing upwards to the roof of the house, says: "as long as this girl stays with us, may her children be as men and tigers; but, if she goes astray, may her children be as snakes and monkeys, and die and be destroyed!" in his report upon the kondhs ( ), macpherson tells us that "they hold a feast at the bride's house. far into the night the principals in the scene are raised by an uncle of each upon his shoulders, and borne through the dance. the burdens are suddenly exchanged, and the uncle of the youth disappears with the bride. the assembly divides itself into two parties. the friends of the bride endeavour to arrest, those of the bridegroom to cover her flight, and men, women, and children mingle in mock conflict. i saw a man bearing away upon his back something enveloped in an ample covering of scarlet cloth. he was surrounded by twenty or thirty young fellows, and by them protected from the desperate attacks made upon him by a party of young women. the man was just married, and the burden was his blooming bride, whom he was conveying to his own village. her youthful friends were, according to custom, seeking to regain possession of her, and hurled stones and bamboos at the head of the devoted bridegroom, until he reached the confines of his own village. then the tables were turned, and the bride was fairly won; and off her young friends scampered, screaming and laughing, but not relaxing their speed till they reached their own village." among the kondhs of gumsur, the friends and relations of the bride and bridegroom collect at an appointed spot. the people of the female convoy call out to the others to come and take the bride, and then a mock fight with stones and thorny brambles is begun by the female convoy against the parties composing the other one. in the midst of the tumult the assaulted party takes possession of the bride, and all the furniture brought with her, and carry all off together. [ ] according to another account, the bride, as soon as she enters the bridegroom's house, has two enormous bracelets, or rather handcuffs of brass, each weighing from twenty to thirty pounds, attached to each wrist. the unfortunate girl has to sit with her two wrists resting on her shoulders, so as to support these enormous weights. this is to prevent her from running away to her old home. on the third day the bangles are removed, as it is supposed that by then the girl has become reconciled to her fate. these marriage bangles are made on the hills, and are curiously carved in fluted and zigzag lines, and kept as heirlooms in the family, to be used at the next marriage in the house. according to a still more recent account of marriage among the kondhs [ ] an old woman suddenly rushes forward, seizes the bride, flings her on her back, and carries her off. a man comes to the front, catches the groom, and places him astride on his shoulder. the human horses neigh and prance about like the live quadruped, and finally rush away to the outskirts of the village. this is a signal for the bride's girl friends to chase the couple, and pelt them with clods of earth, stones, mud, cowdung, and rice. when the mock assault is at an end, the older people come up, and all accompany the bridal pair to the groom's village. a correspondent informs me that he once saw a kondh bride going to her new home, riding on her uncle's shoulders, and wrapped in a red blanket. she was followed by a bevy of girls and relations, and preceded by drums and horns. he was told that the uncle had to carry her the whole way, and that, if he had to put her down, a fine of a buffalo was inflicted, the animal being killed and eaten. it is recorded that a european magistrate once mistook a kondh marriage for a riot, but, on enquiry, discovered his mistake. reference has been made above to certain brass playthings, which are carried in the bridal procession. the figures include peacocks, chamæleons, cobras, crabs, horses, deer, tigers, cocks, elephants, human beings, musicians, etc. they are cast by the cire perdue process. the core of the figure is roughly shaped in clay, according to the usual practice, but, instead of laying on the wax in an even thickness, thin wax threads are first made, and arranged over the core so as to form a network, or placed in parallel lines or diagonally, according as the form of the figure or fancy of the workman dictates. the head, arms, and feet are modelled in the ordinary way. the wax threads are made by means of a bamboo tube, into the end of which a moveable brass plate is fitted. the wax, being made sufficiently soft by heat, is pressed through the perforation at the end of the tube, and comes out in the form of long threads, which must be used by the workmen before they become hard and brittle. the chief place where these figures are made is belugunta, near russellkonda in ganjam. it is noted by mr. j. a. r. stevenson [ ] that the kondhs of gumsur, to represent their deities jara pennu, the linga devata, or petri devata, keep in their houses brass figures of elephants, peacocks, dolls, fishes, etc. if affliction happens to any one belonging to the household, or if the country skin eruption breaks out on any of them, they put rice into milk, and, mixing turmeric with it, sprinkle the mixture on the figures, and, killing fowls and sheep, cause worship to be made by the jani, and, making baji, eat. at a marriage among the kondhs of baliguda, after the heads of the bride and bridegroom have been brought together, an arrow is discharged from a bow by the younger brother of the bridegroom into the grass roof of the hut. at the betrothal ceremony of some kondhs, a buffalo and pig are killed, and some of the viscera eaten. various parts are distributed according to an abiding rule, viz., the head to the bridegroom's maternal uncle, the flesh of the sides to his sisters, and of the back among other relations and friends. some kondh boys of ten or twelve years of age are said to be married to girls of fifteen or sixteen. at shubernagiri, in the ganjam maliahs, are two trysting trees, consisting of a jak (artocarpus integrifolia) and mango growing close together. the custom was for a kondh, who was unable to pay the marriage fees to the patro (headman), to meet his love here by night and plight his troth, and then for the two to retire into the jungle for three days and nights before returning to the village. afterwards, they were considered to be man and wife. it is noted by mr. friend-pereira [ ] that, at the ceremonial for settling the preliminaries of a kondh marriage, a knotted string is put into the hands of the seridahpa gataru (searchers for the bride), and a similar string is kept by the girl's people. the reckoning of the date of the betrothal ceremony is kept by undoing a knot in the string every morning. some years ago, a young kondh was betrothed to the daughter of another kondh, and, after a few years, managed to pay up the necessary number of gifts. he then applied to the girl's father to name the day for the marriage. before the wedding took place, however, a pano went to the girl's father, and said that she was his daughter (she had been born before her parents were married), and that he was the man to whom the gifts should have been paid. the case was referred to a council meeting, which decided in favour of the pano. of birth ceremonies, the following account is given by mr. jayaram moodaliar. the woman is attended in her confinement by an elderly kondh midwife, who shampooes her abdomen with castor-oil. the umbilical cord is cut by the mother of the infant. for this purpose, the right thigh of the baby is flexed towards its abdomen, and a piece of cooled charcoal placed on its right knee. the cord is placed on the charcoal, and divided with the sharp edge of an arrow. the placenta is buried close to the house near a wall. after the cord has been severed, the mother daubs the region of the infant's navel with her saliva, over which she smears castor-oil. she then warms her hands at a fire, and applies them to the infant's body. [it is stated, in the ganjam manual, that the infant is held before a hot fire, and half roasted.] the warming is repeated several times daily for four or five days. when the umbilical cord has sloughed off, a spider is burnt to ashes over a fire, placed in a cocoanut shell, mixed with castor-oil, and applied by means of a fowl's feather to the navel. the infant's head is shaved, except over the anterior fontanelle, the hair from which is removed after about a month. its body is smeared all over daily with castor-oil and turmeric paste until it is a month old. the mother then goes with her baby and husband to her brother's house, where the infant is presented with a fowl, which is taken home, and eaten by her husband. the appropriation of the fowl varies according to the locality. in some places, the infant's father, and other relations, except the mother, may eat it, and, in others, both its parents, and relations living in the house, may do so. in still other places, the father, paternal grandfather and grandmother, and paternal uncle, may partake of it. the naming ceremony among the kondhs of gumsur is thus described by mr. j. a. r. stevenson. "six months after birth, on a fixed day, they make gaduthuva (the ceremony of naming the child). on that day, killing a dog, and procuring liquor, they make baji. they wash the feet of the child. the jani being come, he ties a cord from the haft to the point of a sickle, and they divine by means of it. having assembled the petrilu (literally ancestors, but here denoting household images or gods), they put rice on the sickle. as the names (of the ancestors or family?) are repeated in order, each time the rice is put on, that name is chosen on the mention of which the sickle moves, and is given to the child. they then drink liquor, and eat baji. they give rice and flesh to the jani." of death ceremonies, the following account is given in the manual of the ganjam district. "immediately after death, a cloth is wrapped round the corpse, but no cloths or valuables are removed. a portion of paddy (unhusked rice), and all the cooking utensils of the deceased are given to the village sitra. [the sitras manufacture the brass rings and bangles worn by the kondhs.] the body is then burnt. on the following day, a little rice is cooked, put on a dish, and laid on the spot where the corpse was burnt. an incantation is then pronounced, requesting the spirit of the deceased person to eat the rice and enjoy itself, and not to change itself into a devil or tiger, and come bothering the survivors in the village. three days after death, the madda ceremony is performed. an effigy of the deceased is prepared of straw, which is stuck up in front of or on the roof of the house, and the relations and friends assemble, lament, and eat at the expense of the people of the deceased's house. each person brings a present of some kind or other, and, on his departure on the next day, receives something of slightly higher value. the death of a man in a village requires a purification, which is made by the sacrifice of a buffalo on the seventh day after death. if a man is killed by a tiger, the purification is made by the sacrifice of a pig, the head of which, cut off with a tangi (axe) by a pano, is passed between the legs of the men in the village, who stand in a line astraddle. it is a bad omen for him if the head touches any man's legs. if the patro attends a funeral, he gets a fee of a goat for firing his gun, to drive away the dead man's ghost." according to mr. jayaram moodaliar, if a person is killed by a tiger, the head of the decapitated pig is placed in a stream, and, as it floats down, it has to pass between the legs of the villagers. if it touches the legs of any of them, it forebodes that he will be killed by a tiger. in a note on the death ceremonies in gumsur, mr. j. a. r. stevenson writes as follows. "on life ceasing, they tie a sheep to the foot of the corpse. they carry the clothes, brass eating-dish, brass drinking-vessel, ornaments, grain in store, and the said sheep to the burning-ground. having burned the body, and gone around about the pile, they leave all those things there, and, beating drums, return home. the garments the panos take away. they procure liquor, and drink it. they then go to their respective houses, and eat. on the next day, they kill a she-buffalo, and get together a great quantity of liquor. the whole of the tribe (near and distant relations) being assembled, they make baji, and eat. they beat drums. if the deceased were of any consequence, dancers come and dance to the sound of the drums, to whom some animal is given, which they take, and go away. subsequently, on the twelfth day, they carry a hog to the spot where the body was burned, and, after perambulating the site of the pyre, return to their home, where they kill a hog in the place set apart for their household gods, and, procuring liquor, make baji, the members of the tribe eating together. should a tiger carry off any one, they throw out of doors all the (preserved) flesh belonging to him, and all the people of the village, not excepting children, quit their homes. the jani, being come with two rods of the tummeca tree (acacia arabica), he plants these in the earth, and then, bringing one rod of the condatamara tree (smilax macrophylla), he places it transversely across the other two. the jani, performing some incantation, sprinkles water on them. beginning with the children, as these and the people pass through the passage so formed, the jani sprinkles water on them all. afterwards, the whole of them go to their houses, without looking behind them." in connection with customs observed in the event of death, mr. jayaram moodaliar writes that "if a woman's husband dies, she removes the beads from her neck, the metal finger rings, ankle and wrist ornaments, and the ornament worn in the lobe of one ear, that worn in the lobe of the other ear being retained. these are thrown on the chest of the corpse, before it is cremated. the widow does not remove the ornaments worn in the helices of the ears, and in the alæ and septum of the nose. when a khond dies, his body is cremated. the people in the house of the deceased are not allowed to cook their food on that or the next day, but are fed by their relations and friends in the village. on the day after death, rice and a fowl are cooked separately, put in big leaf cups, and placed on the spot where the corpse was burnt. the spirit of the deceased is invited to eat the meal, and asked not to do them any harm. on the third day, the relations bathe, and smear their heads with clay. an effigy of the deceased is made, and stuck up on the roof of the house. the practice of making an image of the deceased obtains among the goomsur khonds, but, in some other places, is considered inauspicious. on the seventh day, a purificatory ceremony is gone through, and a buffalo killed, with which, and the indispensable liquor, the guests are entertained. at a village two miles from baliguda, a boy, about sixteen years old, died. his gold ear-rings and silver bracelets were not removed, but burnt. his cloths were thrown on the pyre. ragi and other grains, paddy, etc., were placed near the funeral pyre, but not in the fire. the food-stuffs, and a buffalo, were divided among the haddis, who are the servants of the headman (patro) of the muttah. they also took the remains of the jewels, recovered from the ashes after cremation." it is recorded by mr. f. fawcett [ ] that "once after death, a propitiatory sacrifice is made of animals of the deceased to the pidari pitta (ancestor) for the sake of the deceased's spirit, which, after this festive introduction to the shades, must take its chance. a curious ceremony, which i do not remember seeing noted anywhere, is performed the day after death. some boiled rice and a small fowl are taken to the burning place. the fowl is split down the breast, and placed on the spot; it is afterwards eaten, and the soul is invoked to enter a new-aborn child." the following note on a kondh funeral dance in the ganjam maliahs is from the pen of an eye-witness. [ ] "the dead patro is, as usual, a hill uriya, of ancient lineage, no less than that of the great totem of nola bompsa or the ancestral wood-pigeon that laid its eggs in the hollow of a bamboo, from which this family sprang. various and most interesting are the totems of the maliahs. in passing, i may mention another curious totem, that of the pea-fowl, two eggs of which a man brought home to his wife, who laid them in an earthen pot, and from them sprang a man-child, the progenitor of a famous family. but to return to the patro. before sunset, mourned by his two wives, the younger and favourite one carrying a young child of light bamboo colour, he had been burnt, without much ceremony, in an open grassy spot, his ashes scattered to the four winds of heaven, and the spot marked by wooden posts driven deep into the soil. not now would be celebrated the funeral obsequies, but a month hence on the accession of his eldest son, the future patro, a fair lad of eighteen years. as the day for the obsequies drew near, an unusual bustle filled the air. potters from the low country arrived, and hundreds upon hundreds of earthen pots of all sizes and shapes were turned, and piled in great heaps near the village. huge buffaloes, unconscious of their approaching fate, lay tethered near, or wallowing in bovine luxury in a swamp hard by. messengers had been sent far and near to all the patros, molikos, and bissoyis. even the kuttiya khonds were not left out. the auspicious morning at length dawned, when a distinguished company began to arrive, each chief with his followers, and in many cases his wives and little children, all dressed in their best, and bent on enjoying everything to the utmost. i noticed fine stalwart men from udiagiri on the edge of the ghauts, together with khonds from more civilised baliguda, and khonds from cold and breezy daringabadi, cheerful in spite of the numbers of their relatives that had found a horrid tomb inside a man-eating tiger that since (together with another ally lately started) had carried off more than four hundred of their kith and kin. distinguished amongst even that wild horde for savagery were the khonds from the kuttiya country, who live on tops of hills, and whose women are seldom, if ever, seen. these are remarkable for their enormous quantities of frizzly hair tied in huge chignons over the right brow, and decorated with feathers of every hue--the jay, the parrot, the peacock and the white quills of the paddy-bird predominating. their short, sturdy limbs are hung in every direction with necklaces and curious blue beads and cut agates, said to be dug out of ancient burial places and cromlechs in central india. certain it is that almost no inducement will prevail on a khond to voluntarily part with these precious heirlooms. as each fresh detachment arrived, their first occupation was to go to a neighbouring tank (pond), and, after a wash and decoration of head and hair with either the orthodox feathers, or, prettier still, with wreaths of wild flowers, to repair to the late chief's house, and, presenting themselves at the door, condole, with much vigour of lungs, with the now less disconsolate widows on their recent loss. this ceremony over, they tendered their allegiance to the young son of the dead patro, permitted by government to take his place, and each man received from him an earthen cooking-pot, and each circle of villages a buffalo. the khond is a beef eater, but a curious custom prevails in some parts, that a married woman must abstain from the flesh of a cow. these preliminary ceremonies over, the crowd adjourned, with great noise of shouting, blowing of buffalo horns, and beating of drums, to the open grassy spot marked by posts, where the late patro had been burned, and where a recently killed buffalo, weltering in its gore, now lay. among the throng of men, women and children, most of the former more than slightly elevated by drinking copious draughts of a kind of beer made from the kuhari grain, were three khonds carrying long poles surmounted by huge bunches of peacock feathers that blazed in the sunlight like emeralds and sapphires. the funeral dance now commenced. the dance itself is simple in the extreme, for, when the right spot was reached, old men and young began gyrating round and round in a large circle, a perfect human merry-go-round. the old grey-beards, plodding slowly round the ring, and stamping on the soil with their aged feet, presented a great contrast to the younger and wilder men, who capered and pranced about, sometimes outside the circle, waving their tanghis in the air, and every now and then leaping up to the slain buffalo, and dipping their axes into its blood, and then back again, dancing more wildly than ever, round and round from west to east, till the eye ached to behold the perpetual motion of this animated wheel. in the centre revolved the three men with the huge bunches of peacock feathers afore-mentioned. when any dropped out of the circle to rest there were many eager and willing to take their places, and so, with relays of fresh dancers, this human circle revolved on for three whole days, only ceasing at nightfall, when by large fires the various tribes cooked in the earthen pots provided the buffaloes presented by the new patro. in olden days, an animal was given to each village, but on this occasion only to a circle of villages, occasioning thereby certain grumblings among the wiseacres for the good old days of the past, when not only buffaloes in plenty, but meriah human victims as well were lavishly provided and sacrificed. 'ichabod,' said they in khond, 'the glory of the maliahs hath departed.' on the afternoon of the third day, the patros, molikas, bissoyis, and others of the great men began to depart with their retainers for their distant homes in the jungles, having had a thoroughly good time. the women, who had been very shy at first, fled at my approach, now, after three days' familiarity with a white face, began to show symptoms of friendliness, so that they allowed me to go quite near to them to examine their pretty necklaces of coloured grasses, silver coins, and curious beads, and to count the numbers of small sticks (generally about twelve or fifteen) of broom that were arranged in the shape of a crescent round the outer edges of the pierced ears of each unmarried village belle, and to observe at close quarters the strange tattooed patterns in blue of zigzag and curve that to my eyes disfigured their otherwise comely faces. as to beauty of figure, i think very few can compare with a young and well-grown khond maiden, with her straight back and handsome proportions. it was, therefore, without much difficulty that i persuaded some of them to dance before me. six buxom girls stepped out, all of them the respectable daughters of well-to-do khonds, prepared to dance the famous peacock dance. round their supple but massive waists was twisted the strip of national khond cloth of blue, red and white, and for bodices what could be more becoming than their glossy brown skins of nature's millinery, gracefully wreathed with garlands of coloured grasses and strings of gay beads. the polished jet black hair, neatly tied in a knot at the back, and decorated with pretty lacquered and silver combs, or with forest flowers, added yet more to their picturesque appearance. each girl now took a long strip of white cloth, and, winding it round her waist, allowed one end to trail at the back in the fashion of a liberty sash. this was supposed to represent the tail of the peacock. three of the girls then faced the three others, and, with their left hands resting on their hips, and their elbows sticking out (to represent the wings), and the right arms extended in front with the fingers outstretched to simulate the neck and beak, began to dance to the ear-piercing shrieks of cracked trumpet, and to the deep beatings of a maliah drum marking excellent time. on and on they danced, advancing and retiring, and now and then crossing over (not unlike the first figure of the quadrille), while their tinkling feet, 'like little mice, stole in and out,' the heels alternately clashing against each other, in exact time to the music, and the lips gracefully waving from side to side as they advanced or retired. there was perfect grace of movements combined with extreme modesty, the large expressive eyes veiled by the long lashes never once being raised, and the whole demeanour utterly oblivious to the crowd of enthusiastic admirers that surrounded them on all sides. but for the wild scene around, the noise and shrieking of instruments, and the fantastic dresses of the khonds (many of whom had buffalo horns tied on to their painted faces, or had decorated their heads with immense wigs of long black hair), one might easily have supposed these shrinking damsels to have been the pick of a mission school specially selected for propriety to dance the south indian kummi before, say, an itinerant bishop of ascetic tendencies and æsthetic temperament. when their heaving, panting bodies showed that exhausted nature claimed them for her own, the man with the trumpet or the drum would rush up, and blow or beat it almost under their drooping heads, urging them with shouts and gesticulations to further energy, till at length the shades of night crept over the hills, and, with one accord, the dancing and the deafening music ceased, while the six girls stole quietly back and were soon lost in the crowd." of superstitions among the kondhs, the following are recorded by mr. jayaram moodaliar:-- "when a kondh starts out on a shooting expedition, if he first meets an adult female, married or unmarried, he will return home, and ask a child to tell the females to keep out of his way. he will then make a fresh start, and, if he meets a female, will wave his hand to her as a sign that she must keep clear of him. before a party start out for shooting, they warn the females not to come in their way. the kondh believes that, if he sees a female, he will not come across animals in the jungle to shoot. if a woman is in her menses, her husband, brothers, and sons living under the same roof, will not go out shooting for the same reason. a kondh will not leave his village when a jathra (festival) is being celebrated, lest the god pennu should visit his wrath on him. they will not cut trees, which yield products suitable for human consumption, such as the mango, jak, jambul (eugenia jambolana), or iluppai (bassia) from which they distil a spirituous liquor. even though these trees prevent the growth of a crop in the fields, they will not cut them down. if an owl hoots over the roof of a house, or on a tree close thereto, it is considered unlucky, as foreboding a death in the family at an early date. if an owl hoots close to a village, but outside it, the death of one of the villagers will follow. for this reason, the bird is pelted with stones, and driven off. they will not kill a crow, as this would be a sin amounting to the killing of a friend. according to their legend, soon after the creation of the world there was a family consisting of an aged man and woman, and four children, who died one after the other in quick succession. their parents were too aged to take the necessary steps for their cremation, so they threw the bodies away on the ground, at some distance from their home. god appeared to them in their dreams one night, and promised that he would create the crow, so that it might devour the dead bodies. they do not consider it a sin to kill a brahminy kite (haliastur indus: garuda pakshi), which is held in veneration throughout southern india. a kondh will kill it for so slight an offence as carrying off his chickens. they will not cut the crops with a sickle with a serrated edge, such as is used by the oriyas, but use a straight-edged knife. the crops, after they have been cut, are removed to the village, and threshed by hand, and not with the help of cattle. while this is being done, strangers (kondh or others) may not look on the crop, or speak to them, lest their evil eye should be cast on them. if a stranger is seen approaching near the threshing-floor, the kondhs keep him off by signalling to him with their hands, without speaking. the serrated sickle is not used, because it produces a sound like that of cattle grazing, which would be unpropitious. if cattle were used in threshing the crop, it is believed that the earth god would feel insulted by the dung and urine of the animals. they believe that they can transform themselves into tigers or snakes, half the soul leaving the body and becoming changed into one of these animals, either to kill an enemy, or satisfy hunger by having a good feed on cattle in the jungle. during this period, they are believed to feel dull and listless, and disinclined for work, and, if a tiger is killed in the forest, they will die synchronously. mr. fawcett informs me that the kondhs believe that the soul wanders during sleep. on one occasion, a dispute arose owing to a man discovering that another kondh, whose spirit used to wander about in the guise of a tiger, ate up his spirit, and he became ill. when cholera breaks out in a village, all males and females smear their bodies from head to foot with pig's fat liquefied by heat, and continue to do so until a few days after the disappearance of the dread disease. during this time, they do not bathe, lest the smell of the fat should be washed away." the kondhs are said [ ] to prevent the approach of the goddess of small-pox by barricading the paths with thorns and ditches, and boiling caldrons of stinking oil. the leopard is looked upon in some way as a sacred beast by the kondhs of the northern maliahs. they object to a dead leopard being carried through their villages, and oaths are taken on a leopard's skin. referring to elf stones, or stones of the dead in european countries, to which needles, buttons, milk, eggs, etc., are offered, mr. f. fawcett describes [ ] a kondh ceremony, in which the ground under a tree was cleared in the form of a square, within which were circles of saffron (turmeric), charcoal, rice, and some yellow powder, as well as an egg or a small chicken. a certain kondh had fever caused by an evil spirit, and the ceremony was an invitation to it to come out, and go to another village. the following account of a cow-shed sacrifice is given by mr. fawcett. [ ] "a special liquor is brewed from grain for the ceremony, on the first day of which there is a general fast, a pig is bought by general subscription, and dragged to the place where it is to be sacrificed by a rope 'through its belly.' the pig is stoned to death, but, ere it dies, each khond cuts off some of the hair and a little piece of the ear, which are treasured. the meat is divided among them, and cooked with rice. the priest goes from house to house, and performs the ceremony of the cow-shed. the ropes of the cattle (chiefly buffaloes) which are out grazing are tied to the central point in the cow-shed, and the other ends are laid on the ground across the shed. these ropes are the visible objects, to which sacrifice is made. the head of a chicken is buried near the ends tied to the post, and near it are ranged leaves, on which are placed rice, flesh of the pig, and a bit of its ear. a little in front of these is buried a rotten egg. the chicken, whose head is buried, is boiled, and eaten by children who have not yet donned a cloth. the khond puts the rice, piece of the ear, and the hair of the pig, under the roof. in the evening the cattle come home, and are tied by the ropes used in the ceremony. then the women break their fast--they must eat then. drinking and dancing occupy the two following days, during which no manure is removed from the cow-shed. on the third day, the khonds come out with a lump of it in the hand, and throw it in one place, forming a heap, on which the priest pours liquor and rice." the following example of a kondh oath is given by mr. j. a. r. stevenson. "the subject of the circumstance is first repeated by the swearing party, and a basket containing the following things is held before him:-- a blood-sucker (lizard). a bit of tiger's skin. a peacock's feather. earth from a 'white-ant' hill. rice mixed with fowl's blood. a lighted lamp. he proceeds with his oath, touching each object in the basket at that part of the oath which refers to that object. 'oh! father (god), i swear, and, if i swear falsely, then, oh! father, may i become shrivelled and dry like a blood-sucker, and thus die. may i be killed by a tiger. may i crumble to dust like this white-ant's hill. may i be blown about like this feather. may i be extinguished like this lamp.' in saying the last words, he puts a few grains of rice in his mouth, and blows out the lamp, and the basket with its contents is made to touch the top of his head." in , a case illustrating the prevailing belief in witchcraft occurred in the vizagapatam hill tracts. the youngest of three brothers died of fever, and, when the body was cremated, the fire failed to consume the upper portion. the brothers concluded that death must have been caused by the witchcraft of a certain kondh. they accordingly attacked him, and killed him. after death, the brothers cut the body in half, and dragged the upper half to their own village, where they attempted to nail it up on the spot where their deceased brother's body failed to burn. the accused were arrested on the spot, with the fragment of the kondh's corpse. they were sentenced to death, and the sentence was confirmed by the high court. [ ] in , a kondh, suspecting a pano girl of having stolen some cloths and a silver ornament from him, went to the dhengada house in sollagodo, where the girl slept with other unmarried girls, and took her to his village, where he confined her in his house. on the following day, he took her to an oriya trader, who thrashed her, in order to make her confess to the theft. subsequently, some of the villagers collected to see her undergo the ordeal of boiling water. a pot nearly full of water was boiled, some cow-dung and sacred rice added, and a rupee placed in the pot. the girl was ordered to take out the rupee. this she did three times, but, on the fourth occasion, the water scalded her hand and forearm. she was then ordered to pay as a fine her ear-ring, which was worth one rupee. this she did, as it was the custom for an unsuccessful person to hand over some property. her right hand was practically destroyed as the result of the scalding. an elderly patro (headman) deposed that the ordinary practice in trials of this sort is to place two pots of water, one boiling and the other cold. in the boiling water a rupee and some rice are placed, and the suspected person has to take out the rupee once, and should then dip his hand in the cold water. if the hand is then scalded, the person is considered guilty, and has to pay a fine to the caste. in trial by immersion in water, the disputants dive into a pool, and he who can keep under water the longest is considered to be in the right. on one occasion, some years ago, when two villages were disputing the right of possession of a certain piece of land, the magistrate resorted to a novel method to settle the dispute. he instituted a tug-of-water between an equal number of representatives of the contending parties. the side which won took possession of the disputed property, to the satisfaction of all. [ ] in connection with sacred rice, which has been referred to above, reference may be made to the custom of mahaprasad songatho. "it is prevalent among the khonds and other hill tribes of ganjam and orissa, and is found among the oriyas. sangatho means union or friendship. mahaprasad songatho is friendship sworn by mahaprasad, i.e., cooked rice consecrated to god jagannath of puri. the remains of the offering are dried and preserved. all pilgrims visiting puri invariably get a quantity of this mahaprasad, and freely distribute it to those who ask for it. it is regarded as a sacred thing, endowed with supreme powers of forgiving the sins and wrongs of men by mere touch. it is not only holy itself, but also sanctifies everything done in its presence. it is believed that one dare not commit a foul deed, utter a falsehood, or even entertain an evil thought, when it is held in the hands. on account of such beliefs, witnesses in law suits (especially oriyas) are asked to swear by it when giving evidence. mahaprasad songatho is sworn friendship between two individuals of the same sex. instances are on record of friendship contracted between a wealthy and cultured townsman and a poor village rustic, or between a brahmin woman of high family and a sudra servant. songatho is solemnised with some ceremonies. on an auspicious day fixed for the purpose, the parties to the songatho, with their relatives, friends and well-wishers, go to a temple in procession to the festive music of flutes and drum. there, in that consecrated place, the would-be friends take a solemn oath, with the god before them, mahaprasad in their hands, and the assemblage to witness that they will be lifelong friends, in spite of any changes that might come over them or their families. the ceremony closing, there will be dinners, gifts and presents on both sides, and the day is all mirth and merriment. thus bound by inseparable ties of friendship, they live to the end of their lives on terms of extreme intimacy and affection. they seize every opportunity of meeting, and living in each other's company. they allow no festival to pass without an exchange of new cloths, and other valuable presents. no important ceremony is gone through in any one's house without the other being invited. throughout the year, they will send each other the various fruits and vegetables in their respective seasons. if one dies, his or her family does not consider the bond as having been snapped, but continues to look upon the other more or less in the same manner as did the deceased. the survivor, if in need of help, is sure to receive assistance and sympathy from the family of the deceased friend. this is how the institution is maintained by the less civilised oriyas of the rural parts. the romance of the songatho increases with the barbarity of the tribe. the khonds, and other hill tribes, furnish us with an example of songatho, which retains all its primitive simplicity. among them, songatho is ideal friendship, and examples of damon and pythias are not rare. a khond has been known to ruin himself for the sake of his friend. he willingly sacrifices all that he has, and even his life, to protect the interests of his friend. the friends have nothing but affection for each other." [ ] it is noted, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, that "the khonds steal cattle, especially those belonging to brinjari gangs, in an open manner, for the sake of their flesh. in , at veppiguda near gudari a party of them attacked four constables who were patrolling the country to check these thefts, thrashed them, and carried off all their property and uniforms. efforts to arrest these men resulted in the inhabitants of their village fleeing to the hills, and, for a time, it looked as if there was danger of others joining them, and of the khonds going out. in , the khonds of kalahandi state rose against the uriyas, and murdered some hundreds of them. luckily the invitation to join them, conveyed by the circulation of the head, fingers, hair, etc., of an early victim, was not accepted by the khonds of this district." the news of the rising was conveyed to mr. h. g. prendergast, assistant superintendent of police, by a domb disguised as a fakir, who carried the report concealed in his languti (cloth). he was rewarded with a silver bangle. at a meeting held at the village of balwarpur, it was decided that the kultas should all be killed and swept out of the country. as a sign of this, the kondhs carried brooms about. at asurgarh the police found four headless corpses, and learnt from the widows all that they had to say about the atrocities. the murders had been committed in the most brutal way. all the victims were scalped while still alive, and one had an arm and a leg cut off before being scalped. as each victim died, his death was announced by three taps on a drum given slowly, followed by shouting and dancing. the unfortunate men were dragged out of their houses, and killed before their women and children. neither here nor anywhere else were the women outraged, though they were threatened with death to make them give up buried treasure. one woman was in this way made to dig up a thousand rupees. on a tamarind tree near the village of billat, affixed to it as a trophy, there was the scalped head of a kulta, hacked about in the most horrible way. [ ] the fact is noted by mr. jayaram moodaliar that the kondh system of notation is duodecimal. thirteen is twelve and one, forty three twelves and four, and so forth. kondh bibliography. aborigines of the eastern ghâts. journ. asiat. soc. bengal, xxv, - , . caldwell, r. comparative grammar of the dravidian or south indian family of languages, nd edn., appendix, - , . campbell, g. specimens of languages of india, including those of the aboriginal tribes of bengal, the central provinces and the eastern frontier, - , , calcutta. campbell, major-general. personal narrative of service amongst the wild tribes of khondistan, . dalton, e. t. descriptive ethnology of bengal, - , . duff, rev. a. the first series of government measures for the abolition of human sacrifices among the khonds. selections from the calcutta review, - , - . fawcett, f. miscellaneous notes. journ., anthrop. soc., bombay, ii, - . francis, w. gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, vol. i, . friend-pereira, j. e. marriage customs of the khonds. journ., asiat. soc. bengal, lxxi, part iii, - , . friend-pereira, j. e. totemism among the khonds. journ., asiat. soc., bengal, lxxiii, part iii, - , . frye, captain. dialogues and sentences in the kondh language, with an english translation, , cuttack. frye, captain. fables in the kondh language, with an english translation, , cuttack. frye, captain. fables in the kondh language, with an oriya translation, , cuttack. frye, captain. the history of joseph in the kui or kondh language, , cuttack. frye, captain. primer and progressive reading lessons in the kondh language, with an oriya translation, , cuttack. frye, lieut. j. p. on the uriya and kondh population of orissa. journ., roy. asiat. soc. of great britain and ireland, xvii, - , . grierson, g. a. linguistic survey of india, iv, - , . history of the rise and progress of the operations for the suppression of human sacrifice and female infanticide in the hill tracts of orissa. selections from the records of the government of india (home department) no. v, , calcutta. hunter, w. w. orissa ii, - , . huttmann, g. h. lieut. macpherson's report upon the khonds of the districts of ganjam and cuttack. calcutta review, viii, - , . huttmann, g. h. captain macpherson's report upon the khonds of the districts of ganjam and cuttack. calcutta review, x, - , . lingum letchmajee. introduction to the grammar of the kui or kondh language, nd edn., , calcutta. macpherson, captain s. c. an account of the religious opinions and observances of the khonds of goomsur and boad. journ., roy. asiat. soc. of great britain and ireland, vii, - , . macpherson, captain s. c. an account of the religion of the khonds in orissa. journ., roy. asiat. soc. of great britain and ireland, xiii, - , . macpherson, lieut. report upon the khonds of the districts of ganjam and cuttack, , madras. maltby, t. j. ganjam district manual, - , . rice, s. p. occasional essays on native south indian life, - , . risley, h. h. the tribes and castes of bengal, i, - . . smith, major j. mcd. practical handbook of the khond language, , cuttack. taylor, rev. w. on the language, manners, and rites of the khonds or khoi jati of the goomsur mountains from documents furnished by j. a. r. stevenson. madras journ. lit. and science, vi, - , . taylor, rev. w. some additional notes on the hill inhabitants of the goomsur mountains. madras journ., lit. and science, vii, - , . kondra.--the kondras or kondoras are a fishing caste in ganjam, who fish in ponds, lakes, rivers, and backwaters, but are never engaged in sea-fishing. it has been suggested that the name is derived from konkoda, a crab, as they catch crabs in the chilka lake, and sell them. the kondras rank very low in the social scale, and even the haddis refuse to beat drums for them, and will not accept partially boiled rice, which they have touched. in some places, the members of the caste call themselves dasa divaro, and claim descent from the boatmen who rowed the boat when king bharatha went to chithrakutam, to inform rama of the death of dasaratha. apparently the caste is divided into two endogamous sections, viz., macha kondras, who follow the traditional occupation of fishing, and dandasi khondras, who have taken to the duties of village watchmen. as examples of septs or bamsams, the following may be cited:--kako (crow), bilva (jackal), gaya (cow), kukkiriya (dogs), ghasia (grass), bholia (wild dog), sanguna (vulture). a few said that reverence is paid to the animals after which the bamsam is named before the marriage ceremonies, but this was denied by others. the headman of the caste is styled behara, and he is assisted by the dolobehara and bhollobaya. there is also a caste messenger called chattia. the behara receives a fee of a rupee on occasions of marriage, and one anna for death ceremonies. girls are married either before or after puberty. sometimes a girl is married in performance of a vow to the sahada (streblus asper) tree. the ground round the tree is cleaned, a new cloth is then tied round the trunk, and a bow and arrow are rested against it. the behara officiates as priest, and on behalf of the girl, places near the tree twelve handfuls or measures of rice and twelve of dal (peas: cajanus indicus), and twelve pieces of string on a leaf, as provisions for the bridegroom. if the girl has not reached maturity, she must remain seven days near the tree; otherwise she remains four days. on the last day, the behara, sitting close to the tree, says: "we have given you provisions for twelve years. give us a tsado-patra (deed of separation)." this is written on a palmyra leaf, and thrown down near the tree. the dead are cremated, and the corpses of both men and women are said to be placed face downwards on the pyre. among many other castes, only those of women are placed in this position. the death ceremonies are similar to those observed by many oriya castes. a bit of bone is removed from the burning-ground, and food offered to it daily until the tenth day, when all the agnates, as well as the brothers-in-law and sons-in-law of the deceased, are shaved. the sons of the sister of the dead person are also expected to be shaved if they are fatherless; but, if their father is alive, they are shaved on the following day. the kondras regard ganga-devi as their caste deity, but worship also other deities, e.g., chamunda, buddhi, and kalika. konga.--konga or kongu is a territorial term, meaning inhabitant of the kongu country. it has, at recent times of census, been returned as a division of a large number of classes, mostly tamil, which include ambattan, kaikolan, kammalan, kuravan, kusavan, malayan, odde, pallan, paraiyan, shanan, uppara, and vellala. it is used as a term of abuse among the badagas of the nilgiri hills. those, for example, who made mistakes in matching holmgren's wools, were scornfully called konga by the onlookers. similarly, in parts of the tamil country, a tall, lean and stupid individual is called a kongan. konga vellala.--for the following note on the konga vellalas of the trichinopoly district, i am indebted to mr. f. r. hemingway. they seem to have little in common with the other vellalas, except their name, and appear to hold a lower position in society, for reddis will not eat with them, and they will dine with tottiyans and others of the lower non-brahman castes. they live in compact communities, generally in hamlets. their dwellings are generally thatched huts, containing only one room. they are cultivators, but not well off. their men can generally be recognized by the number of large gold rings which they wear in the lobes of the ears, and the pendant (murugu), which hangs from the upper part of the ears. their women have a characteristic tali (marriage badge) of large size, strung on to a number of cotton threads, which are not, as among other castes, twisted together. they also seem always to wear an ornament called tayittu, rather like the common cylindrical talisman, on the left arm. the konga vellalas are split into two endogamous divisions, viz., the konga vellalas proper, and the tondan or ilakanban-kuttam (servant or inferior sub-division). the latter are admittedly the offspring of illegitimate intercourse with outsiders by girls and widows of the caste, who have been expelled in consequence of their breach of caste rules. the kongas proper have an elaborate caste organisation. their country is divided into twenty-four nadus, each comprising a certain number of villages, and possessing recognised head-quarters, which are arranged into four groups under the villages of palayakottai, kangayam, pudur and kadayur, all in the coimbatore district. each village is under a kottukkaran, each nadu under a nattu-kavundan or periyatanakkaran, and each group under a pattakkaran. the last is treated with considerable respect. he wears gold toe-rings, is not allowed to see a corpse, and is always saluted with clasped hands. he is only occasionally called in to settle caste disputes, small matters being settled by the kottukkarans, and matrimonial questions by the nattukavundan. both the kongas proper, and the tondans have a large number of exogamous septs, the names of which generally denote some article, the use of which is taboo, e.g., kadai (quail), pannai (celosia argentea, a pot-herb). the most desirable match for a boy is his maternal uncle's daughter. to such an extent is the preference for such unions carried out, that a young boy is often married to a grown-up woman, and it is admitted that, in such cases, the boy's father takes upon himself the duties of a husband until his son has reached maturity, and that the wife is allowed to consort with any one belonging to the caste whom she may fancy, provided that she continues to live in her husband's house. with widows, who are not allowed to remarry, the rules are more strict. a man convicted of undue intimacy with a widow is expelled from the caste, unless she consents to his leaving her and going back to the caste, and he provides her with adequate means to live separately. the form of consent is for the woman to say that she is only a mud vessel, and has been broken because polluted, whereas the man is of bell-metal, and cannot be utterly polluted. the erring man is readmitted to the caste by being taken to the village common, where he is beaten with an erukkan (arka: calotropis gigantea) stick, and by providing a black sheep for a feast to his relatives. at weddings and funerals, the konga vellalas employ priests of their own caste, called arumaikkarans and arumaikkaris. these must be married people, who have had children. the first stage, so far as a wife is concerned, is to become an elutingalkari (woman of seven mondays), without which she cannot wear a red mark on her forehead, or get any of her children married. this is effected, after the birth of at least one child, by observing a ceremonial at her father's house. a pandal (booth) of green leaves is erected in the house, and a fillet of pungam (pongamia glabra) and tamarind twigs is placed round her head. she is then presented with a new cloth, prepares some food and eats it, and steps over a mortar. a married couple wait until one of their children is married, and then undergo the ceremony called arumaimanam at the hands of ten arumaikkarans and some pulavans (bards among the kaikolans), who touch the pair with some green grass dipped in sandal and water, oil, etc. the man then becomes an arumaikkaran, and his wife an arumaikkari. all people of arumai rank are treated with great respect, and, when one of them dies, a drum is beaten by a man standing on another man's shoulders, who receives as a present seven measures of grain measured, and an equal quantity unmeasured. the betrothal ceremony takes place at the house of the future bride, in the presence of both the maternal uncles, and consists in tying fruit and betel leaf in the girl's cloth. on the wedding day, the bridegroom is shaved, and an arumaikkari pours water over him. if he has a sister, the ceremony of betrothing his prospective daughter to her son, is performed. he then goes on horseback, carrying some fruit and a pestle, to a stone planted for the occasion, and called the nattukal, which he worships. the stone is supposed to represent the kongu king, and the pestle the villagers, and the whole ceremony is said to be a relic of a custom of the ancient kongu people, to which the caste formerly belonged, which required them to obtain the sanction of the king for every marriage. on his return from the nattukal, balls of white and coloured rice are taken round the bridegroom, to ward off the evil eye. his mother then gives him three mouthfuls of food, and eats the remainder herself, to indicate that henceforth she will not provide him with meals. a barber then blesses him, and he repairs on horseback to the bride's house, where he is received by one of her party similarly mounted. his ear-rings are put in the bride's ears, and the pair are carried on the shoulders of their maternal uncles to the nattukal. on their return thence, they are touched by an arumaikkaran with a betel leaf dipped in oil, milk and water. the tali (marriage badge) is worshipped and blessed, and the arumaikkaran ties it on her neck. the barber then pronounces an elaborate blessing, which runs as follows: "live as long as the sun and moon may endure, or pasupatisvarar (siva) at karur. may your branches spread like the banyan tree, and your roots like grass, and may you flourish like the bamboo. may ye twain be like the flower and the thread, which together form the garland and cleave together, like water and the reed growing in it." if a pulavan is present, he adds a further blessing, and the little fingers of the contracting couple are linked together, anointed with milk, and then separated. the death ceremonies are not peculiar, except that the torch for the pyre is carried by a paraiyan, and not, as among most castes, by the chief mourner, and that no ceremonies are performed after the third day. the custom is to collect the bones on that day and throw them into water. the barber then pours a mixture of milk and ghi (clarified butter) over a green tree, crying poli, poli. the caste has its own beggars, called mudavandi (q.v.). kongara (crane).--an exogamous sept of padma sale, and kamma. konhoro.--a title of bolasi. konkani.--defined, in the madras census report, , as a territorial or linguistic term, meaning a dweller in the konkan country (canara), or a person speaking the konkani dialect of marathi. kadu konkani (bastard konkani) is a name opposed to the god or pure konkanis. in south canara, "the konkani brahmans are the trading and shop-keeping class, and, in the most out-of-the-way spots, the konkani village shop is to be found." [ ] the following note on konkanis is extracted from the travancore census report, . "the konkanis include the brahman, kshatriya, and vaisya castes of the sarasvata section of the gauda brahmans. the brahmans of this community differ, however, from the konkanastha maharashtra brahmans belonging to the dravida group. the konkani sudras who have settled on this coast are known by a different name, kudumikkar. the konkanis' original habitation is the bank of the sarasvati, a river well known in early sanskrit works, but said to have lost itself in the sands of the deserts north of rajputana. according to the sahyadrikanda, a branch of these sarasvatas lived in tirhut in bengal, whence ten families were brought over by parasurama to gomantaka, the modern goa, panchakrosi, and kusasthali. attracted by the richness and beauty of the new country, others followed, and the whole population settled themselves in sixty villages and ninety-six hamlets in and around goa, the settlers in the former being called shashtis (sanskrit for sixty), and those in the latter being called shannavis or shenavis (sanskrit for ninety-six). the history of those sarasvatas was one of uninterrupted general and commercial prosperity until about twenty years after the advent of the portuguese. when king emanuel died and king john succeeded him, the policy of the goanese government is believed to have changed in favour of religious persecution. a large efflux to the canarese and tulu countries was the result. thence the konkanis appear to have migrated to travancore and cochin, and found a safe haven under the rule of their hindu sovereigns. in their last homes, the konkanis extended and developed their commerce, built temples, and endowed them so magnificently that the religious institutions of that community, especially at cochin and alleppey, continue to this day almost the richest in all malabar. "canter visscher writes [ ] that 'the canarese who are permanently settled in malabar are the race best known to the europeans, not only because the east india company trade with them and appoint one of their members to be their merchant, giving him the attendance of two dutch soldiers: but also because from the shops of these people in town we obtain all our necessaries, except animal food. some sell rice, others fruits, others various kinds of linen, and some again are money-changers, so that there is hardly one who is not engaged in trade.' the occupation of the konkanis has been commerce ever since the advent of the portuguese in india. some of them make papatams [ ] (popadams) which is a condiment of almost universal consumption in malabar. till recently, the konkanis in travancore knew nothing else than trade. but now, following the example of their kinsmen in bombay and south canara, they are gradually taking to other professions. "having settled themselves in the canarese districts, most of the konkanis came under the influence of madhavacharya, unlike the shenavis, who still continue to be smartas. the worship of venkataramana, the presiding deity of the tirupati shrine, is held in great importance. every konkani temple is called tirumala devasmam, as the divinity that resides on the sacred hill (tirumala) is represented in each." konsari.--the konsaris derive their name from konsa, a bell-metal dish. they are oriya workers in bell-metal, and manufacture dishes, cups and plates. brahmans are employed by them as purohits (priests) and gurus (preceptors). they eat fish and mutton, but not fowls or beef, and drink liquor. marriage is infant. remarriage of widows and divorcées is permitted. koonapilli vandlu.--beggars attached to padma sales. koppala.--a section of velamas, who tie the hair in a knot (koppu) on the top of the head, and an exogamous sept of mutrachas, whose females do up their hair in a knot when they reach puberty. kora (sun).--a sept of gadaba, muka dora, and rona. koracha.--see korava. koraga.--the koragas are summed up, in the madras census report, , as being a wild tribe of basket-makers and labourers, chiefly found in mudbidri, and in puttur in the uppinangadi taluk of south canara. they are, mr. m. t. walhouse writes, [ ] "a very quiet and inoffensive race; small and slight, the men seldom exceeding five feet six inches; black-skinned, like most indian aborigines, thick-lipped, noses broad and flat, and hair rough and bushy. their principal occupation is basket-making, and they must labour for their masters. they live on the outskirts of villages, and may not dwell in houses of clay or mud, but in huts of leaves, called koppus. like many of the wild tribes of india, they are distinguished by unswerving truthfulness. the word of a koragar is proverbial." the koragas rank below the holeyas. in some towns, they are employed by the sanitary department as scavengers. they remove the hide, horns, and bones of cattle and buffaloes, which die in the villages, and sell them mainly to mappilla merchants. they accept food, which is left over after feasts held by various castes. some are skilful in the manufacture of cradles, baskets, cylinders to hold paddy, winnowing and sowing baskets, scale-pans, boxes, rice-water strainers, ring-stands for supporting pots, coir (cocoanut fibre) rope, brushes for washing cattle, etc. they also manufacture various domestic utensils from soapstone, which they sell at a very cheap rate to shopkeepers in the bazar. "numerous slave-castes," mr. walhouse continues, "exist throughout india, not of course recognised by law--indeed formally emancipated by an act of government in --but still, though improved in condition, virtually slaves. their origin and status are thus described. after the four principal classes, who sprang from brahma, came six anuloma castes, which arose from the intercourse of brahmans and kshatriyas with women of the classes below them respectively. the term anuloma denotes straight and regular hair, which in india characterises the aryan stock. after these came six pratiloma castes, originating in reverse order from brahman and kshatriya women by fathers of the inferior classes. the third among these was the chandala, the offspring of shudra fathers by brahman women. the chandalas, or slaves, were sub-divided into fifteen classes, none of which might intermarry, a rule still strictly observed. the two last, and lowest of the fifteen classes, are the kapata or rag-wearing, and the soppu or leaf-wearing koragas. such is the account given by brahman chroniclers; but the probability is that these lowest slave-castes are the descendants of that primitive population which the aryan invaders from the north found occupying the soil, and, after a struggle of ages, gradually dispossessed, driving some to the hills and jungles, and reducing others to the condition of slaves. all these races are regarded by their hindu masters with boundless contempt, and held unspeakably unclean. this feeling seems the result and witness of times when the despised races were powerful, and to be approached as lords by their now haughty masters, and was probably intensified by struggles and uprisings, and the memory of humiliations inflicted on the ultimately successful conquerors. evidences for this may be inferred from many curious rights and privileges, which the despised castes possess and tenaciously retain. moreover, the contempt and loathing in which they are ordinarily held are curiously tinctured with superstitious fear, for they are believed to possess secret powers of magic and witchcraft, and influence with the old malignant deities of the soil, who can direct good or evil fortune. as an instance, if a brahman mother's children die off when young, she calls a koragar woman, gives her some oil, rice, and copper money, and places the surviving child in her arms. the out-caste woman, who may not at other times be touched, gives the child suck, puts on it her iron bracelets, and, if a boy, names it koragar, if a girl, korapulu. she then returns it to the mother. this is believed to give a new lease of life. again, when a man is dangerously ill, or perhaps unfortunate, he pours oil into an earthen vessel, worships it in the same way as the family god, looks at his face reflected in the oil, and puts into it a hair from his head and a nail paring from his toe. the oil is then presented to the koragars, and the hostile gods or stars are believed to be propitiated." according to mr. ullal raghvendra rao, [ ] old superstitious hindus never venture to utter the word koraga during the night. it is noted in the manual of the south canara district, that "all traditions unite in attributing the introduction of the tulu brahmins of the present day to mayur varma (of the kadamba dynasty), but they vary in details connected with the manner in which they obtained a firm footing in the land. one account says that habashika, chief of the koragas, drove out mayur varma, but was in turn expelled by mayur varma's son, or son-in-law, lokaditya of gokarnam, who brought brahmins from ahi-kshetra, and settled them in thirty-two villages." concerning the power, and eventual degradation of the koragas, the following version of the tradition is cited by mr. walhouse. "when lokadiraya, whose date is fixed by wilks about b.c., was king of bhanvarshe in north canara (a place noted by ptolemy), an invader, by name habashika, brought an army from above the ghauts, consisting of all the present chandala or slave-castes, overwhelmed that part of the country, and marched southward to mangalore, the present capital of south canara. the invading host was scourged with small-pox, and greatly annoyed by ants, so habashika moved on to manjeshwar, a place of ancient repute, twelve miles to the south, subdued the local ruler angarawarma, son of virawarma, and reigned there in conjunction with his nephew; but after twelve years both died--one legend says through enchantments devised by angarawarma; another that a neighbouring ruler treacherously proposed a marriage between his sister and habashika, and, on the bridegroom and his caste-men attending for the nuptials, a wholesale massacre of them all was effected. angarawarma, then returning, drove the invading army into the jungles, where they were reduced to such extremity that they consented to become slaves, and were apportioned amongst the brahmans and original landholders. some were, set to watch the crops and cattle, some to cultivate, others to various drudgeries, which are still allotted to the existing slave-castes, but the koragars, who had been raised by habashika to the highest posts under his government, were stripped and driven towards the sea-shore, there to be hanged, but, being ashamed of their naked condition, they gathered the leaves of the nicki bush (vitex negundo), which grows abundantly in waste places, and made small coverings for themselves in front. on this the executioners took pity on them and let them go, but condemned them to be the lowest of the low, and wear no other covering but leaves. the koragas are now the lowest of the slave divisions, and regarded with such intense loathing and hatred that up to quite recent times one section of them, called ande or pot koragars, continually wore a pot suspended from their necks, into which they were compelled to spit, being so utterly unclean as to be prohibited from even spitting on the highway; and to this day their women continue to show in their leafy aprons a memorial of the abject degradation to which their whole race was doomed." it is said that in pre-british days an ande koraga had to take out a licence to come into the towns and villages by day. at night mere approach thereto was forbidden, as his presence would cause terrible calamity. the koragas of those days could cook their food only in broken vessels. the name vastra, by which one class of koragas is called, has reference to their wearing vastra, or clothes, such as were used to shroud a dead body, and given to them in the shape of charity, the use of a new cloth being prohibited. according to another account the three divisions of the koragas are ( ) kappada, those who wear clothes, ( ) tippi, who wear ornaments made of the cocoanut shell, and ( ) vanti, who wear a peculiar kind of large ear-ring. these three clans may eat together, but not intermarry. each clan is divided into exogamous septs called balis, and it may be noted that some of the koraga balis, such as haledennaya and kumerdennaya, are also found among the mari and mundala holeyas. on the subject of koraga dress, mr. ullal raghvendra rao informs us that "while the males gird a piece of cloth round their loins, the females cover their waist with leaves of the forest woven together. various reasons are assigned for this custom. according to a tradition, at the time when the koragars had reigned, now far distant, one of these 'blacklegged' (this is usually the expression by which they are referred to during the night) demanded a girl of high birth in marriage. being enraged at this, the upper class withheld, after the overthrow of the koragas, every kind of dress from koraga women, who, to protect themselves from disgrace, have since had recourse to the leaves of the forest, conceiving in the meantime that god had decreed this kind of covering." mr. walhouse writes [ ] further that the koragas wear an "apron of twigs and leaves over the buttocks. once this was the only covering allowed them, and a mark of their deep degradation. but now, when no longer compulsory, and of no use, as it is worn over the clothes, the women still retain it, believing its disuse would be unlucky." "the koragas," mr. h. a. stuart tells us, [ ] "cover the lower part of their body with a black cloth and the upper part with a white one, and their head-dress is a cap made of the areca-nut spathe, like that worn by the holeyas. their ornaments consist of brass ear-rings, an iron bracelet, and beads of bone strung on a thread and tied around their waist." the waist-belt of a koraga, whom i saw at udipi, was made of owl bones. "it may," mr. walhouse states, [ ] "be noted that, according to the traditional accounts, when the invading hosts under habashika were in their turn overthrown and subjected, they accepted slavery under certain conditions that preserved to them some shadow of right. whilst it was declared that they should be for ever in a state of servitude, and be allowed a meal daily, but never the means of providing for the next day's meal. each slave was ascripted to his master under the following forms, which have come down to our days, and were observed in the purchase or transfer of slaves within living memory. the slave having washed, anointed himself with oil, and put on a new cloth, his future owner took a metal plate, filled it with water, and dropped in a gold coin, which the slave appropriated after drinking up the water. the slave then took some earth from his future master's estate, and threw it on the spot he chose for his hut, which was given over to him with all the trees thereon. when land was transferred, the slaves went with it, and might also be sold separately. occasionally they were presented to a temple for the service of the deity. this was done publicly by the master approaching the temple, putting some earth from before its entrance into the slave's mouth, and declaring that he abjured his rights, and transferred them to the deity within. rules were laid down, with the hindoo passion for regulating small matters, not only detailing what work the slaves should do, but what allowances of food they should receive, and what presents on certain festival occasions they should obtain from, or make to the master. on marriages among themselves, they prostrated themselves before the master and obtained his consent, which was accompanied with a small present of money and rice. the marriage over, they again came before the master, who gave them betel nuts, and poured some oil on the bride's head. on the master's death, his head slave immediately shaved his hair and moustache. there was also a list of offences for which masters might punish slaves, amongst which the employment of witchcraft, or sending out evil spirits against others, expressly figures; and the punishments with which each offence might be visited are specified, the worst of which are branding and flogging with switches. there was no power of life and death, and in cases of withholding the usual allowance, or of punishments severer than prescribed, slaves might complain to the authorities." on the subject of koraga slavery, mr. ullal raghvendra rao writes that "although these slaves are in a degraded condition, yet they by no means appear to be dejected or unhappy. a male slave gets three hanis of paddy (unhusked rice) or a hani and a half of rice daily, besides a small quantity of salt. the female slave gets two hanis of paddy, and, if they be man and wife, they can easily sell a portion of the rice to procure other necessaries of life. they are also allowed one cloth each every year, and, besides, when transferred from one master to another, they get a cocoanut, a jack tree (artocarpus integrifolia), and a piece of land where they can sow ten or twenty seers of rice. the greater number of slaves belong to the alia santanam castes (inheritance in the female line), and among these people a male slave is sold for three pagodas (fourteen rupees) and a female slave for five pagoda; whereas the few slaves who belong to the makkala santanam castes (inheritance in the male line) fetch five pagodas for the man slave, and three pagodas for the female. this is because the children of the latter go to the husband's master, while those of the former go to the mother's master, who has the benefit of the husband's services also. he has, however, to pay the expenses of their marriage, which amount to a pagoda and a half; and, in like manner, the master of the makkala santana slave pays two pagodas for his marriage, and gets possession of the female slave and her children. the master has the power of hiring out his slave, for whose services he receives annually about a mura of rice, or forty seers. they are also mortgaged for three or four pagodas." for the marriages of the koragas, mr. walhouse informs us that "sunday is an auspicious day, though monday is for the other slave castes. the bridegroom and bride, after bathing in cold water, sit on a mat in the former's house, with a handful of rice placed before them. an old man presides, takes a few grains of rice and sprinkles on their heads, as do the others present, first the males and then the females. the bridegroom then presents two silver coins to his wife, and must afterwards give six feasts to the community." at these feasts every koraga is said to vie with his neighbour in eating and drinking. "though amongst the other slave castes divorce is allowed by consent of the community, often simply on grounds of disagreement, and the women may marry again, with the koragars marriage is indissoluble, but a widow is entitled to re-marriage, and a man may have a second, and even third wife, all living with him." concerning the ceremonies observed on the birth of a child, mr. ullal raghvendra rao writes that "after a child is born, the mother (as among hindoos) is unholy, and cannot be touched or approached. the inmates take leave of the koppu for five nights, and depend on the hospitality of their friends, placing the mother under the sole charge of a nurse or midwife. on the sixth night the master of the koppu calls his neighbours, who can hardly refuse to oblige him with their presence. the mother and the child are then given a tepid bath, and this makes them holy. members of each house bring with them a seer of rice, half a seer of cocoanut oil, and a cocoanut. the woman with the baby is seated on a mat--her neighbour's presents before her in a flat basket. the oldest man present consults with his comrades as to what name will best suit the child. a black string is then tied round the waist of the baby. the rice, which comes in heaps from the neighbours, is used for dinner on the occasion, and the cocoanuts are split into two pieces, the lower half being given to the mother of the child, and the upper half the owner. this is the custom followed when the baby is a male one; in case of a female child, the owner receives the upper half, leaving the lower half for the mother. koragars were originally worshippers of the sun, and they are still called after the names of the days of the week--as aita (a corruption of aditya, or the sun); toma (soma, or the moon); angara (mangala); gurva (jupiter); tanya (shani, or saturn); tukra (shukra, or venus). they have no separate temples for their god, but a place beneath a kasaracana tree (strychnos nux-vomica) is consecrated for the worship of the deity which is exclusively their own, and is called kata. worship in honour of this deity is usually performed in the months of may, july, or october. two plantain leaves are placed on the spot, with a heap of boiled rice mixed with turmeric. as is usual in every ceremony observed by a koragar, the senior in age takes the lead, and prays to the deity to accept the offering and be satisfied. but now they have, by following the example of bants and sudras, exchanged their original object of worship for that of bhutas (demons)." on the subject of the religion of the koragas, mr. walhouse states that "like all the slave castes and lower races, the koragars worship mari amma, the goddess presiding over small-pox, the most dreadful form of parvati, the wife of siva. she is the most popular deity in canara, represented under the most frightful form, and worshipped with bloody rites. goats, buffaloes, pigs, fowls, etc., are slaughtered at a single blow by an asadi, one of the slave tribes from above the ghauts. although the koragars, in common with all slaves, are looked upon as excommunicated and unfit to approach any brahminical temple or deity, they have adopted the popular hindoo festivals of the gokalastami or krishna's birthday, and the chowti. in the latter, the preliminaries and prayers must be performed by a virgin." concerning these festivals, mr. ullal raghvendra rao gives the following details. "the koragars have no fixed feasts exclusively of their own, but for a long time they have been observing those of the hindus. of these two are important. one is gokula ashtami, or the birthday of krishna, and the other is the chowti or pooliyar feast. the latter is of greater importance than the former. the former is a holy day of abstinence and temperance, while the latter is associated with feasting and merry-making, and looks more like a gala-day set apart for anything but religious performance. on the ashtami some cakes of black gram are made in addition to the usual dainties. the services of bacchus are called in aid, and the master of the koppu invites his relatives and friends. a regular feasting commences, when the master takes the lead, and enjoys the company of his guests by seating himself in their midst. they are made to sit on the floor crosswise with a little space intervening between every guest, who pays strict regard to all the rules of decency and rank. to keep up the distinction of sexes, females are seated in an opposite row. the host calls upon some of his intimates or friends to serve on the occasion. the first dish is curry, the second rice; and cakes and dainties come in next. the butler koragar serves out to the company the food for the banquet, while the guests eat it heartily. if one of them lets so much as a grain of rice fall on his neighbour's plate, the whole company ceases eating. the offender is at once brought before the guests, and charged with having spoiled the dinner. he is tried there and then, and sentenced to pay a fine that will cover the expenses of another banquet. in case of resistance to the authority of the tribunal, he is excommunicated and abandoned by his wife, children and relatives. no one dare touch or speak to him. a plea of poverty of course receives a kind consideration. the offender is made to pay a small sum as a fine, which is paid for him by a well-to-do koragar. to crown the feast, a large quantity of toddy finds its way into the midst of the company. a small piece of dry areca leaf sewed together covers the head of a koragar, and forms for him his hat. this hat he uses as a cup, which contains a pretty large quantity of liquid. a sufficient quantity is poured into their cup, and if, in pouring, a drop finds its way to the ground, the butler is sure to undergo the same penalty that attaches itself to any irregularity in the dinner as described above. after the banquet, some male members of the group join in a dance to the pipe and drum, while others are stimulated by the intoxicating drink into frisking and jumping about. to turn to the other festival. the inmates of the house are required to fast the previous night--one and all of them--and on the previous day flesh or drink is not allowed. the next morning before sunrise, a virgin bathes, and smears cowdung over a part of the house. the place having been consecrated, a new basket, specially made for the occasion, is placed on that spot. it contains a handful of beaten rice, two plantains, and two pieces of sugar-cane. the basket is then said to contain the god of the day, whom the sugar-cane represents, and the spot is too holy to be approached by man or woman. a common belief which they hold, that the prayers made by a virgin are duly responded to on account of her virgin purity, does not admit of the worship being conducted by any one else. the girl adorns the basket with flowers of the forest, and prays for the choicest blessings on the inmates of the house all the year round. a koraga woman, when found guilty of adultery, is said to be treated in the following extraordinary way. if her paramour is of low caste similar to herself, he has to marry her. but, in order to purify her for the ceremony, he has to build a hut, and put the woman inside. it is then set on fire, and the woman escapes as best she can to another place where the same performance is gone through, and so on until she has been burnt out seven times. she is then considered once more an honest woman, and fit to be again married. according to mr. walhouse, "a row of seven small huts is built on a river-bank, set fire to, and the offender made to run over the burning sticks and ashes as a penance." a similar form of ordeal has been described as occurring among the bakutas of south canara by mr. stuart. "when a man is excommunicated, he must perform a ceremony called yelu halli sudodu, which means burning seven villages, in order to re-enter the caste. for this ceremony, seven small booths are built, and bundles of grass are piled against them. the excommunicated man has then to pass through these huts one after the other, and, as he does so, the headman sets fire to the grass" (cf. koyi). it is suggested by mr. r. e. enthoven that the idea seems to be "a rapid representation of seven existences, the outcast regaining his status after seven generations have passed without further transgression. the parallel suggested is the law of manu that seven generations are necessary to efface a lapse from the law of endogamous marriage." of death ceremonies mr. walhouse tells us that "on death the bodies of all the slave castes used to be burnt, except in cases of death from small-pox. this may have been to obviate the pollution of the soil by their carcases when their degradation was deepest, but now, and from long past, burial is universal. the master's permission is still asked, and, after burial, four balls of cooked rice are placed on the grave, possibly a trace of the ancient notion of supplying food to the ghost of the deceased." a handful is said [ ] to be "removed from the grave on the sixteenth day after burial, and buried in a pit. a stone is erected over it, on which some rice and toddy are placed as a last offering to the departed soul which is then asked to join its ancestors." "it may," mr. walhouse writes, "be noted that the koragars alone of all the slave or other castes eat the flesh of alligators (crocodiles), and they share with one or two other divisions of the slaves a curious scruple or prejudice against carrying any four-legged animal, dead or alive. this extends to anything with four legs, such as chairs, tables, cots, etc., which they cannot be prevailed upon to lift unless one leg be removed. as they work as coolies, this sometimes produces inconvenience. a somewhat similar scruple obtains among the bygas of central india, whose women are not allowed to sit or lie on any four-legged bed or stool." like the koragas, the bakudas of south canara "will not carry a bedstead unless the legs are first taken off, and it is said that this objection rests upon a supposed resemblance between the four-legged cot and the four-legged ox." [ ] of the language spoken by the koragars, mr. ullal raghvendra rao states that "it is a common belief that the koragar has a peculiar dialect generally spoken by him at his koppu. he may be induced to give an account of his feasts, his gods, his family, but a word about his dialect will frighten him out of his wits. generally polite and well-behaved, he becomes impolite and unmannerly when questioned about his dialect." "all the hindoos," mr. walhouse writes, "believe that the koragars have a language of their own, understood only by themselves, but it seems doubtful whether this is anything more than an idiom, or slang." a vocabulary of the koraga dialect is contained in the south canara manual ( ). korama.--see korava. korava.--members of this nomad tribe, which permeates the length of the indian peninsula, through countries where many languages and dialects are spoken, are likely to be known by different names in different localities, and this is the case. they are known as korava from the extreme south to the north of the north arcot district, where they are called koracha or korcha, and in the ceded districts they become yerukala or yerakala. in calcutta they have been traced practising as quack doctors, and assuming maratha names, or adding terminations to their own, which suggest that they belong to a caste in the south higher in the social scale than they really do. some koravas pass for vellalas, calling themselves agambadiar vellalas with the title pillai. others call themselves palli, kavarai, idaiyan, reddi, etc. [ ] as railways spread over the country, they readily adapted themselves to travelling by them, and the opportunities afforded for going quickly far from the scene of a recently committed crime, or for stealing from sleeping passengers, were soon availed of. in , the superintendent of government railways reported that "the large organization of thieves, commonly called kepmari koravas (though they never call themselves so), use the railway to travel far. some of them are now settled at cuttack, where they have set up as native doctors, whose speciality is curing piles. some are at midnapur, and are going on to calcutta, and there were some at puri some time ago. it is said that a gang of them has gone recently to tinnevelly, and taken up their abode near sermadevi, calling themselves servaikars. one morning, in tinnevelly, while the butler in a missionary's house was attending to his duties, an individual turned up with a fine fowl for sale. the butler, finding that he could purchase it for about half the real price, bought it, and showed it to his wife with no small pride in his ability in making a bargain. but he was distinctly crestfallen when his wife pointed out that it was his own bird, which had been lost on the previous night. the seller was a korava." in , a gang of koravas, travelling in the guise of pujaris, was arrested at puri. the police discovered that a warrant remained unexecuted against one of them, who had been concerned in a dacoity case in north arcot many years previously. the report of the case states that "cognate with the kepmaries is a class of korava pujaris (as they call themselves in their own village), who, emanating from one small hamlet in the tanjore district, are spread more or less all over india. there are, or were until the other day, and probably are still some of them in cuttack, balasore, midnapur, ahmedabad, patna, bombay, secunderabad, and other places. one of them attained a high position in bombay. their ostensible profession is that of curing piles and fistulas, but it is noticeable that, sooner or later after their taking up their abode at any place, the kepmaries are to be found somewhere near, and the impression, which is not quite a certainty but very nearly so, is that they play the convenient rôle of receivers of property stolen by the kepmaries." kepmari is regarded as a very strong term of abuse, indicating, as it does, a rogue of the worst character. in the southern districts, the kasukkar chettis and shanans are said to be very much trusted by the koravas in the disposal of property. it is noted by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] that the koravas or yerukalas are a vagrant tribe found throughout the presidency, and in many parts of india. in the telugu country they are called yerukalavandlu or korachavandlu, but they always speak of themselves as kurru, and there is not the slightest room for the doubt that has been expressed regarding the identity of the koravas and yerukalas. several derivations of yerukala have been proposed by wilson and others. it has been suggested, for example, that yeru is connected with erra, meaning red. in telugu yerukalavandlu would mean fortune-tellers, and dr. oppert suggests that this is the origin of the name yerukala. he says [ ] "it is highly probable that the name and the occupation of the fortune-telling kuruvandlu or kuluvandlu induced the telugu people to call this tribe yerukulavandlu. dr. oppert further connects kurru with the root ku, a mountain; and, in a tamil work of the ninth century, [ ] kurru or kura (kuramagal) is given as the name of a hill tribe." a strong argument in favour of the caste name being connected with the profession of fortune-telling is afforded by the fact that women go about the streets, calling out "yeruko, amma, yeruku," i.e., prophecies, mother, prophecies. the kuravas are, mr. francis writes, [ ] "a gipsy tribe found all over the tamil country, but chiefly in kurnool, salem, coimbatore and south arcot. kuravas have usually been treated as being the same as the yerukalas. both castes are wandering gipsies, both live by basket-making and fortune-telling, both speak a corrupt tamil, and both may have sprung from one original stock. it is noteworthy in this connection that the yerukalas are said to call one another kurru or kura. but their names are not used as interchangeable in the districts where each is found, and there seem to be no real differences between the two bodies. they do not intermarry, or eat together. the kuravas are said to tie a piece of thread soaked in turmeric water round the bride's neck at weddings, while yerukalas use a necklace of black beads. the yerukalas have a tradition that those who went to fetch the tali and pipe never returned, and they consequently use black beads as a substitute for the tali, and a bell for the pipe. the kuravas worship subramanya, the son of siva, while the yerukalas worship vishnu in the form of venkateswara and his wife lakshmi. it may be noted that, in a very early sanskrit drama, the brahman thief mocks subramanya as being the patron saint of thieves. the kuravas treat the gentler sex in a very casual manner, mortgaging or selling their wives without compunction, but the yerukalas are particular about the reputation of their womankind, and consider it a serious matter if any of them return home without an escort after sunset. the statistics of this year accordingly show yerukalas separately from koravas. the reports from the various districts, however, give such discrepant accounts of both castes, that the matter is clearly in need of further enquiry." there is no district in the madras presidency or elsewhere, where both koravas and yerukalas live, unless it be the smallest possible corner of the coimbatore district bordering on the south-east of mysore, for the name korcha intervenes; and, for a wide strip of country including the north of the north arcot district and south of the cuddapah district, the korava is known as a korcha, and the census superintendent, in common with other authorities, has admitted these names to be synonymous. it is in the north of the cuddapah district that the yerukalas first appear in co-existence with the korcha. the korcha being admitted on all sides to be the same as the korava, our doubt regarding the identity of the korava with the yerukala will be disposed of if we can establish the fact that the korcha and the yerukala are the same. the rev. j. cain, writing [ ] about the yerukalas of the godavari district, states that "among themselves they call each other kuluvaru, but the telugu people call them erakavaru or erakalavaru, and this name has been derived from the telugu word eruka, which means knowledge or acquaintance, as they are great fortune-tellers." according to balfour, [ ] the koravas, or a certain section of them, i.e., the kunchi koravas, were known as yerkal koravar, and they called the language they spoke yerkal. the same authority, writing of the yerkalwadu, alludes to them as kurshiwanloo, and goes on to say that they style themselves yerkal, and give the same appellation to the language in which they hold communication. the word yerkal here undoubtedly stands for yerukala, and kurshi for korcha. it is evident from this, supported by authorities such as wilson, campbell, brown and shortt, that the doubt mentioned by the census superintendent in regard to the identity of the yerukala and korava had not arisen when the cyclopædia of india was published, and it is the subsequent reports of later investigators that are responsible for it. the divergencies of practices reported must be reckoned with, and accounted for. they may be due to local customs existing in widely separated areas. it is contended that the koravas and yerukalas do not intermarry or eat together. a korava, who has made a permanent home in a village in the south, if asked whether he would marry a yerukala, would most certainly answer in the negative, probably having never heard of such a person. a circular letter, submitted to a number of police inspectors in several districts, produced the same sort of discrepant information complained of by the census superintendent. but one inspector extracted from his notes the information that, in , marriages took place between the southern koravas of a gang from the madura district and the yerukalas of the cuddapah district; and, further, that the son of one of a gang of yerukalas in the anantapur district married a korcha girl from a gang belonging to the mysore state. the consensus of opinion also goes to prove that they will eat together. yerukalas undoubtedly place a string of black beads as a tali round the bride's neck on marriage occasions, and the same is used by the koravas. information concerning the use of a turmeric-dyed string came from only one source, namely, hosur in the salem district, and it was necessary even here for the string to be furnished with a round bottu, which might be a bead. a plain turmeric-soaked thread appears to be more the exception than the rule. yerukalas are both vaishnavites and saivites, and a god worshipped by any one gang cannot be taken as a representative god for the whole class. yerukalas may treat their womankind better than the southern koravas, but this is only a matter of degree, as the morals of both are slack. the yerukalas, occupying, as they do, the parched centre of the peninsula, more frequently devastated by famine than the localities occupied by the koravas, may have learnt in a hard school the necessity of taking care of their wives; for, if they allowed them to pass to another man, and a drought ruined his crop and killed the cattle, he would find it hard to procure another, the probability being that the price of wives rises in a common ratio with other commodities in a time of scarcity. from the accounts given by them, it appears that the koravas claim to have originated in mythological ages. the account varies slightly according to the locality, but the general outlines agree more or less with the story related in the bhagavatham. the purohits, or priests, are the safest guides, and it was one of them who told the following story, culled, as he admitted, from the sastras and the ramayana. when the great venudu, son of agneswathu, who was directly descended from brahma, ruled over the universe, he was unable to procure a son and heir to the throne, and, when he died, his death was looked on as an irreparable misfortune. his body was preserved. the seven ruling planets sat in solemn conclave, and consulted as to what they should do. finally they agreed to create a being from the right thigh of the deceased venudu, and they accordingly fashioned and gave life to nishudu. but their work was not successful, for nishudu turned out to be not only deformed in body, but repulsively ugly in face. it was agreed at another meeting of the planets that he was not a fit person to be placed on the throne. so they set to work again, and created a being from the right shoulder of venudu, and their second effort was crowned with success. they called the second creation proothu chakravarthi, and, as he gave general satisfaction, he was placed on the throne. this supersession naturally caused the first-born nishudu to be discontented, and he sought a lonely place, in which he communed with the gods, begging of them the reason why they had created him if he was not to rule. the gods explained that he could not now be placed on the throne, as chakravarthi had already been installed, but that he should be a ruler over forests. in this capacity nishudu begat the boyas, chenchus, yanadis, and koravas. the boyas were his legitimate children, but the others were all illegitimate. it is because nishudu watched in solemn silence to know his creator that some of his offspring called themselves yerukalas (yeruka, to know). another story explains the name korava. when the princes dharmaraja and duryodana were at variance, the former, to avoid strife, went into voluntary exile. a woman who loved him set out in search of him, but, through fear of being identified, disguised herself as a fortune-teller. in this manner she found him, and their offspring became known as koravas, from kuru, fortune-telling. the appellation koracha or korcha appears to be of later date than korava, and is said to be derived from the hindustani kori (sly), korri nigga (sly look) becoming corrupted into korcha. whenever this name was applied to them, they had evidently learnt their calling thoroughly, and the whole family, in whatever direction its branches spread, established a reputation for cunning in snaring animals or birds, or purloining other peoples' goods, until to-day their names are used for the purpose of insulting abuse in the course of a quarrel. thus a belligerant might call the other a thieving yerukala, or ask, in tones other than polite, if he belongs to a gang of korchas. in the tamil country, a man is said to kura-kenju, or cringe like a korava, and another allusion to their dishonesty is kurapasangu, to cheat like a korava. the proverb "kuruvan's justice is the ruin of the family" refers to the endless nature of their quarrels, the decision of which will often occupy the headmen for weeks together. in communicating among themselves, the koravas and yerukalas speak a corrupt polyglot, in which the words derived from several languages bear little resemblance to the original. their words appear to be taken chiefly from tamil, telugu, and canarese. a short vocabulary of the yerukala language has been published by the rev. j. cain. [ ] the yerukalas call this language oodra, which seems to stand for gibberish or thieves' slang, or, as they explain, something very hard to understand. oriya or oodra is the language of the districts of ganjam and orissa. the word oriya means north, and the fact that the yerukalas call their language oodra would seem to confirm their belief that they are a northern tribe. the wanderers always know more than one language colloquially, and are able to make themselves understood by the people of the country through which they may be passing. those who have settled in villages invariably speak the language of the locality. when talking among themselves, they call a brahman thanniko koravan, or the bathing korava. they consider the brahmans to be more cunning than themselves, and, as they are fond of bathing to remove pollution, they have given them this nickname. a detailed account of the korava slang and patois has been published by mr. f. fawcett, deputy inspector-general of police, [ ] from whose note thereon the following examples are taken:-- constable erthalakayadu. red-headed man. head constable kederarilu. the man who rides on an ass. taking bribe kalithindrathu. eating ragi food. toddy uggu perumalu white water, or good water. ollaithanni. fowls rendukal naidu. the naidu of two legs. mussalmans arthupottavungo. those who have cut (circumcised). pariah utharalu keenjalu. the man that pipes. butcher's knife elamayarathe that for striking those bottarathu. that graze leaves. rupees palakanna. milk eyes. ollakelluka. white pebbles. korava society is purely patriarchal, and, in whatever division or sept of the caste a korava may be born, he has to subordinate himself to the will of his elders or the leaders of his particular gang. the head of a gang is called the peru manusan or beriya manasan (big man). he is selected principally because of his age, intelligence, and the influence he commands amongst the members of the gang. it is a post which carries with it no remuneration whatever, but the holder presides at all consultations, and is given the position of honour at all social functions. concerning the caste government, mr. fawcett writes that "the kulam or caste assembly adjudicates claims, inflicts penalties, ejects individuals from the caste, or readmits them thereto. free drinking of toddy at the expense of one of the parties accompanies every caste assembly. it is the aggrieved party who gives notice for assembly of the kulam. the disputants join hands, thereby indicating to the kulam that their dispute should be decided by them. each pays one rupee. the kulam may decide the dispute at once, or adjourn for further consideration at any time. the next meeting is called the second joining of hands, when each pays one rupee, as before, to be spent in toddy. a man who fails to attend when the kulam has been convened loses his caste absolutely. if there is a third adjournment, that is a third joining of hands, each side pays rs. / for toddy, to keep the kulam in good spirits. as this is always the final adjournment, the decision is sometimes arrived at by means of an ordeal. an equal quantity of rice is placed in two pots of equal weight having a quantity of water, and there is an equal quantity of firewood. the judges satisfy themselves most carefully as to quantity, weights, and so on. the water is boiled, and the man whose rice boils first is declared to be the winner of the dispute. the loser is to recoup the winner all his expenses. it sometimes happens that both pots boil at the same time; then a coin is to be picked out of a pot containing boiling oil. there is yet another method of settling disputes about money. the amount claimed is brought by one party, and placed beside an idol. the claimant is then asked to take it, and, should nothing unpleasant happen to him or to his family afterwards, he is declared to have made out his claim. the kulam has nothing whatever to do with planning the execution of offences, but is sometimes called upon to decide about the division of plunder, as, for instance, when any member of a criminal expedition improperly secretes something for himself. but they engage vakils (pleaders) for defending members of the gang who are charged with a criminal offence, whether they have been concerned in it or not." there are a great many classes of koravas, most of them obtaining their names from the particular occupations they have followed as an ostensible means of livelihood for many generations. but, whatever they may call themselves, they all, according to mr. mainwaring, fall within three divisions, viz.:-- . sakai, sampathi, sathupadi. . kavadi or gujjula. . devarakonda, mendrakutti, or menapadi. the members of the first two divisions are pure koravas, the legitimate descendants of koravas who have never married outside the caste, whereas the third division represents and includes the mixed marriages, and the offspring thereof. the koravas receive into their ranks members of castes other than paraiyans (including malas and madigas), yanadis, mangalas, and tsakalas. the ceremony of introduction into the korava community consists in burning the tongue with a piece of gold. the koravas have a strong objection to taking food touched by medaras, because, in their professional occupation of doing wicker-work, they use an awl which resembles the tool used by madigas in shoe-making. the koravas are said to be divided into two large families, which they call pothu and penti, meaning male and female. all the families included in the first division noted above are pothu, and those in the second penti. the families in the third division, being the product of mixed marriages, and the position of females being a lowly one, they are also considered to be penti. the pothu section is said to have arisen from men going in search of brides for themselves, and the pentis from men going in search of husbands for their daughters. when a korava, male or female, wishes to marry, a partner must be sought in a division other than their own. for example, a korava of the first division is bound to marry a female belonging to the second or third division, who, after marriage, belongs to her husband's division. this may be a little hard on the women of the first division, because they are bound to descend in the social scale. however, their daughters can rise by marrying into the first division. for the purpose of religious ceremonies, each division has fixed duties. the members of the first division have the right of decorating the god, and dressing him in his festival attire. those of the second division carry the god and the regalia in procession, and burn incense, and those of the third drag the temple car, and sing and shout during its progress. for this reason, it is said, they are sometimes called bandi (cart). "the major divisions," mr. paupa rao naidu writes, "are four in number, and according to their gradation they are sathepati, kavadi, manapati, mendragutti. they are all corrupted tamil words. " . sathepati is a corruption of sathupadi, which means adorning a hindu deity with flowers, jewels and vestments. " . kavadi, meaning a pole carried on the shoulders with two baskets pendant from its ends, in which are contained offerings for a deity or temple. " . manapati is a corruption of manpadi, which means singing in praise of god, when he is worshipped in a temple. " . mendragutti is a corruption of menrikutti, which means stitching a pair of shoes, and presenting them to the temple--a custom still prevalent at tirupati and other important shrines. "of these four divisions, the first two are, or rather were, considered superior to the other two, a kavadi man being styled pothuvadu (man), and a sathepati man penti (female)." a still further classification of divisions and sub-divisions is given by mr. f. s. mullaly. [ ] i am informed by mr. c. hayavadana rao that, in the vizagapatam district, the yerukalas are divided into pattapu or odde, and thurpu (eastern). of these, the former, when they are prosperous, live in tiled houses, while the latter live in huts. pattapu women wear brass bangles on both wrists, and thurpu women brass bangles on the right wrist, and glass bangles on the left. the former throw the end of their cloth over the left shoulder, and the latter over the right. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the trichinopoly district, that "the kuravans are divided into a number of endogamous sections, of which the ina kuravans and the kavalkaran kuravans are the most criminal, especially the latter. the latter are also called the marasa, mondu, and kadukutti kuravans. in dress and appearance the namakkal kuravans are said to be superior to those of karur, and to look like well-dressed vellalans or pallis. they are peculiar in wearing long ear-rings. they are also said to be much better thieves than the others, and to dislike having a karur kuravan when breaking into a house, for fear he might wake the household by his clumsiness." as examples of intiperu, or exogamous septs, the following, which were given by uppu yerukalas, may be cited:-- dasari, vaishnavite mendicant. sukka, star. kampa, bush of thorns. avula, cows. thoka, tail. kanaga (pongamia glabra). bandi, cart. gajjala, small bell. mogili (pandanus fascicularis) uyyala, swing. ragala, ragi grain. pula, flowers. katari, dagger. ambojala, lotus. samudrala, sea. venkatagiri, a town. "a knowledge," mr. fawcett writes, "of these house or sept names may be useful in order to establish a man's identity, as a koravar, who is generally untruthful as to his own name, is seldom if ever so as regards his house or sept name, and his father's name. he considers it shameful to lie about his parentage, 'to be born to one, and yet to give out the name of another.' totemism of some kind evidently exists, but it is rather odd that it has not always any apparent connection with the sept or house name. thus, the totem of persons of the koneti sept is horse-gram (kollu in tamil), which they hold in veneration, and will not touch, eat, or use in any way. the totem of the samudrala sept is the conch shell, which likewise will not be used by those of the sept in any manner. it may be noted that persons of the rameswari sept will not eat tortoises, while those of the koneti sept are in some manner obliged to do so on certain occasions." as regards names for specific occupations among the koravas, the bidar or nomad koravas originally carried merchandise in the form of salt, tamarinds, jaggery (crude sugar or molasses), leaves of the curry leaf plant (murraya koenigii) from place to place on pack-bullocks or donkeys. the leaves were in great demand, and those who brought them round for sale were called in tamil karuvaipillai, and in telugu karepaku, after the commodity which they carried. this is a common custom in india, and when driving through the bazar, one may hear, for example, an old woman carrying a bundle of wood addressed as firewood. "kavadi" will be screamed at a man carrying a pole (kavadi) with baskets, etc., suspended from it, who got in the way of another. the section of koravas who carried salt inland from the coast became known as uppu (salt) koravas. another large class are the thubba, dhubbai, or dhabbai (split bamboo) koravas, who restrict their wanderings to the foot of hill ranges, where bamboos are obtainable. with these they make baskets for the storage of grain, for carrying manure at the bottom of carts, and various fancy articles. in the kurnool district, the yerukalas will only cut bamboos at the time of the new moon, as they are then supposed to be free from attacks by boring weevils, and they do certain puja (worship) to the goddess malalamma, who presides over the bamboos. in the nallamalai forests, the yerukalas do not split the bamboo into pieces and remove the whole, but take off only a very thin strip consisting of the outer rind. the strips are made up into long bundles, which can be removed by donkeys. there is extreme danger of fire, because the inner portions of the bamboos, left all over the forest, are most inflammable. [ ] instead of splitting the bamboos in the forest, and leaving behind a lot of combustible material, the yerukalas now have to purchase whole bamboos, and take them outside the forest to split them. the members of a gang of these yerukalas, who came before me at nandyal, were each carrying a long split bamboo wand as an occupational insigne. a further important section is that of the kunchu or kunchil koravas, who gather roots in the jungle, and make them into long brushes which are used by weavers. the koravas have a monopoly in their manufacture, and take pride in making good brushes. these kunchu koravas are excellent shikaris (hunters), and snare antelope, partridges, duck, quail, and other game with great skill. for the purpose of shooting antelopes, or of getting close enough to the young ones to catch them after a short run, they use a kind of shield made of dried twigs ragged at the edges, which looks like an enormous wind-blown bundle of grass. when they come in sight of a herd of antelopes, they rest one edge of the shield on the ground, and, sitting on their heels behind it, move it slowly forward towards the herd until they get sufficiently close to dash at the young ones, or shoot the grown-up animals. the antelopes are supposed to mistake the shield for a bush, and to fail to notice its gradual approach. they capture duck and teal largely at night, and go to the rice fields below a tank (pond or lake), in which the crop is young, and the ground consequently not entirely obscured. this would be a likely feeding-ground, or traces of duck having fed there on the previous night might be noticed. they peg a creeper from one bund (mud embankment) to another, parallel to the tank bund, four inches above the water in the field. from this they suspend a number of running loops made of sinews drawn from the legs of sheep or goats or from the hind-legs of hares, the lower ends of the loops touching the mud under water. if the duck or teal come to feed, they are sure to be caught, and fall victims to the slip noose. "the kuntsu (kunchu) korachas," mr. francis tells us, [ ] "catch small birds by liming twigs or an arrangement of bits of bamboo with a worm hung inside it, or by setting horse-hair nooses round the nests. quails they capture by freely snaring a piece of ground, and then putting a quail in a cage in the middle of it, to lure the birds towards the snare. they also catch them, and partridges too, by driving the bevy towards a collapsible net. to do this, they cover themselves with a dark blanket, conceal their heads in a kind of big hat made of hair, feathers and grass, and stalk the birds from a bullock trained to the work, very gradually driving them into the net. they also occasionally capture black-buck (antelope) by sending a tame buck with nooses on his horns to fight with a wild one. the latter speedily gets his horns entangled in the nooses, and is easily secured." sometimes the kunchu korava begs in villages, dragging about with him a monkey, while the females earn a livelihood by tattooing, which occupation, known as pricking with green, has gained for them the name of pacchai (green) kutti. the patterns used in tattooing by a korava woman, whom i interviewed, were drawn in a note-book, and consisted of fishes, scorpions, a fortress, five-storeyed house, conventional designs, etc. the patterns were drawn on the skin, with great dexterity and skill in freehand drawing, by means of a blunt stick dipped in a mixture of a lamp-black, lamp-oil, and turmeric contained in a half cocoanut shell. the pattern is pricked in with a bundle of four or five needles tied together. the needles and drawing-stick were kept in a hollow bamboo, and the tattooing mixture in the scooped out fruits of the bael (Ægle marmelos) and palmyra palm (borassus flabellifer). for tattooing an entire upper extremity, at several sittings, the korava woman would be paid from eight to twelve annas, or receive food-grains in lieu of money. the hot weather is said to be more favourable for the operation than the cold season, as the swelling after it is less. to check this, lamp-oil, turmeric, and leaves of the avarai plant (dolichos lablab) are applied. concerning the pacchaikuttis, or, as they are also called, gadde (soothsayers), mr. paupa rao naidu writes that "the women start with a basket and a winnowing basket or tray into a village, proclaiming their ostensible profession of tattooing and soothsaying, which they do for grain or money. when unfortunate village women, who always lose children or who often fall ill, see these gadde women moving about, they call them into their houses, make them sit, and, pouring some grain into their baskets, ask them about their past misery and future lot. these women, who are sufficiently trained to speak in suitable language, are clever enough to give out some yarns in equivocal terms, so that the anxious women, who hope for better futurity, understand them in the light uppermost in their own minds. the korava women will be rewarded duly, and doubly too, for they never fail to study the nature of the house all the time, to see if it offers a fair field for booty to their men." at srungavarapukota in the vizagapatam district "the local goddess, yerakamma, is a deification of a woman who committed sati. ballads are sung about her, which say that she was the child of dasari parents, and that her birth was foretold by a yerukala woman (whence her name) who prophesied that she would have the gift of second sight. she eventually married, and one day she begged her husband not to go to his field, as she was sure he would be killed by a tiger if he did. her husband went notwithstanding, and was slain as she had foreseen. she committed sati on the spot where her shrine still stands." [ ] the ur or village koravas have given up their nomad life, and settled in villages of their own, or together with other communities. many of them have attended pial schools, and can read and write to some extent. some of them are employed in the police and salt departments, as jail warders, etc. the ur korava is fast losing his individuality, and assimilating, in dress, manners and customs, the ryots among whom he dwells. in the salem district there is a village called koravur, which is inhabited entirely by koravas, who say that they were originally uppu koravas, but now cultivate their own lands, or work as agricultural labourers for the land-owners. they say further that they pay an occasional visit to madras for the purpose of replenishing their stock of coral and beads, which they sell at local shandis (markets). some koravas are said to buy gilded beads at madura, and cheat unsuspecting villagers by selling them as gold. though the ur koravas are becoming civilised, they have not yet lost their desire for other men's goods, and are reported to be the curse of the anantapur, cuddapah, and bellary districts, where they commit robbery, house-breaking, and theft, especially of sheep and cattle. a particularly bold sheep theft by them a few years ago is worthy of mention. the village of singanamalla in the anantapur district lies a few miles off the railway. it is bordered on two sides by government forest reserves, into which the villagers regularly drove their sheep and goats to graze, in charge of small boys, in the frequent absences of the forest watcher, or when the watcher was well disposed towards them. an arrangement was made between the koravas and a meat-supplier at bangalore to deliver on his behalf a large number of sheep at a wayside station near dharmavaram, to receive which trucks had to be ready, and the transaction was purely cash. one morning, when more than a hundred sheep had been driven far into the reserve by their youthful charges, who kept more or less close together for the sake of company, a number of koravas turned up, and represented themselves as forest watchers, captured the small boys, gagged them and tied them to trees, and drove off all the available sheep. the boys were not discovered till late at night, and the police did not get to work till the following morning, by which time the sheep were safely entrained for bangalore. it is noted, in the madras police report, - , that "a large number of members of the notorious rudrapad koracha gangs have recently been released from his highness the nizam's prisons, and their return will add appreciably to the difficulties of the bellary police." a small class of koravas is named pamula (snake), as they follow the calling of snake-charmers. in the census report, , pusalavadu (seller of glass beads) and utlavadu (makers of utlams) are given as sub-castes of yerukala. an utlam is a hanging receptacle for pots, etc., made of palmyra fibre. in the same report, kadukuttukiravar (those who bore a hole in the ear) and valli ammai kuttam (followers of the goddess valli ammai) are returned as synonyms of koravas. they claim that valli ammai, the wife of the god subrahmanya, was a korava woman. old tamil books refer to the koravas as fortune-tellers to kings and queens, and priests to subrahmanya. some koravas have, at times of census, returned themselves as kudaikatti (basket-making) vanniyans. balfour refers to walaja koravas, and states that they are musicians. they are probably identical with the wooyaloo koravas, [ ] whose duty it is to swing incense, and sing before the god during a religious celebration. the same writer speaks of bajantri or sonai kolawaru and kolla and soli korawars, and states that they inhabit the southern maratha country. these names, like thogamallai for koravas who come from the village of that name in the trichinopoly district, are probably purely local. further, the abbé dubois states that "the third species of kuravers is generally known under the name of kalla bantru, or robbers. the last muhammadan prince who reigned over mysore is said to have employed a regular battalion of these men in time of war, not for the purpose of fighting, but to infest the enemy's camp in the night, stealing away the horses and other necessaries of the officers, and acting as spies. they were awarded in proportion to the dexterity they displayed in these achievements, and, in time of peace, they were despatched into the various states of neighbouring princes, to rob for the benefit of their masters." it is possible that the kaikadis of the central provinces are identical with koravas, who have migrated thither. a section of koravas, called koot (dancing) or kothee (monkey) kaikaries, is referred to by mr. paupa rao naidu as "obtaining their living by prostitution. they also kidnap or sell children for this purpose. some of the women of this class are thriving well in the madras presidency as experts in dancing. they are kept by rich people, and are called in the telugu country erukala bogamvaru, in tamil korava thevidia. they also train monkeys, and show them to the public." the household god of the korava, which is as a rule very rudely carved, may be a representation of either vishnu or siva. as already noted, it is stated in the census report, , that the koravas worship subrahmanya, the son of siva, while the yerukalas worship vishnu in the form of venkateswara and his wife lakshmi. they worship, in addition to these, kolapuriamma, perumalaswami, and other appropriate deities, prior to proceeding on a depredatory expedition. kolapuriamma is the goddess of kolhapur, the chief town of the native state of that name in the bombay presidency, who is famous in southern india. perumalswami, or venkateswara, is the god of tirupati, the great place of pilgrimage in the north arcot district. the signs of a recent performance of worship by koravas may prove an indication to the police that they have been concerned in a dacoity, and act as a clue to detection thereof. they sacrifice sheep or goats once a year to their particular god on a sunday or tuesday, while those who worship venkateswara honour him on a saturday, and break cocoanuts as an offering. all offerings presented to the gods are divided among those present, after the ceremonies have been completed. venkateswara is said to be sometimes represented, for the purpose of worship, by a brass vessel (kalasam) decorated with flowers, and bearing on it the vaishnavite namam (sect mark). its mouth is closed by a cocoanut, beneath which mango or betel leaves are placed. on the day appointed for the religious service, everything within the hut is thrown outside, and the floor is purified with cow-dung, and devices are drawn thereon. the brass vessel is set up, and offerings of large quantities of food are made to it. some of this dedicated food (prasadam) must be given to all the inhabitants of the settlement. a lump of clay, squeezed into a conical shape, with a tuft of margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves does duty for poleramma. in front thereof, three stones are placed. poleramma may be worshipped close to, but not within, the hut. to her offerings of boiled rice (pongal) are made by fasting women. the manner in which the boiling food bubbles over from the cooking-pot is eagerly watched, and accepted as an omen for good or evil. in a note on the coorroo, balfour states [ ] that "they told me that, when they pray, they construct a small pyramid of clay, which they term mariamma, and worship it. the women had small gold and silver ornaments suspended from cords round their necks, which they said had been supplied to them by a goldsmith, from whom they had ordered figures of mariamma. the form represented is that of the goddess kali. they mentioned that they had been told by their forefathers that, when a good man dies, his spirit enters the body of some of the better animals, as that of a horse or cow, and that a bad man's spirit gives life to the form of a dog or jackal, but they did not seem to believe in it. they believe firmly, however, in the existence and constant presence of a principle of evil, who, they say, frequently appears, my informant having himself often seen it in the dusk of the evening assuming various forms, at times a cat, anon a goat, and then a dog, taking these shapes that it might approach to injure him." the domestic god of the koravas, in the southern districts, is said to be sathavu, for whom a day of worship is set apart once in three or four years. the koravas assemble, and, in an open place to the west of the village, a mud platform is erected, on which small bricks are spread. in front of the platform are placed a sickle, sticks, and arrack (liquor). cocoanuts, plantain fruits, and rice are offered, and sheep sacrificed. sandal and turmeric are poured over the bricks, and camphor is burnt. the proceedings terminate with a feast. the presiding goddess of the criminal profession of the koravas is stated by mr. m. paupa rao naidu [ ] to be moothevi, the goddess of sleep, whom they dread and worship more than any other god or goddess of the hindu pantheon. the object of this worship is twofold, one being to keep themselves vigilant, and the other to throw their victims off their guard. moothevi is invoked in their prayers to keep them sleepless while on their nefarious purpose bent, but withal to make their victims sufficiently sleepy over their property. this goddess is worshipped especially by females, who perform strange orgies periodically, to propitiate her. a secluded spot is preferred for performing these orgies, at which animal sacrifices are made, and there is distribution of liquor in honour of the goddess. the edayapatti gang worship in addition the deity ratnasabhapathy at ayyamala. when prosecuted for a crime, the koravan invokes his favourite deity to let him off with a whipping in the words 'if the punishment of whipping be inflicted i shall adore the goddess.' the following account of a peculiar form of human sacrifice by the koravas in former days was given to mr. c. hayavadana rao by an old inhabitant of the village of asur near walajabad in the chingleput district. a big gang settled at the meeting point of the three villages of asur, melputtur, and avalur, on an elevated spot commanding the surrounding country. they had with them their pack-bullocks, each headman of the gang owning about two hundred head. the cow-dung which accumulated daily attracted a good many of the villagers, on one of whom the headmen fixed as their intended victim. they made themselves intimate with him, plied him with drink and tobacco, and gave him the monopoly of the cow-dung. thus a week or ten days passed away, and the koravas then fixed a day for the sacrifice. they invited the victim to visit them at dusk, and witness a great festival in honour of their caste goddess. at the appointed hour, the man went to the settlement, and was induced to drink freely. meanwhile, a pit, large enough for a man to stand upright in it, had been prepared. at about midnight, the victim was seized, and forced to stand in the pit, which was filled in up to his neck. this done, the women and children of the gang made off with their belongings. as soon as the last of them had quitted the settlement, the headmen brought a large quantity of fresh cow-dung, and placed a ball of it on the head of the victim. the ball served as a support for an earthen lamp, which was lighted. the man was by this time nearly dead, and the cattle were made to pass over his head. the headmen then made off, and, by daybreak, the whole gang had disappeared. the murdered man was found by the villagers, who have, since that time, scrupulously avoided the koravas. the victim is said to have turned into a munisvara, and for a long time troubled those who happened to go near the spot at noon or midnight. the koravas are said to have performed the sacrifice so as to insure their cattle against death from disease. the ground, on which they encamped, and on which they offered the human sacrifice, is stated to have been barren prior thereto, and, as the result thereof, to have become very fertile. it is said that korava women invoke the village goddesses when they are telling fortunes. they use a winnowing fan and grains of rice in doing this, and prophesy good or evil, according to the number of grains found on the fan. [ ] they carry a basket, winnow, stick, and a wicker tray in which cowry shells are imbedded in a mixture of cow-dung, and turmeric. the basket represents kolapuriamma and the cowries poleramma. when telling fortunes, the korava woman places on the basket the winnow, rice, betel leaves and areca nuts, and the wicker tray. holding her client's hand over the winnow, and moving it about, she commences to chant, and name all sorts of deities. from time to time she touches the hand of the person whose fortune is being told with the stick. the korava women are very clever in extracting information concerning the affairs of a client before they proceed to tell her fortune. brahmans fix the auspicious hour for marriage, and chettis are invited to act as priests at the purification ceremony for re-admission into caste of a man or woman who has cohabited with a paraiyan or muhammadan, or been beaten with a shoe, etc. for the purpose of re-admission, a panchayat (council) assembles, at which the headman presides. enquiries are made into the conduct of the accused, and a fine of two rupees levied. of this sum the chetti receives eight annas, with some betel and tobacco. the balance is spent in liquor for those who are assembled. after the chetti has received his fee, he smears the foreheads of the guilty person and the company with sacred ashes. the impure person goes to a stream or well, and bathes. he then again comes before the council, and is purified by the chetti again marking his forehead. the proceedings wind up with a feast. in former days, at a trial before a council, the legs of the complainant and accused were tied together. in , a koracha was excommunicated for having illicit intercourse with a widow. the ceremony of excommunication usually consists of shaving the head and moustache of the guilty person, and making him ride a donkey, wearing a necklace of bones. in the case under reference, a donkey could not be procured, so a temporary shed was made of sajja (setaria italica) stalks, which were set on fire after the man had passed through it. he was to be re-admitted into the caste by standing a feast to all the members of five gangs of korachas. it is said [ ] that "a curious custom of the kuravans prohibits them from committing crime on new-moon or full-moon days. once started on an expedition, they are very determined and persistent. there is a case on record where one of a band of kuravans out on an expedition was drowned in crossing the cauvery. nothing daunted by the loss or the omen, they attempted a burglary, and failed. they then tried another house, where they also failed; and it was not till they had met with these three mishaps that their determination weakened, and they went home." the koravas are extremely superstitious, and take careful notice of good or bad omens before they start on a criminal expedition. they hold a feast, at which the assistance of the goddess kolapuriamma or perumal is sought. a young goat, with coloured thread attached to its horns, and a garland of margosa leaves with a piece of turmeric round its neck, is taken to an out-of-the-way shrine. here it is placed before the deity, and cocoanuts are broken. the god is asked whether the expedition will be successful. if the body of the animal quivers, it is regarded as an answer in the affirmative; if it does not, the expedition will be abandoned. if in addition to quivering, the animal urinates, no better sign could be hoped for. the koravas make it a point of honour to pay for the goat used for this religious purpose. it was information of this ceremony having been performed which led to the detection of a torchlight dacoity in the cuddapah district in . the expedition was in the first instance successful, for the koravas broke into a komati's house in the middle of a village, and carried off a quantity of jewels. the komati's arm was broken, and he and other inmates of the house were badly burnt by lighted torches thrust against their faces and bodies. among other methods of consulting the omens is to sacrifice a fowl at a shrine, and sit in front thereof listening for the direction whence the chirping of lizards issues. if the omens are auspicious, the members of the expedition start off, armed as a rule with latis (sticks) and axes. if they attack a cart, they commence by throwing stones at it, to ascertain if the occupant has fire-arms with him. houses are generally broken into by means of a hole made in the wall near the door-latch. in the ceded districts, where the houses are as a rule substantially built of rough stone, and have flat roofs of salt earth, an opening is frequently effected through the roof. the koravas are often extremely cruel in the methods which they adopt to extort information from inhabitants of houses as to where their valuables are concealed. in common with other hindus, they avoid the shadow of the thandra tree (terminalia belerica), in which the spirit of saneswaradu is believed to reside. in this connection the following legend is recited. [ ] in the city of bimanapuram there ruled a king named bimaraju, who had a beautiful daughter named damayanti, with whom the gods, including nalamaharaju, fell in love. damayanti had never seen nalamaharaju, but loved him on account of the stories which reached her of the justice with which he governed his kingdom, and his chastity. to avoid being charged with partiality in disposing of his daughter's hand, bimaraju determined to invite all the gods to his house, and the one to whom damayanti should throw a garland of flowers should claim her as his wife. the day fixed on arrived, and all the gods assembled, except saneswaradu, who appears to have been unavoidably detained. the gods were seated in a circle, and a fly guided damayanti to nalamaharaju, on whose neck she threw the garland. nalamaharaju at once claimed her as his wife, and started off with her to his kingdom. on the way they met saneswaradu, who demanded an explanation of their being in each other's company. he was told, and was very angry because the matter had been settled in his absence, and swore a mighty oath that they should be separated. to this end, he caused all sorts of difficulties to come in their way. under his spell, nalamaharaju took to gambling, and lost all his property. he was separated from damayanti, and lived in poverty for years. the spell of saneswaradu could, however, only last for a certain number of years, and, when the time expired nalamaharaju set out for bimanapuram, to find damayanti who had returned to her father's house. on the way, under a thandra tree, he met saneswaradu, who confessed that he was the cause of all the troubles that had befallen him, and begged that he would look leniently on his fault. nalamaharaju would not forgive him, but, after cursing him, ordained that he should live for ever in the thandra tree, so that the area over which he could do wrong should be limited. it is for this reason that all wandering tribes avoid pitching a camp within the shadow of this tree. a tree (terminalia catappa) belonging to the same genus as the thandra is regarded as a lucky one to camp beneath, as it was under one of these trees that rama made a bower when he lived with sita and lakshmana after his banishment to the forest of dandaka. in connection with omens and superstitions, mr. fawcett writes as follows. "koravas, being highly superstitious, are constantly on the look-out for omens, especially before starting out on an excursion when the objective is dacoity or housebreaking. the household deity, represented by a brick picked up at random, is worshipped, and a sheep or fowl is sacrificed. water is first poured over the animal, and, if it shakes its body, the omen is good, while, if it stands perfectly still, there is misfortune ahead. it is unfortunate, when starting, to see widows, pots of milk, dogs urinating, a man leading a bull, or a bull bellowing. on the other hand, it is downright lucky when a bull bellows at the scene of the criminal operation. to see a man goading a bull is a good omen when starting, and a bad one at the scene. sprinkling urine over doors and walls of a house facilitates breaking into it. the failure of an expedition is generally attributed to the evil eye, or the evil tongue, whose bad effects are evinced in many ways. if the excursion has been for housebreaking, the housebreaking implement is often soldered at its sharp end with panchalokam (five metals), to counteract the effect of the evil eye. the evil tongue is a frequent cause of failure. it consists in talking evil of others, or harping on probable misfortunes. there are various ways of removing its unhappy effects. a mud figure of a man is made on the ground, and thorns are placed over the mouth. this is the man with the evil tongue. those who have suffered walk round it, crying out and beating their mouths; the greater the noise, the better the effect. cutting the neck of a fowl half through and allowing it to flutter about, or inserting a red hot splinter in its anus to madden it with pain, are considered to be effective, while, if a cock should crow after its neck has been cut, calamities are averted. the fowl is a sort of adjunct to the koravar's life. in early childhood, the first experiments in his career consist in stealing fowls; in manhood he feasts on them when he is well off, and he uses them, as we have seen, with abominable cruelty for divination or averting misfortune. the number seven is considered ominous, and an expedition never consists of seven men. the word for the number seven in telugu resembles the word for weeping, and is considered to be unlucky. a man who has returned from jail, or who has been newly married, is not as a rule taken on an expedition. in the case of the former, the rule may be set aside by bringing a lamb from a neighbouring flock. a man who forgets to bring his stick, or to equip or arm himself properly, is always left behind. as in the case of dacoities, seven is an unlucky number to start out for housebreaking, but, should it be unavoidable, a fiction is indulged in of making the housebreaking implement the eighth member of the gang. when there are dogs about a house, they are soon kept quiet with powdered gajjakai or ganja leaves mixed with cooked rice, which they eat greedily. detached parties in the jungle or elsewhere are able to unite by making sounds like the howling of jackals or hooting of owls. the direction taken on a road, or in the forest, is indicated by throwing the leaves of the tangedu (cassia auriculata) along the road. at crossroads, the road taken is indicated by the thick end of a twig of the tangedu placed under a stone. rows of stones, one piled over the other, are also used to point out the route taken when crossing hills. the women resort to divination, but not accompanied by cruelty, when their husbands are long enough absent to arouse apprehension of danger. a long piece is pulled out of a broom, and to one end of it are tied several small pieces dipped in oil. if the stick floats in water, all is well; but, should it sink, two of the women start out at once to find the men. they generally know as a matter of pre-arrangement whereabouts to find them, and proceed thither, pretending to sell karipak (curry leaves). the eighteenth day of the tamil month avani is the luckiest day of all for committing crimes. a successful criminal exploit on this day ensures good luck throughout the year. sundays, which are auspicious for weddings, are inauspicious for crimes. mondays, wednesdays and saturdays are unlucky until noon for starting out from home. so, too, is the day after new moon. fridays are unsuitable for breaking into the houses of brahmans or komatis, as they may be engaged in worshipping ankalamma, to whom the day is sacred." many koravas examined by mr. mainwaring were injured in one way or another. one man had his left nostril split, and explained that it was the result of a bite by another korava in the course of a drunken brawl at a toddy-shop. another had lost some of his teeth in a similar quarrel, and a third was minus the lobe of his right ear. a characteristic of the koravas, which is well marked, is their hairlessness. they have plenty of straight hair on the head, but their bodies are particularly smooth. even the pubic hairs are scanty, and the abdominal hairs are abundant only in a few instances. the korava is not, in appearance, the typical criminal of one's imagination, of the bill sykes type. that even the innocent looking individuals are criminal by nature, the following figures establish. in , there were koravas, or korchas as they are called in the anantapur district, on the police registers as members of wandering gangs or ordinary suspects. of these, no less than , or per cent., had at least one conviction recorded against them. in the nellore district, in , there were adult males on the register, of whom no less than , or per cent., had convictions against them. in the salem district, in the same year, there were adult male koravas registered, against , or . per cent. of whom convictions stood. there are, of course, hundreds who escape active surveillance by assuming an ostensible means of livelihood, and allowances must be made for the possibility of numbers escaping conviction for offences they may have committed. the women are equally criminal with the men, but are less frequently caught. they have no hesitation in concealing small articles by passing them into the vagina. the best way of ascertaining whether this has been done is said to be to make them jump. in this way, at a certain feast, a gold jewel was recovered from a woman, and she was convicted. [ ] this expedient is, however, not always effectual. a case came under notice, in , at the kolar gold fields, in which a woman had a small packet of stolen gold amalgam passed to her during the search of the house by her husband, who was suspected. she begged permission to leave the house to urinate. the request was granted, and a constable who went with her on her return reported her conduct as suspicious. a female searcher was procured, and the parcel found jammed transversely in the vagina, and required manipulation to dislodge it. small jewels, which the koravas manage to steal, are at once concealed in the mouth, and even swallowed. when swallowed, the jewel is next day recovered with the help of a purgative. in this way a half sovereign was recovered a few years ago. [ ] male koravas sometimes conceal stolen articles in the rectum. in the tanjore district a korava kepmari, who was suspected of having resorted to this dodge, was examined by a medical officer, and two thin gold chains, each about inches long, were extracted. the females take an important part in resisting an attempt to arrest the males. i am informed that, "when a raid is made on an encampment, the males make off, while the females, stripping themselves, dance in a state of nudity, hoping thereby to attract the constables to them, while the males get clear away. should, however, these manoeuvres fail to attain their object, the females proceed to lacerate the pudenda, from which blood flows profusely. they then lie down as if dead. the unfortunate constables, though proof against amorous advances, must perforce assist them in their distress. if it comes to searching korava huts, the females take a leading part in attacking the intruders, and will not hesitate to stone them, or break chatties (earthen pots) on their heads." it is recorded, in the cuddapah manual, that "a yerukala came to a village, and, under the pretence of begging, ascertained which women wore jewels, and whether the husbands of any such were employed at night in the fields. in the night he returned, and, going to the house he had previously marked, suddenly snatched up the sleeping woman by the massive kamma (gold ear-ring) she wore, sometimes with such violence as to lift up the woman, and always in such a way as to wrench off the lobe of the ear. this trick he repeated in three different hamlets of the same village on one night, and in one house on two women. in one case, the woman had been lifted so high that, when the ear gave way, she fell to the ground, and severely injured her head." a new form of house robbery is said to have been started by the koravas in recent years. they mark down the residence of a woman, whose jewels are worth stealing, and lurk outside the house before dawn. then, when the woman comes out, as is the custom, before the men are stirring, they snatch her ear-rings and other ornaments, and are gone before an alarm can be raised. [ ] another favourite method of securing jewelry is for the korava to beg for rice, from door to door, on a dark night, crying "sandi bichcham, amma, sandi bichcham" (night alms, mother, night alms). arrived at the house of his victim, he cries out, and the lady of the house brings out a handful of rice, and puts it in his pot. as she does so, he makes a grab at her tali or other neck ornament, and makes off with the spoil. "stolen property", mr. mullaly writes, [ ] "is disposed of, as soon as they can get a suitable remuneration. the general bargain is re. i for a rupee's weight of gold. they do not, however, as a rule, lose much over their transactions, and invariably convert their surplus into sovereigns. in searching a koravar encampment on one occasion, the writer had the good fortune to discover a number of sovereigns which, for safe keeping, were stitched in the folds of their pack saddles. undisposed of property, which had been buried, is brought to the encampment at nightfall, and taken back and re-buried before dawn. the ground round the pegs, to which their asses are tethered, in heaps of ashes or filth, are favourite places for burying plunder." the koravas disguise themselves as kepmaris, alagiris or pujaris. the terms kepmari, alagiri, kathirivandlu, etc., are applied to certain persons who adopt particular methods in committing crime, all of which are adopted by the koravas. the tamil equivalent of kepmari is talapa mathi, or one who changes his head-dress. alagiris are thieves who worship at the temple of kalla alagar near madura, and vow that a percentage of their ill-gotten gains will be given as an offering to his temple. kathirivandlu (scissors people) are those who operate with knives or scissors, snipping off chains, cutting the strings of purses, and ripping open bags or pockets. the koravas are not nice as regards the selection of some of their food. cats, fowls, fish, pigs, the black-faced monkey known in telugu as kondamuchu, jackals, field rats, deer, antelope, goats and sheep serve as articles of dietary. there is a tamil proverb "give an elephant to a pandit, and a cat to a kuravan." they will not eat cattle or buffaloes, and will not take food in company with muhammadans, barbers, washermen, carpenters, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, paraiyans or chakkiliyans. the boyas seem to be the lowest class with whom they will eat. they drink heavily when funds are available, or at social gatherings, when free drinks are forthcoming. at council meetings liquor must be supplied by the disputants, and there is a proverb, "with dry mouths nothing can be uttered." most koravas possess knives, and a kind of billhook, called koduval, which is a sort of compromise between a sword and a sickle. the back of the blade is heavy, and renders it capable of dealing a very severe blow. with this implement animals are slaughtered, murders committed, and bamboos split. for the purpose of committing burglaries, the koravas are said by mr. mullaly to use an iron instrument pointed at either end, called gadi kolu or sillu kolu, which is offered, before a gang sets out, to perumal, whose aid in the success of the undertaking is invoked. the koravas as a class are industrious, and generally doing something. one may see the men on the march twisting threads into stout cord. others will be making fine nets for fishing, or coarse ones, in which to suspend household pots or utensils; straw pads, on which the round-bottomed chatties invariably stand; or a design with red thread and cowry shells, wherewith to decorate the head of a bull or a money-bag. it is when hawking these articles from door to door that the koravas are said to gain information as to property which may be worth stealing. the following is a free translation of a song representing koracha characteristics, in a play by mr. d. krishnamacharlu, a well-known amateur dramatist of bellary:-- hurrah! our koracha caste is a very fine caste, the best of castes, hurrah! when a temple feast is proceeding, we beg, and commit thefts surprising. don't we? care we for aught? don't we slip off uncaught? (chorus.) cutting trinkets off, from the necks of babes in their mothers' arms. who could suspect us? cannot we hoodwink them all? cannot we get away? (chorus.) when those eternal watchmen catch us, after endless search take life out of us. do we blurt out? do we confess? don't we enquire what is our offence? (chorus.) in the south, the koravas are frequently employed by villagers as watchmen (kavalgars) on the principle of setting a thief to keep other thieves off. they are paid in grain. the villagers are more than half afraid of them, and, if the remuneration stipulated upon is not promptly paid to the watchmen, a house-breaking will certainly occur in the village. if a crime happens to take place in a village where a korava has been appointed watchman, he frequently manages to get back the stolen property if the theft is the work of another korava, but only on condition that the police are not called in to investigate the offence. the dwellings in which the koravas live are made with low mud walls and thatched. the wanderers erect a temporary hut called gudise, with mats or cocoanut or palmyra palm leaves, not more than feet high. it is constructed of crossed bamboos tied together, and connected by another bamboo, which serves as a ridge, over which they fasten the mats. marriages are arranged by the elders. the father of a youth who is of a marriageable age calls together some of the elders of his division, and proceeds in quest of a suitable bride. if the family visited consents to the match, the headman is sent for, and a move is made to the toddy-shop. here the father of the future bridegroom fills a small earthen vessel, called in telugu muntha, and offers it to the father of the bride-elect, asking him, do you know why i give you this toddy? the recipient replies, it is because i have given you my daughter, and i drink to her health. the vessel is refilled and offered to the headman, who takes it, and enquires of the father of the girl why he is to drink. the reply is, because i have given my daughter to ----'s son; drink to her health. the questions and answers are repeated while every one present, according to rank, has a drink. those who have so drunk at this betrothal ceremony are looked upon as witnesses to the contract. after the drinking ceremony, an adjournment is made to the girl's house, where a feast is partaken of. at the conclusion thereof, the future bridegroom's people enquire if the girl has a maternal uncle, to whom the purchase money should be paid. the purchase money is madas (a mada = two rupees), and is always the same for both well-to-do and poor. but, as a matter of fact, the whole of it is never paid. a few instalments are sometimes handed over, but generally the money is the cause of endless quarrels. when, however, the families, are on good terms, and the husband enjoys the hospitality of his wife's maternal uncle, or vice versâ, it is a common thing for one to say to the other after a drink, see, brother-in-law, i have paid you two madas to-day, so deduct this from the voli (purchase money). after the marriage has been arranged, and the maternal uncle has paid four annas as an earnest of the transaction, the party disperses until such time as the principals are in a position to perform the wedding. they might be infants, or the girl immature, or the intended husband be away. after the betrothal ceremony, the parents of the girl should on no account break off the match. if this were done, the party of the husband-elect would summon those who were present at the drinking ceremony to a meeting, and he who partook of the second drink (the headman) would demand from the father of the girl an explanation of the breach of contract. no explanation is likely to be satisfactory, and the father is fined three hundred varahas. [ ] this sum, like the purchase money, is seldom paid, but the award of it places the party from whom it is due in a somewhat inferior position to the party to whom it is payable. they occupy thenceforth the position of creditor to debtor. on the occasion of quarrels, no delicate sense of refinement restrains the former from alluding to the debt, and the position would be retained through several generations. there is a tamil proverb that the quarrels of a korava and an idaiyan are not easily settled. if the contracting parties are ready to fulfil their engagement, the maternal uncle of the girl is paid five varahas as the first instalment of the purchase money, and a brahman purohit is asked to fix an auspicious time for the marriage ceremony. at the appointed time, the wedding party assembles at the home of the bride, and the first day is spent in eating and drinking, the bride and bridegroom being arrayed in new clothes purchased at the expense of the bride's father. on the following day, they again feast. the contracting couple are seated on a kambli (blanket), on which some grains of rice have been previously sprinkled. the guests form a circle round them, and, at the auspicious moment, the bridegroom ties a string of black beads round the bride's neck. when the string has been tied, the married women present, with hands crossed, throw rice over the heads of the pair. this rice has been previously prepared, and consists of five seers of rice with five pieces of turmeric, dried cocoanut, dried date fruit and jaggery (crude sugar), and five silver or copper coins. while the rice-throwing is proceeding, a monotonous song is crooned, of which the following is a free translation:-- procure five white bulls. get five white goats. obtain a seer [ ] of silver. get a seer of gold. always love your father and live happy for ever. look after your mother always, your father and mother-in-law. do not heed what folk say. look after your relations, and the god above will keep you happy. five sons and four daughters shall compose your family. a predominance of sons is always considered desirable, and, with five sons and four daughters, the mystic number nine is reached. no widows, women who have remarried, or girls dedicated as prostitutes, are allowed to join the wedding circle, as they would be of evil omen to the bride. widows and remarried women must have lost a husband, and the prostitute never knows the god to whose service she is dedicated. on the third day, the rice-throwing ceremony is repeated, but on this occasion the bride and bridegroom pour some of the rice over each other's heads before the women officiate. this ends the marriage ceremony, but, as among some other classes, consummation is prohibited for at least three months, as a very strong superstition exists that three heads should not enter a door within one year. the bride and bridegroom are the first two heads to enter the new home, and the birth of a child within the year would constitute the third. this undesirable event is rendered less likely by a postponement of consummation. after the prescribed time has lapsed, the bride, with feigned reluctance, is escorted by her female relations to her husband's hut. on the way obscene pleasantries, which evoke much merriment, are indulged in. the bride's pretended reluctance necessitates a certain amount of compulsion, and she is given an occasional shove. finally, she is thrust into the door of the hut, and the attendant women take their departure. the following details in another form of the marriage rites may be noted. the bridegroom proceeds on a saturday to the settlement of the bride, where a hut has been set up for him close to that of the bride. both the huts should face the east. on the following day, the headman, or an elder, brings a tray containing betel, flowers and kankanams (wrist-threads). he ties the threads round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom, and also round a pestle and mortar and a crowbar. a distribution of rice to all present, including infants, follows, and pork and mutton are also distributed. towards evening, married women go, with music produced by beating on a brass tray, to a well or tank, with three pots beneath a canopy (ulladam). the pots are filled with water, and placed near the marriage milk-post. the bride takes her seat on a plank, and the bridegroom is carried on the shoulders of his brother-in-law, and conducted to another plank. three married women, and some old men, then pour rice over the heads of the pair, while the following formula is repeated: "try to secure four pairs of donkeys, a few pigs and cattle; live well and amicably; feed your guests well; grow wise and live." the couple are then taken to the bride's hut, the entrance to which is guarded by several married women, who will not allow them to enter till the bridegroom has given out the name of the bride. within the hut, the pair exchange food three times, and what remains after they have eaten is finished off by some married men and women. that night the pair sleep in the bride's hut, together with the best man and bridesmaid. on the following day, a feast is held, at which every house must be represented by at least one married woman. towards evening, the bridegroom takes the bride to his hut, and, just before they start, her mother ties up some rice in her cloth. at the entrance to the hut, a basket, called kolapuriamma's basket, is placed. depositing a winnowing tray thereon, the bride pours the rice which has been given to her on it. the rice is then transferred by the bridegroom to the mortar, and he and the bride pound it with the pestle and crowbar. the tali is then tied by the bridegroom round the bride's neck. in connection with marriage, mr. fawcett writes as follows. "a girl's mother's brother's son has the right to have her to wife, and, if his right is abrogated by giving her to another, he (or his father?) receives a penalty from the man to whom she is given. the girl's maternal uncle disposes of the girl. in the coimbatore district, however, it is the father who is said to do so; indeed it is said that the father can even take a girl away from her husband, and give her to another for a higher bride-price. prior to marriage proper, there is the betrothal, accompanied by presentation of betel leaves and draughts of toddy, when the maternal uncle or father repeats a regular formula which is answered word for word by the girl's party, in which he agrees to hand over the girl for such a price, at the same time requiring that she shall receive no bodily injury or have her hair cut, and, if she is returned damaged physically, payment shall be made according to a fixed rate. it should be said that the betrothal sometimes takes place at a tavern, the favourite haunt of the koravas, where the bridegroom's party offers a pail of toddy to the father of the girl and his party. the emptying of this pail seals the marriage contract, and involves the father of the girl into payment of the bride-price as a fine, together with a fine of rs. for every male child, and rs. for every female child that may be born. this penalty, which is known as ranku, is not, as a rule, pressed at once, but only after some children have been born. the day of marriage, generally a sunday, is fixed by a brahman, who receives betel nuts, cocoanuts, one rupee, or even less. he selects an auspicious day and hour for the event. the hour selected is rather early in the evening, so that the marriage may be consummated the same night. a few days before the appointed day, two unmarried lads cut a branch of the naval tree (eugenia jambolana), and throw it into a tank (pond) or river, where it is left until the wedding day, when the same two lads bring it back, and plant it in the ground near the dwelling of the bride, and on either side of it is placed a pot of water (brought from the tank or river where the branch had been left to soak) carried thither by two married women under a canopy. the mouth of each pot is closed by placing on top an earthen vessel on which is a lamp. the bride and bridegroom sit on donkey saddles spread on the ground, and undergo the nalugu ceremony, in which their hands and feet are rubbed nine times with saffron (turmeric) coloured red with chunam (lime). the elders bless the couple, throwing rice over their heads with crossed hands, and all the while the women chant monotonously a song such as this:-- galianame baipokame sobaname, oh, marriage giver of happiness and prosperity! the best oil of madanapalle is this nalugu; the best soap seed of silakat is for this nalugu; paint yourselves, oh sisters, with the best of colours; stain your cloth, oh brother, with the best of dyes; bring, oh brother, the greenest of snakes; adorn with it our basavayya's neck; bring, oh brother, the flowers without leaves; adorn with them the hair of the bride. then the bridegroom ties the bride's tali, a string coloured yellow with saffron (turmeric), or a string of small black beads. every married woman must wear a necklet of black beads, and glass bangles on her wrists; when she becomes a widow, she must remove them. a feature of the ceremony not to be overlooked is the wedding meal (pendlikudu). after undergoing the nalugu, the bridegroom marks with a crowbar the spot where this meal, consisting of rice, milk, green gram, and jaggery (sugar), is to be cooked in a pot called bhupalakunda. a trench is dug at the spot, and over it the cooking is done. when the food is ready, the bride and bridegroom take of it each three handfuls, and then the boys and girls snatch the pot away from them. after this, the couple proceed to the bridegroom's hut, where they find a light burning. the elders sprinkle them with water coloured yellow with saffron (turmeric) as they enter." for the following note on marriage among the yerukalas of the vizagapatam district, i am indebted to mr. hayavadana rao. a man may marry the daughter of his paternal aunt or maternal uncle. the father of the would-be husband of a girl goes with ten rupees, called sullaponnu, to her home, and pays the money to one of several elders who are brought together. towards evening, the ground in front of the girl's hut is swept, and a wooden plank and stone are set side by side. the bridegroom sits on the former, and the bride on the latter. two pots of water are placed before them, and connected together by a thread tied round their necks. the pots are lifted up, and the water is poured over them. contrary to the custom prevailing among many castes, new cloths are not given to them after this bath. resuming their seats, the couple sprinkle each other with rice. an intelligent member of the caste then personates a brahman priest, mutters sundry mantrams (prayers), and shows a string (karugu) with a piece of turmeric tied to it to those assembled. it is touched by them in token of a blessing, and tied by the bridegroom on the neck of the bride. a feast, with a liberal supply of liquor, is held, the expenses of which are met from the ten rupees already referred to. the younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother, and vice versâ. a widow is married in front of her mother's hut. the marriage string is tied round her neck, but without the ceremonial observed at the marriage of a maid. if a husband wishes to secure a divorce, he asks his wife to break a twig in two before a caste council. if a woman wishes for a divorce, she elopes with a man, who pays a small fine, called ponnu, to the husband, and asks him to break a twig. the following story is current among the koramas, to account for the tali or bottu being replaced by a string of black beads. once upon a time, a bridegroom forgot to bring the tali, and he was told off to procure the necessary piece of gold from a goldsmith. the parties waited and waited, but the young man did not return. since then, the string of beads has been used as a marriage badge. according to another story, the tali was prepared, and kept on the bank of a river, but disappeared when it was going to be picked up. a man was sent to procure another, but did not come back. i am informed that the yerukalas of the kistna district are divided into two classes--sheep and goats practically. of these, the latter are the bastard offspring of the former. illegitimate must, in the first instance, marry illegitimate. the offspring thereof is ipso facto whitewashed, and becomes legitimate, and must marry a legitimate. a custom is stated by dr. shortt [ ] to prevail among the yerukalas, by which the first two daughters of a family may be claimed by the maternal uncle as wives for his sons. "the value of a wife is fixed at twenty pagodas. the maternal uncle's right to the first two daughters is valued at eight out of twenty pagodas, and is carried out thus. if he urges his preferential claim, and marries his own sons to his nieces, he pays for each only twelve pagodas; and similarly if he, from not having sons, or any other cause, foregoes his claim, he receives eight pagodas of the twenty paid to the girl's parents by anybody else who may marry them." the price of a wife apparently differs in different localities. for example, it is noted, in the census report, , that, among the kongu sub-division of the koravas, a man can marry his sister's daughter, and, when he gives his sister in marriage, he expects her to produce a bride for him. his sister's husband accordingly pays rs. - - out of the rs. of which the bride price consists, at the wedding itself, and rs. - - more each year until the woman bears a daughter. some koravas seem to be even more previous than fathers who enter their infant sons for a popular house at a public school. for their children are said to be espoused even before they are born. two men, who wish their children to marry, say to one another: "if your wife should have a girl and mine a boy (or vice versâ), they must marry." and, to bind themselves to this, they exchange tobacco, and the potential bridegroom's father stands a drink to the future bride's relations. but if, after the children are grown up, a brahman should pronounce the omens unpropitious, the marriage does not take place, and the bride's father pays back the cost of the liquor consumed at the betrothal. if the marriage is arranged, a pot of water is placed before the couple, and a grass (cynodon dactylon) put into the water. this is equal to a binding oath between them. [ ] of this grass it is said in the atharwana veda: "may this grass, which rose from the water of life, which has a hundred roots and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my sins, and prolong my existence on earth for a hundred years." it is noted by the rev. j. cain [ ] that "at the birth of a daughter, the father of an unmarried little boy often brings a rupee, and ties it in the cloth of the father of the newly born girl. when the girl is grown up, he can claim her for his son. for twenty-five rupees he can claim her much earlier." in north arcot, the koravas are said [ ] to "mortgage their unmarried daughters, who become the absolute property of the mortgagee till the debt is discharged. the same practice exists in chingleput and tanjore. in madras, the koravars sell their wives outright when they want money, for a sum equal to fifty rupees. in nellore and other districts, they all purchase their wives, the price varying from thirty to seventy rupees, but money rarely passes on such occasions, the consideration being paid in asses or cattle." in a recent case in the madras high court, a korava stated that he had sold one of his wives for twenty-one rupees. [ ] it is stated by dr. pope that the koravas do not "scruple to pawn their wives for debt. if the wife who is in pledge dies a natural death, the debt is discharged. if she should die from hard usage, the creditor must not only cancel the debt, but must defray the expenses of a second marriage for his debtor. if the woman lives till the debt is discharged, and if she has children by the creditor, the boys remain with him, the girls go back with her to her husband." the conditions of the country suggest a reason for the pawning of wives. a wife would be pawned in times of stress, and redeemed after seasons of plenty. the man who can afford to accept her in pledge in a time of famine would, in periods of plenty, require men for agricultural purposes. he, therefore, retains the male issue, who in time will be useful to him. some years ago, some koravas were convicted of stealing the despatch-box of the collector of a certain district from his tent. it came out, in the course of the trial, that the head of the gang had taken the money contained therein as his share, and with it acquired a wife. the collector humorously claimed that the woman, having been obtained with his money, was, according to a section of the criminal procedure code, his property. a woman who marries seven men successively one after the other, either after the death of her husbands or after divorce, is said by mr. paupa rao naidu to be considered to be a respectable lady, and is called pedda boyisani. she takes the lead in marriages and other religious ceremonies. it is noted, in the census report, , that "if a man is sent to jail, his wife will form a connection with some other man of the gang, but on the release of her husband, she will return to him with any children born to her in the interval. the korava women are accustomed to honour their lords and husbands with the dignified title of cocks." on one occasion, a korava got into trouble in company with a friend, and was sentenced to three years imprisonment, while his friend got two years. the latter, at the termination of his period of enforced seclusion, proceeded to live with the wife of the former, settling down in his friend's abode. the former escaped from jail, and, turning up at his home, claimed his wife. his friend journeyed to the place where the jail was located, and reported to the authorities his ability to find the escaped convict, who was recaptured, while his friend regained possession of his wife, and pocketed twenty-five rupees for giving the information which led to his rearrest. the remarriage of widows is permitted. the man who wishes to marry a widow purchases new cloths for himself and his bride. he invites a number of friends, and, in their presence, presents his bride with the cloths. the simple ceremony is known as chirakattu-koradam, or desiring the cloth-tying ceremony. as a general rule, the korava wife is faithful to her husband, but, in the event of incompatibility, man and wife will announce their intention of separating to their gang. this is considered equivalent to a divorce, and the husband can demand back the four annas, which were paid as earnest money to his wife's maternal uncle. this is said to be done, whether the separation is due to the fault either of the husband or the wife. among other castes, the woman has to return the money only if she is divorced owing to her own fault. divorce is said to be rare, and, even after it has taken place, the divorced parties may make up their differences, and continue to keep house together. in cases of abduction, the father of the girl summons a council meeting, at which the offender is fined. a girl who has been abducted cannot be married as a spinster, even if she was recovered before sexual connection had taken place. the man who carried her off should marry her, and the ceremony of widow marriage is performed. in the event of his refusing to marry her, he is fined in the same amount as the parents of a girl who fail to keep the contract to marry her to a particular person. the fact of a man who abducts a girl having a wife already would be no bar to his marrying her, as polygamy is freely permitted. in former days, an adulterer who was unable to pay the fine imposed was tied to a tree, and shaved by a barber, who used the urine of the guilty woman in lieu of water. in connection with birth ceremonies, mr. fawcett writes as follows. "difficulty in parturition is thought to be due to an ungratified desire of the woman before she is confined. this is generally something to eat, but it is sometimes ungratified lust. in cases of the latter kind, the koravar midwife induces the woman to mention her paramour's name, and, as the name is mentioned, the midwife puts a pinch of earth into the woman's mouth with the idea of accelerating delivery. the woman is confined in an outlying hut, where she is tabu to all, with the exception of the midwife, for about ten days. as soon as the child is born, incense is burnt in front of this hut, and there is an offering of jaggery (crude sugar) to the spirits of the departed elders, who are invoked in the following words in the korava dialect:--'ye spirits of our elders! descend on us, give us help, and increase our cattle and wealth. save us from the sircar (government), and shut the mouth of the police. we shall worship you for ever and ever.' the jaggery is then distributed to all present, and the new-born infant is cleaned with cow-dung and washed. a brahman is sometimes consulted, but it is the maternal uncle upon whom the responsibility falls of naming the child. this he does on the ninth day after confinement, when the mother and child are bathed. having named the child, he ties a string of thread or cotton round its waist. this string signifies the entry of the child into the koravar community, and it, or its substitute, is worn until the termination of married life. the name given on this occasion is not usually the name by which an individual is known by his fellows, as persons are generally called after some physical trait or characteristic thus:--nallavadu, black man; pottigadu, short man; nettakaladu, long-legged man; kuntadu, lame man; boggagadu, fat man; juttuvadu, man with a large tuft of hair; gunadu, hunch-backed man; mugadu, dumb man; and so on. in a few cases, children are genuinely named after the household deities. those so named are called ramudu, lachigadu, venkatigadu, gengadu, chengadu, subbadu, ankaligadu, and so on. an old custom was to brand the children on the shoulders with a piece of red-hot iron. marks of such branding are called the cattle mark, for it seems that children should be branded on the shoulders before undertaking the 'sacred duty' of tending cattle. they explain the custom by saying that krishna, the god of the shepherds, allowed boys of his own caste, and of no other, to perform the sacred duty, after the boy dedicated thereto had undergone the branding ceremony. this ceremony is seldom observed nowadays, as it leads to identification. birth of a child on a new-moon night, when the weather is strong, is believed to augur a notorious thieving future for the infant. such children are commonly named venkatigadu after the god at tirupati. the birth of a child having the umbilical cord twisted round its neck portends the death of the father or maternal uncle. this unpleasant effect is warded off by the uncle or the father killing a fowl, and wearing its entrails round his neck, and afterwards burying them along with the umbilical cord." the practice of the couvade, or custom in accordance with which the father takes to bed, and is doctored when a baby is born, is referred to by alberuni [ ] (about a.d. ), who says that, when a child is born, people show particular attention to the man, not to the woman. there is a tamil proverb that, if a korati is brought to bed, her husband takes the prescribed stimulant. writing about the yerukalas, [ ] the rev. j. cain tells us that "directly the woman feels the birth pains, she informs her husband, who immediately takes some of her clothes, puts them on, places on his forehead the mark which the women usually place on theirs, retires into a dark room where there is only a very dim lamp, and lies down on the bed, covering himself up with a long cloth. when the child is born, it is washed, and placed on the cot beside the father. asafoetida, jaggery, and other articles are then given, not to the mother, but to the father. he is not allowed to leave his bed, but has everything needful brought to him." among the kuravars, or basket-makers of malabar, "as soon as the pains of delivery come upon a pregnant woman, she is taken to an outlying shed, and left alone to live or die as the event may turn out. no help is given her for twenty-eight days. even medicines are thrown to her from a distance; and the only assistance rendered is to place a jar of warm water close by her just before the child is born. pollution from birth is held as worse than that from death. at the end of the twenty-eight days, the hut in which she was confined is burnt down. the father, too, is polluted for fourteen days, and, at the end of that time, he is purified, not like other castes by the barber, but by holy water obtained from brahmans at temples or elsewhere." to mr. g. krishna rao, superintendent of police in the shimoga district of mysore, i am indebted for the following note on the couvade as practiced among the koramas. "mr. rice, in the mysore gazetteer, says that among the koravars it is said that, when a woman is confined, her husband takes medicine for her. at the instance of the british resident i made enquiries, and learned that the kukke (basket-making) koramas, living at gopala village near shimoga, had this custom among them. the husband learns from his wife the probable time of her confinement, and keeps at home awaiting the delivery. as soon as she is confined, he goes to bed for three days, and takes medicine consisting of chicken and mutton broth spiced with ginger, pepper, onions, garlic, etc. he drinks arrack, and eats as good food as he can afford, while his wife is given boiled rice with a very small quantity of salt, for fear that a larger quantity may induce thirst. there is generally a korama midwife to help the wife, and the husband does nothing but eat, drink, and sleep. the clothes of the husband, the wife, and the midwife are given to a washerman to be washed on the fourth day, and the persons themselves have a wash. after this purification, the family gives a dinner to the caste people. one of the men examined by me explained that the man's life was more valuable than that of the woman, and that the husband, being a more important factor in the birth than the wife, deserves to be better looked after." the following legend is current among the koramas, to explain the practice of the couvade among them. one day a donkey, belonging to a korama camp, pitched outside a village, wandered into a brahman's field, and did considerable damage to the crop. the brahman was naturally angry, and ordered his coolies to pull down the hut of the owner of the donkey. the korama, casting himself at the feet of the brahman, for want of a better excuse, said that he was not aware of what his animal was doing, as at the time he was taking medicine for his wife, and could not look after it. according to another version of the story, the brahman ordered his servants to remove the hut from his land or beat the korava, so that koravas have since that time taken to bed and shared the pollution of their wives, to escape being beaten. in connection with the couvade, mr. fawcett writes that "it has been observed in the bird-catching koravars, and the custom has been admitted by others. directly a woman is brought to bed, she is given asafoetida rolled in betel leaf. she is then given a stimulant composed of asafoetida and other drugs. the husband partakes of a portion of this before it is given to the woman. this custom is one of those which the koravar is generally at pains to conceal, denying its existence absolutely. the proverb 'when the koravar woman is confined, the koravar man takes asafoetida' is, however, well known. very soon after a woman is confined, attention is paid exclusively to her husband, who wraps himself in his wife's cloth, and lies down in his wife's place beside the new-born infant. he stays there for at least some minutes, and then makes room for his wife. the writer of this note was informed by koravars that any one who refused to go through this ceremony would undergo the severest penalties, indeed, he would be turned out of the community. nothing annoys a koravar so much as to mention the word asafoetida in his presence, for he takes it to be an insulting reference to the couvade. the worst insult to a koravar woman lies in the words 'will you give asafoetida?' which are understood by her to mean an improper overture." some koravas are said to believe that the pangs of labour are largely allayed by drinking small doses of a mixture of the dung of a male donkey and water. a few years ago, when a camp of koravas was visited in the salem district by the superintendent of police, two men of the gang, who had petitioned for the removal of the constables who were escorting the gang, dragged a woman in the throes of childbirth by the armpits from the hut. this was done to show that they could not move their camp, with a woman in such a condition. nevertheless, long before daylight on the following day, the camp had been moved, and they were found at a spot fifteen miles distant. when they were asked about the woman, a hut slightly apart from the rest was pointed out, in front of which she was suckling the newly-born infant. she had done the journey immediately after delivery partly on foot, and partly on a donkey. the korava child's technical education commences early. from infancy, the koravas teach their children to answer "i do not know" to questions put to them. they are taught the different methods of stealing, and the easiest way of getting into various kinds of houses. one must be entered through the roof, another by a hole in the wall, a third by making a hole near the bolt of the door. before letting himself down from a roof, the korava must make sure that he does not alight on brass vessels or crockery. he generally sprinkles fine sand in small quantities, so that the noise made thereby may give him an idea of the situation. the methods to be adopted during the day, when hawking wares, must be learnt. when a child is caught red-handed, he will never reveal his identity by giving the name of his parents, or of the gang to which he belongs. a girl about twelve or thirteen years old was captured a few years ago in the mysore state at the oregam weekly market, and, on being searched, was found to have a small knife in her cheek. she declared that she was an orphan with neither friends nor relations, but was identified by the police. the koravas are adepts at assuming aliases. but the system of finger-print records, which has been introduced in recent years, renders the concealment of their identity more difficult than it used to be. "both men and women," mr. paupa rao writes, "have tattoo marks on their foreheads and forearms. when they are once convicted, they enlarge or alter in some way the tattoo marks on their forearms, so that they might differ from the previous descriptive marks of identification entered by the police in their search books and other records. during festivals, they put red stuff (kunkuma) over the tattoo marks on their foreheads." their conduct is regulated by certain well-defined rules. they should not enter a house by the front door, unless this is unavoidable, and, if they must so enter it, they must not leave by the same way. if they enter by the back door, they depart by the front door, which they leave wide open. they should not commit robbery in a house, in which they have partaken of rice and curds. curds always require salt, and eating salt is equivalent to taking the oath of fealty according to their code of honour. they ease themselves in the house in which they have committed a theft, in order, it is said, to render the pursuit of them unsuccessful. in a note on the initiation of yerukala girls into the profession of fortune-telling in vizagapatam, mr. hayavadana rao writes that it is carried out on a sunday succeeding the first puberty ceremony. a caste feast, with plenty of strong drink, is held, but the girl herself fasts. the feast over, she is taken to a spot at a little distance from the settlement called yerukonda. this is said to be the name of a place on the trunk road between vizianagram and chicacole, to which girls were taken in former times to be initiated. the girl is blindfolded with a cloth. boiled rice and green gram are mixed with the blood of a black fowl, black pig, and black goat, which are killed. of this mixture she must take at least three morsels, and, if she does not vomit, it is taken as a sign that she will become a good yeruka or fortune-teller. vomiting would indicate that she would be a false prophetess. when a wandering korava dies, he is buried as quickly as possible, with head to the north, and feet to the south. if possible, a new cloth is obtained to wrap the corpse in. the grave is covered with the last hut which the deceased occupied. the koravas immediately leave a camp, in which a death has occurred. the nomad koravas are said by dr. pope to bury their dead at night, no one knows where. thence originates the common saying in regard to anything which has vanished, leaving no trace behind, that it has gone to the dancing-room of the wandering actors. another proverb runs to the effect that no one has seen a dead monkey, or the burning-ground of a korava. in vizagapatam, the yerukala dead are stated by mr. hayavadana rao to be burnt in a state of nudity. a tulsi plant (ocimum sanctum) is usually planted on the spot where the corpse was burnt. the relations cannot follow their regular occupation until a caste feast has been held, and some cooked food thrown on the spot where cremation took place. in a note on the death rites of the koravas of the southern districts, mr. f. a. hamilton writes that, when one of the community dies, the news of the death is conveyed by a paraiyan or chakkiliyan. at the burning-ground, whither the corpse is accompanied with music, it is laid on dried cow-dung, which has been spread on the ground. the son of the deceased goes thrice round the corpse, and breaks a new water-pot which he has brought with him near the head. he also hands over a piece of burning sandalwood for lighting the pyre, and goes straight home without seeing the corpse again. on the third day, the son and other relations go to the burning-ground, heap up the ashes, plant either tulsi (ocimum sanctum), perandai (vitis quadrangularis), or kathalai (agave americana), and pour milk. on the sixteenth day, or at some later time, a ceremony called karumathi is performed. the relatives assemble at the burning-ground, and a stone is set up, and washed with water, honey, milk, etc. on the following day, all the relatives take an oil-bath, and new cloths are presented to the host. sheep are killed, and a feast, with a liberal supply of liquor, is held. till this ceremony is performed, the son remains in mourning. concerning death ceremonies, mr. fawcett writes as follows. "a tamil proverb likens the death of a koravar to that of a monkey, for no one ever sees the dead body of either. just as the monkey is thought to be immortal, the other monkeys removing the carcass instantly, so the corpse of the koravar is made away with and disposed of with all possible speed. there is very little wailing, and preparations are made at once. if the deceased was married, the bier on which he is carried is practically a ladder; if unmarried, it is a single bamboo with pieces of stick placed transversely. the winding-sheet is always a piece of new cloth, in one corner of which is tied a half anna-piece (which is afterwards taken by one of the corpse-bearers). only two of these are under pollution, which lasts the whole of the day, during which they must remain in their huts. next day, after bathing, they give the crows food and milk. a line is drawn on the body from head to foot with milk, the thick end of a piece of grass being used as a brush; then they bathe. pollution of the chief mourner lasts for five days. half-yearly and annual ceremonies to the deceased are compulsory. a figure of the deceased is drawn with charcoal on a piece of new cloth spread on the floor of the hut. on either side of the figure is placed cooked rice and vegetables served on castor leaves. after some time, the food is placed on a new winnow, which is hung suspended from the roof of the hut the whole night. next morning, the relations assemble, and partake of the food." from a note on the yerukalas of the nellore district, i gather that, as a rule, the dead are buried, though respected elders of the community are cremated. married individuals are carried to the grave on a bier, those who die unmarried wrapped in a mat. on the second day, some cooked food, and a fowl, are placed near the grave, to be eaten by crows. a pot of water is carried thrice round the grave, and then thrown down. on the ninth day, food is once more offered for the crows. the final death ceremonies are generally performed after two or three months. cooked food, onions, brinjals (fruits of solanum melongena), phaseolus pulse, squash gourd (cucurbita maxima), pork, and mutton are placed on a number of castor (ricinus) leaves spread on the floor, and offered to the soul of the deceased, which is represented by a human figure drawn on a new cloth. at the conclusion of the worship, the food is placed on new winnowing trays provided for the purpose, and given to the relations, who place the winnows on the roof of the house till the following day, when the food is eaten. by some koravas, a ceremony in honour of the departed ancestors is performed at the time of the november new moon. a well-polished brass vessel, with red and white marks on it, is placed in the corner of a room, which has previously been swept, and purified with cow-dung. in front of the pot is placed a leaf plate, on which cooked rice and other edibles are set. incense is burned, and the eldest son of the house partakes of the food in the hope that he, in due course, will be honoured by his offspring. the koramas of mysore are said to experience considerable difficulty in finding men to undertake the work of carrying the corpse to the grave. should the dead korama be a man who has left a young widow, it is customary for some one to propose to marry her the same day, and, by so doing, to engage to carry out the principal part of the work connected with the burial. a shallow grave, barely two feet deep, is dug, and the corpse laid therein. when the soil has been loosely piled in, a pot of fire, carried by the chief mourner in a split bamboo, is broken, and a pot of water placed on the raised mound. should the spot be visited during the night by a pack of jackals, and the water drunk by them to slake their thirst after feasting on the dead korama, the omen is accepted as proof that the liberated spirit has fled away to the realms of the dead, and will never trouble man, woman, child, or cattle. on the sixth day, the chief mourner must kill a fowl, and mix its blood with rice. this he places, with some betel leaves and nuts, near the grave. if it is carried off by crows, everything is considered to have been settled satisfactorily. as regards the dress of the koravas, mr. mullaly writes as follows. "the women wear necklaces of shells and cowries interspersed with beads of all colours in several rows, hanging low down on the bosom; brass bangles from the wrist to the elbow; brass, lead, and silver rings, very roughly made, on all their fingers except the middle one. the cloth peculiar to koravar women is a coarse black one; but they are, as a rule, not particular as to this, and wear stolen cloths after removing the borders and all marks of identification. they also wear the chola, which is fastened across the bosom, and not, like the lambadis, at the back. the men are dirty, unkempt-looking objects, wear their hair long, and usually tied in a knot on the top of the head, and indulge in little finery. a joochi (gochi), or cloth round the loins, and a bag called vadi sanchi, made of striped cloth, complete their toilet." in , mr. stevenson, who was then the district superintendent of police, north arcot, devised a scheme for the regeneration of the koravas of that district. he obtained for the tribe a tract of government land near gudiyattam, free of assessment for ten years, and also a grant of rs. for sinking wells. licenses were also issued to the settlers to cut firewood at specially favourable rates. he also prevailed upon the zemindar of karvetnegar to grant twenty-five cawnies of land in tiruttani for ten years for another settlement, as well as some building materials. unfortunately the impecunious condition of the zemindar precluded the tiruttani settlement from deriving any further privileges which were necessary to keep the colony going, and its existence was, therefore, cut short. the gudiyattam colony, on the other hand, exhibited some vitality for two or three years, but, in , it, too, went the way of the tiruttani colony." [ ] i gather, from the police administration report, , that a scheme is being worked out, the object of which is to give a well-known wandering criminal gang some cultivable land, and so enable the members of it to settle down to an honest livelihood. at the census, , korava was returned as a sub-division of paraiyans, and the name is also applied to jogis employed as scavengers. [ ] the following note on the koravas of the west coast is interesting as showing that malabar is one of the homes of the now popular game of diavolo, which has become epidemic in some european countries. "in malabar, there is a class of people called koravas, who have, from time immemorial, played this game almost in the same manner as its western devotees do at the present time. these people are met with mostly in the southern parts of malabar, cochin and travancore, and they speak the malayalam language with a sing-song accent, which easily distinguishes them from other people. they are of wandering habits. the men are clever acrobats and rope-dancers, but those of more settled habits are engaged in agriculture and other industries. the beautiful grass mats, known as palghat mats, are woven by these people. their women are fortune-tellers and ballad singers. their services are also in demand for boring the ears of girls. the ropedancers perform many wonderful feats while balancing themselves on the rope, among them being the playing of diabolo while walking to and fro on a tight rope. the korava acrobat spins the wooden spool on a string, attached to the ends of two bamboo sticks, and throws it up to the height of a cocoanut tree, and, when it comes down, he receives it on the string, to be again thrown up. there are experts among them who can receive the spool on the string without even looking at it. there is no noteworthy difference in the structure and shape of the spool used by the koravas, and those of europe, except that the malabar apparatus is a solid wooden thing a little larger and heavier than the western toy. it has not yet emerged from the crude stage of the village carpenter's skill, and cannot boast of rubber tyres and other embellishments which adorn the imported article; but it is heavy enough to cause a nasty injury should it hit the performer while falling. the koravas are a very primitive people, but as acrobats and ropedancers they have continued their profession for generations past, and there is no doubt that they have been expert diabolo players for many years." [ ] it may be noted that lieutenant cameron, when journeying from zanzibar to benguela, was detained near lake tanganyika by a native chief. he relates as follows. "sometimes a slave of djonmah would amuse us by his dexterity. with two sticks about a foot long connected by a string of a certain length, he spun a piece of wood cut in the shape of an hour-glass, throwing it before and behind him, pitching it up into the air like a cricket-ball, and catching it again, while it continued to spin." notes [ ] gazetteer of the bellary district. [ ] madras diocesan magazine, june, . [ ] john s. chandler, a madura missionary, boston. [ ] madras mail, november, . [ ] j. hornell. report on the indian pearl fisheries of the gulf of manaar, . [ ] madras diocesan mag., . [ ] notes from a diary, - . [ ] lecture delivered at trivandrum, ms. [ ] nineteenth century, . [ ] malay archipelago. [ ] monograph. ethnog: survey of cochin, no. , . [ ] malabar manual. [ ] manual of the coimbatore district. [ ] madras journ. lit. science, i. . [ ] w. w. skeat and c. o. blagden. pagan races of the malay peninsula, . [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] a reddish formation found all over southern india. [ ] op. cit. [ ] journey through mysore, canara, and malabar. [ ] rev. h. jensen. classified collection of tamil proverbs, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the trichinopoly district. [ ] for this note i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] mokhalingam is in ganjam, not vizagapatam. [ ] place of meeting, which is a large tamarind tree, under which councils are held. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] setupati, or lord of the bridge. the title of the rajas of ramnad. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] g. oppert. madras journ. lit. science, - . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency. [ ] madras review, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] op. cit. [ ] illustrated criminal investigation and law digest, i, , , vellore. [ ] madras journ. lit. science, xxv. [ ] i am informed that only mel-nadu, sirukudi, mella-kottai, and puramalai are endogamous. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] hindu feasts, fasts, and ceremonies, . [ ] the tamils eighteen hundred years ago, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] gazetteer of the tanjore district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] ind. ant., iii., . [ ] a lakh = a hundred thousand. [ ] compare the theft of laban's teraphim by rachel. genesis, xxxi, . [ ] gazetteer of the tanjore district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] hutchinson. marriage customs in many lands, . [ ] gazetteer of the bellary district. [ ] gazetteer of the anantapur district. [ ] mediæval sinhalese art. [ ] maduraikanchi, line . [ ] e. hultzsch. south indian inscriptions, ii, i, , , . [ ] ibid. iii, i, , . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] new asiatic review, jan. . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] classified collection of tamil proverbs, , from which some of the proverbs quoted are taken. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] see the legendary story narrated in the article on tiyans. [ ] malabar and its folk, . [ ] letters from malabar. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] yule and burnell, hobson-jobson. [ ] monograph, eth. survey of cochin, no. , . [ ] unhusked rice. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] money-lender. [ ] malabar quarterly review, . [ ] indian review, iii, . [ ] monograph, ethnog. survey, cochin. [ ] according to another version of the legend, it was the hut of a tiyan. [ ] malabar manual. [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] c. karunakara menon. madras mus. bull., v, , . [ ] madras mus. bull., ii, , . [ ] this account is mainly from an article by mr. n. subramani aiyar. [ ] ind. ant., ix, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] historical sketches, mysore. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] dynasties of the kanarese districts of the bombay presidency. [ ] loc. cit., and manual of the north arcot district. [ ] section iii, inhabitants, madras government press, . [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] j. f. kearns. kalyana shatanku. [ ] madras series, iv, ; vi, . [ ] illatakaru, a bride's father having no son, and adopting his son-in-law. [ ] see further c. ramachendrier. collection of decisions of high courts and the privy council applicable to dancing-girls, illatom affiliation, etc., madras, . [ ] gazetteer of the anantapur district. [ ] madras mail, nov. . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] tamil and english dictionary, . [ ] the word, in this sense, is said to occur in a tamil work named pingala nikandu. karuku is tamil for the serrated margin of the leaf--petiole of the palmyra palm. [ ] yule and burnell. hobson-jobson. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the salem district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] manual of the tanjore district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras christ. coll. mag., . [ ] malabar law and custom. [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] mysore and coorg gazetteer. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] journ. anthrop. inst., ii, . [ ] gazetteer of the anantapur district. [ ] indian review, vii, . [ ] see ravi varma, the indian artist. indian press, allahabad. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras museum bull., v. , . [ ] epigraphia indica, vi, - . [ ] rev. j. cain, ind. ant., viii, . [ ] trans. ethnolog. soc., london, ; ind. ant., viii, . [ ] original inhabitants of bharathavarsha. [ ] the panas have reference to the division of south indian castes into the right- and left-hand factions. [ ] the mofussil indicates up-country stations and districts, as contra-distinguished from the "presidency" (madras city). [ ] marriage customs in many lands, . [ ] moore. indian appeal cases, vol. iii, - . [ ] journey through mysore, canara and malabar. [ ] see talboys wheeler, madras in the olden time, ii, - . [ ] see tales of komati wit and wisdom. c. hayavadana rao, madras, . [ ] classified collection of tamil proverbs, . see also c. hayavadana rao, op. cit., and ind. ant., xx, , . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] gazetteer of the godavari district. [ ] linguistic survey of india, iv, . [ ] man. march . [ ] g.o., no. , public, th october . [ ] g.o., no. , revenue, rd november . [ ] occasional essays on native south indian life, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] agricul: ledger series, calcutta. no. , . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] a very interesting note on totemism among the khonds by mr. j. e. friend-pereira has been published in the journal of asiatic society of bengal, lxxiii, . [ ] the golden bough, . [ ] selections from the records, government of india, no. v, human sacrifice and infanticide, . [ ] personal narrative of service among the wild tribes of khondistan. [ ] manual of the vizagapatam district. [ ] journ. asiat. soc., bengal, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] selections from the records of the government of india (home department), v., . [ ] j. a. r. stevenson. madras journ: lit. science, vi, . [ ] j. e. friend-pereira. journ: asiat: soc. bengal, lxxi, . [ ] madras journ: lit. & science, vi, . [ ] loc. cit. [ ] journ. anthrop. soc., bombay, ii, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] macpherson. memorials of service in india. [ ] journ., anth. soc., bombay, ii, . [ ] ibid. [ ] madras police report, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] see g.o., judicial, th august , no. , khond rising. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] letters from malabar. translation. madras, . [ ] fine cakes made of gram flour and a fine species of alkali, which gives them an agreeable taste, and serves the purpose of making them rise and become very crisp when fried. [ ] journ. anthrop. inst., iv., . [ ] madras christ. coll. mag. iii, - . [ ] ind. ant. x, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] journ. anthrop. inst. iv, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] m. paupa rao naidu. history of railway thieves. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras journ. lit: and science, - . [ ] tirumurukairuppadai. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] indian antiquity, ix, . [ ] cyclopædia of india. [ ] loc. cit. [ ] note on koravas, . [ ] notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency. [ ] forest inspection report, . [ ] gazetteer of the bellary district. [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] f. s. mullaly. op. cit. [ ] madras journ. lit. science, xvii, . [ ] history of railway thieves. madras, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] gazetteer of the trichinopoly district. [ ] this story is based on well-known episode of nalacharitra in the aranya parva of the mahabharatha. [ ] m. paupa rao naidu. op. cit. [ ] ibid. [ ] police report, . [ ] op. cit. [ ] a varaha or pagoda was worth rs. - - . [ ] a seer is an indian measure of weight, varying in different parts of the country. [ ] trans. eth. sec. n.s., vii. [ ] j. f. kearns, kalyana shatanku, . [ ] ind. ant., iii., . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] india. trübner. oriental series. [ ] ind. ant., iii, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] for this account of the koravas, i am largely indebted to a report by mr. n. e. q. mainwaring, superintendent of police. [ ] madras mail, . [transcriber's note: extensive research found no evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed.] tahara among african tribes by harold m. sherman the goldsmith publishing company chicago copyright, by harold m. sherman made in u.s.a. contents chapter i the eyes of dread ii king of two tribes iii arab raiders iv the battle rages v cimbula weaves a plot vi hot work vii the war trail viii black warriors ix the bad news breaks x war canoes xi king solomon's crown xii stampede xiii jungle dancers xiv to the rescue xv ready for new adventures tahara--among african tribes chapter i the eyes of dread "what's the matter, raal? you seem to be worried about something." dick oakwood, blue eyed and smiling and resembling a blond savage in his garb of soft zebra skin, glanced down at his chief warrior who prostrated himself at the feet of the boy king. "tahara, hal! come quickly, o master!" replied raal, his whole body expressing fear. "what is it, raal? what new danger threatens us now?" asked dick, dropping the work he was doing and facing the stocky figure of the warrior. "tahara is great! i do not fear," replied raal still bowing low before the boy, but his trembling shoulders and terror-stricken eyes told dick that something unusual had happened. dick oakwood cast a glance about the royal enclosure, a spring surrounded by date palms, then strained his eyes toward the vast expanse of the sahara. everything was quiet. it was mid-afternoon and the savages went about their work in drowsy fashion still only half awakened from their siesta, the resting time while the blazing sun was at its height. the women were in their caves, busy with the weaving and spinning. the tribesmen of the kingdom of tahara were in the fields, cultivating the ground while others were chipping flint arrowheads and making bows and spears. there was no sign of trouble anywhere. dick turned to raal. "speak, raal, what bothers you?" "o master," gasped the chief warrior, nervously gripping his stone hatchet. "near the spot where the great bird-demon rested a few suns ago, a strange object with terrible staring eyes, is lying in the sand. it is an evil spirit, i am sure." "bring it here, raal. i would see what it is." raal started violently as if struck, his tanned face turned pale. "i dare not, o tahara! it is perhaps black magic! it may work evil. i beg of you, tahara, take your bow and drive an arrow through this demon's heart before it slays us." "come with me, raal!" commanded dick. "show me this strange creature! how big is it? as big as a leopard?" "no master it is very small, but terrible, and its skin is black and shiny. in truth it is a wicked demon." "fear not, raal, for i, tahara have chased away all evil spirits." "but the strange creature, o master, is not good to look at. it watches you with great shining eyes that stare and never blink." dick looked amused and puzzled. as the pair walked together over the sandy waste, dick's tall, slender body stood out in striking contrast to that of his thick-set companion. raal was heavily muscled and his blond hair hung about his shoulders while his face was covered with a light beard. though he was an african, raal was a white savage of the stone-age, for the taharans were a survival of ancient times. dick's blue eyes were glowing with interest as he neared the spot where the strange creature was said to be hiding. what could it be? what new menace was he about to face? suddenly raal slowed his steps, gripping his stone hatchet in readiness to strike. "not so fast, o master. the demon may be asleep and we can slip up on him unawares," cautioned the warrior. but dick had caught sight of the object half hidden in the sand, and with an exclamation of joy he sprang forward and picked it up. "ah-woe, tahara!" moaned raal. "have a care, master." but dick did not hear him. "good!" he exclaimed. "just what i need. binoculars! i bet rex carter will be mad when he finds that he left his field glasses behind. it's my lucky day!" raal looked on in fear as dick put the glasses to his eyes and gazed out over the desert. "good!" said dick smiling at raal. "these are binoculars." "binoculars!" muttered raal. "what a terrible word. it must be a fierce creature to have such a name." he watched dick holding the glasses to his eyes and added with admiration, "how brave is tahara! my master has great courage to handle such a terrifying demon without fear!" dick offered the glasses to his warrior but raal backed away hastily. "the evil eye! ah-woe, tahara!" dick laughed. "take a look, raal. they are, in truth, magic glasses. but you can see that they do not harm me." raal shook his head vigorously. tahara was all-powerful, that he knew. tahara could cast out evil. but he, raal, was not a god and could not afford to take chances. dick oakwood looked at his chief warrior with a tolerant smile. here was a man, brave in battle, a great fighter, a courageous hunter, taking chances with his life a thousand times in combat with his enemies or a hand-to-hand struggle with wild animals, yet the sight of the binoculars with their glass lenses that looked to his savage mind as great unwinking eyes, had sent him into a panic.--and raal was one of the bravest of his subjects. the others were far less intelligent. dick looked forward to the time when he could teach this tribe the folly of superstition. these strange fancies of demons and witchcraft, learned from cimbula, the wily medicine-man, had more than once stood him in good stead, for dick had used their fears to bend their wills to his, but now that he had brought peace to his kingdom, he wanted to break down these superstitious ideas that kept the tribe from advancing in the arts of peace. dick oakwood had joined an expedition to africa undertaken by his father, professor hector oakwood, a famous scientist, who had come to the desert to find and study a tribe of white savages living in an obscure mountain fastness and said to be of a stone-age race. professor mason and dr. jarvis had their own projects, the study of the jungle plants and reptiles, while rex carter, the millionaire, who financed the expedition, was interested in the eclipse of the sun which he wanted to study from a temporary observatory put up on an oasis in the desert. his other interest was in seeing that his son and daughter, dan and ray carter, had a good time on the trip. dan's carefree disposition, his ability to find fun under all circumstances, kept the party from taking the dangers and inconveniences too seriously. dan always brought a laugh with him. all went well until jess slythe, an unscrupulous adventurer, managed to attach himself to the expedition, foreseeing an opportunity to get a large sum of money from the wealthy rex carter. after helping to establish the camp at the pomegranate oasis, jess slythe found that dick oakwood was watching his movements with suspicion. the boy was alert to everything that went on in the camp. the treacherous slythe, aided by suli, his arab servant, persuaded dick to take them in his plane, the _meteorite_, on a trip of exploration into a mountainous country said to be rich in gold. dick was pleased at this plan, the desert seemed to call to him with a promise of thrilling adventures. but when they were far away from the pomegranate oasis, slythe started a fight with dick, who was forced to take a parachute jump in order to save his life. he landed in a mountainous district among a white tribe of savages, known as the taharans. by a clever trick the boy made these savages believe that he was tahara, their god of the sun. only cimbula, the witch-doctor, refused to accept him as a god, and continued to stir up suspicion against him, urging his followers to kill the boy. it took courage, quick thinking and prompt action to save dick from the dangers in which he found himself, for the tribe would worship him one moment and in the next would be preparing a ceremony of execution in which dick was to be the chief sacrifice. he won the respect of the taharans by helping them conquer their enemies, the gorols, a black, hairy tribe of savages not much above the apes. in ancient times the two tribes, the gorols and taharans had been under one ruler, but that was long ago, before the golden crown of the king had been stolen. since then, frequent attacks and raids from both sides kept the district in a constant state of war. dick oakwood showed the stone-age men how to make and use bows and arrows and once in a battle with the gorols when defeat and death for his warriors seemed certain, the boy arranged a catapult to shoot rocks to the top of a cliff. then his warriors hailed him as "tahara, hal!" only to turn against him when jess slythe took a hand in the battle by throwing hand grenades from the _meteorite_ among the taharan warriors. the stone-age men had scattered quickly to find any refuge from this deadly fire from the sky, and dick was taken prisoner by cimbula and kept in his cave until such time as he decided to kill him. dick managed to escape and rescued ray and dan whom slythe had left with the gorols. dan was about to be sacrificed by the jealous cimbula when dick came upon the scene and saved his friend. dick found himself in many tight places and in the end it appeared to the boy that there was no way out. he and his friends, dan and ray, were to be executed by the taharans whom cimbula had set against them. but dick did not give up hope and his alert mind found a way out of the difficulty. he found the golden crown, which he wore, uniting once more the two savage tribes. when rex carter arrived in his plane to find his family, dick had been crowned king of the taharans. after hearing the whole story from ray and dan, he refused to believe that the young people were safe among this strange race. "get ready and let's be off!" he said to dick as he looked anxiously around at the suspicious warriors, who gazed in horror at the great airplane that rested on the sands before the oasis. "nothing doing, i'm staying here," replied dick. "i wouldn't miss this for anything!" "you're fooling, dick! you wouldn't want to stay here! let's go!" urged rex carter. "i'm not fooling, mr. carter. this will be my one and only chance to be a real king. i've earned this job and i'm not going to give it up. tell dad i've found that stone-age tribe!" rex carter looked at dan and ray, with a question in his eyes. ray took her father's hand and snuggled up to him as if for protection, but dan turned to his friend. "say dick are you positive that there'll always be plenty of eats?" he asked. "i promise," replied dick with a smile. "then i'm staying as chief adviser to the king!" dan said with a smile as he turned to his father. rex carter looked troubled, but dick's confident manner assured him that he could trust his son to him. "it's all right, mr. carter," said dick seriously. "we couldn't leave these people without a king and an adviser. they are depending on us! we have to stay!" thus had dick oakwood become tahara, the boy king of the desert. his ambition was to develop the stone-age tribesmen in the ways of peace and progress, without allowing them to be robbed or reduced to slavery by greedy fortune-seekers from the outside world. but in planning this happy future of his people, the boy king did not foresee that he would have to fight off raiders and bandits who wanted to enslave them. dick oakwood's exciting adventures had only just begun and before they ended he was to go through many fierce battles and hair-breadth escapes. chapter ii king of two tribes "let's go, dan! here's where we give our royal domain a visit of inspection." "okay, dick. but first let me finish my breakfast. one more slice of wild pig please!" "get a move on, dan! the sun's up. we're all ready but you!" dick's first interest was to explore his new kingdom, and he set out early on this expedition with his two chief lieutenants, raal, who was the best fighter among the taharans, carried a treasure, wrapped in a zebra skin. kulki, the young leader of the gorol tribe, which lived in the mountains in huts built in the trees, carried dick's long flint knife as an emblem of royal power. kulki was the son of wabiti, an old chief who could not lead his tribe in battle, but was still respected for his wisdom. these two warriors led the way, and for his bodyguard, the boy king took two taharan tribesmen armed with bows and arrows and flint knives. kurt and kurul were devoted to him, and had proved their courage in more than one stiff fight. dan carter, his chum, went with the expedition as right hand man and counselor, though as a matter of fact, dan was so easy-going and light-hearted that he was more useful for his company than for his advice. as a sign of high rank he was allowed to carry the binoculars. the party set out from the fertile hills that rose from the sahara and climbed by winding trails up the cliffs to gorol land. here the country was rugged and covered with a growth of trees and where the forest was thick and hard to penetrate lurked many wild animals. leopards, panthers and other fierce creatures were in those shadowy recesses, together with poisonous snakes and other reptiles. great apes and chattering little monkeys clambered boldly among the trees while gaily colored tropical birds screeched and scolded the intruders. "jiminy crickets!" cried dan excitedly. "this beats any zoo i've seen yet! animals in cages don't seem as interesting as the ones that go climbing about in the forest." "you're right at that," dick answered. "and as for the gorols, they are more like the side-show 'wild man of borneo' than anything i've ever heard of." "listen. that sounds like war drums along the trail." dan put his hand on his bow, but dick held him back. "don't be foolish!" he said. "those are drums of welcome." he spoke a few words to kulki in the gorol language, which he was beginning to learn, and the savage answered grinning: "they are the drums of chief wabiti, my father. we are near his camp now." "here they come!" exclaimed dan. "say, this beats a circus parade!" ahead of them on the forest trail the boys caught sight of dark figures moving among the trees and spots of gay color. as they reached a small clearing, kulki led the party to a fallen log at one side, where dick sat with his followers standing around him. then chief wabiti and his people entered to greet their new ruler, the boy king, with drums beating and voices raised in a shrill song of welcome. "quick, raal, where is the crown?" dick asked and his savage henchman hastily unwrapped the heavy diadem from a covering of zebra skin and handed it to his master, bowing low as he did so. dick placed the crudely fashioned crown of soft gold and uncut gems upon his head, while dan inspected him with a grin, remarking, "it sets a little sideways, dick. say, you need me along to keep your royal crown from slipping over your eye." "lay off, dan! don't get funny!" dick turned to kulki. "where's my sword of state?" down on his knees went the hairy, dark-skinned kulki, and presented the flint knife on both open palms. "good! now dan, you stand close to me and hold out the field glasses where they will impress the natives." dick with his zebra skin garments, his crown, flint knife and respectful attendants looked enough like a tribal king to impress wabiti, who entered the clearing at that moment, following his bodyguard and a procession of young girls ornamented with garlands of flowers. behind him came his sons, princes of the gorol tribe, but all of lesser rank than kulki. at the sight of tahara, the new king, who was now ruler of both the tribes, wabiti fell flat on his face and crawled forward to embrace the young monarch's ankles. his followers prostrated themselves at the same moment, all but the drummers, who stood to one side beating furiously upon the instruments with their flat hands. "tahara, hal!" the words came from the aged wabiti in a submissive growling voice from the pit of his stomach. his gray head was almost between dick oakwood's feet. kulki echoed the words in a ringing shout. "tahara, hal! tahara!" all the gorol tribe followed, chanting at the top of their lungs, while the women and girls repeated the words of submission in shrill, piercing voices. the uproar terrified the brightly plumaged birds in the treetops and sent the curious little monkeys scuttling to safety. dick was about to raise wabiti to his feet, when dan remarked, "let him stay where he is a while longer. i remember that old scoundrel did not lift a hand to save me, the night of the witch hunt. let him stay there till his joints get stiff!" "don't blame him for that," said dick. "wabiti couldn't help himself." "that's right. he was scared of old cimbula. by the way, where do you suppose that rascally witch-doctor is hiding out?" "can't say, dan! but don't worry! the tribes are through with him and his so-called magic." while dick and his chum were talking, the tribe of gorols showed some degree of uneasiness. dick was not aware of it, but his delay in giving the signal for wabiti to rise was taken as a sign of anger. the gorols remembered how dan had been chosen for sacrifice in the boiling black spring that night of the terrible witch hunt, and when they saw him talking earnestly with dick, they thought he was urging the new king to punish them. the women and girls of the tribe began swaying and weaving their arms over their heads in a dance of terror. their high pitched voices broke into a wailing plea for mercy: "ah-woe, ah-woe, tahara!" even the drummers joined in begging for a pardon, for the drums rolled in a melancholy rhythm. kulki bowed to the ground and cried, "may i speak, master?" "speak, kulki!" "is my lord angry?" "angry at what, kulki?" "we did wrong! be merciful, o king. touch my father with the flat of your knife as a sign of pardon." "pardon?" "yes, o mighty tahara. if one of us must be slain, strike me. but do not kill my father before the tribe that loves him." dick was astonished at the earnestness of the young savage, and also at the spirit of sacrifice. he smiled and spoke to dan. "pretty sporting, eh?" "i'll say so! kulki shows the right spirit." as the tribe saw dan and dick smiling, their fears were turned to rejoicing, and a great shout went up as dick stooped and patted the old chief on his grey head. "we are friends," he said. "i am your slave, o tahara," exclaimed wabiti. "and i!" kulki cried while wabiti's other sons all shouted in their own language, "long live tahara, king of the two tribes!" after this ceremony, wabiti led the way to the clearing under his airy village in the trees. in a great pit, filled with glowing coals, were the carcasses of mountain goats, antelopes and wild boars. small birds were roasting on skewers held by women of the tribe, while girls came forward with woven trays heaped high with tropical fruits such as dick had eaten among the taharans. there were melons, dates, pomegranates and many others that he did not know by name, also gourds full of a delicious drink made from honey and wild grapes. "oh boy! this is the life!" exclaimed dan. "hey sister, bring over that basket of figs! look at this, dick! ripe figs, purple and white figs! they're sweet as sugar." dick smiled and tasted the fruit but dan insisted on keeping a basket beside him while the guests and wabiti sat on the grass and the feast began. dan carter, who enjoyed his meals and never passed up anything, was the hero of the hour. the savages believed in doing everything thoroughly: if they fought, they fought to kill and when they ate, they stuffed to bursting. dick oakwood, with his habit of moderate eating, would have made a poor impression but for the exploits of dan, who upheld the honor of both by his attacks upon the food. as dan picked a bone, he threw it behind him, over his shoulder and instantly a child of the tribe would snatch it as a prize. the gorols were in high spirits. they foresaw happy days ahead, days of hunting and feasting with no more fear of war with the taharans to disturb their sleep. "we are all friends and brothers!" said wabiti, rising with a gourd full of the honey drink. "friends and brothers," echoed dick. wabiti chuckled sleepily, sat down abruptly and the next moment his head fell forward and he began snoring like a buzz saw. dick was not displeased. he looked forward to many happy years, studying these simple people, left over from the old stone age, and watching them develop as he taught them the arts of peace. after the gorols had eaten all their skins could hold, they began to drop off to sleep and dick called raal to him. "now is a good time for us to explore the country undisturbed," he said. "you and i will look over the black boiling spring that i saw one terrible night. and i would enter the cave of the great gorol, where we stole the sacred black image." "i hear. i obey!" raal ordered one of the gorols to bring a bundle of torches and told kurt and kurul to stay where they were and look after dan, who was stretched out in a happy doze. but as dick rose to go, dan started after him. "i wasn't sleeping," he cried. "i just closed my eyes to think! i'm going along." "what's the matter?" "nothing. i'd just feel better to go with you." "you're not afraid, are you?" laughed dick. "the gorols are all friendly." "of course not. but i was just thinking, suppose that old witch-doctor, cimbula, happened to smell the cooking and crash the party. he might persuade those fellows to throw me into the boiling spring after all." "well, come along, if you're able to walk," answered dick. they followed the winding trail to the hot sulphur spring that still sent its suffocating fumes from the black pit and bubbled menacingly as the boys looked down. "jiminy crickets! i'll never forget how they wanted to chuck me in there," exclaimed dan. "walk a little faster!" "come along. there's the cave mouth just ahead." the chums paused to stare at the tall posts that marked the entrance, each crowned with a polished human skull, then raal got the torches flaring and passed them out to light their way. dick followed close beside raal, with dan at his heels, as they plunged into the darkness of the cave. the narrow walls rose straight beside them as they proceeded slowly, and soon dick reached the place where the passage turned at right angles. here the walls were flat surfaces, smoothed and cut artificially. it was no longer a rugged cave but a tunnel. "look!" exclaimed dan. "the walls are all covered with drawings." dick held up his torch to the rocky surface and saw that it was painted with pictures of hunting scenes, men pursuing boars and antelope. the drawings were done in outline and rubbed with some brownish color to make them show clearly. "these are real stone-age pictures," said dick as they went deeper and deeper into the cave. "they are like the ones that umba is painting now in his cave, but they show animals that have died out long ago. see, here are drawings of extinct animals. there is the sabre-tooth tiger. and look, that is a mastodon with long, curved tusks." "jiminy, wouldn't it be wonderful if we could find one or two left over?" said dan. "a mastodon? not likely! the climate has changed since the time that picture was made and those giants died out long ago," dick replied. "well, anyhow, some day we will go hunting in the high mountains. maybe we can find one or two animals that are extinct everywhere else." "we'll certainly do that little thing," said dick. he held his torch closer to the wall to examine a large crack in the surface. it was of rotten, crumbling stone in the fissure and as dick pried at it with his flint knife, a handful of fragments dropped out. dan stooped to look at them. he rose to his feet with his eyes bright with excitement. "do you know what this is?" he exclaimed. "quartz! rotten quartz! and it's heavy with gold." dick stared at the glittering bits of ore and echoed: "gold!" "we have stumbled on the place where all that metal comes from," said dan. "this is a mine. see how the passage goes on at a right angle. it was dug to follow the ledge of gold." "i wonder. these people don't value gold. they use it the way we use any common metal." "it's the only metal they know," said dan. "and it's common here as old iron is with us." raal showed no interest in their find. gold was nothing more to him than lead or tin. he picked up a yellow nugget from the floor and carelessly threw it away again. "i don't think the tribe hollowed this tunnel for gold," said dick. "i believe they cut it for use as a temple. and from the rock that was dumped outside they collected the gold that happened to be mixed with the crushed stone." "what a find!" dan repeated over and over. "why, dick, this would lead to a gold rush if the news ever got out. just like the california and yukon stampedes." "i hope nobody lets the word get out!" "if jess slythe knew about it, he'd be here with an army of ruffians," said dan. "and kill off all the tribesmen. it would be a tragedy." by this time the boys had reached the square dark chamber, with the stone block on which the idol of the ape-god had once been worshipped. here the seams of ore were richer and thicker than in the tunnel and the floor of the room was heavy with glinting particles of yellow. "jiminy crickets!" gasped dan carter. "gold dust! think of it, dick, the place is carpeted with gold dust! we're rich! millionaires!" but dick was not happy. he had not come there to make money but to discover an ancient tribe. the secret of the gold would mean the slaughter of those people, if the word spread. when he left the cave he had resolved to swear dan to secrecy, and as for the cave, he would order the natives to wall up its mouth for fear of evil magic. following his visit to wabiti's tribe, dick returned to the taharan village, where he began teaching the natives the simple arts that they could practice. the women were shown how the wool of wild sheep and the hair of goats could be spun into yarn, and he had primitive looms set up in caves, where cloth was woven. veena, the pretty little handmaiden of the old queen, was quick to learn and as she was fond of dick and anxious to please him, she was among the first to produce a fine piece of cloth. veena blushed with pleasure when he praised it and looked at him shyly, then cast down her blue eyes much like one of the girls at home. with her fair skin and blond hair, veena might have been his own sister. the sharp-faced queen vanga, was given an occupation to keep her quiet. now that she no longer ruled the tribe, vanga was set to overseeing the women who spun and wove. she did it with relish. "work faster, you lazy creatures!" she cried. "don't stop to gossip! don't go to sleep over your work!" and if any of them talked back, she did not hesitate to box their ears. old vanga was still a queen. dan was especially useful in teaching the men of the tribe something about farming and horse-breaking. both dan and dick had been in arizona long enough to see how the cowboys did things and soon the taharans had learned to make lariats out of their palm fibre ropes. dick and dan took turns in showing them how to lasso and throw the little wild horses, which the tribe owned but had never learned to use. "can you beat it!" exclaimed dan. "these fellows think a pony is good for just one thing. they raise them for food." "they are rather small to ride," said dick, "but i'll tell you what, we'll break a few to the saddle anyhow." "first we'll have to make a saddle." "and then we'll show these taharans what a horse-breaker their king can be." but that plan had to be delayed for before the horse-breaking could begin a reign of terror swept like a hurricane over the peaceful kingdom of tahara. chapter iii arab raiders dan came running to dick oakwood and cried, "say it looks to me like a sandstorm over there. maybe we had all better get under cover!" across the desert, far away, dick saw a cloud of dust rising into the hot blue sky and called raal. "is that a sandstorm?" he asked. raal studied the horizon carefully with narrowed eyes. "no, master. when the sandstorm comes from the desert, it is not like that. overhead the color changes and threatens danger. it may be a herd of wild horses that raises the dust." "do wild horses run about on the desert?" asked dan. "never before have i seen them, but of late i have seen many strange things. i have seen birds that carry men and i have seen the sun darkened." dick took his binoculars and studied the morning cloud, but it was too far for him to make out what was kicking up the dust. dan looked without success, and dick turned to the natives. "you try what you can see," he said to raal, handing over the binoculars. the taharan took the "magic glasses" with awe. never could he outgrow the superstitious terror that they aroused. "they won't hurt you," laughed dan. "take a chance! you saw me use them." "yet they are strong magic. i fear them because i do not understand." "it's all right. they are harmless to you. look!" and as dick helped him to focus the binoculars, raal cried out in amazement. "ah-woe, ah-woe! i see warriors!--or demons, mounted on horses! the magic brings them close! ah-woe!" dick took the glasses and thought he could make out what the sharp-eyed savage had seen. "arabs!" he gasped. "a wild tribe of nomads!" "arabs, master?" raal did not know what he was talking about. never had raiding arabs found this spot so far from the caravan trails. in the history of the tribe, no strangers had ever visited the land until the airplanes had brought dick and those others from the sky. yet with the instinct of the savage, raal was quick to grasp the idea of a raid by enemies. "arabs! if they be men, we will fight them!" "lucky for you we are here to protect you!" said dan. "quick, raal!" cried dick. "assemble the warriors with all their weapons. spears, bows and arrows, stone hatchets and knives! order the war drums to be sounded!" "i hear, o master!" raal hurried to obey. shaggy blond tribesmen sprang to the hollow logs, with tightly stretched hides and soon the roll of the drums brought taharan warriors hurrying from the fields. the alarm throbbed until the air was vibrating with a feeling of menace. the call to battle carried over the cliffs and beyond to the gorol tree dwellings, and soon the ape-men were seen, scrambling down the steep rocks, with their war chief, kulki, among them. their thin figures, covered with a fine growth of dark hair, made them resemble something more than beast and less than man. like goats they found a footing on the steep sides. their bodies were stringy and tough-muscled; light in weight, they were far stronger than the average civilized man, and more agile even than the taharans. as warriors they were formidable, and kulki, their leader, was fearless and a tricky fighter. raal, too, was brave in battle and the taharans were superb warriors. with their throwing sticks they could hurl a lance with such force that it would go right through a man's body, and as archers they could bring down a bird in flight with their flint-tipped arrows. "there's trouble coming, sure!" exclaimed dan carter. "jiminy, i'd hate to be an arab and get crowned with raal's flint hatchet." but the arabs were not fighting with such stone-age weapons. they carried long-barreled guns, that could pick off a bowman far beyond arrow range, and their swift horses and camels could keep them safe from attack. "dan, you keep close to me!" exclaimed dick. "i'll need you to act as my lieutenant. this is going to be a real scrap!" dick saw at a glance that the battle would have to be carried on from the cliffs. there the taharans and gorols would have the advantage of cover and the arab horses would be useless in fighting. yet he knew that a sharp resistance would weaken the arab force and lessen their confidence. the first line of battle he entrusted to raal and a force of picked taharan archers. "post your men between the desert sands and the sacred spring," dick ordered. "let each man find shelter behind a rock and see to it that he can retreat to the cliffs at top speed. then as soon as the enemy comes within bow-shot let drive at him with arrows and retreat, still shooting. post a second line closer to the spring. and a third beside the water." "i hear, o master. i obey!" without losing a moment raal ordered his archers to find an ambush shutting off the invaders from the spring. dick knew well that the cool water would be the first thing these raiders would want after the long trip across the blistering hot sands. no matter how full their water bags had been at the start, they would be empty now. the spring would be the first point of attack. dan studied the arabs through the binoculars. "there are hundreds of them," he cried, "on horses and camels! they are a fierce looking gang of bandits." "raal will tame them when they get within bowshot," said dick. meanwhile kulki in command of the gorols, took up a position on the cliff edge, while all the small children and old people of the cave dwellers, hurried to find shelter in the mountains. the older children and the women brought big stones to the edge of the cliff to roll down upon the invaders. all these preparations had gone forward with breathless haste, for the arab raiders were closing in fast. leaving dan behind, dick advanced to meet them, carrying a white flag; one of the first fabrics woven on his looms. he did not want to begin hostilities until he was quite certain that the arabs were bent on war, and waved the flag as a signal. but dick was not long left in doubt as to their hostile purpose. the arabs began shooting at the flag of truce long before they were within rifle range. bullets threw up puffs of dust in the desert and dick retreated to the first line, where archers were crouching behind scattered boulders, and took refuge. the thunder of hoof beats was loud in his ears, the tossing heads and flying foam of the horses showed clearly, before dick shouted: "let them have it!" raal echoed his command. "let them have it! tahara, hal!" instantly the band of horsemen was stung by a cloud of arrows. horses and riders were pierced by the flint-tipped arrows and a dozen saddles showed empty as the horses galloped on. there was a shout of rage and surprise. the raiders had expected no such fierce resistance and some shrieked to allah and mohammed, his prophet, while others vented screams of pain. "slay them! the dogs of unbelievers!" shouted abdul, their leader. a crackling volley of rifle shots rang out, bullets whined through the air and flattened themselves upon the boulders and the troop swerved sharply to one side. "another!" cried dick. "give it to them!" again arrows stung them like hornets and the bedouins, firing wildly, were thrown into confusion. then as the charge broke and the riflemen galloped away to reload their weapons, dick gave the signal to retreat to the second line of defense. the taharans fell back, keeping close to the ground and taking shelter at every bush and boulder. so far the battle had been in their favor. the black-bearded ruffians had been repulsed with dead and wounded, while the taharans had escaped without loss of a man. of course, luck could not favor them always. the raiders had withdrawn to take counsel with abdul and that ferocious chieftain swore by the beard of the prophet that he would show no mercy to the "infidel dogs" who had dared to resist him. his hawk eyes stared furiously at the cliffs, then at the boulders, behind each of which lurked a bowman. "we will not make another charge!" he ordered. "this time each horseman will ride warily, rifle ready for action. make a detour! ride to one side of the rocks and try to pick off the archers one by one." suli, who rode beside abdul, searched the horizon with black, angry eyes. "where is slythe?" he muttered. "the winged warrior has failed us!" abdul heard him and vented a hearty curse upon the missing airman. "he has led us into a trap! may he perish and the dogs devour him!" "he did not warn us that the savages of this tribe would fight like demons!" put in a wounded arab, knotting a strip of linen about his bleeding arm. "if we had known that they could fight like tigers, we would have raided them by night when they slept," growled abdul. "now it is too late for a surprise or a parley. we must fight it through." "and first of all we must have water for ourselves and our horses!" grumbled suli. "yes, by the prophet! first we shall capture the spring. but not by storm! ride warily and pick off the dogs one at a time!" carefully the troop approached and this time dick used another strategy. as an arab rider would approach a rock, a taharan would break and run back to another shelter. but when the arab chased him, firing his rifle, a second tribesman still hiding behind the rock would take a shot at the arab at close range. so keen and clever were the taharan archers, that few arrows missed. but the tribesmen were not so fortunate as to go unscathed through the second attack. more than one was dropped by an arab bullet, some to rise no more. dick oakwood directed the running fight, giving orders to raal, who shouted them to his men in a voice that rang out like the bellowing of a bull. though he might be frightened at evil magic and things that he did not understand, raal was brave as a lion when it came to battle. dan carter had stayed in the rear according to dick's orders until the thrill of watching the fight got his nerves on edge with excitement. then, armed with a bow and a quiver of arrows, he ran from one shelter to another until he was among the fighting men. at the last rock where he took refuge, a taharan archer was already hidden, driving his arrows to the mark every time an arab rider came within range. dan saw it was kurt, one of dick's most trusted henchmen, and with a word of encouragement, the boy took up his position on the other side of the big rock. "let 'em have it!" said dan. "let 'em have it!" kurt repeated and both marksmen let fly at a bedouin, mounted on a splendid gray horse that came charging toward the rock. the arrows whizzed through the air, but the rider was on guard and dropped from his saddle, hanging to the side of his horse and protected by its body. then before the archers could shoot again he was right beside the rock and slashing out with his curving sword, struck at kurt with a blow that laid open the tribesman's shoulder. dan was ready with his second arrow by that time and let drive a dart that caught the arab in the throat and dropped him to the ground. the horse galloped on, while kurt and dan ran back toward the cliffs, for now other arabs were close by and their position was too hot to keep. "_allah il allah!_" shouted the raiders, galloping to head off the fugitives. "slay the dogs of unbelievers!" their howls of fury rose shrill and high amid the rattling of rifle shots, the whinnying of horses and the war cry of the tribesmen, "tahara, hal! tahara!" dan was racing for life, when he saw that kurt was lagging. loss of blood from the gash on his shoulder had weakened the taharan warrior and it seemed as if he might fall from exhaustion, so dan forgot his own danger to help kurt escape. the arab pursuers saw that the two enemies were having a hard time to get away and let out yells of triumph. "allah! down with the unbelievers!" a couple of horsemen sped toward the fugitives and their rifles sent the echoes flying back from the cliffs, though the bullets missed their mark and sent puffs of dust from the ground to either side. "run, kurt! run for your life!" gasped dan carter. "leave me! i grow weak, but i can die like a man," answered kurt, brave to the last. "you're not going to die!" said dan. "here, put your weight on my shoulder. i'll help you!" their situation was desperate. behind them came the two arabs, tugging at their scimiters to release them from the scabbards and eager to cut the fugitives to bits. before them raced the riderless horse, zig-zagging to avoid the tribesmen who yelled and waved their arms at it. the animal was trying to reach the spring, for it was eager for water after the long trip. in desperation dan dragged his wounded comrade back of a small boulder and took up his position beside him. his bow was already sending a swift arrow at the foremost rider when a yell behind him caused him to look over his shoulder. dick oakwood had seen the danger that his friends were in and acted promptly. he had snatched a coiled rope, carried by one of the tribesmen, and now ran toward the riderless horse, loosening the loop as he ran. then as the animal swerved and passed, not far away, dick whirled the lariat, sent it flying and braced himself for the shock. it was a good throw. the loop settled around the animal's neck and as dick put his weight against it the noose tightened and the horse came down, half choked and terrified. before the animal could scramble to its feet, dick was in the saddle, loosening the lariat and seizing the reins. a moment later with a new rider on its back, the arab horse was heading back to where dan and kurt were standing off the bedouin attackers. chapter iv the battle rages "hold 'em, dan, i'm with you!" dan heard the cry, and at the same moment saw one of his attackers drop with an arrow through the chest. dick oakwood was at home in the saddle and now he drove furiously at the remaining arab, who was almost on top of dan with scimiter upraised ready to deliver a fatal blow. dan reached for an arrow. but his quiver was empty! the boy's only weapon was a flint knife, and that was almost useless in fighting a foe armed with a razor-edged sword. dan gave a despairing shout for help as he saw dick oakwood galloping toward him, and dodged the blow of the scimiter, missing it by such a close margin that the steel whizzed past his ear with a swishing sound. "attaboy, dan!" at dick's cry of encouragement, dan saw the arab suddenly reel back in the saddle, fling up both arms and slump to the ground in a heap. dick had no weapon but the rope, but he had learned to use the lariat as well as any cowboy. the loop had dropped over the bedouin's body, and as dick wheeled his horse the arab was dragged from the saddle and pulled across the desert until he was stunned and helpless. at this, dan let out a great shout of relief. "hooray, dick! fine work!" and he started hot-foot for safety, helping the wounded kurt as best he could. they were far from safe, however, for though the two arabs were disposed of, there were others who had seen what was going on and were heading that way. dick rode up to his friends and bending low in the saddle, he seized kurt under the arms. "help me give him a lift, dan," he cried, and the next moment kurt was lifted bodily upon the horse ahead of dick, while the latter directed his friend: "grab the stirrup, dan! now run like blazes! there they come!" dan snatched at the stirrup and as dick urged his horse to flight he seemed to be flying through the air. every time he raised his foot for a forward step, he was pulled ahead by the rush of the horse and his flight was a series of leaps that carried him forward like a kangaroo. "gee whizz!" he gasped. "this is grand if i can keep it up! i feel like a giant grasshopper!" over his head whizzed the bullets of the galloping arabs, who were joining in the chase, and the cliffs ahead seemed very far away. dick encouraged his friend to keep up. "watch your step, dan. keep going for a minute longer and you're safe!" the dust rose about them in a cloud. dan's mouth was parched and dry. his lips seemed to be cracking and his eyes full of grit, but he hung to the stirrup for all he was worth, struggling desperately to keep from falling. it was like the end of a marathon run, with every ounce of his strength put forth by sheer will power to keep from giving up the race. but the difference was that if he should lose the race, he would lose his life as well. half dazed and almost blinded by the dust, dan suddenly felt the horse stop and he plunged forward in a heap. "this is my finish," he thought. "i'm a goner, sure!" he lay there panting, expecting in the next moment to feel a bullet crash into his body, but instead, he was picked up by friendly hands and revived with splashes of cool water over his face and head. "quick! give him a drink!" he heard dick command and the next instant a gourd of water was put to his lips and dan gulped it eagerly. "where are we?" he asked, wiping his eyes and looking around in a half daze. "at the big spring," said dick. "we're safe here, but only for a few minutes. the taharans are standing off the arabs with their bows and arrows at the last line of defense." while he spoke dick was busily engaged in washing the dirt from kurt's bleeding shoulder. "quick, a piece of cloth!" he said. "this needs a bandage." a strip was put into his hands and as dick finished tying up the wound he was surprised to see the girl, veena, standing beside him with more of the cloth which she had woven. "what are you doing here?" he demanded. "i am trying to help, o master." "but i gave orders for all the old folks, children and women to take refuge up there back of the cliffs." "forgive me, o master! i saw the fighting on the plain, and i could not stay up there in safety. i had to come down to do my share." "your share?" "yes." veena touched meaningly the bow and quiver of arrows, that hung over her shoulder. "i can send an arrow straight as any man in the tribe." "but women are not supposed to go into battle." "why not? if the enemy feels an arrow in his body, does he stop to ask whether a man shot it or a woman?" "well, i'll be jiggered!" cried dan carter, who had caught the drift of this reply. "talk about your modern girl! why this stone-age maiden belongs to the twentieth century!" veena blushed. she knew nothing about either "stone-age" or "twentieth century" but she guessed that dan was praising her and the color mounted to the fair skin of her cheeks, while her blue eyes smiled with pleasure. "please let me stay, o master," she begged. but dick was not so easily led. "nothing doing! go back up the cliff. and get a move on! you're supposed to be with queen vanga. this is no place for girls!" veena might have argued with anybody else, but tahara, the king and god of the tribe, was not to be contradicted. hastily she turned away and ran like a deer to the trail that led up the cliffs. "we've got to clear out of here right away," said dick. "the archers are not able to hold back the arabs any longer," dan agreed. "that's right. by this time they must have shot away all their arrows." from the second line of defense, the taharans were seen retreating, singly or in pairs, while the arabs, grown more cautious now, hesitated to rush them, fearing another surprise. "we can't hold the spring any longer," said dick, and he gave the order for a general retreat. in a few minutes, the trails were covered with tribesmen, running nimbly to the rocky slopes. they mounted them lightly as goats, and dan carter, though he was a good climber, had to do his best to keep up with the slowest. as for dick, he remained among the last. the horse he had captured was at the spring with its muzzle deep in the cool water. dick hurried to pull it away before it could injure itself by drinking too much, and swinging into the saddle he brought up the rear of his retreating forces. among all the footpaths that led to the top of the cliffs, there was only one that a horseman could ascend, and even that required a sure-footed horse and a steady and fearless rider. dick stopped at the foot of the cliffs and turned in his saddle to shake his fist at the pursuing arabs, then dug his heels in the horse's flanks and sent it up the steep incline. as he reached the top, the grade was almost as steep as the roof of a house and the stones underfoot went rattling down the cliff side. a few bullets sang through the air and flattened on the rocks beside him, but there was no volley of rifle shots, for at that moment the majority of the arabs and their mounts were trying to quench their thirst at the spring. as dick reached the top of the cliffs and put his horse to a trot on the level stretch, he was greeted with wild shouts of joy by his followers. they had not seen a man on horseback until the arabs raided them and it seemed like a superhuman feat to bestride a four legged beast and drive it up a cliff side. "tahara, hal! tahara!" they shouted. raal ran toward his hero and cried, "tell us what to do, o master! never have we seen such demons, with sticks that speak like thunder and dart out fire. but we do not fear them! you are our king and our leader and with you we shall conquer." "they're rooting for you, dick!" cried dan carter. "yes, and i've _got_ to save them now." dick rode to the edge of the cliff and looked over. the arabs had taken possession of the spring and quenched their thirst. the horses and camels were all watered and refreshed and the invaders lolled about, stuffing themselves with dates, figs and the other fruits they found there. if they were planning to attack the stronghold of the tribe on the cliffs it was clear that they expected to wait until they were thoroughly rested. perhaps the next morning would be the time for the assault. as dick watched them, sitting on his horse, a bullet suddenly sang close to his ear and a second later the report of a rifle rang out. some sniper had taken careful aim, hoping to bring down the leader of the taharans, and dick realized how careless he had been in exposing himself. he wheeled his horse away from the edge and dan hurried to him. "hurt, dick?" "not a scratch, dan!" "that's lucky. lucky for you and all of us. we would be lost without you." "we may be, anyhow. dan, how can we fight off those raiders? they are armed with guns, old style single-shot, arab guns, to be sure, but at that, they are more than a match for stone hatchets and spears." "or even bows and arrows," agreed dan. "looks as though we were up against it." "well, there's one thing we can do. defend the cliffs and keep them from coming any farther." "yes, we can roll rocks down on them if they start to climb, and if any get to the top, we can fight them off before they get a foothold." raal and kulki approached followed by the old chief of the gorols, wabiti. evidently they wanted a council and dick asked them to say what was on their minds. "advise me, o mighty warriors!" he said. raal spoke first. "i say, do not wait. we are many and we are brave. let us sweep down upon them from the cliff and destroy them." "yes, but you forget the sticks that speak like thunder and carry death," said wabiti. kulki spoke out: "no matter, some of us must perish, but the rest will fight on. i say, wait until it is dark, then my gorol braves will slip up on them and kill. we gorols are dark-skinned and cannot be seen in the night like the pale taharans." "that is good advice," said dick. but the old chief wabiti spoke up, shaking his gray head dolefully: "our enemies use strong magic. their thunder sticks hurl death and they ride on fire-breathing monsters that travel like the wind. we can do nothing against them without even stronger magic." "that's all bunk," snorted dan. but wabiti went on, "nothing but magic will save us. if only the great gorol, the ape-god had not been destroyed, he would save us." "i like kulki's advice better," said dick. "and i like raal's valiant words. we will gather the strong warriors among the taharans and the gorols and tonight when it is dark we will attack the arab camp with arrows and spears. if we fight like men we can drive them off. no other magic is needed." "tahara, hal!" cried kulki. "tahara, good!" "we fight and win," shouted raal. "attaboy!" dan cried. only wabiti was not satisfied. he went away, shaking his head in gloomy thought and wandered in the forest, muttering invocations to the ape-god of his fathers. among the rocks he came upon a shelter which had been built of boughs for the old queen vanga by her maidens, and the two former rulers talked bitterly of the evils that had come to their tribes since they had ceased to reign. while dick oakwood and dan were busy with raal and kulki, organizing the forces of the two tribes for a night attack on the invaders, the two old leaders, shorn of their power, sat in the dark forest, plotting and grumbling. "the old ways are the best," muttered wabiti. "it brought nothing but misfortune when our great gorol was broken to bits." "the old ways are the only right ways," said vanga, her sharp features screwed into a grimace of hatred. "once our tribe had a wise man, a one-eyed witch-doctor named cimbula, who could always help us when the gods were angry. now we have tahara, but as for me, i like cimbula better. his single eye glowed like fire and terrified all the tribe. but he treated me with respect and his magic was strong." vanga spoke sharply to her handmaidens, "don't sit there doing nothing! you, veena, bring a basket of fruit and a gourd of honey and crushed grapes for my friend the great chief wabiti." "i hear, i obey," said the girl obediently and went to fetch them. "as for you others," vanga ordered, "scatter in the mountains. call aloud for cimbula and look in all the caves where he may be hiding. perhaps he can save us yet." so while the old chieftain and the ex-queen plotted, the women and girls searched among the wilds of the gorol land mountains calling in their plaintive, shrill voices, "cimbula! come out of hiding, o mighty magic worker!" the witch-doctor heard the call, but was in no hurry to answer. since he had been driven out of the tribe when dick oakwood was crowned, the treacherous medicine man had lurked in the high hills, biding his time. with only one disciple, a youth named keltan to bring him food and act as spy among the tribesmen, cimbula brooded over his loss of power and planned revenge. "go, keltan," he directed his slave, "ask who wants cimbula and why? but do not say that you know where i am to be found. just learn what you can and bring me word in secret." through the forest rang the faint, high-pitched call, "cimbula! return to us, o master of wizardry!" cimbula grinned and his single eye glowed in triumph. the hour had come for him to be again a power in the land. chapter v cimbula weaves a plot "dan, i am going to post you here at the edge of the cliff," said dick oakwood. "stay hidden among the rocks, or some sniper will take a shot at you." "don't worry, dick, i'll keep out of sight," said dan. "and if you see any sign of attack in the arab camp, let out a yell of alarm." "you're telling _me_? nobody will have to ask me to do that little thing." "the rest of us are going to be busy getting ready for the night attack," dick explained. "we have to assemble the two tribes, select the best men for the battle and see to it that they have plenty of arrows and other weapons." "okay. you've given me a soft job," said dan. "i can play sentinel all day. now if i only had a big bunch of dates to eat and a good book to read--" he added laughing. "say, you'd make a great soldier," cried dick. "you're the sort of soldier that goes to the guard house for the duration of the war." "go on. i was just kidding!" "well, big boy, this is serious. here, i'll lend you the binoculars and you keep your eyes on the arabs down there. if they start to climb the cliffs, we will roll big rocks on them and give them something to remember us by." but the arabs seemed satisfied to take things easy for a while. dan took the binoculars and after a brief survey of the arab camp, began to search the horizon in all directions. "i was just thinking," he explained, "that this would be a great time for my dad to make his appearance in the cabin plane." "no such luck, dan! don't even think of it. i made your father promise to leave the tribes to me without interference." "i'm hoping he may shorten the time of even forget that he made such a promise," said dan. "gee! wouldn't it be great to see that big plane come sailing toward us?" "with white men and guns to chase off those arab slavers!" dick added. "yes, it would be fine, dan. but don't expect it. your father and mine are busy on the pomegranate oasis. they don't dream that we are in danger." "that's right! wouldn't it be wonderful if people could send word by their thoughts. a kind of human radio." "there is something like that," said dick oakwood. "it is called telepathy, but not much is known about it. people who have the gift can send or receive messages sent by another person's mind." "aw go on. quit kidding!" "i'm not kidding. lots of hindu mystics in india have the gift." "well if i had it, i would send a hurry-up call to ray," said dan. "i'd say, 'sister get busy and tell everybody on the oasis that we're in danger. load up the cabin plane with rifles and get here before we're all killed.'" "listen, dan, you're not going to get killed, and i don't like to hear you talk that way. snap out of it, boy! we're going to put up a fight that will make those arabs wish they had never bothered us." "you can count on me," said dan. the boy king shook his friend's hand and clapped him on the shoulder, then turned away to organize his force of tribesmen. dick summoned raal and ordered, "look over all the taharans. pick out the best men for tonight's attack and tell them what they are to do." "i hear, i obey, o tahara." "good. and let no man be idle. even those who are wounded, but able to work, must keep busy. they can make arrows and spears, for we will need plenty of weapons." "yes, o master." dick summoned kulki. "what about your gorols? are they all assembled?" "not all, master. some have strayed off to the woods. they are not trained to obey like the taharans." "round up all you can find," said dick, "and make sure that only the reliable men are chosen for the raid." "yes, master." "send out others to collect pitchwood for torches and stones to roll down the cliff. every man must do something useful." "i hear, o tahara." "i would speak to wabiti, your father." "he is not here, master," said kulki. "wabiti is old and his thoughts are not as ours. he has gone away into the woods." "if wabiti is up to mischief, it will go hard with him," said dick. "are your brothers faithful to me?" "i think so, master. if i knew that one was a traitor, i would slay him with my own hands." there was no doubt of kulki's loyalty. his primitive features and dark eyes expressed the eagerness to serve the boy king of the two tribes. "it is well," said dick. "tonight the arabs will be driven to defeat and shameful flight before the moon rises. let every man be ready." "all will be ready to die for you, o tahara!" dick turned away to look after kurt and the other wounded warriors and found that they were being tended by old women of the tribes who were skilled in treating cuts with medicinal leaves. kurul had come through with only slight scratches and was in attendance as his body guard. "i need no guard," said dick. "you kurul, take six of the fleetest warriors and hunt in the hills for game. before sunset we will all eat and drink to build up our strength and as soon as it is dark we will strike a blow that will rid the land of our enemies." with all these preparations for battle, the day passed swiftly. dick's main worry was that jess slythe might appear in his stolen monoplane and drop bombs upon the tribesmen as he had done before. of course his fears might be groundless. dick was not sure whether the fellow was still alive or whether his plane had crashed in the desert, but until he was assured of the man's death, he would have reason to fear him. if slythe should reappear and drop grenades on the tribesmen, that would give the arabs a chance to storm the cliffs without resistance, and would lead to the destruction of the natives and his own death as well. but the treacherous flyer was busy elsewhere, it seemed, for the _meteorite_ did not appear, and as the sun sank low, dick breathed more freely and gave orders for the last meal before the battle. down in the arab camp, abdul and suli were also watching anxiously for the plane and cursing jess slythe, who had disappointed them. "by the beard of the prophet!" cried the arab chief, "that dog has betrayed us." "what trickery can he be up to?" mused suli, staring for the hundredth time at the heavens. "allah alone knows what the knave is doing! but it is for no profit but his own." "how can he expect us to storm these cliffs without his help?" exclaimed abdul. "we would be crushed by stones and pierced by arrows," said suli. "nothing for it but to wait until tomorrow. today, it is too late to even try." "we will send out scouts to see whether there is an easier passage beyond the cliffs.--a way where we could go up on our horses and take the savages by surprise." "they are stubborn, hard-fighting fellows," said suli. "by the prophet, abdul, we will find it hard to make slaves of such men." "you are right. they are not like the black fellows we have captured in the past. these men were not born to be conquered. we will have to fight for all the profit we make in this venture." the two leaders of the bedouin slave traders scowled at the cliffs that loomed so high above the spring where they had camped. from the grim black edges, arose a fringe of smoke; the fires where the gorols and the taharans were roasting game for the feast before the battle. the sky had turned flaming red, the glory of the sunset was over the desert and a deliciously cool breeze followed the parching heat of the day. at the same time the old gorol chief, wabiti, was squatting cross-legged in the rude shelter where the ex-queen vanga had taken refuge. both of the former rulers had repeated their grievances and grumbled about the changes in the tribe until they were in a mood of revolt. "if only i had my warriors again!" muttered vanga. "and if i could lead my brave gorols, as i did when i was younger, things would be different!" "tahara brought us woe!" "he destroyed the great gorol!" "now he sets me to spinning and weaving! is that fit work for a queen?" "and he has made kulki leader in my place," growled wabiti. "only a few gorols obey my orders, and they are the weaklings of the tribe." "we have come upon evil days, o wabiti." "evil days, o vanga. i do not hold with these new weapons like bows and arrows." "nor i. when cimbula was my chief adviser, all was happy in the land." "would that cimbula were here," grunted wabiti. suddenly as if he had been waiting to be called, the witch-doctor leaped from the shadowy forest and capered in a wild dance before them. cimbula was arrayed once more in the brightly-colored head-dress of feathers and tufts of fur on his elbows, knees and ankles. his lean old body was streaked and daubed with paint and around his eyes, one blind and one sound, were painted scarlet rings that gave him a horrible appearance. in one hand he brandished a long stone knife, in the other he held the painted gourd filled with pebbles, which he rattled menacingly. "who calls cimbula?" he shouted hoarsely. "lo, as i was floating in the skies, i heard my name spoken and i come!" again he leaped high and the gourd sounded like a nest of angry rattlesnakes as he shook it. vanga and wabiti shrank back in superstitious dread, while the old queen's maidens gave shrill and penetrating screeches of terror. "cimbula! have mercy!" they screamed, and wabiti's followers among the gorols came running and stopped suddenly, held back by fear, crying hoarsely, "cimbula! cimbula, do not destroy us!" vanga spoke her mind. "we called the mighty cimbula because strange enemies have driven us from our caves." "show me the enemies," bellowed cimbula. "i will slay them all." his one eye glared hatred and defiance and his flint blade swished through the air. "tahara could not save us," said vanga. "since he came here, our troubles have multiplied." "never before have raiders swarmed upon us from the desert," growled wabiti. "they have driven us from our caves," shrilled vanga. there were mutters of assent from the listeners, while cimbula glared silently as if planning some deadly reprisal. then among the growling murmurs rose the clear protesting voice of the little maiden veena. "why do you speak evil of tahara? he fought the arabs. he is a mighty warrior. even now he gathers the tribes to drive off the enemy!" instantly there was an uproar. cimbula vented a bellow of rage. the gorols with wabiti howled in protest and vanga cried sharply, "be still. who asked _you_ to speak?" "i _must_ speak. tahara is good. he alone can save us." "we shall see!" snarled the witch-doctor. "i, cimbula, will drive away the foe." "cimbula, hal! cimbula!" cried the rest. "this very night i will show you that cimbula is mighty in magic. see, already, the sun has set. soon it will be dark. i will show you all that where tahara fails, cimbula wins." the witch-doctor laid violent hands on the terrified veena and wrenched her arms until she screamed with pain. "you shall come with me!" he shouted. "the blood of a maiden is required to mix the strong magic i am brewing tonight." veena's screams were drowned by the chanting of wabiti's gorols and the shrill cries of vanga's women. "take her, cimbula! she is yours!" "cimbula, hal!" boomed the gorols, and the ex-queen vanga added: "death to tahara!" chapter vi hot work "come on, dan, here's where the fun begins," cried dick oakwood. by the light of pitch torches he reviewed his army, the taharans under raal; blond, stalwart fighters; and the gorols, commanded by kulki. the gorols were more numerous but though they were tough and wiry fellows, they were not equal to the taharans in size or war-like powers. dark-skinned and hairy, they resembled an army of giant apes as they slouched in the ranks, while the taharans stood proudly upright and at their chief's signal, raised their stone weapons aloft and gave a mighty cheer. dick, with dan beside him as his chief lieutenant, gave final instructions to his two troop leaders. "you, kulki, go first with your gorols. climb silently down the cliffs to the south of the big spring where the arabs are camped. when you are all on the plain, light your torches, plant them in the ground among the brush and raise a great uproar of shouting the war cries. do you understand?" "i understand, o tahara!" "then when the arabs rush to attack you, meet them with a shower of arrows and quietly climb part way up the cliffs. leave the torches in the ground to deceive the arabs and as they charge upon that spot, you can shoot at them from the cliffside with more arrows." "i hear, master, i obey!" said kulki. "good! make sure that every man knows what he is to do." dick turned to raal and continued: "you, raal, take your brave taharans down the cliff to the north of the arab camp. be quiet and give no alarm. then when the gorols raise the war cry and the arabs rush to fight them off, follow with your taharans and attack the enemy from the rear. use bows and arrows first; then rush in with stone axes and flint knives. in a hand-to-hand fight, their long guns will be useless." "i hear, master. i rejoice in a hand-to-hand battle." "good! i will be in a position to oversee the battle, for dan and i will climb down the cliff above the big spring, and when your taharans charge, i will join you." dan reminded his friend, "be sure to tell them about the signal for attack." dick replied. "you are right.--this is the signal. you, kulki, when you reach your position, will give a long call like the hyena. raal will answer with a wolf howl. when you hear the howl of the wolf, it is the signal to open the battle." "i hear, o tahara." "we obey, o master." the two chiefs saluted and withdrew to their troops and the climb down the cliffs began, silently in the night. dick and dan looked down over the edge of the cliffs and saw the camp fires of the arabs below them, with shadowy figures moving about or squatting by the glowing coals. then the two boys began their slow difficult climb down the rocky face, using every care to move quietly. a single rock dislodged and bouncing down the cliffside would put the arabs on guard and this must be a surprise attack to be a successful one. when dick and dan finally reached a ledge about a hundred feet above the camp, they were only too glad to sit there and rest. the descent of that steep slope in the dark was hard work; their hands were scratched and bleeding and their muscles felt the strain. "we will just sit here and take it easy for a while," said dick. "it is like being in a circus waiting for the show to begin," replied dan. "if only----" "i know what you're going to say," dick chuckled, "if only we had a couple of bags of peanuts and a bottle of pop, it would be perfect." dan admitted, laughingly, that refreshments would be welcome, but dick grabbed his friend's arm. "look yonder, dan." "where?" "up near the mouth of cimbula's cave. what's going on there?" "men with torches. that's funny! it's the wrong direction for the torches to appear." "and there has been no signal yet." "this is something that is not on the program. jumping jiminy! i hope it's not going to spoil our party." things moved rapidly. a procession with torches appeared from the wrong direction and at the head of a crowd of grotesquely painted figures, leaped and cavorted an unearthly apparition in feathered head-dress and fur tufts. "cimbula!" gasped dick. "what is that old fool up to?" dan exclaimed. "they are leading some prisoner among them," said dick. "it looks like a girl, but her face is covered with her hair." "it's a taharan girl. cimbula must be trying to buy off the arabs with the gift of a slave." "what a dog!" "he is wrecking our whole plan of battle." the boys looked on in suspense as the witch-doctor approached the arab camp, capering and shaking his rattling gourd. the others who followed were imitating him, for cimbula had decided that a magic dance of demons would terrify the raiders, and therefore he had dressed up a dozen of wabiti's men in a garb like his own and painted their bodies with stripes and daubs of white. whirling and leaping the demon dancers approached the arab camp, while one of the natives brandished a flint knife above the head of the bound victim. "if the arabs take fright at this hocus-pocus, they are bigger fools than i take them to be," growled dick. "more likely they are laughing at the medicine-man," dan exclaimed. "look, they are rushing the procession." with shouts of derision the arabs leaped to their horses and raced toward the intruders, no shots were fired. the arabs did not want to kill the demon dancers, but shrieked with laughter as they charged them, bowled over cimbula and scattered his followers. "look," said dick. "it's not a fight. the arabs are rounding up those fellows. they came here for slaves, and now they have got some." "serves cimbula right! i hope they keep him at hard labor for life!" "i'm sorry for the others though.--listen. there goes the first signal!" from the south came the call of a desert hyena, a long unearthly sound of laughter. amid the hubbub of the arab camp, the signal was not noticed by the enemy, but raal was evidently on the alert, for soon a long wolf howl answered from the north. "good!" cried dick oakwood. "cimbula's little show did not spoil the big circus, after all. now dan, you're going to see a fight." to the south of the camp a torch flared among the brush. another was lighted and another. soon the place where the gorols had assembled was a confusion of dancing lights, flaring and smoking. a war cry arose among the flames, a shrill cry of "tahara, rax!" "give 'em the axe!" chuckled dan. "atta-boy, kulki! now the fun begins." a few shots from the arabs produced an immediate effect among the torches. they no longer moved, but held their places quietly. "get that?" muttered dick. "kulki's men stuck their torches in the ground. now they must be climbing up the cliffs in the dark." as the arab horsemen charged the brush where the torches flamed they were met by a stinging shower of arrows coming from unseen foes. at once their cries of "allah, il allah," were changed to howls of anger and shrieks from the wounded. yet they charged on, shooting at the torches and driving ahead with flashing scimiters. but the gorols were not near the torches and shot more and more arrows from places of safety. "give 'em the axe!" cried dan. "here come the taharans!" as he spoke, raal's men raced in open formation upon the disorganized arabs, only pausing long enough to discharge a flight of arrows at the enemy. now the arabs, caught between two attacking troops, were at a loss which way to face. dick, with dan at his heels, scrambled down from the ledge of the cliff side and joined the taharans with the war cry: "tahara rax!" "give 'em the axe!" echoed dan. "the axe!" "the axe, the axe!" the terrifying shouts of the taharans, charging upon the arabs, drowned out the battle cry of, "allah il allah." hand to hand the stone-age men struggled fiercely with the bedouins, leaping at them like wild cats, pulling them from their mounts, swinging their keen-edged hatchets of flint and their short knives of stone with deadly effect. all the advantage of gunpowder and horses was lost in that battle in the dark. the arabs fought madly with their swords and daggers, but such weapons were not much more effective than the stone knives and axes. therefore the arabs began to give away, for their raid had been upon supposedly weak tribesmen, and instead they were facing better fighters than themselves. yet stubbornly they fought on. there was nothing else to do--a case of kill or be killed. "give it to 'em!" cried dick. "give 'em the axe," shouted dan. "let out your bull-roaring voice," said dick to raal. "call the gorols to join in!" raal gave a war cry that summoned kulki and his gorols to clamber down from the rocks and take part in the battle. from the ledges of the cliff came the shrill reply of kulki's dark-skinned fighters, and instantly the arabs were engaged in a life-and-death struggle with new forces. the gorols plunged into the fray, carrying their lances, and whenever the burnous of an arab showed pale in the darkness, a gorol plunged his spearhead with telling effect. "go it, gorols!" shouted dan. "give 'em the axe!" dick cried. "after them, boys! they're giving way." the tide of battle had turned against the raiders. the arabs on the fringe of the fray turned their horses toward the desert and galloped away. the bedouins who were guarding the prisoners mounted them on the camels and fled in a body. abdul and suli swore by allah and his prophet that they would return and take vengeance on the tribe, but they saw that the battle was lost. many of their men had been slain or badly wounded, and their horses were running wild in the melee; there was no chance to organize their force, for wherever they turned were the hatchets of the taharans and the spears of the gorols. "give it to 'em!" shouted dick. "we've got 'em on the run." "back to home-sweet-home!" laughed dan. "they want you back in dear old araby." abdul shouted the signal to retreat. those arabs who could escape did so without a second command and the battle was over. dick and dan both caught at the bridles of arab horses and succeeded in capturing mounts, but there was no use in giving chase in the dark. "tell your men to get all the guns and weapons they can," dick ordered the chiefs of the two tribes. "and catch all the horses you can." "we hear, o master!" "tahara has brought us victory. praise to our king!" the chiefs answered with shouts of triumph and the tribesmen joined in. no longer was there any doubt in their minds, tahara, boy king of the desert, was a mighty warrior and a bringer of victory. the rising sun showed taharans and gorols in fantastic array beside the big spring. they were dressed in such parts of the arab garb as they had captured, and carried what weapons had been found on the battlefield. a dozen guns and horses were among the loot, also ammunition, daggers and swords. even a camel had been taken, but it was lame from a shot, and was promptly butchered for a feast. while they were all enjoying a hot meal that morning, dick explained to the natives who had captured the guns, how to use them, but the old-fashioned fire-arms were not of much value except to the arabs who were used to them. after breakfast, he showed the most intelligent of the tribesmen how to ride the captured horses. they were fearless fellows and managed to stay on, somehow, and kulki, who was one of the best men of the tribe, showed promise of becoming an expert horseman in short order. "wait until we round up the wild horses and break them!" said dan. "then you will see some fun." dick explained to raal, who was keen to learn the new sport, the principles of taming and riding unbroken horses and the taharan chief was eager to begin. with a deep bow he begged dick to accept an arab gun he had captured and declared that when his tribe had learned to ride the wild horses, they would all set out to find the arabs and raid them in turn. suddenly they were interrupted. queen vanga came to them, weeping and tearing her hair. "cimbula is gone!" she cried. "where is cimbula?" dan laughed. "your boy-friend was taken by the arabs," he said. "you'll never see him again." "i hope not," said dick. "the arabs will put him on the chain gang," chuckled dan. "never!" cried the old queen when dan's remark was explained to her. "cimbula works strong magic. if he is taken by the arabs, cimbula will become their chief." "there may be something in that," said dan. "the witch-doctor is clever enough to get out of any kind of a scrape." vanga began weeping afresh. "why the water-works now?" asked dan. raal questioned her and his face grew red with fury. "veena has been stolen," he cried. "the girl with cimbula was the princess veena." dan felt his heart stand still. the pretty little maiden, a prisoner of the arabs! she was fond of him and while he did not love her, he resolved that she must be rescued. "let me have a horse," cried raal. "i will catch up with the arabs and bring her back." he was beside himself with fury. "tahara, o mighty king, use all your magic to save the girl i love." dick grasped his hand and promised: "i will help you!" "now, let us start now." "we will all go!" cried dan carter. "yes! all, all!" echoed the warriors. tahara and gorols alike were excited by the news. the capture of cimbula and his followers was not so bad, for everybody dreaded the witch-doctor and his disciples were hated. but veena was a favorite of all. "we will take the captured horses!" urged raal, "and overtake the raiders." "those are bold words," said dick, "but they are not the words of wisdom. stop and think. ten men at the most against a hundred! what chance would you have?" "we will risk it," raal stormed. "and lose all chance of rescuing veena? no. we must prepare for a long journey first--and at the end a hard battle." "how long must we wait?" "until our warriors have tamed wild horses and learned to ride them. also we must carry food and water bags for a long trail across the desert." raal was in despair. "and until then, we will know nothing of the maiden. i would rather set out alone than that." at his words, all fell silent, thinking gloomy thoughts. finally dick said: "here is a way out. kulki can ride better than any of the tribesmen, and has ventured farther on the desert than the rest." "that is true!" cried kulki. "let me go out and rescue the maiden." "not so fast. take three of your men who can stay on horseback. carry water and food and follow the trail of the raiders. can you try?" "we will do that, o master!" "do not try to fight the arabs, that would only put them on their guard. but find out where they are taking the captives and bring us word. will you?" "gladly, o master." "by the time you return," added dick oakwood, "i will have our warriors trained to ride the wild horses and to shoot arrows while they ride, yes and to throw spears from the saddle." "tahara, hal!" "then we will set out and punish the raiders!" "tahara rax! the axe! the axe!" with shouts of vengeance, the tribesmen accepted dick's plan. even raal, anxious as he was to set out at once, saw the wisdom of the plan. "but _i_ would go with kulki. now!" he begged. "if you did, what would happen? you would try to fight the arabs then and there. all would be lost." raal agreed. "let me work day and night getting ready for the rescue!" he exclaimed. "then i will not grieve." "we will begin now," dick answered. "you will be chief horse-breaker," dan assured raal. "in a week you'll be a regular arizona bronco-buster." kulki and his chosen three began preparations for the trail at once. that same day they set out, mounted on arab horses and carrying water and food. kulki refused a gun. the "stick that spoke like thunder" was a magic he did not understand. as for raal and his taharans, they wasted no time but set to work rounding up all the small wild horses that they could find among the hills, while dan and dick showed the others how to build a corral for the animals. chapter vii the war trail "throw your rope over that wicked little beast!" exclaimed dick oakwood. "okay, dick," answered dan. his quivering lariat sailed through the air and the loop settled neatly about the neck of one of the small wild horses in the enclosure, bringing it to the ground. quick as a flash, dick was on its back, much to the delight of the savage tribe who had never witnessed such feats of bravery. "tahara, hal!" they cried. for days there had been great excitement in the land of the taharans. after the raid of the arabs and the possibility that the tribe might have to make a return attack to recover the princess, veena, dick and his chum, dan carter, had been breaking the wild horses and teaching the natives to handle them. they were apt pupils and one after another were mastering the art of horseback riding. now as dick after a fierce struggle brought the horse down to a gentle gallop, he dismounted and handed the reins to raal. at that moment kurt interrupted with a cry. he ran to dick with terror in his face. "o master, look through your magic glasses and see who is coming. is it a new danger that threatens us?" then aside he murmured, "tahara is great. he will protect us!" dick beckoned to kurul to whom he had trusted his binoculars, and the warrior passed over the glasses as if he were glad to get rid of them. the savages were still not certain that these strange eyes were innocent of the spell of black magic. dick put them to his eyes and saw a strange figure approaching from the desert. it staggered and fell to the ground, then rose wearily and struggled on. "it seems to be an old man, bent double with age," said dick. "he is very weary. run kurt, and help him! and you, kurul, lend a hand. it is good to help the old and feeble." but suddenly dan who had taken the glasses, gave a cry. his face grew pale. turning to dick he said in a low voice. "kulki! it is kulki!" "kulki!" repeated dick. "it can't be. what has happened?" the two boys hastened after kurt and kurul and had no difficulty in overtaking them, for the savages were afraid and went warily, invoking tahara to protect them at every step. dick was the first to reach the gorol warrior, who limped and staggered and when he realized that his friends had come to help him he sank to the sand at dick's feet. "master forgive! i could not!" he moaned. dick raised the gorol to his feet but he was trembling so violently that he had to be half carried back to the village where, a word at a time between his pleas for forgiveness, dick got his story. kulki and his two taharan companions had found the arab camp. suli was there and abdul. and the wicked cimbula! "but veena! where is veena?" demanded raal, his heavy face white with anxiety, his large hands were clenched as he stood menacingly above the gorol. "where is veena and where are the two warriors who went with you?" "the warriors are dead," replied kulki. "but where is veena?" asked dick. his voice was stern as he tried to hide the emotion he felt. "forgive o master, i could not bring her back. the arabs have imprisoned her. they tortured me through long hours, hitting me with heavy thongs and burned me with hot embers, then they sent me home to tell you. i have travelled all day and all night to bring help." the gorol youth looked at raal imploringly, then continued, "veena, the little white princess will not be killed and we have still time to save her if we go at once. that is what cimbula said to me and he understands the language and the ways of the arabs." "what do you mean, kulki?" demanded dick anxiously. "suli and abdul protect her, for they are anxious to sell her for a big price." cries arose from the listeners, for most of the tribe had gathered to hear what kulki had to tell. the women shrieked and moaned, rocking themselves back and forth, and tearing their hair. dick raised his hand for silence. "be quiet my friends," he said calmly. "kulki says we still have time to save her." then he turned to the gorol, "are you sure? tell us all you know!" "cimbula tell me all they said," went on kulki. "suli and abdul are waiting for the arrival of chief mobogoma who wants the white princess for his bride. he is willing to give in exchange a hundred of his best slaves." "ah-woe! ah-woe!" moaned the tribesmen. "suli and abdul agreed to this, but the man-demon who flies on the back of the bird-demon appeared and said that was not enough. he demanded much ivory as well." "slythe! that was jess slythe!" exclaimed dick oakwood with indignation. "i might have known that he was somewhere around and had a hand in my affairs." "there will be delay while they quarrel with words," continued kulki with a groan. a slave appeared with food and drink for the returned warrior. he gulped it hungrily. dick questioned him further about the arabs. a shiver passed over the body of the gorol, his eyes looked wild. "they tortured me and sent me back to say that veena would be returned for two hundred taharan slaves." "tahara have mercy! o master, save us!" moaned the tribesmen. "what are we to do?" "send us, o master," came the cry from many throats. "let us be sacrificed, but bring back the little princess veena." dick looked at dan in astonishment. he had not expected to find such a spirit of chivalry among this savage tribe. "say, they're pretty good sports, i'll tell the world!" cried dan. "who would have believed it? and we want to civilize them! that's a joke!" raal was standing impatiently frowning, waiting for dick to give some word of command. "what are we going to do, master?" he asked. dick once more raised his hand. "what will we do? get ready to march! at once! food and drink must be carried! to work! we will go to that arab camp, but not as slaves. we will go as warriors to bring back princess veena!" "tahara, hal! tahara, hal!" the cheer echoed through the hills. in a moment the village changed from a quiet, sleepy camp to one bustling with life and excitement. the women scuttled away toward the caves where the slaves were busy with the cooking. they were chattering like magpies among themselves but they were losing no time in carrying out the orders. vanga's shrill voice carried above the noise. "move faster, slaves!" she shrieked. "out of my way!" and with a resounding slap she boxed the ears of a small child who crossed her path. food and water was ready to be packed on the back of the horses, when dick had completed his plans for the march. kulki was left behind, he was too weak and tired for the second trip. and dick could trust him to protect the cave-dwellers in his absence. "say dick, i'm sure glad we got a few good horses out of that arab raid. at least you and i and raal will be looked after. what will the others do? walk?" "of course not! what did i have you break in those small wild horses for if it wasn't for just such an occasion? saddle your horses, men, and get ready!" the warriors whooped with delight as they ran toward the enclosure where the horses were held. they were pleased at the chance to use their new saddles. "say dick, what would a western cowboy say about these saddles? they make their silver trimmed affairs seem very plain. look at raal's saddle, it is covered with golden disks. some class!" the warriors shouted and screamed with laughter as they caught the wild horses and bridled them. it was a new game. they liked it. "those boys seem to think this is a big picnic they are going on," remarked dan carter. "why don't you tell them it's a serious business?" "what's the use?" replied dick. "let them get what fun they can out of the start. besides i hope we can settle this without a fight." "for a king who was going to have nothing but peace in his country, you have certainly managed to put up some pretty stiff scraps," teased dan. "never mind that," replied dick with a laugh. "i'll get around to that some day. just now we've got to undo a great wrong." "oh, yes! you've got to fight for peace. i see! all right then, come along, i'm with you. but are you sure we'll be able to carry enough food?" "you can take as much as you can carry on the back of your saddle. besides it wouldn't hurt you to go hungry for a while," said dick. "oh, is that so!" snapped dan impatiently. the good-natured dan was rarely cross and then only for a second. his fact cleared suddenly and he said, "tough luck! i suppose i'll have to stand it. come on!" it was a strange looking army that rode out of the land of the taharans. dick, dan and raal were riding ahead on their arab horses and the rest of the tribesmen were mounted on the small wild horses that dick and dan had trained to the saddle. although these animals were small they were almost as fleet as the large horses and could stand the heat of the desert much better. the boy king looked back with pride as he saw his warriors riding so well. "there is no limit to what i may be able to do with these savages. all they need is a good leader," thought dick as he glanced at raal whose heavy figure sitting straight and proud, gave an impression of great strength. for an hour they rode almost in silence, the horses eager and prancing. then as the ferocious heat of the sun burned into them, the horses slackened their pace. finally dan drew close to dick and whispered: "isn't it about time for lunch? i'm starved!" dick motioned him away impatiently. "nothing doing, boy! take a small drink of water and pretend it's food. our first halt is two hours from here unless we're lucky enough to find an oasis." "but why take life so seriously?" responded dan. "these savages spend a long time in bartering; we'll get there before they're through. besides slythe will wait to see if you will send the two hundred slaves to buy the princess." "i'm not sure, dan. we'd better push along as fast as we can. if mobogoma offers enough, slythe won't take any chances on a slip-up." before another hour had gone by, the riders were wilted with the heat and famished for food and drink. a green spot in the distance made them urge their horses on toward the grove of palm trees. "come on, let's hurry," cried dan. "we can't get to that spring quick enough to suit me." the boy dug his heels into the horse's sides. the spirits of the men rose at the prospect of a spring of clear water and the shade of the palm trees beckoned them. dan broke into a college song and the tribesmen took up the air and shouted it at the top of their lungs. suddenly raal spoke in a voice trembling with excitement. "look o master, across the desert! those are the arab raiders!" "where?" raal pointed to the horizon, still wavering with heat, and dick adjusted his binoculars. at first he saw only a long straggling line of moving objects that resembled a giant centipede with countless legs and undulating back. finally dick made out a caravan of camels striding in single file and accompanied by arab horsemen. they were so far away that dick could not see them without the glasses, although raal's sharp eyes had distinguished them. dick gasped. "arabs! you're right, raal. maybe they are the ones we are after. give orders for the warriors to have their weapons ready and be on the alert. then let's go!" to encourage the men, dan once more burst into song. the tired horses caught the spirit and leaped ahead for a few minutes then began to lag. the heat was intense, the sand, catching the sun's rays dazzled the eyes and made them burn. but no matter how fast they rode, the oasis seemed as far away as ever. the caravan was lost in the shimmering haze. "who would have believed that it was so far away?" grumbled dan carter. at that moment he caught sight of dick's face. it was pale and troubled. "what's the matter, old sport?" dan asked anxiously. "are you sick or something? better take a sip of that precious water in the bag." "no, i'm all right," answered dick quietly, "but i'm wondering how i'm going to explain a mirage to these savages." "a mirage!" exclaimed dan with a catch in his voice. "so that's why we seemed to be getting farther away from that green spot all the time. but dick, are you certain? i'd have sworn it was the real thing." but even as they talked, dan noticed the thinning haze ahead. it seemed to be rising and soon disappeared into the sky. "say, dick, when did you catch on?" asked dan. "about five minutes ago. how am i going to explain it to them? they may never have seen one and may think that it is black magic. see, the caravan has vanished, too." "tell them it's cimbula out there," said dan with a laugh. "they'll believe that, all right." while the boys were talking, the haze dissolved completely, leaving a far stretch of sandy waste. "ah-woe tahara!" moaned raal touching dick's arm. "look ahead. the spirit of evil has swallowed up the oasis. it is a warning, o master. i have seen it many times before." dick gave a sigh of relief. at least the mirage was not unknown to the tribesmen. "a warning, what do you mean, raal?" asked dick. "thus comes the oasis on the desert at times, leading men to destruction. warriors depart to take possession of the new land and find themselves without food and drink. they ride around in circles in order to find the green oasis. then at last the demons gobble them up. did you not see the caravan disappear? it is a bad omen, so say my people." some of the tribesmen shielded their faces against the evil eye while others muttered anxiously. a few turned as if to flee back to their own land but at a sharp command from dick they followed grumbling. dick halted his riders and they ate a hasty lunch while shielding themselves in the shadow of their horses. late that afternoon they came to the oasis in the desert. the men threw themselves flat on their stomachs by the spring, dipping up the water in their hands and drinking with loud sucking noises. it was hard for both man and beast to restrain the desire to overdo, for their parched throats seemed never to get enough. as soon as the quickly prepared meal was over, the men stretched out on the green grass beneath the palms and slept. long before daylight the tribesmen were up, making ready for the second day's march toward the jungle. dick and dan were weary and sore from the journey but there were no complaints from either of them. they swung into their saddles and taking the lead, raced their horses over the desert, making the most of the cool morning, knowing that as soon as the sun rose the heat would be almost unbearable. it was late on the third day when they reached the lowlands which lay at the beginning of the jungle. already the atmosphere had changed. it was oppressive and humid. directly in front of them was a path leading to the wilderness of trees and overgrowing trailing plants. the stars were just appearing in the sky and dick ordered his men to make camp, feeling safer to sleep in the open. he put kurt and kurul, his most trustworthy warriors, to stand guard. but dick could not sleep. the sound of jungle life came to him, the sharp cries of night birds, the yelping of wild animals. the boy king felt the menace of the jungle. but after hours of listening the sounds seemed to grow fainter as if the wild life were going far, far away. his eyes closed. but just as he might have dropped off to sleep, he was awakened by dan's hand on his face. "i don't want to frighten you, dick, but do you see those two greenish lights at the edge of the trees? look!" "they are probably stars," replied dick sleepily. dick rubbed his tired eyes and sat up. dan pointed out the glowing sparks. the boys did not move, for they saw that kurt and kurul were aware of the intruder. they stood motionless near a jungle tree. "it's a leopard, dick, i'm sure of it," said dan. "where's your arab gun?" "it's here," replied his chum. "but wait! kurt and kurul are on guard. they have a plan. i will not interfere with them." slowly the lights grew larger. two more appeared, and soon two others, and one could see the dim shapes of animals crouching low and wriggling from the tangle of vines and creepers, scarcely making a sound. kurt and kurul stood tense and alert, their bows were drawn back ready at any second to send the flint pointed arrows into the vital spot of their enemy. dick watched and thought he understood why his bowmen waked so long. the leopards were making their way toward the wild horses and not toward the sleeping men. the warriors were waiting to get them out in the open where they could see better to shoot. in the light of the stars dick could see the beasts crawling along the ground. suddenly the two first gave a spring, but before they could reach their prey, kurt and kurul had shot their arrows, catching the beasts between the eyes. their bodies jumped high in the air, then dropped. the other animals turned and disappeared. "oh boy, what a shot!" exclaimed dan, jumping to his feet and running toward the dead animals, but kurul held him back. "beware, brother," said kurul, "the leopard has a way of coming alive after he is dead! i've seen it!" for dick there was no more sleep that night. it was time to relieve kurt and kurul and he did not feel sure that the other men were to be trusted to watch. dick knew that rex carter was depending on him to look after dan and protect him from danger, and besides that the responsibility of his army weighed on the shoulders of the boy king of the desert. dick sat up and watched toward the jungle. from time to time dark shapes slipped by as if eager to get far away from danger. the sharp call of night birds awakened monkeys that kept up a maddening chatter. the night seemed full of dangers that threatened him. but dick oakwood was not displeased. "who would have believed it!" he said to himself. "when i left america i had no idea that my experiences would be stranger even than those of matt binney, our old african trader. when i get back i'll tell him some thrillers that will make his hair stand on end, the way he used to make mine when i was a kid." as usual on the march, dawn had not tinted the horizon before the warriors were up and busy preparing breakfast and as the first streaks of rose and purple made fantastic designs in the sky, dick and dan led the way into the jungle, following the trail that kulki had told them would lead to the arab camp. in a few minutes steam rose from the horses' sides while perspiration flowed down the faces of the riders. dan wiped his face with the back of his hand leaving a dusty streak across his cheek. he turned to look at his chum to see how he was standing the strain. the boy king looked tired. after a wakeful night, the heat irritated him. and the thought that cimbula and slythe had their heads together in a plan to overthrow his rule, did not make him look forward with any assurance of success in the venture to rescue veena. right now his brain was dulled by lack of sleep. the raid with his warriors seemed hopeless and a foolish undertaking. dick slumped in his saddle for a moment and looked the picture of woe and discouragement. "how's this for a steam bath!" exclaimed dan. "good for your health. doctor's orders. oh boy, what a treat!" dick smiled at his chum, whose happy-go-lucky nature always brought fun and a laugh into every situation, no matter how tight a jam it might be. at last dick sat erect with a jerk. every moment he was coming nearer to the dreaded spot where his enemies were in wait for his arrival. this was not the time to weaken. brushing his hand across his damp forehead, the boy took the lead bravely, his head held high. he knew that the odds were all against him, as they had been before, but in his heart he felt sure that he would win. it was late that afternoon when dick suddenly drew rein and gave a signal to halt. some danger menaced them; he felt it without knowing what it was. the jungle trail was just the same as when they entered it that morning. then why this nameless fear? he listened intently, but there was only the scolding of monkeys and the answering screech of birds. no human sound was distinguishable. giving the order to proceed cautiously, every man ready with bow and arrow, dick emerged without warning into a clearing. suddenly his horse reared back with a frightened snort. blocking the path ahead of him was a score or more of black warriors, their faces painted in streaks of red and yellow, making them grotesque and frightful. their bows were drawn and their fiendish grins sent terror to the hearts of the boys. with hideous yells, a band of the savages behind the bowmen started a war-dance. "i see our finish!" exclaimed dan. "give them a taste of your gun, dick!" "that wouldn't help. look at the black horde coming from every direction. they are two against one! we'll try to show them that we are friendly." "i guess you're right, dick. but we are certainly in a tight jam this time." "keep quiet, dan!" said dick, really vexed at the boy. the apparent lack of fear in dick evidently gained the respect of the tribe. their arrows did not fly, the warriors held them, waiting for a command. then a command came, loud and clear. it was a surprise to dick, for it came from a point directly above his head and the voice was not that of an african savage. the hidden chief spoke in the language of the tribe. it was an order; the inflection of the voice told dick that before the warriors dropped their bows and arrows and bowed low to dick. then the voice again boomed out in broken english, "advance white men! i will protect you! mahatma sikandar speaks!" chapter viii black warriors "can you beat it!" exclaimed dan carter in astonishment, on hearing the english words spoken among a savage tribe in the jungle. a chuckle was heard from the tangle of foliage above the heads of the two boys as they drew rein where the jungle path entered a clearing. "advance, dick sahib! mahatma sikandar speaks!" "don't go!" whispered dan. "there's something spooky about this. how does he know your name? maybe it's a trap. if we go out there in the open they will use us for targets." "keep quiet, dan, i want to speak to the man. besides they can shoot us here if they have a mind to do it. if there is a trap we're in it right now," dick answered impatiently. but dan could not keep quiet. before dick could stop him the boy called out: "say, mister, i bet you don't know what my name is." a hearty laugh issued from the hiding place of the mahatma. "dan sahib is young. after many lives, he will gain wisdom--perhaps!" dan stared above his head in speechless amazement. here they were miles away from any one they knew, yet this man had called them both by their names and in their own tongue. "who is he, anyway?" whispered dan. "he must be a hindu with that name, and i judge also by the sing-song english he uses. but what is he doing here? that's what i want to know." "advance friends," once more the mahatma spoke. "the men of the kungoras are brave warriors, they will not harm you for i have given them promise that you are my friends." "let's go!" said dick, touching his horse's sides with his heels, sending the animal trotting into the clearing where the savages had ranged themselves in a huge semicircle. a file of the taharan and gorol warriors followed dick and dan into the clearing. there was a tense pause. it seemed as though a battle might follow at any moment, for the taharans and gorols looked upon all strangers as foes and the blacks were dangerous looking fellows. the kungora tribe was warlike and powerful, which accounted for the slave raiders leaving them alone. tall, well formed and athletic, each man was like an ebony statue, armed with a long bow or else with a slender lance tipped with a leaf-shaped iron point and a broad shield of buffalo hide. the shields were painted with fantastic designs and light as they were could turn a spear thrust or withstand an arrow. the black warriors were scantily clad with strips of hide and adorned with copper bracelets and neckbands. their round heads were covered with little pointed caps, under which their rolling eyes and shiny negro features looked fiercely hostile, as they glared at the strange blond savages and the ape-like gorols. as dick reached the center of the cleared space, he wheeled his horse suddenly and looked up at the lowest branches of the trees above the jungle path he had just left, but a dense tangle of vines and moss hung from limb to limb. there was no sign of the man who had spoken to them. "raal and his people would say this was black magic," exclaimed dick, "and i'm half inclined to think it is. who ever heard of such a strange coincidence? it doesn't happen." but dick oakwood bowed toward the tree. "we thank you, mahatma sikandar for your protection." but before dick could speak further, sikandar went on in his clipped english. "the young sahib has come far. the journey was full of frightful dangers, and dick sahib has done this for the sake of a girl he does not love. that much i see." "and that is true, mahatma sikandar. but how did you know it?" asked dick. "he must be a mind reader. or maybe it _is_ black magic!" said dan in an undertone. as they talked, the warriors of the taharans and gorols glared suspiciously at the black men; their hands were on their weapons ready to fight. raal tried to quiet them, feeling that the boy king could be trusted. he watched dick's face but it showed no sign of fear or uneasiness. therefore, he, as dick's chief warrior, need not be afraid. he dismounted and drew near to dick. but the boy king had his eyes on the screen of vines above the path. at first he could see nothing but the mass of green, but finally through the foliage he saw two shining eyes staring at him. then the leaves parted and mahatma sikandar's whole head appeared. it was a broad good-natured face with a luxuriant grey beard. his dark eyes were smiling. "why he looks exactly like santa claus," exclaimed dan, "merry christmas, old scout!" the old man ignored this remark from dan. his head suddenly disappeared and a few minutes later the hindu had dropped from the tree and was walking toward them. "now perhaps dan sahib will believe that i am human," he said extending his hand, english fashion. his body was short and fat and naked except for a loin cloth of saffron colored cotton. his complexion was darker than that of most white men and his eyes were smiling and friendly yet there was a shadow of a sneer in them, a look of craftiness that made dick and dan determine to be on their guard. the boys shook the hindu's hand, after which the mahatma turned to the chief of the kungoras and ordered him to bring fresh water and fruit for the visitors and to prepare a feast. the black savages hurried away with grinning faces, well pleased to show mahatma's friends the hospitality of their village. sikandar drew dick and dan aside and squatting cross-legged on the ground, invited the guests to do the same. in his hand he carried something that was wrapped in a black cloth. during a pause in the conversation dan suddenly blurted out: "say, i'd like to know how you can tell about our trek across the desert, and our names and all that. who told you?" the mahatma smiled mysteriously. "there are many things revealed to wise men that are kept from others," he said very slowly. "long before you arrived in the jungle i saw you." the mahatma closed his eyes for a second then opened them and stared at dan. he seemed to be looking straight through him. then he continued in a hollow-sounding voice: "i saw riders, many of them on strange small horses, the like of which i have never seen until today. and the riders urged their horses forward for they saw ahead of them an oasis where they were to rest and drink." suddenly the mahatma turned to dick. "is that true, dick sahib?" he asked. "yes, it is true." dick replied simply. "then suddenly the riders all slumped in their saddles and looked tired and ill, for the oasis had disappeared leaving only sandy waste in all directions. is that true, dan sahib?" "jiminy crickets, you've got it straight all right, but _how_ did you see all that?" "and where you are going and what you will do, i also know. there is a young girl, a princess, bound and imprisoned. this i see and much besides." he looked meaningly at the boys. "boloney!" said dan in a low tone that mahatma missed, but he saw the look of disbelief on the boy's face. "dan sahib does not believe that i speak true. i will show him!" dan was about to make a flippant retort but dick gave him a threatening look. dick's face was alight with interest. he had heard of the hindu yogi who spend many years among the wise men of tibet, who are supposed to hold all the wisdom of the world in their keeping. was mahatma sikandar one of these? dick hoped so, for he had always wanted to study occultism and hoped to learn something of it first hand. he was watching the hindu earnestly and at the first chance he said: "can you really see what has not yet happened? it is true that we are on our way to rescue a princess of the taharans. but tell us, mahatma sikandar, will we arrive in time to save her?" "veena is safe at present," replied the hindu. "but how do you know that?" interrupted dan impatiently. "you may have been able by mind reading to guess our names, but you can't tell me that there is anything in this fortune telling." the mahatma's eyes flashed fire for a second, then he became calm once more and turned to dick, ignoring dan's outburst. "i have heard of occultism," said dick. "but i want to learn more. i would like to have you instruct me." "it is a long hard way, dick sahib. many lives are needed to gain wisdom. i will show you." sikandar unwrapped the black cloth and displayed a ball that looked like transparent glass. "he's a crystal gazer!" exclaimed dan. "read your fortune for seventy-five cents. it's all the bunk!" the other two ignored these remarks and dick spoke quickly. "look into the crystal and tell us what you see. is veena being treated badly? where is she?" "she is well treated even though she is kept prisoner, for a white man is bargaining for her sale." "what's _his_ name?" asked dan, giving dick a poke in the ribs and with an elaborate wink whispered, "i bet the old fakir can't answer a direct question." "the name of the white scoundrel is slythe, jess slythe. he is a bad man and will in his next life be less than the worms. thus it is written." dan carter thrust out his hand which the mahatma grasped without understanding why. "attaboy, old whiskers!" said dan. "now you're talking! i don't wish jess slythe any bad luck but i'm hoping everything you say comes true." dick turned at this moment and saw raal. he was sitting with his head between his knees, a picture of distress. dick called him. "come here, raal!" and as the warrior obeyed, dick talked to him kindly. "don't worry, raal. this man, mahatma sikandar, is a very great witch-doctor. he can see things hidden from men and gods. by his magic, looking through that sacred ball which he holds so tightly in his hand, he can see everything that goes on in the world. he says that he can see into the village of the muta-gungas." dick paused for a moment to let his words sink in. "speak o master! what does he see?" "he sees veena, who is kept a prisoner. she is not dead, as you feared, but is being held for a big bargain with chief mobogoma, just as kulki told us. jess slythe is asking a big price for the white princess." "how far away is she, o tahara?" asked raal anxiously. dick translated the question for the mahatma who answered, stroking his beard: "the village is a day's march from here." "then let us go at once, o master. the bargain may be made quickly and after she is once in the hands of mobogoma, she will be lost to us. hurry, o tahara!" raal threw himself at dick's feet. "yes, raal, we will go soon," answered dick. "and perhaps mahatma sikandar will ask one of his tribesmen to guide us in the shortest way!" the mahatma nodded his head. "i will take counsel with my chief and it will be decided," he said slowly. dick rose and looked about as if he intended to order the men to get ready. but dan put up a detaining hand, "not so fast, dick! there is plenty of time." dan rubbed his stomach, "don't you smell the eats? that fruit and water we got a little while ago was just an appetizer. i'm hungry as a bear!" "not thus does a man gain wisdom," muttered the mahatma. "it is by fasting and meditation." raal was scowling angrily at dan but dick quieted him. "the men are tired and hungry, raal. some of them are weak from the long journey. mahatma sikandar, the wise man, has ordered a feast to be set before us. after that we will go and the men will be better able to stand the march when their stomachs are full. is that not true, raal?" "yes, o master, i know you speak the truth but my heart is heavy for fear that harm will come to veena." suddenly sikandar, who had been gazing into the crystal ball, said quietly: "tell raal, the great warrior, that the little princess is safe. before two days are gone she will be under the protection of her own people. do not fear." raal smiled but looked eagerly toward his horse as if anxious to be gone. "rest, my friends, and eat for the journey is hard and beset with many dangers." "what do you see, master?" asked dick again seating himself beside the hindu. "shall we have to fight?" "yes, dick sahib, before two days are gone you will have to fight for someone you love dearly." the hindu gazed into the crystal and did not speak for a long time. then he straightened up and drew his hand across his eyes. "i do not see clearly. a fog shuts out the sight. it is not meant that you should know. i cannot see!" "say dick, don't put any stock in all that talk. i never thought you'd fall for a lot of bunk like that. how can he tell, by looking into a glass ball, what is going to happen?" "dan sahib has still to learn what sorrow is. he will learn that lesson soon. that much i see." "what does he mean, dick?" asked dan nervously. but the mahatma had put away the crystal, wrapping it carefully in the black cloth. "there you've done it," scolded dick. "we might have learned something that would help us. instead of that, you insult him, and it's all off!" at that moment the chief of the kungora tribe approached and with much bowing announced that food was to be brought. the mahatma retired to a sheltered spot to eat alone and in meditation. dan and dick sat down with the warriors. "this is what i call service!" said dan as a black boy spread large leaves in front of him and deposited there a large roasted spurfowl. there were large steaks of gazelle meat, wild apricots and a kind of bread which the mahatma had taught the natives to make, as he did not eat flesh but lived on grains and fruit. hungrily the warriors set to on the meal, pulling the birds apart with their fingers and devouring the bits in large mouthfuls. "you would have made a good savage, dan!" said dick with a laugh, as he watched his chum. "i wouldn't mind belonging to this tribe," dan retorted. "if they can cook like this, i'm strong for them!" but finally even dan had to cry enough, for one course after another was being served and it seemed as if the feasting might go on for days. the kungoras still sat in a semicircle about the visitors and later dick learned from the mahatma that this was a sign of friendship. "these blacks are a very peaceful tribe, i see," said dick to the hindu. the mahatma smiled tolerantly at his warriors. "_my_ ways are ways of peace," he said quietly. "but these savage souls are just emerging. they will learn through suffering. but just now they are known to be the most warlike tribe in the jungles of africa. offer any one of them their choice between a feast and a big battle and they'd take the battle every time. and make no mistake about it, dick sahib, if i had not been here to protect you, this present life would be over for you and your young friend." "i have no doubt of that, mahatma sikandar. and now as my men are refreshed i think we should go on to the rescue of our little friend." "that will only be the beginning of your jungle journey. another search will carry you far, far into its depths." "have you seen more?" asked dick. "tell me all, mahatma sikandar." "it is not well for you to know all, dick sahib. for that reason a cloud comes between me and your search. but this much i can tell you. through suffering and dangers you will finally win. make ready, my friend. the time is short." "your tribesmen are great warriors. could you not send them with us to help us in our search?" "my ways are ways of peace, my son. i cannot send my men into battle. but this i will do. mutaba, one of the best trackers of game, who knows the jungle as you do your house, he will guide you to the village of the muta-gungas." "we thank you, mahatma sikandar. the jungle is a new country to me and my tribes of taharans and gorols. it will save us many weary steps." the mahatma suddenly raised himself. "here, mutaba! make ready my litter. i accompany dick sahib into the jungle." "say," whispered dan to his chum, "i'm not sure i want old whiskers along. he's something of a frost. i don't like him." but dick was giving orders to raal, who joyously set his men to saddling their horses. "let's get ready," he said. "we've got a big job ahead of us, if mahatma sikandar knows what he's talking about." "okay!" answered dan carter. "i'm ready and waiting! come on!" chapter ix the bad news breaks "let's go!" said dick. "we're on our way," dan replied with a smile on his round face. "oh boy!" he added, "what a relief to have a good square meal under my belt again. honest, dick, that trek across the desert was terrible! when i tightened my belt, my stomach was so empty that i could feel my belt buckle digging into my backbone." dick smiled. he knew that dan was a good sport and chock full of courage in spite of his constant interest in food. "i'd hate to go through a famine with you," he said. "you'll never have a chance to," chuckled dan. "i can face a jungle full of black savages and never turn a hair, but don't expect me to do any fighting on an empty stomach." "we will have plenty of fighting from here on, buddy." dick turned to raal and called, "are the men all set to go?" "yes master. but mutaba, our black guide, is putting up another plan." "what is it?" "he can tell you. i can't make out what it's all about." "mutaba, come here," said dick. "yes bwana dick." and as the big black fellow began talking fast, rolling his eyes and shaking both fists excitedly in the air, dick saw that he was trying hard to explain something important. with the little that dick had learned of native languages, he could tell that mutaba was very much opposed to the expedition setting out through the forest, but that was all he understood. "what else is there to do?" he asked raal. "push on! that is my advice, o master. many dangers are ahead of us, that is clear, but if we push on bravely we will win through." dan spoke up. "let's get the mahatma to translate. maybe there is something to what the black boy is proposing." dick led mutaba to where the hindu was preparing for the journey. the wise man had no idea of traveling on foot, like the negroes, or on horseback, like dick's warriors. instead he had ordered his devoted followers to construct an elaborate litter like a pullman berth. it was covered with woven vines and leaves, to make a private compartment where he could lie back or sit cross-legged and meditate. the litter was hung on two long poles, extra stout to support his weight, and no less than eight bearers, all matched for size, carried it easily along the narrow trail. the mahatma poked his head out of the curtain of leaves, as dick hailed him. "who comes to disturb my meditations?" he demanded. "ah, dick sahib, it is you. whereof would you ask advice of the master?" "it is about this guide," dick explained. "he has something on his mind." "speak, son!" said the mahatma inclining his head sideways. mutaba burst into a torrent of language, at the same time throwing himself on all fours in front of the holy man. the hindu listened to him earnestly, stroking his long grey beard and occasionally rolling up his eyes in surprise. once in a while he gave vent to a word or two of question, and at that mutaba spoke louder and faster than ever. "that boy would be grand to have in a calm at sea," laughed dan. "he is windy enough to keep the sails full." "or to run a windmill," dick smiled. "but what's on the fellow's mind?" "looks as if we were going to stay here all day!" dan glanced at raal, who was becoming more and more impatient at the long talk. ever since the warrior had learned the whereabouts of the princess veena, he had been in a state of suppressed excitement. now that they were so near to the camp where she was held captive, he could hardly restrain himself. but the mahatma showed not the slightest concern. in the life that he led, time meant nothing. the years could go by until they mounted up into centuries and it was all one to a man who believed as he did. the hindu's carriers were more like other humans, however. they shifted uneasily under the burden and once in a while a bearer would reach out to slap a stinging fly that had lighted on his leg. dick and dan looked on, mopping the perspiration from their foreheads and finally dick ventured to interrupt. "what is the word? do we start?" "we're in a rush," said dan. "particularly raal, here, is minding it." "patience, patience!" observed sikandar, stroking his beard calmly. "in patience is wisdom and in wisdom we attain perfection." "we're losing time," said dick impatiently. "on the contrary, we are gaining time." "by standing here and talking?" dan blurted out. "wise talk is better than rash deeds," said the mahatma. "behold any fool is strong, but a wise man tells the fool how to use his strength." "now what is all this getting at?" exclaimed dan. "i bet that old whiskers has made a mistake and is trying to cover up." sikandar's dark eyes flashed in anger at this muttered remark, then he spoke in measured tones: "my knowledge is vast, yet even a wise man may forget. this black guide reminds me that the trail to the land of the iron-heads is through swamps. the land is treacherous. it hardly bears a man's weight and the horses would sink in it and be lost." "bad luck!" cried dick. "we have to _walk_ it," groaned dan. "and carry our eats on our backs!" raal growled and touched his axe handle. "i am ready to go afoot, now!" he asserted. the mahatma put up one fat, soft hand. "nay, now! listen to the words of wisdom. i, mahatma sikandar, am not the one to be discouraged by difficulties. i have a better plan." "out with it, old-timer!" said dan. "patience! patience! we must all go back instead of forward." "never!" interrupted raal. "and some miles back from here we are close to a river where my tribesmen have many canoes." "they will have to be big ones to carry our horses," said dan. "the horses will be put in a corral by the river," went on the hindu. "my men will build a corral quickly. meanwhile we can start out in comfort, paddling down the smooth river to a point within a mile of the enemy camp!" "now you're talking," said dick. he explained to raal how that would save time; for a canoe could be paddled more than twice as fast as it would take to travel through a swamp. raal smiled joyfully at this news and muttered, "good! longbeard, good!" "hooray for old whiskers! he has thought up a good idea at last," said dan. "but say," he whispered to dick, "sikandar didn't think of that. it was the black guide. the wise old boy is just stealing the credit for it." mahatma sikandar scowled at dan and said, "a fool and his folly cannot be parted! as i told you, we saved time by talking and taking counsel." "okay, let's go!" said dick. "we travel by canoe to within a mile of the camp, you say? how is the trail from there?" sikandar asked the guide a question. the latter burst out in noisy explanation. "bad. very bad!" said the hindu. "from the river, there is hardly any trail but just a dense growth of trees, vines and creepers. it is full of wild beasts and huge snakes. we must cut a path. but the distance is not great." "let's be on our way," said dick. "i can see that raal is keen to start." "patience, patience!" said the mahatma, but already dick had shouted an order, the horsemen mounted and mutaba led the way to the river. when the party reached the bank of the stream, a broad, sluggish river, almost entirely overhung with the great trees alive with parrots and chattering monkeys, they found that swift-footed natives had already reached it by taking short cuts. no time had been wasted. vines, tough creepers and branches had been woven between growing trees to form a large enclosure where the horses could be held in safety. a fleet of canoes was riding on the river and the taharans and gorols were now to learn the art of paddling a vessel down stream. mutaba went in the first canoe with dick and dan. raal followed in the second, while kurt and kurul commanded the third and fourth. following a command from the mahatma, a number of men came forward. they were paddlers who were to accompany the expedition and instruct the desert dwellers how to handle the boats. soon the river was crowded with light craft, manned by warriors at the paddles. "where is the wise old bird?" asked dan. "hope he didn't give us the slip," said dick. "we may need his help before the day is over." "the master of wisdom is in the biggest canoe," said mutaba, pointing out an exceptionally broad craft with a small cabin of boughs built at the widest part. true to form, the mahatma had insisted upon his privacy even in a canoe, and his followers had built a bower-like shelter of saplings, vines and flowering plants, in which the sage could sit cross-legged and meditate. "that beats all!" dan marvelled. "old brains can certainly make the strong-arm boys wait on him! when he says 'jump,' they all step lively." the mahatma's canoe was followed by a second, on which his litter was carried. evidently the sage had no intention of doing any part of the journey afoot. his vessel kept in the middle of the string of canoes that slid quietly down the stream, for he had figured out that the safest place was where he would be protected from attacks from either direction. as the fleet moved under the strokes of strong-muscled paddlers, a low-pitched chant arose from the blacks. it floated over the water and the taharans and the gorols listened and soon joined in with the melody, though the words meant nothing to them. but it was clearly a song of battle and raiding, for the eyes of the black men gleamed excitedly and the whites showed as they rolled them while they plied their paddles with energy. the boats sped faster and faster. by that time the taharans and the gorols, unused to the ways of rivers, had learned the simple art of driving the canoes forward with strokes in time to the chant. the blond warriors bent to it with zest, their great muscles swelling, while the lighter built gorols tried to outstrip them in clever use of the paddle. soon it was developing into a race, and raal, who was burning with impatience, felt satisfied at last. he could see progress being made. that very day he might be able to rescue veena from the scoundrels who had captured her. then a voice came to the leaders across the water and sounded a warning: "patience, patience, my people! too much haste now, means delay in the end." "there goes old whiskers again," exclaimed dan. "maybe we are disturbing his meditations by going fast." the hindu's voice sounded as distinctly in their ears as though he were alongside. "not so fast dick sahib. let your men rest on their paddles. i have much to say to you." "oh shucks!" dan growled. "we were winning the race. now the old gazabo wants us to fall to the rear." but mutaba had heard his master's command and the order was given. soon the hindu's canoe was side by side with the one carrying dan and dick. mahatma sikandar spoke through his screen of leaves. "bad news, dick sahib and for you, too, dan sahib, the crystal ball brings evil tidings." "what's up now?" blurted dan. "were you really crystal gazing in the canoe? and did you see something that concerns us?" demanded dick. "i saw clearly what i saw only dimly before," answered the hindu gravely. "the captives held in the same camp with veena; one is a man, gray bearded and full of years. that is your father, dick sahib." "dick's father? why how did professor oakwood get down here in the jungle?" dan was incredulous. "he was lured from the oasis by a trick. and he was not taken alone. a young girl is also kept for ransom." "a girl? who can it be?" cried dan as the truth began to dawn upon him. "already you guess who it is, dan sahib, and your suspicions are correct. the girl who is captured is young and beautiful with dark eyes and curly black hair. she is brave, although her case is desperate, and she calls upon you for help. she is your sister, dan sahib!" chapter x war canoes ray carter a captive! this terrible news stunned the two boys for an instant, then spurred them to furious action. their canoe drove forward. soon the mahatma's boat was left far behind. now they felt that not a moment must be lost. to think of dan's lovely sister in the grip of those savage and brutal men, made them wild with the resolve to fight for her freedom. it was bad enough to know that dick's father was held for ransom, but ray was in ten times as much danger. she was so sweet and pretty in her gay, jaunty way, that the mere thought of her coming to harm aroused them to madness. they urged the boatmen to greater speed. "faster! faster!" shouted dan. "i've got to get my sister out of there!" gone was all his jolly manner. his round face was no longer ruddy but looked pale and strained, and his eyes showed the light of desperate resolve. "faster! faster!" commanded dick oakwood, and his jaw set in a hard, fighting line as he stared straight ahead down the tropical river. raal echoed the cry for speed and more speed and the paddlers drove deeper into the sluggish water, while foam curled before the canoes. mutaba caught the excitement and his men were stirred to fighting rage. their war chant rang out as they bent to the paddles and the alarming sounds startled the parrots and monkeys in the overhanging trees. "this will never do," said dick. "we don't know how far the sounds may carry." "that's right. we don't want to warn those cut-throats that we are on our way," dan urged. as if his thoughts had been read, a voice of command travelled over the surface of the water and penetrated the uproar with its calm accent. "quiet, my children! make speed, but no more noise." "the mahatma," gasped dan. "did you hear him?" dick questioned. "did you hear english words?" "of course. at least i seemed to hear them." "but the black kungoras obeyed. and so did the taharans. and the gorols, too! yet none of those people understood english." "that's a fact. how do you account for that?" "the mahatma sent an order that each man understood in his own language. it was not in words, however. he just sent his thoughts to us all. we _imagined_ we heard the words, but what happened was that we got the idea by some sixth sense." "that's magic! the real thing!" dan exclaimed. "not magic. it's what i told you about; a kind of mental radio." "well, if the mahatma can send his thoughts like that, he must be a wise old bird, after all!" dan exclaimed. "say, i was wrong to kid him so much and call him old whiskers." "that's what i think." "i hope he isn't sore at me." "not likely. he probably does not consider it worth while to be insulted by a fresh youngster like you." "jiminy, i hope you're right, dick. we certainly need the mahatma's help if we are going to get ray out of there." "we do that. it will take all his scheming and all our fighting speed to set her free." dan's face was very grave. he was so excited and nervous about his sister that he almost broke down. "do you think i'd better go back to his boat and apologize?" he asked humbly. "say, i'd feel like a dog if anything happened to ray." "you can apologize later," counselled dick. "what we have to do now is paddle for dear life and as soon as we reach the camp to put up the best fight there is in us." both dick and dan seized a paddle and added their efforts to those of the boatmen. it was hot work. the humid air of the jungle weighed upon them like a blanket of steam. their bodies were dripping and it was hard to breathe. most of the time they were in the shade of the huge trees, but once in a while the canoe darted into a patch of sunshine and then the rays of the afternoon sun beat down upon them fiercely. the taharans minded the humidity and so did the gorols, while dick and dan were terribly fagged, but the black men did not seem to notice it. their ebony-like bodies were wet with perspiration, but they seemed cheerful and eager. only the command of the mahatma kept them from breaking into song. the boys looked into the jungle on both sides and saw that it was densely tangled with hanging vines. here and there a clump of bamboo made a barrier that only a hatchet could cut through; elsewhere the forest was overgrown with small trees forcing their way to the sunlight, and among them could be seen the stealthy shapes of wild beasts. "hope we don't run into leopards or lions," said dan. "it's going to be tough to fight the tribesmen, and we don't want to be clawed by wild animals before the scrap begins." "that's a chance we have to take." "you said it! hey!----look at that! duck for your life!" from a near-by branch, a long sinuous object like a giant creeper, suddenly swung toward them. it showed a murderous head, with wide open jaws and a tongue that darted angrily. "great snakes!" shouted dan, striking at it with his paddle. but the canoe had darted past the danger before the scaly monster could attack and dan breathed more easily. "look there in the shadows," said dick. "elephants, as i'm alive!" "and whoppers!" cried dan. "say, i never saw them that big before. not even in a circus!" "they are dangerous to fool with," dick remarked. "i would hate to be in front of that old bull if he started to charge." the biggest elephant in the herd seemed the size of a freight car as he calmly reached into the tree tops and pulled down the tender foliage. his trunk stretched high above his head as he felt for the tender shoots. "a regular boarding house reach!" laughed dan, forgetting his suspense for a moment. "say that bozo would never have to say, 'please pass the butter.' he could grab it from the other end of the table." one of the taharans gave a cry of astonishment at seeing the huge creature so near by, and at the noise the elephant faced about, waving his enormous ears and looking at the intruders with an expression of anger in his little, intelligent eyes. "i feel safer out here!" dan observed. "what use would a bow and arrow be against that tough hide?" "you're right. even my old fashioned arab gun would hardly send a bullet through it." "how do you suppose the stone-age men ever hunted mastodons?" asked dan. "those woolly mastodons with long curving tusks were lots bigger than the elephant." "i guess it was the mastodon that did the hunting in those days," dick answered. "the cave-men were not the hunters but the hunted, if you ask me." "and that goes for the sabre-toothed tiger, too." "i bet it was a toss-up whether the human race would conquer the animals or be eaten by them in the stone-age," said dick. "maybe that's why the people of today get scared and have panics so easily. it may be a hang-over from the fear that haunted our ancestors." "i can't say i'm exactly scared----" dan carter began, but before he could finish his sentence a shout from a boatman startled him and he answered with a yell of terror. the canoe was passing close to a shallow spot and suddenly a pair of jaws snapped open right alongside. they were so wide that it looked as though they could crash through the canoe with one bite, and the vicious rows of teeth could easily slice through a man's body. dan thought he was facing a horrible death in that instant and in fact he had never had a narrower escape. as he yelled, he threw himself flat, but the black guide, mutaba showed no sign of fear. mutaba had hunted crocodiles before and knew what to do. his black arm shot out like lightning with a heavy stick in his fist. it was sharpened at both ends and as mutaba thrust it upright between the monster's rows of teeth and the jaws snapped to close, the upper and lower jaw were stuck on the points of the stake. mutaba grinned as he jerked away his hand and the canoe darted past, just in the nick of time, for the enraged monster thrashed about with his tail, churning the muddy water to foam. the man-eater was trapped. the harder he struggled, the more firmly he impaled his open jaws upon the sharp stick, and all his thrashing about was futile, for the following boats sped by close to the opposite bank. "those black fellows are smart!" gasped dan. "jehosephat, i thought i was a goner, sure!" "the natives are pretty well pleased!" said dick. "listen to them laugh and jeer at the unlucky beast." "don't waste any pity on crocodiles! this one was ready to make a lunch out of me." "i am not sorry for him. and it's no wonder the natives hate those man-eaters that lurk in the shallows to snap off an arm." "i've read that they are particularly fond of black children," said dan, "so there's one croc' at least that won't eat any babies." "hush! listen!" said dick. close to his ear came the even voice of the mahatma as before: "quiet, my children. we are near the journey's end." dick and dan stared at each other. it was uncanny. they were sure this time that they had not actually _heard_ the mahatma's voice, but that their minds had received the message in some occult way. shadows were slanting from the west. the river was wider now and the surface was sluggish with hardly a ripple. from the depths of the forest echoed the weird call of a bird with a human note that sounded like lunatic laughter. otherwise all was still and the shadows of the jungle seemed to grow blacker and more mysterious at every moment. "it's spooky," whispered dan. "like passing a haunted house at midnight." "cheer up," said dick. "it's going to be worse when we have to cut a path through it." "just the same, i'd go through worse than this to save your father and my sister." "i don't suppose my dad worries as much as we do. being a scientist, he is seeing so many new plants, animals and birds, that he has no time to get scared. but ray, poor girl, she must be terrified. if only we can get to her before it is too late!" "the mahatma said we would save her." "but you didn't believe a word he said. you were always kidding him." "i believe in him now," said dan. "boy, _how_ i believe in him!" "i would like him better if he would let us have some of his warriors," said dick. "he's doing us a good turn by lending the canoes and showing us how to reach the muta-gunga camp but what worries me is that the taharans and gorols are not used to this country and won't know much about fighting in the jungle." "that's so, they will be at a disadvantage in a battle with these jungle savages who know every inch of the ground," said dan thoughtfully. "they're brave enough but it would help if they had a few of the natives of the section to show them the way around." "never mind, we will take a chance," said dick. "we're going to win out! and come through with flying colors!" chapter xi king solomon's crown suddenly mutaba raised both arms above his head and opened and closed his hands rapidly. it was a signal. the paddlers in the following canoes slowed down and the leader in each little vessel relayed the silent order until the last boat had received it. the keen-eyed jungle tracker had spied an opening in the wall of trees and vines that dick and his friend could hardly see, even when the canoe was making straight for it. apparently the little vessel which was headed right across the stream was about to run its nose into the bank, but at a muttered warning from mutaba the crew ducked low and the canoe glided under a leafy fringe and entered a creek that allowed free passage. as the stream widened dick could see it extending like a black trail deep into the forest. here the shadows were so heavy that there was not enough light for plants that grow close to the ground, consequently the undergrowth was not so dense as it was near the river bank. dick and dan could see farther into the shadowy depths after their eyes became accustomed to the twilight, and now and then they saw a fleeting shape, so distant that it could not be recognized as man or beast. "this is ghostly," whispered dan. "a magic forest, if there ever was one!" "cheer up! we have strong magic on our side," smiled dick. "the mahatma is with us. we would be lost without him." "old whiskers--i mean, mahatma sikandar, is right there with the goods!" dan was enthusiastic. "say, i hope he won't hold it against me that i was so fresh." "don't worry. his mind is full of important things. i'm sure he thinks of your wise-cracks as less than the dust." "it's up to me to do something brave and prove to the mahatma that i am more than a smart aleck." "that's the right spirit! i have the feeling that a big scrap is about to break. you'll have plenty of chances to show what you can do." "watch me! if i can lay hands on jess slythe, i'll pay him out for what he did to my sister." dick interrupted him. "quiet. mahatma sikandar looks worried. maybe there is danger near by." the tracker spoke in swahili, a dialect spoken by many tribes in different parts of africa, of which dick understood a few words. "bwana dick," he said earnestly. "we are near the place where we leave the canoes. i have seen signs of enemies. so be quiet, bwana dick, and tell your talkative friend to be silent." dick translated in whispers and dan followed the warning. cautiously the canoe entered a wide part of the stream where vines and bushes grew in a patch of sunlight. mutaba looked at the banks carefully for signs of footprints or broken branches that would tell of intruders, then pointed to a certain spot where the earth had been trodden by animals who came to drink. "this is the place, bwana dick," he said. "i go first." as the canoe touched the shore, the powerful native leaped to the bank as lightly as a cat, crouched low as if smelling the ground and examined every inch of the soil near him. then he peered into the forest depths carefully and finally raised one hand as a signal. his blacks, who had been holding their bows in readiness for an attack, now followed him, and canoe after canoe unloaded. mutaba led the way by a narrow trail to a clearing where the forces could assemble, and here the taharans and the gorols awaited orders from the mahatma. the wise man came last. even in the dense jungle he refused to walk, so the litter was carried by his bearers, while hatchet-wielding natives cut and slashed at the vines and brush. but when he reached the clearing, mahatma sikandar refused firmly to accompany the war party any further and ordered the litter set down under a tree. "my ways are the ways of peace," he said. "i remain here and my spirit will direct you from afar." "i wonder whether he's afraid," whispered dan. "ssh," cautioned dick. "there you go! offending him again!" for the mahatma's dark eyes stared angrily in dan's direction and he beckoned the boys to come closer. "listen," he said. "i came from my own country in search of peace. a voice led me for many weary miles over seas and strange lands, across burning deserts and at last i was directed by my unseen guide to this jungle tribe. the voice directed me to bring peace to the warlike tribe of the kungoras." "and the natives understood and bowed down to you?" questioned dick. "yes, my son. fierce as they are, they received me as a friend and master. from that day, they have had no war. i promised them peace and i brought them peace." "i see that they are anxious to join us in this raid," said dan. "they have been quiet too long." "can you lend us just a few warriors?" asked dick. "they know the jungle warfare and can show my desert fighters what to do." "i can lend you a guide, mutaba," said the mahatma. "but once i set the tribe free to warfare, my days here are ended." "you mean that they would turn on you and kill you?" "no, my son. i mean that the unseen guide who led me here to meditate, told me that when war came to my tribe, on that day my search would begin once more." "your search? for what?" dan's question brought an unexpected reply from the hindu. "my search is for an ancient crown of massive gold and gems," he said. "it is so old that no man knows when it was made or for whom. it is of great value to the possessor." "if it's gold you want," said dan, "we know where you can get a shipload. don't we, dick?" "peace, peace! gold is nothing to me. it is the crown i seek. the crown that has been in the treasuries of great kings but now has vanished. king solomon had it as a gift from the queen of sheba. it was lost for centuries, then found in the court of an abyssinian king. then it disappeared. where it is now, i know not." "why don't you look for it in your crystal?" "i have tried. many times. but the magic of the crown is stronger than my own. it refuses to show itself in my crystal sphere." "why do you want it so much?" asked dan. "because upon that crown is engraved the secret of wisdom. it is a secret that is older than man. if i could look upon that symbol and fix it upon my memory, i would give all the riches in the world." dick was thinking hard. he turned impatiently, as raal approached him and asked, "o mighty tahara, when do we start?" "soon, raal, very soon." "my heart is heavy, master, when i think of the princess held captive." "and what about me?" exclaimed dan. "am i to wait around here talking, while my sister's life is in danger?" "peace, peace, children!" said the mahatma. "all will be well if you have patience." "we will never get to the camp today!" exclaimed dan. "then we can fight by the light of the full moon," dick retorted sharply. "don't break in on the mahatma when he is planning things. by this time you ought to know that you make better time by following his advice." the hindu raised both hands above his head and closed his eyes, murmuring, "the voice that led me here, tells me that i shall learn more about the ancient crown. my time here is nearly at an end." "let me tell you about the crown of the two tribes," said dick. "it is old and very heavy and set with uncut gems. and it is covered with signs like picture writing," and dick described it as well as he could remember. "you have seen this crown?" "i have had it on my head," replied the boy king. "where is it now?" "not here, mahatma. it is too heavy to wear for long, and too valuable to carry on a war expedition, so i placed it in the safest spot i know." "tell me! tell me where it is hidden," cried the hindu. never before had dick seen him show excitement. now his voice trembled with eagerness. "do you think the crown of the taharans and gorols is the lost diadem?" asked dick. "the one that the queen of sheba gave to king solomon?" "i believe it is the same. i cannot rest un i have seen it. tell me where it is." dick started to say that he had placed it in the cave of the great gorol, the ape-god in the land of the gorols. then it occurred to him that if mahatma were told, he would lose all interest in helping rescue the captives. it would be better to hold the secret until ray and his father were saved and veena restored to raal. "patience, patience, o mahatma sikandar," said dick softly. "patience! _you_ preach patience to me?" "yes, o wise man. for until you have set free the captives i seek, you shall never learn where the crown is hidden." "but you must tell me." "later. after the battle." "but suppose you should be killed?" "then my secret perishes with me. you shall never see king solomon's crown and you shall never read the words of highest wisdom." "attaboy!" exclaimed dan. "you've got the mahatma where you want him, dick. make him set ray free, or tell him nothing." the mahatma tightened his lips to keep back an angry retort and then spoke gently: "my life is all in vain if i fail to see the crown you have hidden." "look for it in your crystal!" cried dan. sikandar ignored him and continued to dick oakwood, "with the symbol on that crown in my memory, i could travel through the air to my own land. i could go to the high-built lamasaries of tibet. i could enter the presence of the holy dalai lama himself and find welcome in the circles of the wise men of the high places." "you can do all those things, once you have set free the captives," said dick firmly. "sure," said dan. "we will help you. my father has a plane that will fly you to india." "your father will fly with me to holy india?" the mahatma looked at dan for the first time with respectful interest. "the voice told me that it would be so," he replied. "an unlicked cub would first annoy me by his foolish teasing, then would cause me to be carried through the air to the land of the sacred ganges." "any place you want to go!" said dan. "help me first, and we'll show you the crown and fly with you to india," dick promised. "only we can't waste any more time here," urged dan. "raal and his warriors are impatient," said dick. "and so am i." "enough!" the mahatma was through preaching patience. he clapped his hands and the tracker mutaba ran to him, falling on his knees and awaiting orders. "the days of peace are ended," said sikandar. "good, o holy man!" "and my days with you are nearly at an end." mutaba uttered a wail of grief, but sikandar spoke sharply: "lead the way with hatchets and cut a path through the jungle for the taharans and the gorols. and when you come to the camp of the muta-gungas, fight as you never fought before." "good, o master. good!" "my litter will follow close behind army," said mahatma sikandar. "this is a holy war. till it is ended, there shall be no more talk of peace." "or of patience!" cried dan. "we strike for the princess veena!" raal exclaimed, signalling to his warriors. "we fight for our holy man!" cried mutaba, leading his hatchet-bearers into the jungle. "we fight for the rescue of my sister--and your father!" dan carter exclaimed, clapping dick on the shoulder. "this is bully. now we are going to put up a swell fight!" "we fight for the crown of wisdom," said mahatma sikandar. "forward to battle!" chapter xii stampede the jungle closed in upon the warriors. they seemed like insects winding through a patch of grass, for the trees grew high and thick above them and the saplings crowded close to the trail. the kungoras used their hatchets and the stone-age men slashed with their flint implements, cutting away the creepers and vines that blocked their passage. but it was slow going. dick oakwood watched the progress with anxious eyes, for it was far past mid-day and he wanted to attack while it was still light. otherwise in the darkness, he might lose the captives altogether. the time was short for what they had to do. "at this rate we will never make it," said dan carter, mopping the moisture from his face. "push on anyhow," said dick. "there's nothing else to do." he and dan were in the lead, with mutaba, who directed his axe-wielding blacks. the guide kept watching for any sign of hostilities, running ahead whenever there was a clear space on the trail and searching for tracks or broken twigs which might indicate that some enemy had passed that way. suddenly he stopped short, crouched low in the brush and raised one hand high as a warning. dick watched him draw his bow and take careful aim at something in the tangle of vines far ahead, then as he let the arrow fly, a creature that might have been man or beast fled through the undergrowth in terror. with a grunt of anger, mutaba leaped forward and pursued it, while dick and dan did their best to keep up. but the black slid through the tangled growth like a snake, while the two boys were blocked constantly, so they were soon left behind. finally when they did overtake him, mutaba was squatting on his haunches, examining everything on the ground and in the brush with the trained eyes of a tracker. "it was a man," he said briefly. "my arrow missed, for there was no trace of blood on any branch or on the ground." mutaba moved a pace forward and pointed to some crushed vegetation, which to the boys was meaningless. "it was a muta-kunga tribesman," said the tracker. "a young warrior, who knows the way of the jungle." "a regular sherlock holmes:" remarked dan. "next thing he will tell us that the fellow was exactly five feet, eight and a half inches tall, had a hair lip and wore grey spats and a lion skin." mutaba understood nothing of this, but as though in answer to dan's sarcasm, he reached out with his thin black fingers and dislodged a bit of fluff from a bramble. "it is from the muta-kunga warrior's neck feathers," he said. "neck feathers?" "yes, bwana dick, when the muta-kunga is at war or on the hunting trail, he wears a neck piece of feathers. see, this is a bit that was torn off in flight." dick translated for dan's benefit, and the latter whistled in astonishment. "guess i pulled another boner," he said. "sherlock holmes was on to his job after all." "that ends our surprise attack!" dick exclaimed. "the muta-kunga warriors will know we are on our way. that fellow may be at the camp already, and warning the tribe." "tough luck!" said dan. "the worst is that they may rush the prisoners to some other hiding place in the jungle." "or they may ambush us at some spot and shoot us full of arrows without warning." "it's a bad break for us, either way," admitted dick. "but it's too late to turn back now. we'll just have to take a chance." "why couldn't the mahatma have foreseen this in his crystal?" dan growled. "you expect too much. the hindu can't see _everything_." "well, it's up to him to make good," dan persisted. "he said we would rescue ray and your father and veena, and if he lets us down, i'll make him sweat for it!" the war party proceeded more cautiously than before. word had spread through the little army that a spy had been shot at but had escaped, so every man was on his guard for attackers. for some time nothing unusual happened, though there was a constant feeling of dread. at any moment a shower of arrows and spears might bring death to the invaders. the forest seemed more terrifying than ever and even the kungoras, who would rather fight than eat, showed the nervous strain. finally mutaba stopped short in his tracks with a sharp "_psst!_" and held up his hand. "what is it now?" gasped dan, fitting an arrow to his bow. dick brought his clumsy arab gun level for a shot at the hidden enemy. but this time the foe was not human. through the tangle of vines and saplings a huge head loomed above the party. it was an enormous elephant that faced them with murderous rage in its little bright eyes. its trunk raised high, the creature trumpeted angrily, while its ears stood out like wings on both sides of its head. "jehosephat!" gasped dan. "now we are done for!" in his excitement he let fly the arrow he was holding, but it bounced off the tough hide of the bull elephant as though it had struck a brick wall. at this annoyance, the elephant trumpeted more furiously than before, and from behind him other huge forms crowded to dispute the path of the warriors. "it's a whole herd of 'em," cried dan. "we'll be trampled to pulp." but though his voice trembled dan carter did not become panic-stricken. he looked to his friend dick oakwood for advice and saw that the boy king was facing the danger manfully. raising the heavy gun to his shoulder, dick was taking a steady aim at the animal's eye. it was a desperate chance. only one shot with a clumsy old-fashioned gun and if that missed, all was over. to dan it seemed like an hour, as dick held the bead on the infuriated monster, but it was only a second. then dick squeezed the trigger, there followed a sharp click--and that was all. the gun had missed fire. "good night!" gasped dan. "this is our finish. now they'll charge us, and we'll be trampled into the mud." but just as the herd swayed forward in a clumsy attack, the even voice of the mahatma sounded among the tribesmen. "stand fast! fear nothing!" once more the wise hindu sent his thoughts straight to their minds by his mysterious power and at the same time he used his occult skill upon the furious brutes. some nameless fear struck the leader of the herd as the mahatma exerted his mystic forces. the rage of the bull elephant changed instantly to wild terror. trunk aloft, he trumpeted shrilly, and wheeled about in flight. the herd caught the panic. at once the great animals crashed blindly through the jungles, flattening the saplings and tearing loose the clinging vines as they fled. they were stampeding in the direction of the muta-kunga camp and beating a trail for the warriors faster than the hatchet-men could have cleared it. dick oakwood cocked his gun and pulled the trigger, aiming at the retreating herd. this time there was no miss-fire. the gun roared like a young cannon. "tahara hal!" went up a great shout from raal, as he leaped forward. his tribesmen followed, brandishing their weapons and echoing the war cry: "_tahara, hal!_" to raal and his men this was one more proof of the boy king's superhuman power. mutaba and his kungoras took up the chase, yelling fiercely and hurling insults at the fleeing elephants. now there was no further need of caution for the muta-kungas were warned of a coming battle. all that the invaders had to do was to race forward, and at their top speed it was not possible to catch up with the herd. clumsy as they appeared, the elephants were capable of moving fast, and now urged by fear, they tore through the jungle like a freight train. the trumpeting of the elephants, the terrified chatter of monkeys in the trees, and birds, startled by the confusion, raised a terrific din in the forest that was usually so quiet. small game fled in terror before the onrush that shook the ground. snakes slid swiftly out of the way of the charging herd. no creature large or small dared to stay in its path. and this onslaught was most violent when it swept upon the camp of the muta-kungas. warned by their scout who had been shot at by mutaba, the tribesmen of chief mobogoma were prepared for battle. armed with flat-pointed spears and bows and arrows, they were drawn up awaiting the word to meet their enemies and attack them from ambush. the muta-kungas were ferocious looking fellows with degraded faces and about their necks they wore huge ruffs of brightly colored feathers. abdul and his men were ready with their guns and scimiters, while jess slythe was guarding two of the prisoners, professor oakwood and ray carter, with the help of a couple of arabs. cimbula who had impressed the tribe by his craftiness, was guarding the princess veena in a hut reserved for prospective brides of chief mobogoma. the one-eyed witch-doctor was quite at home in the enemy camp and hoped to see the taharans slain. the arab horses were in a large corral, for the forest was too dense to use them in fighting, and as for flight, nobody had even considered it, as the muta-kungas expected to kill off the invaders before they even reached the camp. but the whirlwind attack threw them all into confusion. first came the small animals, running as though the forest were afire behind them, then crash, _crash_, crash, the old bull elephant charged right through the village, his herd at his heels. down went the fences of the small garden patches and down went every hut that stood in the way. even the chief's big house was not spared and mobogoma himself had to duck out of the way as a raging elephant brought down the thatched roof. his wives and children fled screaming into the wilderness, scattering before the thundering terror. brave as they were, the muta-kungas did not even try to fight off the charging elephants, but sought shelter behind big trees, and as for the arabs, they made a wild dash for their horses, which had broken loose from the wrecked corral. dick shouted to his taharans and gorols, "let 'em have it!" as his forces swept into the wrecked village. "let 'em have it!" echoed dan carter. "give 'em the axe!" both boys were keenly alive to the danger that the captives were exposed to, and while their followers took on the muta-kungas in hand to hand combat, the boys looked for ray and dick's father among the ruined huts. raal was no less eager in the search for veena and he was the first to find what he sought. from a partly wrecked hut he spied the girl trying to crawl from under the thatched roof, while the witch-doctor stood over her threatening her with death if she tried to escape. in one leap raal was upon him, battle axe upraised and the wretched cimbula vented a howl of terror as he saw the weapon flash through the air. it was the last sound he uttered, for the next moment raal's axe found its mark and the crafty plotter sank in a heap among the débris of the ruined hut. raal dragged out veena and held her in his arms, looking about fiercely to protect her from other foes, while the girl clung to him in mingled terror and gratitude. meanwhile dick and dan caught sight of ray struggling with abdul, who was mounted on his horse and was holding the girl before him on the saddle. ray struggled frantically and screamed for help. jess slythe who was tying professor oakwood upon a horse, aided by two husky arabs, snarled at her to keep quiet. "i've got a good mind to cut your throat and the professor's too," he raged. "if i didn't expect a good big ransom from your father, i'd do it in a minute." it was at that moment that dick saw the girl and rushed toward her, shouting, "dan, dan, there she is!" the two boys flung themselves at abdul, striking at him with their primitive weapons. dan had only a flint knife which he tried to use dagger-fashion, but as he strained upward abdul raised his scimiter to slash at his head. but dick oakwood was quick to defend his friend. with the long arab gun, clutched in both hands, he swung at abdul, delivering a blow that half stunned the bedouin. abdul reeled in his saddle, releasing his hold on ray and like a flash she slipped to the ground, her dark hair tumbled, her cheeks reddened with anger and her black eyes flashing. "don't let him get away!" she cried. "i want to pay him back for what he made me suffer." dick held her in his arms to keep her from falling, but dan, whose hands were free, hurled his flint knife at abdul just as the arab's horse galloped away. the weapon caught the ruffian on the arm and a gush of blood reddened his burnous, but the next instant, clinging to his horse's neck, the fugitive plunged into the forest. dick saw to his horror that jess slythe had tied his father to a horse and was now in flight, mounted upon another animal. professor oakwood, too proud to call for help, sent one despairing look backward, as jess slythe lashed the animal's flanks. "after him!" shouted dick oakwood. "get me a horse, somebody! we have _got_ to rescue my father!" but the arab horses were plunging about beyond hope of capture, and jess slythe and his prisoner were already lost in the shadows of the jungle. chapter xiii jungle dancers the victory was complete. by the time mahatma sikandar came on the scene, borne upon his litter, the muta-kungas were in full flight, pursued by the kungoras, gorols and taharans. the arabs, too, had vanished, but a few of their horses were loose, running about the village and the surrounding forest. dick spied his taharan friends, kurt and kurul, returning from the pursuit of the enemies and cried: "round up the stray horses! get all you can! we'll start out to rescue dad." "yes, master," they replied obediently, and called upon their fellows to help in the capture of the terrified animals. the mahatma spoke to them in his placid voice: "patience, my children! i see that the battle has gone as i foretold. through my power over beasts, i caused the elephants to stampede. now be quiet, and watch. you will see me bring the horses to you." fascinated, dick and his followers watched the wise old hindu raise both hands above his head with a convulsive gesture. his eyes closed. at the same time his lips moved as he appeared to be saying something under his breath. but no sound came to the ears of the men beside him. the message was not meant for them. it was directed at the runaway horses. at a distance the beasts were racing madly, at first, then their pace slackened and a few of them began to graze quietly, while the others stared in the direction of the holy man. kurt and kurul, ropes in hand, gave a grunt of admiration, "mahatma good!" and started to bring in the horses. but dick restrained them. "leave it to the wise man," he said. "he does not need help." sure enough in a few minutes the horses began straying back to where the mahatma was sitting, all their fear gone. "now you can capture them, dick sahib," said sikandar. "go to them quietly and take them by their bridles." dan cried enthusiastically, "you are certainly there with the goods, chief!" with one arm around his sister, he exclaimed, "there's the man you want to thank, ray! without his help we might never have rescued you!" "that's right!" cried dick. "you owe him everything!" ray bowed and expressed her thanks shyly. the strange old hindu did not seem so wonderful to her, but if dick and dan said he was a miracle worker, there must be something to it. and now raal came forward, still holding veena as though he could never let her go. prostrating himself before the mahatma, raal drew the girl down beside him and the pair addressed a chant of thanksgiving to him in their own language. the old man beamed upon them and uttered a blessing, then turned to dick. "you are impatient, my son." "yes, holy man. it is about my father. can you help me save him?" "i know. i know what has happened," said the hindu. "today the spirits that control my crystal are active, and i have seen everything." "and will you bring dad back safely?" "tomorrow you shall clasp his hand. have no fear." but dick was not so easily quieted. "he is in the power of a murderous scoundrel, a man who tried to kill me." "fear not, my son." "let me take the horses and go out with a party tonight." "that would spoil everything! you would be lost in the forests. see, already the shadows are heavy in the jungle and before you could overtake him, it would be dark as the souls of evil men. also the jungle is full of fierce beasts. the leopards, the lions and the crocodiles would destroy you." reluctantly dick decided to stay in the camp until daylight, and join in the feasting that celebrated the victory. "it is well for you that i have taught the kungoras to advance a little way in the path of good," said the mahatma, "otherwise you would have witnessed a cannibal feast this night." "do you mean it?" cried dan. "i do mean it. when i came to the kungoras, they were eaters of human flesh. they believed that eating the heart of an enemy gave them all his strength and courage." "and they slaughtered their prisoners?" "and feasted on them!" "that's too many for me!" ejaculated dan carter. "i can't deny that i'm fond of eats, but if it came to making a lunch off one of those muta-kungas, i'd rather go hungry." the smell of cooking floated over the camp, mingled with the smoke of wood fires. plenty of food had been found in the mud huts thatched with straw, for the surprise attack had caused the natives to flee without taking anything. the feast was served in the clearing before the ruins of chief mobogoma's house. there a big fire was kept burning and by its light the warriors gorged themselves with roasted game, corn and other products of the garden patches and then finished off with quantities of bananas and other fruit. ray and dick ate sparingly as was their habit, and the mahatma contented himself with a little food and that of the plainest, but dan carter joined the warriors in disposing of huge quantities of roasted and broiled meat. the savages showed their delight in his prowess. "dan good!" said kural. "dan big chief!" replied kurt, his mouth full, and reached into a stew pot with a forked stick. as the boy smiled at them, waving a bone that he was gnawing, dick sang out: "take care, dan! i was tipped off that the kungoras smuggled in part of a muta-kunga brave among the stew meat." dan pulled back hastily and stared at the big pot in which vegetables and chunks of meat were mingled. "you take?" asked kurul. "stew good!" suggested kurt with a broad smile. "no thanks," gasped dan carter, turning a little pale. "i don't--think i care--for any more." he got up hastily and left the circle of heavy eaters. "lost your appetite?" laughed dick. "no, not exactly. i just--think i've had--enough! guess i'll take a little walk!" and dan disappeared on the trot. ray gave dick a reproachful look. "is that nice?" she asked. but she was unable to keep back a smile. "dan sahib is bound to the wheel of fleshly enjoyment," remarked the mahatma. "he must learn to restrain his appetites." "especially his appetite for stew, when dining with jungle blacks!" laughed dick. the meal was prolonged far into the night and broken by exhibitions of tribal dances. first the gorols pranced about the fire in single file. they bent low, shuffling along and uttering monkey-like cries, while to make the resemblance perfect they had tied long twigs to their belts, so that they waggled like tails during the dance. with their dark skins, long thin arms and legs and primitive features, they looked more like ape-men than ever and ray and dick shouted with laughter. dan carter returned to the circle, attracted by the noise. "get in line, dan, you are all that's needed to complete the picture," his friend kidded him. "i don't--think i feel--like dancing," replied dan, still a little greenish about the gills. "i'm not feeling very well." "have some more stew!" ray slapped dick's arm and cried, "don't tease the poor boy!" "all right," dick extended his hand. "come on, dan! shake on it! we'll change the subject." the taharans were the next to dance and with a great brandishing of flint knives and stone axes they went through an imaginary battle. two warriors would break away from the line and face each other like duellists, while the rest danced about them, uttering war cries that made the forest ring. "these mock battles look like the real thing!" said dick. "look at that! i thought sure that the tall fellow was going to split the other one with his axe." "i don't like it," said ray. "what if he got excited and landed a blow?" "then there would be one taharan the less.--watch out! now the kungoras are going to it!" with a howl like jungle beasts, the black men were on their feet and rushing to the firelight with spears and painted shields waving above their heads. at the same time the boom-boom-boom of the hollowed log resounded, the huge drum that the muta-kungas used for sending alarms through the forest. "now it's getting good!" exclaimed dan, forgetting his attack of indigestion. "i wondered whether the natives were going to forget the old tom-tom." "boom-boom-boom," went the big drum like a challenge, and at that the kungora dancers lined up in two bands facing each other and howled defiance and threats back and forth. "what's going to happen?" whispered ray clinging to dick's arm. "are they really going to kill each other?" "can't say. ask the mahatma. he knows this tribe." "if they do slay a few warriors, it will be an accident," said mahatma sikandar. "this is a dance of battle and they sometimes forget it is not the real thing." "how terrible!" cried ray. "can't you make them be reasonable?" asked dick as the hindu watched the apparently enraged savages. "reasonable? what human being is ever reasonable?" asked the wise man. "are your own people reasonable when they slaughter each other with guns and poison gas? no, the savages are on a low plane, but the civilized men are also far from the path of wisdom." "go it, mutaba!" shouted dan, clapping his hands. the guide and chief warrior of the kungoras was dancing in front of his own band, shaking his spear in the face of the rival leader. the pair rushed together furiously, leaped back and returned to the attack, while their rolling eyes and thick snarling lips expressed murderous hatred. behind each leader swept the warrior ranks, brandishing their weapons, guarding with their shields and pretending to attack and retreat in wild convulsive rhythms. their bodies, dripping with sweat, gleamed in the firelight, the whites of their eyes flashed furiously and foam gathered in the corners of their mouths as they jerked and writhed in mimic warfare. all the time the drum kept up its beating, ever faster and wilder, like the pulse of a fever patient. to this boom-boom-boom was added the yells and shrieks of the frenzied kungoras, and above the din rose the excited chatter of monkeys in the tree tops and the shrill outcries of parrots and other birds. even the beasts in the depths of the forest had caught the tense excitement from afar, and the black jungle echoed with the roar of lions and the trumpeting of elephants. "what a night!" gasped ray, tightening her grasp on dick. "it's a grand show!" exclaimed dan. "wouldn't miss it for a big league ball game!" "reminds me of the witch-hunt," said dick in a low voice. "remember the night cimbula was picking out victims for sacrifice?" "gee, i thought i was a goner when that black fellow grabbed me," dan ejaculated. "say, let me tell you i have dreamed of that many a night and started up in a cold sweat." "that was horrible!" ray answered. "every second i expected that witch-doctor to pounce on me." "well, mahatma," said dan, "you did a good job to tame those wild kungoras. how did you ever teach them to be good? how did you make them obey you?" "by the power of the mind," answered the hindu. "the spirit of the wise is master of the wildest savage. watch me, and you shall see." fascinated, the two boys and ray looked on, while the mahatma leaned back, closed his eyes and seemed to put the force of his mind upon the frenzied dancers. at first there was no response. the dance was more furious than ever. then, one at a time, the warriors seemed to come to their senses. man after man lowered his weapons, dropped quietly out of the ranks and returned to squat before the fire, all pausing to make a hasty prostration in front of the wise man before they sat down. the mahatma did not open his eyes until the notes of the big drum had faded out into silence. by that time all the blacks were seated and once more eating quietly. "it's a miracle," said dick. "it sure is," answered dan. "listen. even the wild beasts in the jungle have quieted down." "there is more to this than i can understand," whispered ray. "those hindus know plenty of things that are beyond me," dick answered. "i thought it was all the bunk, at first," said dan, "but now i think the old man is the real article." "wait until you go to india where the masters are," dick continued. "then you will see miracles that even our mahatma can't understand." "i'd love to go," said the girl. "africa is thrilling enough, goodness knows, but india fascinates me." before the feast broke up, dan, ray and dick slipped away, too tired to hold their eyes open. chapter xiv to the rescue! the next morning before dawn had penetrated the jungle, dick awoke from a troubled sleep with a voice sounding in his ears. "arise my son! now is the time to set forth." springing from his bed of leafy branches and soft skins, dick saw his faithful kurt pacing back and forth near by, while kurul, stretched under a mango tree, was snoring heavily. the two devoted tribesmen had guarded him, taking shifts through the night. near his resting place ray and dan were still sound asleep, exhausted by the excitement of the night before. dick paused a moment to look at the sleeping girl, whose flushed cheeks and dark tumbled hair made a pretty picture, but again the voice was in his ears, and he recognized it as the mahatma's. "take the horses and set out to find your father. now is the time." dick could not see the hindu. a few drowsy natives were stirring about the camp, but the wise man had sought a hiding place in some hut. yet the boy king knew that his adviser was guiding him by sending his message as before, and he hurried to get his force together. snatching a hasty bite as he moved about, dick made up a party of picked men. first he selected kurt, kurul and raal, dependable fighters; then mutaba, for his knowledge of the jungle, and then a number of first class warriors from the gorols and taharans, as many as there were horses to mount. mutaba seemed to require no explanation. it seemed as though the mahatma had told him where to go and what to do. in a few minutes the party set out, with ray and dan following in the rear, rubbing their eyes sleepily. veena rode with them, looking very fresh and happy. since raal had won her heart by rescuing her, the little savage girl was no longer jealous of ray and wanted to be her friend. as for the mahatma, he stayed in the camp, promising to guide them from his resting place. the trail of the fleeing arabs was not hard to follow, as there were plenty of hoof prints in the soft earth of the forest, and the undergrowth gave them no chance to stray from the narrow path. yet dick saw how wise had been the mahatma's advice to make no attempt to follow in the previous night's darkness. the way was crooked as a snake's trail and passed on narrow strips of hard ground between treacherous swamps, while sometimes a fallen tree was the only bridge across a sluggish stream. the mist hung heavy over the forest, so that the depths were veiled in gray shadow and the sun could not penetrate the low-hanging fog, though it soon warmed it until it resembled the steam room of a turkish bath. "glory be!" exclaimed dan, yawning and mopping his wet brow. "this is a terrible place to be lost. i'd rather be back on the desert. there you can see where you are going, at any rate!" "don't make a noise," cautioned ray. "we don't know what enemies may be lurking about." "that's a fact. mobogoma and his blacks may be behind any of those trees, waiting to shoot us full of arrows and make us look like a pincushion." "yes. or the arabs may be close by. and that terrible jess slythe." "i hope he is!" dan exclaimed. "i'd like to get my hands on that fellow." "don't, dan! it makes me shudder to think of it. he wouldn't think twice about killing you in cold blood." "i'm not scared of him!" boasted dan, who always liked to show off a little before his sister. "if i could meet him in a fair fight, i'd soon show you who is the better man." he was interrupted by the sound of a distant drum. the noise came from some native camp, that might be miles away and the message it tapped out in code seemed to convey a lugubrious warning. "gosh, that's enough to make a fellow want to creep in and hide," muttered dan. "suppose it is a signal for some war party to attack us!" "it does scare a person," ray admitted. "here in the jungle everything is so terrifying and the drums get on my nerves." dick was far in advance at the head of the party with mutaba. "what do you make of that drum?" he asked. the guide shook his black head and grinned. "is it a war drum?" "no, bwana dick." "is it a warning from chief mobogoma to some other tribe?" "no, bwana dick. pay no attention to that drum." "tell me. if we are in danger i've got to know about it." "i tell you, master," said mutaba. "the black fellows have drums for war. they have drums for other things, too. this drum tells a man's wife, 'i am on snake island, hunting with my friends and we killed much meat." "is that all?" "no. listen, now it says more. it says, 'i ate so much last night that i am too heavy to walk. i won't come back until tomorrow night.'" dick laughed. "that's like a 'phone call from the office. what does the man's wife say?" "nothing." mutaba grinned. "wait until he get home. then she say plenty!" "i guess it's the same the whole world over," smiled dick. "say, this is fine! the fog is lifting. and look, we are getting out of the forest." mutaba cautioned for silence and, dismounting, ran ahead to see what was before them, while dan halted the column. he awaited anxiously until the guide returned and explained in awe-struck tones: "ahead of us is a wide clearing on high ground. a great bird is there with broken wings. it is terrible magic." "are the arabs there? and did you see jess slythe?" "yes, bwana dick. slythe is there, but the others are leaving. i think they are afraid of the giant bird with broken wings." "well, i'm not!" cried dick. and he shouted back to his followers. "forward men! let's go!" the warriors let out their horses and on approaching the cleared space they scattered among the open trees and charged in from different angles. before dick's eyes was what he expected, from mutaba's description: the _meteorite_ crashed and helpless. instantly he guessed what had happened. slythe had landed there with his prisoners whom he had taken to mobogoma's camp. then after being driven out he had tried to escape with professor oakwood, his remaining captive, and had crashed on the take-off. as dick neared the plane he could see jess working about it, while his father, tied by the wrists, sat on the ground, looking very wretched and hopeless. no arabs were in sight. "don't worry, dad! your troubles are over!" shouted dick as he galloped forward, while behind him thundered the hoofs of his rescue party. the professor gave a great shout of delight. jess slythe cursed and drew his revolver, firing wildly, but the range was too great. he emptied his gun without effect and before he could reload, the tribesmen were almost upon him, yelling and brandishing their weapons. already arrows were whistling about his ears, as the riders shot from the saddle and jess slythe saw that his only chance for safety was in flight. cursing like a madman he waved his empty gun at the riders, then dashed for his own horse and put spurs to it. "after him, men!" shouted dick, and he saw the riders hot in pursuit. but as for himself, he was not so keen to overtake jess slythe as to hold his father in his arms. out of the saddle he leaped and the next instant he was embracing the old man and laughing, almost crying in excitement. "oh, dad, this is wonderful!" "my boy! my boy!" the older man exclaimed, and after giving dick a big hug he held him off at arm's length and surveyed him. dick made a splendid showing in his garb of a savage king, clad in the skin of a wild beast and carrying primitive weapons, and his father was proud of him as well as astonished. "i always trusted you to come out all right!" he exclaimed. "rex carter said i did wrong to let you run loose in africa, but i told him you were able to take care of yourself better than most men." "but at that, you never expected to hear of me crowned with the ancient diadem of the taharans and gorols," laughed dick. "say dad, what do you think! i found a hindu wise man who says that crown was once owned by king solomon himself." professor oakwood did not try to laugh off this story. instead he answered seriously, "there are more strange things in the wilds of africa than i ever dreamed of. i must talk to your wise man." the father and son had much to say to each other. the professor explained how jess slythe had tried to fly with him that morning but the plane had made a faulty take-off and crashed before it got far from the ground. "and jess had a stiff row with the arab scoundrel, abdul," said professor oakwood. "that's why the arabs left in a huff, and jess was trying to patch up the plane." dan and ray had joined the party now, while most of the tribesmen gathered about, staring at the damaged _meteorite_. one by one, the men who had been pursuing jess slythe returned. the clever scoundrel had given them all the slip, and as he was mounted on a fresh horse, there was little chance of catching up with him. "give it up as a bad job!" observed dan. "say, i'll meet that crook some day and, boy! how i'll make him suffer!" "he will be punished sooner or later," said professor oakwood. "no villain escapes in the long run. sometimes the penalty is delayed, but somehow, sometime, the evil-doers pay for their wickedness." "is that why you never get excited, dad?" "yes, dick, i am philosophic about life. believing as i do, i can take things as they come." "you and the mahatma would have a lot to talk about," said dan eagerly. "say, that wise old bird has everything all figured out. he's wonderful!" ray laughed. "dan is funny," she said. "first he disbelieves everything, but once he is convinced, he swallows all he is told." "oh, come now, ray," exclaimed her brother. "you should be the first to admit that old santa claus--i mean the mahatma--is the real thing. why, without him we would have been killed by the savages and you would not have been rescued." dan went on to explain the hindu's power to send his thoughts through space and to control animals by his mysterious gift. "seeing is believing!" laughed ray. "when i actually _see_ all that, i'll believe it." but professor oakwood was inclined to take the mahatma seriously. "i am anxious to talk to this wise man from the east," he said. "there is nothing i should like better than to learn more about his occult power." "you will have the chance today," said dick. "he is waiting for us at the camp." "that's where you're wrong," said dan. "some mysterious power tells me that he is on his way here." he gravely closed his eyes, placed one hand on his forehead and raising the other one spread his fingers rapidly and closed them again. "hocus-pocus! abracadabra! now-you-see-it. now-you-don't! here comes the mahatma now!" ray saw a suspicious twitch at the corner of her brother's mouth and cried, "dan carter, you're spoofing us!" dick looked hastily in the direction of the jungle trail by which they had come and saw figures moving through the trees. "say, you foxy rascal!" he exclaimed. "it's easy to guess what 'mysterious power' told you that the mahatma is on the way. it was just good eyesight!" sure enough, the litter bearers were now at the edge of the clearing and the hindu could be seen plainly moving toward them. "i told you so!" cried ray. "all this crystal gazing and the other miracles can be explained just as easily. i bet the mahatma has been laughing at you all the time." both dick and dan paid no attention to her outburst. already they were running to meet the old man, whom they regarded as their benefactor, and soon they were leading him in triumph to the plane where professor oakwood was standing. dick introduced his father and the two elderly gentlemen shook hands. they were totally different in appearance, the professor so spare and erect with thin, alert features and the mahatma, stout, even pudgy, with his flowing beard and dark intelligent eyes. "i am grateful to you for helping us out of a great danger," said professor oakwood. "my son tells me that you have used your strange science to save our lives." "i know but little," said the mahatma gravely, "but what little knowledge i have is at your service." "how can i ever repay you?" "your son has offered to repay me a thousand times over," replied the mahatma. "when he shows me the ancient crown, engraved with symbols of knowledge, i shall be the happiest man in the world." "that's right," dick cried. "i'll take you back to the land of the gorols. that's where the crown is guarded." "it's going to be a long hard trek for a fat man," blurted dan. then he blushed and stammered, "excuse me! you're not so _terribly_ fat! what i mean is, it's a hot trip across the desert. i minded it myself." the mahatma smiled. "don't apologize, my son! and have no fear about the long journey, for my crystal tells me that we shall fly there through the air." "oh, you mean in the plane. that's where we are all out of luck. jess slythe crashed it this morning." "so my crystal told me," said the hindu. "but we do not need that plane. another one is on the way now. it is many times larger than this one and can carry us with ease." "you mean my father's plane?" dan was excited at the prediction. "did you not say that your father had an airplane that could fly with us--even to holy india? behold, it is flying toward us even now." dick, dan and ray all searched the sky for a glimpse of rex carter's cabin plane, but there was not a speck in the blue. "false alarm!" laughed ray. "lucky we have horses!" "you're going to admit that you're wrong," teased dan. dick produced his binoculars from the case that hung over his shoulder and studied the heavens but there was no trace of a plane to be seen anywhere. "not yet, my son!" said the mahatma. "we can go to the fringe of the forest and rest in the shade. it will be an hour before the plane appears from the west." he signalled to his bearers and they carried his litter to the nearest clump of trees, while professor oakwood walked alongside, conversing earnestly with the wise man. the others followed and soon all were comfortably seated in the shade, and happy to be out of the blistering african sunlight. ray, dan and dick had plenty to talk about for a while but presently ray became drowsy in the heat and yawned. "i need a good sleep," she declared. "i've had too much excitement." "what i crave is a good lunch," said dan. "why didn't somebody bring a picnic basket?" his head sank between his knees and he dozed off but suddenly dick shook him by the shoulders and the distant roar of engines was the first thing he heard. at first dan thought he was dreaming, then he sprang to his sister and shouted in her ear, "wake up! wake up! look, ray! there comes the plane!" ray ran out into the clearing, shouting and waving her arms. dan and dick followed her and yelled at the top of their voices. "this is silly," said dick, finally. "what's the use of shouting? we could never be heard above the noise of the engines." "it's too far away to see us," groaned dan. "but they are sure to see the wrecked _meteorite_" dick assured him. "that's so. if they keep straight on, they will pass right over it," said ray, then her voice broke as she exclaimed, "look, dan. it's banking for a turn. the plane is starting the other way!" chapter xv ready for new adventures "quick, dan, let's get a fire going!" dick oakwood was taking no chances. he shouted orders to raal and the other tribesmen and they rushed about getting dead branches and brush from the forest. soon a huge fire was sending up a column of smoke. evidently the pilot was searching for the lost party, for he flew the plane slowly. dick oakwood was in a position to sympathize with rex carter, the anxious father hunting over the jungle for some trace of his children. dick had gone through so many hours of worry lately that he knew how terrible was the suspense that the unhappy man was suffering. while he felt sure that the wrecked monoplane would be seen, he made doubly certain of it by sending up a signal that would attract the pilot's attention from miles away. with his eyes straining at the cabin plane, he suddenly gave a great shout: "hurrah! they have seen the fire. look! now they're banking again." "oh dan!" cried ray. "it's coming straight toward us. i'm so happy! i could almost believe in your old mahatma now." "he's a wise old bird," dan asserted. "it's coming out just as he said it would." the natives had sighted the cabin plane and expressed their feelings in different ways. the kungoras took to the woods in terror. the gorols, clutching their weapons, dodged behind rocks and bushes, ready to fight off the flying demons if they should prove hostile. only the taharans, reassured by raal, stood their ground without fear, believing that the boy king would protect them. but even they were a little uneasy as the giant plane flew above the clearing and its shadow swept over them like a great hawk's. "fear nothing!" cried dick to encourage them. "they are my friends." "tahara hal!" shouted the warriors lustily. professor oakwood, standing beside the mahatma, shook the hindu's hand. "you are a good prophet," he said. "it is just an hour since you said the plane would be here. and now it comes on the dot." sikandar smiled and sent his warning to the taharans in the open space. "scatter to the woods, make way for the friendly eagle." as the tribesmen scampered to safety, the great plane banked and leveled for a landing, while the pilot searched for a safe spot. a minute later it was on the ground with its three powerful motors still. the door flew open and rex carter leaped out to catch his boy and girl in his arms. the big, ruddy-faced business man was almost in tears, so great was his relief. "i had given you up for lost!" he exclaimed in a choking voice. "i never expected to see you alive again!" "how did you know where to look for us?" asked ray, hugging and kissing her father. "it was hassam. the fellow knew about the tribes that jess slythe traded with and directed us here. but it was a hopeless search, or so it seemed. why you might have been hidden in that jungle and we could have passed close overhead without seeing you." "it must have been terrible for you," said ray, clinging to him. "and how you must have suffered!" exclaimed her father. "if ever i lay hands on that scoundrel who stole you away, i'll make him wish he had never been born." "same here!" dan clenched his fists and glared about as though he expected to see the treacherous slythe lurking near by. rex carter clapped his son on the shoulder and looked at him affectionately. "you're a great boy!" he said. "these adventures have hardened your muscles and tanned your skin. i was wrong to let you out of my sight so long, but now that it's over, i feel that it has made a man of you." dan eagerly related all his experiences since he had parted from his father and soon professor oakwood and dick came to shake hands and exchange congratulations. later rex carter was introduced to the hindu seer, who received the wealthy business man with quiet dignity. carter was impressed for though the mahatma wore nothing but a saffron-colored loin cloth, he was as majestic as though he were clad in the robes of a king. dan explained how the wise man had come to africa in search of an ancient crown, on which was the symbol of perfect wisdom. at first rex carter was inclined to take it lightly, but when he learned that the diadem was probably the same one that dick oakwood had worn in the land of the taharans, he could hardly restrain his impatience. "i'll fly you there, today," he said. "by sundown we will all be in the realm of the boy king." "i accept your offer with thanks," said the mahatma. "and after that i'll take you to india. any place you want to go!" continued carter. "you have done more for my children than i can ever pay for. pack up your belongings and we will take off for tahara now." "my belongings are here," said the mahatma, displaying the square of black cloth which contained his crystal. "is that all you own?" the millionaire was startled. "that is all. more would be a weight to drag me from the higher plane where my spirit dwells." "that's all right for a hindu sage, but it would be all wrong for an american business man," rex carter answered, thinking of his vast factory, his town house and country estate, his yacht and automobiles. with only a bow for reply, the mahatma went a little way off, where he summoned his faithful kungoras and took leave of them. mutaba threw himself on the ground and howled with grief and the others wailed in unison. they had lived in peace and happiness under this wise man's rule, and though they had sometimes been impatient to go on the warpath, they now realized that they were losing their best friend and adviser. they begged him to change his mind and stay with them but the mahatma assured them that the time had come to say goodbye and urged them to follow the ways of peace and kindness as he had taught them. meanwhile dick was instructing raal, as leader of the tribesmen, to return to the kungora village, recover their ponies and begin the long trek home across the desert. the plane could carry only a limited number. "i'll be glad to take the princess veena in the plane," said rex carter. "and of course, ray, dan and dick, besides the mahatma." but veena would not consent to parting from raal, whom she regarded as her chosen mate, and raal was equally certain that he would never trust the girl to the demon bird. with great difficulty kurt and kurul were induced to go along in the plane. until the last minute the stone-age men hung back, fearful of a strong magic that might destroy them, yet curious to experience the sensation of flying through the air. "plane good!" said dick giving kurt a push toward the cabin door. "sure! big bird good!" dan laughed. "come on, ray, show them you're not afraid to go in. then they will be ashamed to be scared." finally with a grunt of desperation kurt took one leap that landed him inside the cabin. kurul followed, helped by a shove from dick and a minute later the motors roared, the big plane taxied with many bumps over the clearing and finally took off. "tahara hal!" gasped kurt. "tahara hal!" echoed kurul feebly. and the two husky savages clung to each other like scared children as they saw the jungle far, far below. that same evening the pilot of the cabin plane sighted the cliffs of gorol land and before sunset had made a safe landing near the big spring. queen vanga and chief wabiti came out to receive the visitors but kulki walked between them and showed that he was having difficulty in keeping the former rulers from flying at each others' throats. since the failure of their plot with cimbula, each had blamed the other, and their friendship had turned sour. now they joined in greeting the boy king with due reverence and ordered a feast that promised to tax even dan carter's powers. dick assured them that raal and the other warriors were on their way home and that the search for the princess veena had been successful. the following days were busy ones for the boy king. accompanied by his father and friends, he set out on a tour of inspection to see that all was in order in the land he ruled. proudly he pointed out to his father the industries he had started going. "just think," he said, "these people lived like stone-age tribes. they did not know how to build houses or weave cloth or make tools out of metal. it is going to be interesting to watch them advance in civilization." "i can send out motor trucks with machinery," said rex carter, "and start you off right. and i'll send a few guards with repeating rifles to keep the natives from starting trouble. i'll even send you a machine gun or two." "no thanks, mr. carter! i don't want _that_ brand of civilization. we have enough factory towns and machine guns elsewhere. i'd like to start something better here." "in that case i advise you to blot out that big sign on the desert," said his father. "that word 'gold' will attract some greedy adventurer, and before long your whole population will be wiped out." "you're right, dad! it's a word that spells trouble." dick gave orders to the taharans and the gorols to scatter the rocks that formed the letters and destroy every trace of the sign, and then led the party to the cave where umba had painted the walls with pictures of animals. "these are marvelous!" cried professor oakwood. "just as fine as the paintings in the caves of spain and france. i could spend a whole day here." leaving the rest of the party with umba, the crippled painter, dick oakwood and mahatma sikandar proceeded to the cave of the great gorol, where he had left the ancient crown. the entrance to the cavern was guarded by tribesmen, stationed there for that purpose, and when dick and the mahatma approached, they bowed low and cried, "tahar tahara, hal! welcome, o master." taking a couple of pitch pine torches, dick led the way through the passages of the prehistoric mine, pointing out the seams of gold-bearing quartz. but the hindu paid no attention to the rich ore. "make haste, dick sahib," he said. "i would feast my eyes upon the ancient diadem and its magic inscriptions." "patience, o mahatma! patience!" laughed dick. "one more turn and the passage ends in the temple of the ape-god." soon they reached the small, square room where, upon the block of stone, reposed the crown of the two tribes. mahatma sikandar prostrated himself before it, murmuring a chant of thanksgiving, then held his torch close to the massive circlet of soft gold and gems. his keen, dark eyes were gleaming with excitement as he studied every detail of the relic engraved with symbols. dick oakwood picked it up and held it so that the inner surface could be seen and the mahatma gave an exclamation of delight. "these are the magic signs!" he cried. "behold the wisdom of the ages engraved by seers many thousand years ago!" "do you understand it, mahatma?" "_i_ understand it? not i! only a glimpse of its profound wisdom has reached my soul." "then what good will it do you?" "i have recorded every detail of the inscription _here_." the old man tapped his forehead. "the picture of that crown is in my brain like a photograph. soon i shall go to holy india and there in the remote caves and temples, i shall speak to the masters who are far wiser than i." "and will those wise men tell you what it all means?" "little by little! bit by bit!" replied the mahatma. "each of these holy men will be able to interpret a part of the meaning. i shall visit the cave hermits in the himalayas and the devotees in the temples, who recline on beds of spikes. i shall even go to the fastness of tibet, where the lamas spend their lives in the search for truth." "the temples of india! the himalayas, with everest the highest mountain in the world! the forbidden land of tibet! what wonderful sights you will see!" "would you like to see holy india, my son?" "would i? say, i'd like nothing better than to be there with you!" exclaimed dick. "it would be a real adventure to visit that land of mystery." "the crystal has told me that you shall accompany me," said the hindu. "and that before many moons." "do you mean it?" "i have spoken." "but what about my kingdom? how can i leave these people? they trust me. they need me." "raal is a strong warrior," said the mahatma. "he can rule while you are gone, and kulki, the clever gorol can be his chief adviser." "i hate to go away and leave them to the mercy of arab slave raiders," said dick. "after all, being a king, means responsibility. suppose jess slythe should start another raid while i am gone. he could wipe out the whole population." "that evil man will not trouble your land. certainly not for a long time. perhaps never. so you are free to fly in the great plane and see the wonders of holy india." "great!" exclaimed dick. "and what about ray and dan? will they come too?" "my crystal says they will be with us. also your father and rex carter." "i'd like to take kurt and kurul along," said dick. "it would be interesting to have stone-age men in the party. i'd like to know what they would do in the great world beyond the desert and the jungle." "what will be, will be," answered the mahatma quietly. "and now, my son, this is my request to you: say no more to me about the ancient crown and the symbols engraved on it. the image is clear in my mind. by talking about it, the sharp outline will become dim and cloudy. promise!" "yes, mahatma, i promise. until you speak of it, i remain silent." "come then. let us go!" with this future of travel and fresh adventure to occupy his mind, the boy king could hardly wait until raal and his warriors returned. meanwhile preparations were made for the flight to india. rex carter had to return with professor oakwood to the pomegranate oasis to wind up the affairs of the solar eclipse expedition. "i'm taking ray and dan along," he said. "i'll feel safer to have them in sight." "but let's work fast, dad," cried ray. "i want to set out for india as soon as we can." "patience, kid sister! patience!" laughed dan. "don't talk like the mahatma. it gives me the jitters," ray exclaimed. "something tells me that i'll be sorry i ever met that man. it's one thrill after another when he is in the picture. i like it--but it makes me nervous." a few weeks later the big cabin plane returned to the land of the boy king to find all in readiness for the take-off to india. raal had been appointed viceroy, with princess veena sharing the honors as his wife. professor oakwood had been hard at work collecting material for a book and specimens for museums, and was reluctant to leave the stone-age tribes. "don't worry, dad. we are all coming back some day," dick promised him as the party took off on its search for adventure among the mystics of india. far below on the desert the whole population was gathered to wave goodbye to tahara as the great wings bore their boy king away. "tahara hal!" came their farewell shout, growing fainter and fainter in the distance as the plane headed eastward toward the home of mystery and romance. the end books by harold m. sherman it's a pass interference down the ice over the line strike him out under the basket the tennis terror captain of the eleven tahara--boy mystic of india tahara--among african tribes tahara--boy king of the desert tahara--in the land of yucatan the fun loving gang--in wrong right the fun loving gang--always up to something gutenberg. castes and tribes of southern india by edgar thurston, c.i.e., superintendent, madras government museum; correspondant Étranger, société d'anthropologie de paris; socio corrispondante, societa, romana di anthropologia. assisted by k. rangachari, m.a., of the madras government museum. volume v--m to p government press, madras . castes and tribes of southern india. volume v. marakkayar.--the marakkayars are described, in the madras census report, , as "a tamil-speaking musalman tribe of mixed hindu and musalman origin, the people of which are usually traders. they seem to be distinct from the labbais (q.v.) in several respects, but the statistics of the two have apparently been confused, as the numbers of the marakkayars are smaller than they should be." concerning the marakkayars of the south arcot district, mr. francis writes as follows. [ ] "the marakkayars are largely big traders with other countries such as ceylon and the straits settlements, and own most of the native coasting craft. they are particularly numerous in porto novo. the word marakkayar is usually derived from the arabic markab, a boat. the story goes that, when the first immigrants of this class (who, like the labbais, were driven from their own country by persecutions) landed on the indian shore, they were naturally asked who they were, and whence they came. in answer they pointed to their boats, and pronounced the word markab, and they became in consequence known to the hindus as marakkayars, or the people of markab. the musalmans of pure descent hold themselves to be socially superior to the marakkaayars, and the marakkayars consider themselves better than the labbais. there is, of course, no religious bar to intermarriages between these different sub-divisions, but such unions are rare, and are usually only brought about by the offer of strong financial inducements to the socially superior party. generally speaking, the pure-bred musalmans differ from those of mixed descent by dressing themselves and their women in the strict musalman fashion, and by speaking hindustani at home among themselves. some of the marakkayars are now following their example in both these matters, but most of them affect the high hat of plaited coloured grass and the tartan (kambayam) waist-cloth. the labbais also very generally wear these, and so are not always readily distinguishable from the marakkayars, but some of them use the hindu turban and waist-cloth, and let their womankind dress almost exactly like hindu women. in the same way, some labbais insist on the use of hindustani in their houses, while others speak tamil. there seems to be a growing dislike to the introduction of hindu rites into domestic ceremonies, and the processions and music, which were once common at marriages, are slowly giving place to a simpler ritual more in resemblance with the nikka ceremony of the musalman faith." of , inhabitants of porto novo returned at the census, , as many as , were muhammadans. "the ordinary vernacular name of the town is farangipettai or european town, but the musalmans call it muhammad bandar (port). the interest of the majority of the inhabitants centres in matters connected with the sea. a large proportion of them earn their living either as owners of, or sailors in, the boats which ply between the place and ceylon and other parts, and it is significant that the most popular of the unusually large number of musalman saints who are buried in the town is one malumiyar, who was apparently in his lifetime a notable sea-captain. his fame as a sailor has been magnified into the miraculous, and it is declared that he owned ten or a dozen ships, and used to appear in command of all of them simultaneously. he has now the reputation of being able to deliver from danger those who go down to the sea in ships, and sailors setting out on a voyage or returning from one in safety usually put an offering in the little box kept at his darga, and these sums are expended in keeping that building lighted and whitewashed. another curious darga in the town is that of araikasu nachiyar, or the one pie lady. offerings to her must on no account be worth more than one pie ( / of a rupee); tributes in excess of that value are of no effect. if sugar for so small an amount cannot be procured, the devotee spends the money on chunam (lime) for her tomb, and this is consequently covered with a superabundance of whitewash. stories are told of the way in which the valuable offerings of rich men have altogether failed to obtain her favour, and have had to be replaced by others of the regulation diminutive dimensions. the chief mosque is well kept. behind it are two tombs, which stand at an odd angle with one another, instead of being parallel as usual. the legend goes that once upon a time there was a great saint called hafiz mir sahib, who had an even more devout disciple called saiyad shah. the latter died and was duly buried, and not long after the saint died also. the disciple had always asked to be buried at the feet of his master, and so the grave of this latter was so placed that his feet were opposite the head of his late pupil. but his spirit recognised that the pupil was really greater than the master, and when men came later to see the two graves they found that the saint had turned his tomb round so that his feet no longer pointed with such lack of respect towards the head of his disciple." [ ] in the madras census report, , the jonagans are separated from the marakkayars, and are described as musalman traders of partly hindu parentage. and, in the gazetteer of south arcot, mr. francis says that "the term jonagan or sonagan, meaning a native of sonagan or arabia, is applied by hindus to both labbais and marakkayars, but it is usually held to have a contemptuous flavour about it." there is some little confusion concerning the exact application of the name jonagan, but i gather that it is applied to sea-fishermen and boatmen, while the more prosperous traders are called marakkayars. a point, in which the labbais are said to differ from the marakkayars, is that the former are hanafis, and the latter shafis. the marakkayars are said to admit converts from various hindu classes, who are called pulukkais, and may not intermarry with the marakkayars for several generations, or until they have become prosperous. in one form of the marriage rites, the ceremonial extends over four days. the most important items on the first day are fixing the mehr (bride-price) in the presence of the vakils (representatives), and the performance of the nikka rite by the kazi. the nikka kudbha is read, and the hands of the contracting couple are united by male elders, the bride standing within a screen. during the reading of the kudbha, a sister of the bridegroom ties a string of black beads round the bride's neck. all the women present set up a roar, called kulavi-idal. on the following day, the couple sit among women, and the bridegroom ties a golden tali on the bride's neck. on the third or fourth day a ceremony called paparakkolam, or brahman disguise, is performed. the bride is dressed like a brahman woman, and holds a brass vessel in one hand, and a stick in the other. approaching the bridegroom, she strikes him gently, and says "did not i give you buttermilk and curds? pay me for them." the bridegroom then places a few tamarind seeds in the brass vessel, but the bride objects to this, and demands money, accompanying the demand with strokes of the stick. the man then places copper, silver, and gold coins in the vessel, and the bride retires in triumph to her chamber. like the labbais, the marakkayars write tamil in arabic characters, and speak a language called arab-tamil, in which the kuran and other books have been published. (see labbai.) maralu (sand).--a gotra of kurni. maran or marayan.--the marayans are summed up, in the madras census report, , as being "temple servants and drummers in malabar. like many of the malabar castes, they must have come from the east coast, as their name frequently occurs in the tanjore inscriptions of a.d. they followed then the same occupation as that by which they live to-day, and appear to have held a tolerably high social position. in parts of north malabar they are called oc'chan." "the development of this caste," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "is interesting. in chirakkal, the northernmost taluk of the malabar district, and in the adjoining kasargod taluk of south canara, marayans are barbers, serving nayars and higher castes; in the kottayam and kurumbranad taluks they are barbers and drummers, and also officiate as purohits (priests) at the funeral ceremonies of nayars. in the latter capacity they are known in those parts also as attikurissi marayan. going still further south, we find the nayar purohit called simply attikurissi, omitting the marayan, and he considers it beneath his dignity to shave. nevertheless, he betrays his kinship with the marayan of the north by the privilege which he claims of cutting the first hair when a nayar is shaved after funeral obsequies. on the other hand, the drummer, who is called marayan, or honorifically marar, poses as a temple servant, and would be insulted if it were said that he was akin to the shaving marayan of the north. he is considered next in rank only to brahmans, and would be polluted by the touch of nayars. he loses caste by eating the food of nayars, but the nayars also lose caste by eating his food. a proverb says that a marayan has four privileges:-- . pani, or drum, beaten with the hand. . koni, or bier, i.e., the making of the bier. . natumittam, or shaving. . tirumittam, or sweeping the temple courts. "in north malabar a marayan performs all the above duties even now. in the south there appears to have been a division of labour, and there a marayan is in these days only a drummer and temple servant. funeral rites are conducted by an attikurissi marayan, otherwise known as simply attikurissi, and shaving is the duty of the velakattalavan. this appears to have been the case for many generations, but i have not attempted to distinguish between the two sections, and have classed all as barbers. moreover, it is only in parts of south malabar that the caste has entirely given up the profession of barber; and, curiously enough, these are the localities where nambudiri influence is supreme. the marayans there appear to have confined themselves to officiating as drummers in temples, and to have obtained the title of ambalavasi; and, in course of time, they were even honoured with sambandham of nambudiris. in some places an attempt is made to draw a distinction between marayan and marayar, the former denoting the barber, and the latter, which is merely the honorific plural, the temple servant. there can, however, be little doubt that this is merely an ex post facto argument in support of the alleged superiority of those marayans who have abandoned the barber's brush. it may be here noted that it is common to find barbers acting as musicians throughout the madras presidency, and that there are several other castes in malabar, such as the tiyyans, mukkuvans, etc., who employ barbers as purohits at their funeral ceremonies." in the cochin census report, , mr. m. sankara menon writes that the marars are "sudras, and, properly speaking, they ought to be classed along with nayars. owing, however, to their close connection with services in temples, and the absence of free interdining or intermarriage with nayars, they are classed along with ambalavasis. they are drummers, musicians, and storekeepers in temples. like tiyattu nambiyars, some sections among them also draw figures of the goddess in bhagavati temples, and chant songs. in some places they are also known as kuruppus. some sub-castes among them do not dine, or intermarry. as they have generally to serve in temples, they bathe if they touch nayars. in the matter of marriage (tali-kettu and sambandham), inheritance, period of pollution, etc., they follow customs exactly like those of nayars. in the southern taluks elayads officiate as purohits, but, in the northern taluks, their own castemen take the part of the elayads in their sradha ceremonies. the tali-kettu is likewise performed by tirumalpads in the southern taluks, but by their own castemen, called enangan, in the northern taluks. their castemen or brahmans unite themselves with their women in sambandham. as among nayars, purificatory ceremonies after funerals, etc., are performed by cheethiyans or nayar priests." for the following detailed note on the marans of travancore i am indebted to mr. n. subramani iyer, the name maran has nothing to do with maranam or death, as has been supposed, but is derived from the tamil root mar, to beat. in the tanjore inscriptions of the eleventh century, the caste on the coromandel coast appears to have been known by this name. the marans correspond to the occhans of the tamil country, and a class of marans in north malabar are sometimes called by this designation. in the old revenue records of the travancore state, mangalyam appears to be the term made use of. the two well-known titles of the caste are kuruppu and panikkar, both conveying the idea of a person who has some allotted work to perform. in modern days, english-educated men appear to have given these up for pillai, the titular affix added to the name of the sudra population generally. marans may be divided into two main divisions, viz., marans who called themselves marars in north travancore, and who now hesitate to assist other castes in the performance of their funeral rites; and marans who do not convert their caste designation into an honorific plural, and act as priests for other castes. this distinction is most clearly marked in north travancore, while to the south of alleppey the boundary line may be said to remain only dim. in this part of the country, therefore, a fourfold division of the caste is the one best known to the people, namely orunul, irunul, cheppat, and kulanji. the orunuls look upon themselves as higher than the irunuls, basing their superiority on the custom obtaining among them of marrying only once in their lifetime, and contracting no second alliance after the first husband's death. living, however, with a brahman, or one of a distinctly higher caste, is tolerated among them in the event of that calamity. the word orunul means one string, and signifies the absence of widow marriage, among the irunuls (two strings) the tali-tier is not necessarily the husband, nor is a second husband forbidden after the death of the first. cheppat and kulanji were once mere local varieties, but have now become separate sub-divisions. the males of the four sections, but not the females, interdine. with what rapidity castes sub-divide and ramify in travancore may be seen from the fact of the existence of a local variety of marans called muttal, meaning substitute or emergency employée, in the kalkulam taluk, who are believed to represent an elevation from a lower to a higher class of marans, rendered necessary by a temple exigency. the marans are also known as asupanis, as they alone are entitled to sound the two characteristic musical instruments, of malabar temples, called asu and pani. in the south they are called chitikans, a corruption of the sanskrit chaitika, meaning one whose occupation relates to the funeral pile, and in the north asthikkurichis (asthi, a bone), as they help the relations of the dead in the collection of the bones after cremation. the marans are, further, in some places known as potuvans, as their services are engaged at the funerals of many castes. before the days of sankaracharya, the sole occupation of the marans is said to have been beating the drum in brahmanical temples. when sankaracharya was refused assistance in the cremation of his dead mother by the nambutiri brahmans, he is believed to have sought in despair the help of one of these temple servants, with whose aid the corpse was divided into eight parts, and deposited in the pit. for undertaking this duty, which the nambutiris repudiated from a sense of offended religious feeling, the particular maran was thrown out of his caste by the general community, and a compromise had to be effected by the sage with the rest of the caste, who returned in a body on the day of purification along with the excommunicated man, and helped sankaracharya to bring to a close his mother's death ceremonies. in recognition of this timely help, sankara is believed to have declared the maran to be an indispensable functionary at the death ceremonies of nambutiris and ambalavasis. it has even been suggested that the original form of maran was muran, derived from mur (to chop off), in reference to the manner in which the remains of sankara's mother were disposed of. the traditional occupation of the marans is sounding or playing on the panchavadya or five musical instruments used in temples. these are the sankh or conch-shell, timila, chendu, kaimani, and maddalam. the conch, which is necessary in every hindu temple, is loudly sounded in the early morning, primarily to wake the deity, and secondarily to rouse the villagers. again, when the temple service commences, and when the nivedya or offering is carried, the music of the conch is heard from the northern side of the temple. on this account, many marans call themselves vadakkupurattu, or belonging to the northern side. the asu and pani are sounded by the highest dignitaries among them. the beating of the pani is the accompaniment of expiatory offerings to the saptamata, or seven mothers of hindu religious writings, viz., brahmi, mahesvari, kaumari, vaishnavi, varahi, indrani, and chamunda. offerings are made to these divine mothers during the daily sribali procession, and in important temples also during the sribhutabali hours, and on the occasion of the utsavabali at the annual utsava of the temple. there are certain well-established rules prescribing the hymns to be recited, and the music to be played. so religiously have these rules to be observed during the utsavabali, that the priest who makes the offering, the variyar who carries the light before him and the marans who perform the music all have to fast, and to dress themselves in orthodox brahmanical fashion, with the uttariya or upper garment worn in the manner of the sacred thread. it is sincerely believed that the smallest violation of the rules would be visited with dire consequences to the delinquents before the next utsava ceremony. in connection with the musical instrument called the timila, the following legend is current. there was a timila in the sri padmanabha temple made of kuruntotti, and there was a maran attached to the temple, who was such an expert musician that the priest was unable to adjust his hymn recitation to the music of the maran's drum, and was in consequence the recipient of the divine wrath. it was contrived to get a brahman youth to officiate as priest, and, as he could not recite the hymns in consonance with the sounds produced by the drum, a hungry spirit lifted him up from the ground to a height of ten feet. the father of the youth, hearing what had occurred, hastened to the temple, and cut one of his fingers, the blood of which he offered to the spirit. the boy was then set free, and the old man, who was more than a match for the maran, began to recite the hymns. the spirits, raising the maran on high, sucked away his blood, and vanished. the particular timila has since this event never been used by any maran. the higher classes of marans claim six privileges, called pano, koni, tirumuttam, natumuttam, velichchor, and puchchor. koni means literally a ladder, and refers to the stretcher, made of bamboo and kusa grass or straw, on which the corpses of high caste hindus are laid. tirumuttam is sweeping the temple courtyard, and natumuttam the erection of a small pandal (booth) in the courtyard of a nambutiri's house, where oblations are offered to the departed spirit on the tenth day after death. velichchor, or sacrificial rice, is the right to retain the remains of the food offered to the manes, and puchchor the offering made to the deity, on whom the priest throws a few flowers as part of the consecration ceremony. a large portion of the time of a maran is spent within the temple, and all through the night some watch over it. many functions are attended to by them in the houses of nambutiris. not only at the tonsure ceremony, and samavartana or closing of the brahmacharya stage, but also on the occasion of sacrificial rites, the maran acts as the barber. at the funeral ceremony, the preparation of the last bed, and handing the til (sesamum) seeds, have to be done by him. the chitikkans perform only the functions of shaving and attendance at funerals, and, though they may beat drums in temples, they are not privileged to touch the asu and pani. at vechur there is a class of potters called kusa maran, who should be distinguished from the marans proper, with whom they have absolutely nothing in common. many families of the higher division of the marans regard themselves as ambalavasis, though of the lowest type, and abstain from flesh and liquor. some marans are engaged in the practice of sorcery, while others are agriculturists. drinking is a common vice, sanctioned by popular opinion owing to the notion that it is good for persons with overworked lungs. in their ceremonies the marans resemble the nayars, as they do also in their caste government and religious worship. the annaprasana, or first food-giving ceremony, is the only important one before marriage, and the child is taken to the temple, where it partakes of the consecrated food. the nayars, on the contrary, generally perform the ceremony at home. purification by a brahman is necessary to release the maran from death pollution, which is not the case with the nayars. in travancore, at any rate, the nayars are considered to be higher in the social scale than the marans. in connection with asu and pani, which have been referred to in this note, i gather that, in malabar, the instruments called maram (wood), timila, shanku, chengulam, and chenda, if played together, constitute pani kottugu, or playing pani. asu and maram are the names of an instrument, which is included in pani kottugu. among the occasions when this is indispensable, are the dedication of the idol at a newly built temple, the udsavam puram and sriveli festivals, and the carrying of the tadambu, or shield-like structure, on which a miniature idol (vigraham) is borne outside the temple, marasari.--marasari or marapanikkan, meaning carpenter or worker in wood, is an occupational sub-division of malayalam kammalas. maratha.--marathas are found in every district of the madras presidency, but are, according to the latest census returns, most numerous in the following districts:-- south canara , salem , tanjore , bellary , it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "the term marathi denotes the various marathi non-brahman castes, who came to the south either as soldiers or camp followers in the armies of the marathi invaders; but in south canara, in which district the caste is most numerous, it appears to be the same as are, a class of marathi cultivators. of the total number of , , as many as , have returned marathi as both caste and sub-division. the number of sub-divisions returned by the rest is no less than , of which the majority are the names of other castes. some of these castes are purely dravidian, and the names have evidently been used in their occupational sense. for example, we have bogam, gandla, mangala, etc." mr. h. a, stuart writes further, in the south canara manual, that "marathi, as a caste name, is somewhat open to confusion, and it is probable that many people of various castes, who speak marathi, are shown as being of that caste. the true marathi caste is said to have come from goa, and that place is the head-quarters. the caste is divided into twelve wargs or balis, which are exogamous sub-divisions. caste disputes are settled by headmen called hontagaru, and allegiance is paid to the head of the sringeri math. the favourite deity is the goddess mahadevi. brahmans, usually karadis, officiate at their ceremonies. marriage is both infant and adult. the dhare form of marriage is used (see bant). widows may remarry, but they cannot marry again into the family of the deceased husband--a rule which is just the reverse of the levirate. in some parts, however, the remarriage of widows is prohibited. a husband or a wife can divorce each other at will, and both parties may marry again. marathis are either farmers, labourers, or hunters. they eat fish and flesh (except that of cattle and animals generally regarded as unclean) and they use alcoholic liquors. they speak either the ordinary marathi or the konkami dialect of it." the marathis of south canara call themselves are and are kshatri. in the north arcot manual, mr, stuart records that the term marathi is "usually applied to the various maratha sudra castes, which have come south. their caste affix is always rao. it is impossible to discover to what particular sudra division each belongs, for they do not seem to know, and take advantage of being away from their own country to assert that they are kshatriyas--a claim which is ridiculed by other castes. in marriage they are particular to take a bride only from within the circle of their own family, so that an admixture of the original castes is thus avoided. their language is marathi, but they speak telugu or tamil as well, and engage in many professions. many are tailors. [ ] others enlist in the army, in the police, or as peons (orderlies or messengers), and some take to agriculture or trading." of the history of marathas in those districts in which they are most prevalent, an account will be found in the manuals and gazetteers. the last maratha king of tanjore, maharaja sivaji, died in . it is noted by mr. m. j. walhouse [ ] that "an eye-witness has recorded the stately and solemn spectacle of his funeral, when, magnificently arranged, and loaded with the costliest jewels, his body, placed in an ivory palanquin, was borne by night through the torchlit streets of his royal city amid the wail of vast multitudes lamenting the last of their ruling race. the nearest descendant, a boy of twelve, was carried thrice round the pile, and at the last circuit a pot of water was dashed to pieces on the ground. the boy then lit the pile, and loud long-sustained lament of a nation filled the air as the flames rose." upon the death of sivaji, the raj became, under the decision of the court of directors, extinct. his private estate was placed under the charge of the collector of the district. in addition to three wives whom he had already married, sivaji, three years before his death, married in a body seventeen girls. in , three of the ranis were still living in the palace at tanjore. it is recorded [ ] by the marchioness of dufferin that, when the viceroy visited the tanjore palace in to speak with the ranis, he was admitted behind the purdah, "the ladies had not expected him, and were not dressed out in their best, and no one could speak any intelligible language, however, a sort of chattering went on, and they made signs towards a chair, which, being covered with crimson cloth, dufferin thought he was to sit down on. he turned and was just about to do so, when he thought he saw a slight movement, and he fancied there might be a little dog there, when two women pulled the cloth open, and there was the principal rani--a little old woman who reached half way up the back of the chair, and whom the viceroy had been within an act of squashing. he said it gave him such a turn!" a classified index to the sanskrit manuscripts in the tanjore palace was published by mr. a. c. burnell in . in the introduction thereto, he states that "the library was first brought to the notice of european scholars by h.s.h. count noer, prince frederic of schleswig-holstein, who brought an account of it to the late professor goldstücker. but its full importance was not known till i was deputed, in , to examine it by the then governor of madras, lord napier and ettrick. the manuscripts are the result of perhaps years' collections; firstly, by the nayaks of tanjore; secondly, after about , by the mahratha princes. some of the palm-leaf manuscripts belong to the earlier period, but the greater part were collected in the last and present centuries. all the nagari manuscripts belong to the mahratha times, and a large number of these were collected at benares by the raja serfojee (carabhoji) about fifty years ago." in the maratha darbar hall of the tanjore palace are large pictures, of little artistic merit, of all the maratha kings, and the palace also contains a fine statue of sarabhoji by chantrey. the small but splendid series of maratha arms from this palace constitutes one of the most valuable assets of the madras museum. "the armoury," mr. walhouse writes, [ ] "consisted of great heaps of old weapons of all conceivable descriptions, lying piled upon the floor of the sangita mahal (music-hall), which had long been occupied by many tons of rusty arms and weapons, in confused heaps, coated and caked together with thick rust. hundreds of swords, straight, curved and ripple-edged, many beautifully damascened and inlaid with hunting or battle scenes in gold; many broad blades with long inscriptions in marathi or kanarese characters, and some so finely tempered as to bend and quiver like whalebone. there were long gauntlet-hilts, brass or steel, in endless devices, hilts inlaid with gold, and hilts and guards of the most tasteful and elaborate steel-work. there were long-bladed swords and executioners' swords, two-handed, thick-backed, and immensely heavy. daggers, knives, and poniards by scores, of all imaginable and almost unimaginable shapes, double and triple-bladed; some with pistols or spring-blades concealed in their handles, and the hilts of many of the kuttars of the most beautiful and elaborate pierced steel-work, in endless devices, rivalling the best medieval european metal-work, there was a profusion of long narrow thin-bladed knives, mostly with bone or ivory handles very prettily carved, ending in parrot-heads and the like, or the whole handle forming a bird or monster, with legs and wings pressed close to the body, all exquisitely carved. the use of these seemed problematical; some said they were used to cut fruit, others that they had been poisoned and struck about the roofs and walls of the women's quarters, to serve the purpose of spikes or broken glass! a curious point was the extraordinary number of old european blades, often graven with letters and symbols of christian meaning, attached to hilts and handles most distinctly hindu, adorned with figures of gods and idolatrous emblems. there was an extraordinary number of long straight cut-and-thrust blades termed phirangis, which mr. sinclair, in his interesting list of dakhani weapons, [ ] says means the portuguese, or else made in imitation of such imported swords. a kuttar, with a handsome steel hilt, disclosed the well-known name andrea ferara (sic.). sir walter elliot has informed me that, when a notorious freebooter was captured in the southern marâthâ country many years ago, his sword was found to be an 'andrea ferrara.' mr. sinclair adds that both grant duff and meadows taylor have mentioned that râja sivâji's favourite sword bhavânî was a genoa blade [ ].... eventually the whole array (of arms) was removed to trichinapalli and deposited in the arsenal there, and, after a committee of officers had sat upon the multifarious collection, and solemnly reported the ancient arms unfit for use in modern warfare, the government, after selecting the best for the museum, ordered the residue to be broken up and sold as old iron. this was in ." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the bellary district, that "in lord cornwallis, then governor-general of india, entered into an alliance with the marathas and the nizam to reduce tipu to order, and it was agreed that whatever territories should be acquired by them from tipu should be equally divided between them. certain specified poligars, among whom were the chiefs of bellary, rayadrug and harpanahalli, were, however, to be left in possession of their districts. tipu was reduced to submission in , and by the treaty of that year he ceded half his territories to the allies. [ ] sandur was allotted to the marathas, and a part of the bellary district to the nizam." the present maratha chief of the little hill-locked sandur state is a minor, whose name and titles are raja venkata rao rao sahib hindu rao ghorpade senapati mamalikat madar. of the eleven thousand inhabitants of the state, the various castes of marathas number over a thousand. "three families of them are brahmans, who came to sandur as officials with siddoji rao when he took the state from the jaramali poligar. except for two short intervals, siddoji's descendants have held the state ever since. the others are grouped into three local divisions, namely, khasgi, kumbi, and lekavali. the first of these consists of only some eight families, and constitutes the aristocracy of the state. some of them came to sandur from the maratha country with siva rao and other rulers of the state, and they take the chief seats at darbars and on other public occasions, and are permitted to dine and intermarry with the raja's family. they wear the sacred thread of the kshatriyas, belong to the orthodox brahmanical gotras, have brahmans as their purohits, observe many of the brahmanical ceremonies, burn their dead, forbid widow re-marriage, and keep their womankind gosha. on the other hand, they do not object to drinking alcohol or to smoking, and they eat meat, though not beef. their family god is the same as that of the raja's family, namely, martanda manimallari, and they worship him in the temple in his honour which is in the raja's palace, and make pilgrimages to his shrine at jejuri near poona. [it is noted by monier-williams [ ] that 'a deification, khando-ba (also called khande-rao), was a personage who lived in the neighbourhood of the hill jejuri, thirty miles from poona. he is probably a deification of some powerful raja or aboriginal chieftain, who made himself useful to the brahmans. he is now regarded as an incarnation of siva in his form mallari. the legend is that the god siva descended in this form to destroy a powerful demon named mallasura, who lived on the hill, and was a terror to the neighbourhood. parvati descended at the same time to become khando-ba's wife. his worship is very popular among the people of low caste in the maratha country. sheep are sacrificed at the principal temple on the jejuri hill, and a bad custom prevails of dedicating young girls to the god's service. khando-ba is sometimes represented with his wife on horseback, attended by a dog. a sect existed in sankara's time, who worshipped mallari as lord of dogs.'] at the marriages of the khasgis, an unusual custom, called vira puja, or the worship of warriors, is observed. before the ceremony, the men form themselves into two parties, each under a leader, and march to the banks of the narihalla river, engaging in mock combat as they go. at the river an offering is made to siva in his form as the warrior martanda, and his blessing is invoked. the goddess ganga is also worshipped, and then both parties march back, indulging on the way in more pretended fighting. the second division of the marathas, the kunbis, are generally agriculturists, though some are servants to the first division. they cannot intermarry with the khasgis, or dine with them except in separate rows, and their womanfolk are not gosha; but they have brahmanical gotras and brahman purohits. some of them use the raja's name of ghorpade, but this is only because they are servants in his household. the third division, the lekavalis, are said to be the offspring of irregular unions among other marathas, and are many of them servants in the raja's palace. whence they are also called manimakkalu. they all call themselves ghorpades, and members of the raja's (the kansika) gotra. they thus cannot intermarry among themselves, but occasionally their girls are married to kunbis. their women are in no way gosha." [ ] the cranial type of the marathas is, as shown by the following table, like that of the canarese, mesaticephalic or sub-brachycephalic:-- cephalic index av. max. canarese holeyas . . marathi rangaris . . canarese vakkaligas . . marathi suka sales . . marathi sukun sales . . maravan.--"the maravans," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are found chiefly in madura and tinnevelly, where they occupy the tracts bordering on the coast from cape comorin to the northern limits of the ramnad zemindari. the proprietors of that estate, and of the great sivaganga zemindari, are both of this caste. the maravars must have been one of the first of the dravidian tribes that penetrated to the south of the peninsula, and, like the kallans, they have been but little affected by brahmanical influence. there exists among them a picturesque tradition to the effect that, in consequence of their assisting rama in his war against the demon ravana, that deity gratefully exclaimed in good tamil maraven, or i will never forget, and that they have ever since been called maravans. but, with more probability, the name may be connected with the word maram, which means killing, ferocity, bravery and the like, as pointing clearly to their unpleasant profession, that of robbing and slaying their neighbours. in former days they were a fierce and turbulent race, famous for their military prowess. at one time they temporarily held possession of the pandya kingdom, and, at a later date, their armies gave valuable assistance to tirumala nayakkan. they gave the british much trouble at the end of last (eighteenth) century and the beginning of this (nineteenth) century, but they are now much the same as other ryots (cultivators), though perhaps somewhat more bold and lawless. agamudaiyan and kallan are returned as sub-divisions by a comparatively large number of persons. maravan is also found among the sub-divisions of kallan, and there can be little doubt that there is a very close connection between kallans, maravans, and agamudaiyans." this connection is dealt with in the article on the kallans. but i may here quote the following legend relating thereto. "once upon a time, rishi gautama left his house to go abroad on business. devendra, taking advantage of his absence, debauched his wife, and three children were the result. when the rishi returned, one of the three hid himself behind a door, and, as he thus acted like a thief, he was henceforward called kallan. another got up a tree, and was therefore called maravan from maram, a tree, whilst the third brazened it out, and stood his ground, thus earning for himself the name of ahamudeiyan, or the possessor of pride. this name was corrupted into ahambadiyan." [ ] "some say the word maravan is derived from marani, sin; a maravan being one who commits sin by killing living creatures without feeling pity, and without fear of god." [ ] the maravans claim descent from guha or kuha, rama's boatman, who rowed him across to ceylon. according to the legend, rama promised guha that he would come back at a fixed time. when he failed to return, guha made a fire, whereon to burn himself to death. hanuman, however, prevented him from committing suicide, and assured him that rama would shortly return. this came to pass, and rama, on learning what guha had done, called him maravan, a brave or reckless fellow. according to another legend, the god indra, having become enamoured of ahalya, set out one night to visit her in the form of a crow, and, seating himself outside the dwelling of the rishi her husband, cawed loudly. the rishi believing that it was dawn, went off to bathe, while indra, assuming the form of her husband, went in to the woman, and satisfied his desire. when her husband reached the river, there were no signs of dawn, and he was much perturbed, but not for long, as his supernatural knowledge revealed to him how he had been beguiled, and he proceeded to curse indra and his innocent wife. indra was condemned to have a thousand female organs of generation all over his body, and the woman was turned into a stone. indra repented, and the rishi modified his disfigurement by arranging that, to the onlooker, he would seem to be clothed or covered with eyes, and the woman was allowed to resume her feminine form when rama, in the course of his wanderings, should tread on her. the result of indra's escapade was a son, who was stowed away in a secret place (maravuidam). hence his descendants are known as maravan. [ ] the head of the maravans is the setupati (lord of the bridge), or raja of ramnad. "the sethupati line, or marava dynasty of ramnad," the rev. j. e. tracy writes, [ ] "claims great antiquity. according to popular legendary accounts, it had its rise in the time of the great rama himself, who is said to have appointed, on his victorious return from lanka (ceylon), seven guardians of the passage or bridge connecting ceylon with the mainland.... another supposition places the rise of the family in the second or third century b.c. it rests its case principally upon a statement in the mahawanso, according to which the last of the three tamil invasions of ceylon, which took place in the second or third century b.c., was under the leadership of seven chieftains, who are supposed, owing to the silence of the pandyan records on the subject of south indian dealings with ceylon, to have been neither cheras, cholas, or pandyans, but mere local adventurers, whose territorial proximity and marauding ambition had tempted them to the undertaking.... another supposition places the rise of the family in the eleventh or twelfth century a.d. there are two statements of this case, differing according to the source from which they come. according to the one, which has its source in south india, the rise of the family took place in or about a.d., when raja raja, the chola king, upon his invasion of ceylon, appointed princes whom he knew to be loyal to himself, and who, according to some, had aided him in his conquest of all pandya, to act as guardians of the passage by which his armies must cross to and fro, and supplies be received from the mainland. according to the other statement, which has its source in sinhalese records, the family took its rise from the appointment of parakrama bahu's general lankapura, who, according to a very trustworthy sinhalese epitome of the mahawanso, after conquering pandya, remained some time at ramespuram, building a temple there, and, while on the island, struck kahapanas (coins similar to those of the sinhalese series). whichever of those statements we may accept, the facts seem to point to the rise of the family in the eleventh or twelfth century a.d., and inscriptions quoted from dr. burgess by mr. robert sewell [ ] show that grants were made by sethupati princes in , again in , still again in , and finally as late as . these bring the line down to within two generations of the time when muttu krishnappa nayakka is said, in , to have found affairs sadly disordered in the marava country, and to have re-established the old family in the person of sadaiyaka tevar udaiyar sethupati. the coins of the sethupatis divide themselves into an earlier and later series. the earlier series present specimens which are usually larger and better executed, and correspond in weight and appearance very nearly to the well-known coins of the sinhalese series, together with which they are often found, 'these coins' rhys davids writes, [ ] 'are probably, the very ones referred to as having been struck by parakrama's general lankapura.' the coins of the later series are very rude in device and execution. the one face shows only the tamil legend of the word sethupati, while the other side is taken up with various devices." a poet, in days of old, refers to "the wrathful and furious maravar, whose curled beards resemble the twisted horns of the stag, the loud twang of whose powerful bowstrings, and the stirring sound of whose double-headed drums, compel even kings at the head of large armies to turn their back and fly." [ ] the maravans are further described as follows. "of strong limbs and hardy frames, and fierce looking as tigers, wearing long and curled locks of hair, the blood-thirsty maravans, armed with the bow bound with leather, ever ready to injure others, shoot their arrows at poor and defenceless travellers, from whom they can steal nothing, only to feast their eyes on the quivering limbs of their victims." [ ] in a note on the maravans of the tinnevelly district, it is recorded [ ] that "to this class belonged most of the poligars, or feudal chieftains, who disputed with the english the possession of tinnevelly during the last, and first years of the present (nineteenth) century. as feudal chiefs and heads of a numerous class of the population, and one whose characteristics were eminently adapted for the roll of followers of a turbulent chieftain, bold, active, enterprising, cunning and capricious, this class constituted themselves, or were constituted by the peaceful cultivators, their protectors in time of bloodshed and rapine, when no central authority, capable of keeping the peace, existed. hence arose the systems of desha and stalum kaval, or the guard of a tract of country comprising a number of villages against open marauders in armed bands, and the guard of separate villages, their houses and crops, against secret theft. the feudal chief received a contribution from the area around his fort in consideration of protection afforded against armed invasion. the maravars are chiefly the agricultural servants or sub-tenants of the wealthier ryots, under whom they cultivate, receiving a share of the crop. an increasing proportion of this caste are becoming the ryotwari owners of land by purchase from the original holders." though the maravans, mr, francis writes, [ ] "are usually cultivators, they are some of them the most expert cattle-lifters in the presidency. in madura, they have a particularly ingenious method of removing cattle. the actual thief steals the bullocks at night, and drives them at a gallop for half a dozen miles, hands them over to a confederate, and then returns and establishes an alibi. the confederate takes them on another stage, and does the same. a third and a fourth man keep them moving all that night. the next day they are hidden and rested, and thereafter they are driven by easier stages to the hills north of madura, where their horns are cut and their brands altered, to prevent them from being recognised. they are then often sold at the great chittrai cattle fair in madura town. in some papers read in g.o., no. , judicial, dated th march , it was shown that, though, according to the census, the maravans formed only per cent. of the population of the district of tinnevelly, yet they had committed per cent. of the dacoities which have occurred in that district in the previous five years. they have recently ( ) figured prominently in the anti-shanar riots in the same district." (see shanan.) "the maravans", mr. f. s. mullaly writes, [ ] "furnish nearly the whole of the village police (kavilgars, watchmen), robbers and thieves of the tinnevelly district. very often the thief and the watchman are one and the same individual. the maravans of the present time, of course, retain only a shadow of the power which their ancestors wielded under the poligars, who commenced the kavil system. still the marava of to-day, as a member of a caste which is numerous and influential, as a man of superior physique and bold independent spirit, thief and robber, village policeman and detective combined--is an immense power in the land." it is noted, in the madras police report, , that "a large section of the population in tinnevelly--the maravans--are criminal by predilection and training. mr. longden's efforts have been directed to the suppression of a bad old custom, by which the police were in the habit of engaging the help of the maravans themselves in the detection of crime. the natural result was a mass of false evidence and false charges, and, worst of all, a police indebted to the maravan, who was certain to have his quid pro quo. this method being discountenanced, and the station-house officer being deprived of the aid of his tuppans (men who provide a clue), the former has found himself very much at sea, and, until sounder methods can be inculcated, will fail to show successful results. still, even a failure to detect is better than a police in the hands of the maravans." further information concerning tuppukuli, or clue hire, will be found in the note on kallans. from a very interesting note on the maravans of the tinnevelly district, the following extract is taken. [ ] "on the principle of setting a thief, to catch a thief, maravars are paid blackmail to keep their hands from picking and stealing, and to make restitution for any thefts that may possibly take place, notwithstanding the vigilance of the watchmen. (a suit has been known to be instituted, in a munsiff's court, for failure to make restitution for theft after receipt of the kudikaval money.) as a matter of fact, no robberies on a large scale can possibly take place without the knowledge, connivance, or actual co-operation of the kavalgars. people living in country places, remote from towns, are entirely at the mercy of the maravars, and every householder or occupier of a mud hut, which is dignified by being called a house, must pay the maravars half a fanam, which is equal to one anna eight pies, yearly. those who own cattle, and there are few who do not, must pay one fanam a year. at the time of the harvest, it is the custom in southern india for an enemy to go and reap his antagonist's crops as they are growing in the fields. he does this to bring matters to a climax, and to get the right side of his enemy, so that he may be forced to come to terms, reasonable or otherwise. possession is nine points of the law. on occasions such as these, which are frequent, the advantage of the employment of kavalgars can readily be understood. the maravars are often true to their salt, though sometimes their services can be obtained by the highest bidder. the plan of keeping kaval, or going the rounds like a policeman on duty, is, for a village of, say, a hundred maravars, to divide into ten sections. each section takes a particular duty, and they are paid by the people living within their range. if a robbery takes place, and the value of the property does not exceed ten rupees, then this section of ten men will each subscribe one rupee, and pay up ten rupees. if, however, the property lost exceeds the sum of ten rupees, then all the ten sections of maravars, the hundred men, will join together, and make restitution for the robbery. how they are able to do this, and to recoup themselves, can be imagined. various attempts for many years have been made to put a stop to this system of kudi-kaval. at one time the village (nunguneri) of the chief maravar was burnt down, and for many years the police have been on their track, and numerous convictions are constantly taking place. out of , maravars in the whole district, , are professional thieves, and of these , have been convicted, and are living at the present time. the question arises whether some plan could not be devised to make honest men of these rogues. it has been suggested that their occupation as watchmen should be recognised by government, and that they should be enlisted as subordinate officials, just as some of them are now employed as talayaris and vettiyans.... the villages of the maravars exist side by side with the other castes, and, as boys and girls, all the different classes grow up together, so that there is a bond of sympathy and regard between them all. the maravans, therefore, are not regarded as marauding thieves by the other classes. their position in the community as kavalgars is recognised, and no one actually fears them. from time immemorial it has been the mamool (custom) to pay them certain dues, and, although illegal, who in india is prepared to act contrary to custom? the small sum paid annually by the villagers is insignificant, and no one considers it a hardship to pay it, when he knows that his goods are in safety; and, if the maravars did not steal, there are plenty of other roving castes (e.g., the kuluvars, kuravars, and kambalatars) who would, so that, on the whole, ordinary unsophisticated natives, who dwell in the country side, rather like the maravar than otherwise. when, however, these watchmen undertake torchlight dacoities, and attack travellers on the high-road, then they are no better than the professional thieves of other countries, and they deserve as little consideration. it must be borne in mind that, while robbery is the hereditary occupation of the maravars, there are thousands of them who lead strictly honest, upright lives as husbandmen, and who receive no benefit whatever from the kudi-kaval system. some of the most noted and earnest native christians have been, and still are, men and women of this caste, and the reason seems to be that they never do things by halves. if they are murderers and robbers, nothing daunts them, and, on the other hand, if they are honest men, they are the salt of the earth." i am informed that, when a maravan takes food in the house of a stranger, he will sometimes take a pinch of earth, and put it on the food before he commences his meal. this act frees him from the obligation not to injure the family which has entertained him. in a note entitled marava jati vernanam, [ ] from the mackenzie manuscripts, it is recorded that "there are seven sub-divisions in the tribe of the maravas, respectively denominated sembunattu, agattha, oru-nattu, upukatti, and kurichikattu. among these sub-divisions, that of the sembunattu maravas is the principal one." in the madras census report, , the following are returned as the most important sub-divisions:--agamudaiyan, kallan, karana, kondaikatti, kottani, sembanattu, and vannikutti, among the sembanattus (or sembanadus), the following septs or khilais have been recorded:-- marikka. piccha. tondaman. sitrama. thanicha. karuputhra. katra. "the kondayamkottai maravars," mr. f. fawcett writes, [ ] "are divided into six sub-tribes, or, as they call them, trees. each tree, or kothu, is divided into three khilais or branches. these i call septs. those of the khilais belonging to the same tree or kothu are never allowed to intermarry. a man or woman must marry with one of a khilai belonging to another tree than his own, his or her own being that of his or her mother, and not of the father. but marriage is not permissible between those of any two trees or kothus: there are some restrictions. for instance, a branch of betel vine or leaves may marry with a branch of cocoanut, but not with areca nuts or dates. i am not positive what all the restrictions are, but restrictions of some kind, by which marriage between persons of all trees may not be made indiscriminately, certainly exist. the names of the trees or kothus and of the khilais or branches, as given to me from the maraver padel, a book considered to be authoritative, are these-- ======================================================= tree. | kothu. | khilai. ===============+====================+================== | { |viramudithanginan. milaku | pepper vine { |sedhar. | { |semanda. | { |agastyar. vettile | betel vine { |maruvidu. | { |alakhiya pandiyan. | { |vaniyan. thennang | cocoanut { |vettuvan. | { |nataivendar. | { |kelnambhi. komukham | areca nut { |anbutran. | { |gautaman. | { |sadachi. ichang | dates { |sangaran. | { |pichipillai. | { |akhili. panang | palmyra { |lokhamurti | { |jambhuvar. ======================================================= "unfortunately i am unable to trace out the meanings of all these khilais. agastya and gautamar are, of course, sages of old. viramudithanginan seems to mean a king's crown-bearer. alakhiya pandiyan seems to be one of the old pandiyan kings of madura (alakhiya means beautiful). akhili is perhaps intended to mean the wife of gautama, lokamurti, the one being of the world, and jambhuvar, a monkey king with a bear's face, who lived long, long ago. the common rule regulating marriages among brahmans, and indeed people of almost every caste in southern india, is that the proper husband for the girl is her mother's brother or his son. but this is not so among the kondayamkottai maravars. a girl can never marry her mother's brother, because they are of the same khilai. on the other hand, the children of a brother and sister may marry, and should do so, if this can be arranged, as, though the brother and sister are of the same khilai, their children are not, because the children of the brother belong perforce to that of their mother, who is of a different khilai. it very often happens that a man marries into his father's khilai; indeed there seems to be some idea that he should do so if possible. the children of brothers may not marry with each other, although they are of different khilais, for two brothers may not marry into the same khilai. one of the first things to be done in connection with a marriage is that the female relations of the bridegroom must go and examine the intended bride, to test her physical suitability. she should not, as it was explained to me, have a flat foot; the calf of her leg should be slender, not so thick as the thigh; the skin on the throat should not form more than two wrinkles; the hair over the temple should grow crossways. the last is very important." a curl on the forehead resembling the head of a snake is of evil omen. in one form of the marriage rites as carried out by the maravans, the bridegroom's party proceed, on an auspicious day which has been fixed beforehand, to the home of the bride, taking with them five cocoanuts, five bunches of plantains, five pieces of turmeric, betel, and flowers, and the tali strung on a thread dyed with turmeric. at the auspicious hour, the bride is seated within the house on a plank, facing east. the bridegroom's sister removes the string of black beads from her neck, and ties the tali thereon. while this is being done, the conch-shell is blown, and women indulge in what mr. fawcett describes as a shrill kind of keening (kulavi idal). the bride is taken to the house of the bridegroom, where they sit side by side on a plank, and the ceremony of warding off the evil eye is performed. further, milk is poured by people with crossed hands over the heads of the couple. a feast is held, in which meat takes a prominent part. a maravan, who was asked to describe the marriage ceremony, replied that it consists in killing a sheep or fowl, and the bringing of the bride by the bridegroom's sister to her brother's house after the tali has been tied. the kondaikatti maravans, in some places, substitute for the usual golden tali a token representing "the head of indra fastened to a bunch of human hair, or silken strings representing his hair." [ ] in another form of the marriage ceremony, the father of the bridegroom goes to the bride's house, accompanied by his relations, with the following articles in a box made of plaited palmyra leaves:-- bundles of betel. measures of rice. cocoanuts. plantains. lumps of jaggery (crude sugar). pieces of turmeric. flowers, sandal paste, etc. at the bride's house, these presents are touched by those assembled there, and the box is handed over to the bride's father. on the wedding day (which is four days afterwards), pongal (cooked rice) is offered to the house god early in the morning. later in the day, the bridegroom is taken in a palanquin to the house of the bride. betel is presented to him by her father or brother. the bride generally remains within the house till the time for tying the tali has arrived. the maternal uncle then blindfolds her with his hand, lifts her up, and carries her to the bridegroom, four women stand round the contracting couple, and pass round a dish containing a broken cocoanut and a cake three times. the bride and bridegroom then spit into the dish, and the females set up their shrill keening. the maternal uncles join their hands together, and, on receiving the assent of those present, the bridegroom's sister ties the tali on the bride's neck. the tali consists of a ring attached to a black silk thread. after marriage, the "silk tali" is, for every day purposes, replaced by golden beads strung on a string, and the tali used at the wedding is often borrowed for the occasion. the tali having been tied, the pair are blessed, and, in some places, their knees, shoulders, heads, and backs are touched with a betel leaf dipped in milk, and blessed with the words "may the pair be prosperous, giving rise to leaves like a banyan tree, roots like the thurvi (cynodon dactylon) grass, and like the bamboo." of the thurvi grass it is said in the atharwana veda "may this grass, which rose from the water of life, which has a hundred roots and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my sins, and prolong my existence on earth for a hundred years." still further variants of the marriage ceremonial are described by mr. fawcett, in one of which "the brahman priest (purohit) hands the tali to the bridegroom's sister, who in turn hands it to the bridegroom, who ties a knot in it. the sister then ties two more knots in it, and puts it round the bride's neck. after this has been done, and while the pair are still seated, the brahman ties together the little fingers of the right hands of the pair, which are interlocked, with a silken thread. the pair then rise, walk thrice round the marriage seat (manavanai), and enter the house, where they sit, and the bridegroom receives present from the bride's father. the fingers are then untied. while undergoing the ceremony, the bridegroom wears a thread smeared with turmeric tied round the right wrist. it is called kappu." in the manuscript already quoted, [ ] it is noted that "should it so happen, either in the case of wealthy rulers of districts or of poorer common people, that any impediment arises to prevent the complete celebration of the marriage with all attendant ceremonies according to the sacred books and customs of the tribe, then the tali only is sent, and the female is brought to the house of her husband. at a subsequent period, even after two or three children have been born, the husband sends the usual summons to a marriage of areca nut and betel leaf; and, when the relatives are assembled, the bride and bridegroom are publicly seated in state under the marriage pandal; the want of completeness in the former contract is made up; and, all needful ceremonies being gone through, they perform the public procession through the streets of the town, when they break the cocoanut in the presence of vignesvara (ganesa), and, according to the means possessed by the parties, the celebration of the marriage is concluded in one day, or prolonged to two, three or four days. the tali, being tied on, has the name of katu tali, and the name of the last ceremony is called the removal of the former deficiency. if it so happen that, after the first ceremony, the second be not performed, then the children of such an alliance are lightly regarded among the maravas. should the husband die during the continuance of the first relation, and before the second ceremony be performed, then the body of the man, and also the woman are placed upon the same seat, and the ceremonies of the second marriage, according to the customs of the tribe, being gone through, the tali is taken off; the woman is considered to be a widow, and can marry with some other man." it is further recorded [ ] of the orunattu maravans that "the elder or younger sister of the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, and, to the sound of the conch-shell, ties on the tali; and, early on the following morning, brings her to the house of the bridegroom. after some time, occasionally three or four years, when there are indications of offspring, in the fourth or fifth month, the relatives of the pair assemble, and perform the ceremony of removing the deficiency; placing the man and his wife on a seat in public, and having the sacrifice by fire and other matters conducted by the prohitan (or brahman); after which the relatives sprinkle seshai rice (or rice beaten out without any application of water) over the heads of the pair. the relatives are feasted and otherwise hospitably entertained; and these in return bestow donations on the pair, from one fanam to one pagoda. the marriage is then finished. sometimes, when money for expenses is wanting, this wedding ceremony is postponed till after the birth of two or three children. if the first husband dies, another marriage is customary. should it so happen that the husband, after the tying on of the tali in the first instance, dislikes the object of his former choice, then the people of their tribe are assembled; she is conducted back to her mother's house; sheep, oxen, eating-plate, with brass cup, jewels, ornaments, and whatever else she may have brought with her from her mother's house, are returned; and the tali, which was put on, is broken off and taken away. if the wife dislikes the husband, then the money he paid, the expenses which he incurred in the wedding, the tali which he caused to be bound on her, are restored to him, and the woman, taking whatsoever she brought with her, returns to her mother's house, and marries again at her pleasure." it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "a special custom obtaining among the marava zemindars of tinnevelly is mentioned by the registrar of that district. it is the celebration of marriage by means of a proxy for the bridegroom in the shape of a stick, which is sent by the bridegroom, and is set up in the marriage booth in his place. the tali is tied by some one representative of the bridegroom, and the marriage ceremony then becomes complete.... widow re-marriage is freely allowed and practiced, except in the sembunattu sub-division." "a widow," mr. fawcett writes, "may marry her deceased husband's elder brother, but not a younger brother. if she does not like him, she may marry some one else." when a girl reaches puberty, news of the event is conveyed by a washerman. on the sixteenth day she comes out of seclusion, bathes, and returns home. at the threshold, her future husband's sister is standing, and averts the evil eye by waving betel leaves, plantains, cocoanuts, cooked flour paste (puttu), a vessel filled with water, and an iron measure containing rice with a style (ambu) stuck in it. the style is removed by the girl's prospective sister-in-law, who beats her with it as she enters the house. a feast is held at the expense of the girl's maternal uncle, who brings a goat, and ties it to a pole at her house. both burial and cremation are practiced by the maravans. the sembunattu maravans of ramnad regard the agamudaiyans as their servants, and the water, with which the corpse is washed, is brought by them. further, it is an agamudaiyan, and not the son of the deceased, who carries the fire-pot to the burial-ground. the corpse is carried thither on a bier or palanquin. the grave is dug by an andi, never by a pallan or paraiyan. salt, powdered brick, and sacred ashes are placed on the floor thereof and the corpse is placed in it in a sitting posture. the kondaiyamkottai maravans of ramnad, who are stone and brick masons, burn their dead, and, on their way to the burning-ground, the bearers of the corpse walk over cloths spread on the ground. on the second or third day, lingams are made out of the ashes, or of mud from the grave if the corpse has been buried. to these, as well as to the soul of the deceased, and to the crows, offerings are made. on the sixteenth day, nine kinds of seed-grain are placed over the grave, or the spot where the corpse was burnt. a pandaram sets up five kalasams (brass vessels), and does puja (worship). the son of the deceased, who officiated as chief mourner, goes to a pillayar (ganesa) shrine, carrying on his head a pot containing a lighted lamp made of flour. as he draws near the god, a screen is stretched in front thereof. he then takes a few steps backwards, the screen is removed, and he worships the god. he then retires, walking backwards. the flour is distributed among those present. presents of new cloths are made to the sons and daughters of the deceased. in his account of the kondaiyamkottai maravans, mr. fawcett gives the following account of the funeral rites. "sandals having been fastened on the feet, the corpse is carried in a recumbent position, legs first, to the place of cremation. a little rice is placed in the mouth, and the relatives put a little money into a small vessel which is kept beside the chest. the karma karta (chief mourner) walks thrice round the corpse, carrying an earthen vessel filled with water, in which two or three holes are pierced. he allows some water to fall on the corpse, and breaks the pot near the head, which lies to the south. no brahman attends this part of the ceremony. when he has broken the pot, the karma karta must not see the corpse again; he goes away at once, and is completely shaved. the barber takes the cash which has been collected, and lights the pyre. when he returns to the house, the karma karta prostrates himself before a lighted lamp; he partakes of no food, except a little grain and boiled pulse and water, boiled with coarse palm sugar and ginger. next day he goes to the place of cremation, picks up such calcined bones as he finds, and places them in a basket, so that he may some day throw them in water which is considered to be sacred. on the eleventh or twelfth day, some grain is sown in two new earthen vessels which have been broken, and there is continued weeping around these. on the sixteenth day, the young plants, which have sprouted, are removed, and put into water, weeping going on all the while; and, after this has been done, the relatives bathe and enjoy a festive meal, after which the karma karta is seated on a white cloth, and is presented with a new cloth and some money by his father-in-law and other relatives who are present. on the seventeenth day takes place the punyagavachanam or purification, at which the brahman priest presides, and the karma karta takes an oil bath. the wood of the pipal tree (ficus religiosa) is never used for purposes of cremation." concerning the death ceremonies in the trichinopoly district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes as follows. "before the corpse is removed, the chief mourner and his wife take two balls of cow-dung, in which the barber has mixed various kinds of grain, and stick them on to the wall of the house. these are thrown into water on the eighth day. the ceremonial is called pattam kattugiradu, or investing with the title, and indicates the succession to the dead man's estate. a rocket is fired when the corpse is taken out of the house. on the sixth day, a pandal (booth) of naval (eugenia, jambolana) leaves is prepared, and offerings are made in it to the manes of the ancestors of the family. it is removed on the eighth day, and the chief mourner puts a turban on, and merry-making and dances are indulged in. there are ordinarily no karumantaram ceremonies, but they are sometimes performed on the sixteenth day, a brahman being called in. on the return home from these ceremonies, each member of the party has to dip his toe into a mortar full of cow-dung water, and the last man has to knock it down." among some kondaiyamkottai maravans, a ceremony called palaya karmandhiram, or old death ceremony, is performed. some months after the death of one who has died an unnatural death, the skull is exhumed, and placed beneath a pandal (booth) in an open space near the village. libations of toddy are indulged in, and the villagers dance wildly round the head. the ceremony lasts over three days, and the final death ceremonies are then performed. for the following account of the jellikattu or bull-baiting, which is practiced by the maravans, i am indebted to a note by mr. j. h. nelson. [ ] "this," he writes, "is a game worthy of a bold and free people, and it is to be regretted that certain collectors (district magistrates) should have discouraged it under the idea that it was somewhat dangerous. the jellikattu is conducted in the following manner. on a certain day in the year, large crowds of people, chiefly males, assemble together in the morning in some extensive open space, the dry bed of a river perhaps, or of a tank (pond), and many of them may be seen leading ploughing bullocks, of which the sleek bodies and rather wicked eyes afford clear evidence of the extra diet they have received for some days in anticipation of the great event. the owners of these animals soon begin to brag of their strength and speed, and to challenge all and any to catch and hold them; and in a short time one of the best beasts is selected to open the day's proceedings. a new cloth is made fast round his horns, to be the prize of his captor, and he is then led out into the midst of the arena by his owner, and there left to himself surrounded by a throng of shouting and excited strangers. unaccustomed to this sort of treatment, and excited by the gestures of those who have undertaken to catch him, the bullock usually lowers his head at once, and charges wildly into the midst of the crowd, who nimbly run off on either side to make way for him. his speed being much greater than that of the men, he soon overtakes one of his enemies and makes at him to toss him savagely. upon this the man drops on the sand like a stone, and the bullock, instead of goring him, leaps over his body, and rushes after another. the second man drops in his turn, and is passed like the first; and, after repeating this operation several times, the beast either succeeds in breaking the ring, and galloping off to his village, charging every person he meets on the way, or is at last caught and held by the most vigorous of his pursuers. strange as it may seem, the bullocks never by any chance toss or gore any one who throws himself down on their approach; and the only danger arises from their accidentally reaching unseen and unheard some one who remains standing. after the first two or three animals have been let loose one after the other, two or three, or even half a dozen are let loose at a time, and the scene quickly becomes most exciting. the crowd sways violently to and fro in various directions in frantic efforts to escape being knocked over; the air is filled with shouts, screams, and laughter; and the bullocks thunder over the plain as fiercely as if blood and slaughter were their sole occupation. in this way perhaps two or three hundred animals are run in the course of a day, and, when all go home towards evening, a few cuts and bruises, borne with the utmost cheerfulness, are the only results of an amusement which requires great courage and agility on the part of the competitors for the prizes--that is for the cloths and other things tied to the bullocks' horns--and not a little on the part of the mere bystanders. the only time i saw this sport (from a place of safety) i was highly delighted with the entertainment, and no accident occurred to mar my pleasure. one man indeed was slightly wounded in the buttock, but he was quite able to walk, and seemed to be as happy as his friends." a further account of the jallikat or jellicut is given in the gazetteer of the madura district. "the word jallikattu literally means tying of ornaments. on a day fixed and advertised by beat of drums at the adjacent weekly markets, a number of cattle, to the horns of which cloths and handkerchiefs have been tied, are loosed one after the other, in quick succession, from a large pen or other enclosure, amid a furious tom-tomming and loud shouts from the crowd of assembled spectators. the animals have first to run the gauntlet down a long lane formed of country carts, and then gallop off wildly in every direction. the game consists in endeavouring to capture the cloths tied to their horns. to do this requires fleetness of foot and considerable pluck, and those who are successful are the heroes of the hour. cuts and bruises are the reward of those who are less skilful, and now and again some of the excited cattle charge into the on-lookers, and send a few of them flying. the sport has been prohibited on more than one occasion. but, seeing that no one need run any risks unless he chooses, existing official opinion inclines to the view that it is a pity to discourage a manly amusement which is not really more dangerous than football, steeple-chasing, or fox-hunting. the keenness of the more virile sections of the community, especially the kallans (q.v.), in this game is extraordinary, and, in many villages, cattle are bred and reared specially for it. the best jallikats are to be seen in the kallan country in tirumangalam, and next come those in melur and madura taluks." "boomerangs," dr. g. oppert writes, [ ] "are used by the maravans and kallans when hunting deer. the madras museum collection contains three (two ivory, one wooden) from the tanjore armoury. in the arsenal of the pudukottai raja a stock of wooden boomerangs is always kept. their name in tamil is valai tade (bent stick)." to mr. r. bruce foote, i am indebted for the following note on the use of the boomerang in the madura district. "a very favourite weapon of the madura country is a kind of curved throwing-stick, having a general likeness to the boomerang of the australian aborigines. i have in my collection two of these maravar weapons obtained from near sivaganga. the larger measures / '' along the outer curve, and the chord of the arc / ''. at the handle end is a rather ovate knob / '' long and / '' in its maximum thickness. the thinnest and smallest part of the weapon is just beyond the knob, and measures / '' in diameter by / '' in width. from that point onwards its width increases very gradually to the distal end, where it measures / '' across and is squarely truncated. the lateral diameter is greatest three or four inches before the truncated end, where it measures ''. my second specimen is a little smaller than the above, and is also rather less curved. both are made of hard heavy wood, dark reddish brown in colour as seen through the varnish covering the surface. the wood is said to be tamarind root. the workmanship is rather rude. i had an opportunity of seeing these boomerangs in use near sivaganga in march, . in the morning i came across many parties, small and large, of men and big boys who were out hare-hunting with a few dogs. the parties straggled over the ground, which was sparsely covered with low scrub jungle. and, whenever an unlucky hare started out near to the hunters, it was greeted with a volley of the boomerangs, so strongly and dexterously thrown that poor puss had little chance of escape. i saw several knocked out of time. on making enquiries as to these hunting parties, i was told that they were in observance of a semi-religious duty, in which every maravar male, not unfitted by age or ill-health, is bound to participate on a particular day in the year. whether a dexterous maravar thrower could make his weapon return to him i could not find out. certainly in none of the throws observed by me was any tendency to a return perceptible. but for simple straight shots these boomerangs answer admirably." the maravans bear saivite sectarian marks, but also worship various minor deities, among whom are included kali, karuppan, muthu karuppan, periya karuppan, mathurai viran, aiyanar, and munuswami. the lobes of the ears of marava females are very elongated as the result of boring and gradual dilatation during childhood. mr. (now sir) f. a. nicholson, who was some years ago stationed at ramnad, tells me that the young maravan princesses used to come and play in his garden, and, as they ran races, hung on to their ears, lest the heavy ornaments should rend asunder the filamentous ear lobes. it was recorded, in , that a young maravan, who was a member of the family of the zemindar of chokampatti, was the first non-christian maravan to pass the b.a. degree examination at the madras university. the general title of the maravans is tevan (god), but some style themselves talaivan (chief), servaikkaran (captain), karaiyalan (ruler of the coast), or rayarvamsam (raja's clan). marayan.--a synonym of maran. mari.--mari or marimanisaru is a sub-division of holeya. mariyan.--said to be a sub-division of kolayan. markandeya.--a gotra of padma sale and seniyan (devanga), named after the rishi or sage markandeya, who was remarkable for his austerities and great age, and is also known as dirghayus (the long-lived). some devangas and the salapus claim him as their ancestor. marri. (ficus bengalensis).--an exogamous sept of mala and mutracha. marri-gunta (pond near a fig tree) occurs as an exogamous sept of yanadi. marumakkathayam.--the malayalam name for the law of inheritance through the female line. marvari.--a territorial name, meaning a native of marwar. at times of census, marvari has been returned as a caste of jains, i.e., marvaris, who are jains by religion. the marvaris are enterprising traders, who have settled in various parts of southern india, and are, in the city of madras, money-lenders. masadika.--a synonym for nadava bant. masila (masi, dirt).--an exogamous sept of devanga. masthan.--a muhammadan title, meaning a saint, returned at times of census. mastiga.--the mastigas are described by the rev. j. cain [ ] as mendicants and bards, who beg from gollas, malas, and madigas. i am informed that they are also known as mala mastigas, as they are supposed to be illegitimate descendants of the malas, and usually beg from them. when engaged in begging, they perform various contortionist and acrobatic feats. matam (monastery, or religious institution).--an exogamous sept of devanga. matanga.--matanga or matangi is a synonym of madiga. the madigas sometimes call themselves matangi makkalu, or children of matangi, who is their favourite goddess. matangi is further the name of certain dedicated prostitutes, who are respected by the madiga community. matavan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a name for the pulikkapanikkan sub-division of nayar. matsya (fish).--a sept of domb. mattiya.--the mattiyas are summed up as follows in the madras census report, . "in vizagapatam these are hill cultivators from the central provinces, who are stated in one account to be a sub-division of the gonds. some of them wear the sacred thread, because the privilege was conferred upon their families by former rajas of malkanagiri, where they reside. they are said to eat with ronas, drink with porojas, but smoke only with their own people. the name is said to denote workers in mud (matti), and in ganjam they are apparently earth-workers and labourers. in the census report, , it is noted that the matiyas are 'altogether superior to the kois and to the parjas (porojas). they say they sprang from the soil, and go so far as to point out a hole, out of which their ancestor came. they talk uriya, and farm their lands well'" for the following note, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the caste is divided into at least four septs, named bhag (tiger), nag (cobra), cheli (goat), and kochchimo (tortoise). a man may claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. girls are, as a rule, married after puberty. when a match is contemplated, the would-be husband presents a pot of liquor to the girl's parents. if this is accepted, a further present of liquor, rice, and a pair of cloths, is made later on. the liquor is distributed among the villagers, who, by accepting it, indicate their consent to the transfer of the girl to the man. a procession, with dombs acting as musicians, is formed, and the girl is taken to the bridegroom's village. a pandal (booth) has been erected in front of the bridegroom's house, which the contracting couple enter on the following morning. their hands are joined together by the presiding desari, they bathe in turmeric water, and new cloths are given to them. wearing these, they enter the house, the bridegroom leading the bride. their relations then exhort them to be constant to each other, and behave well towards them. a feast follows, and the night is spent in dancing and drinking. next day, the bride's parents are sent away with a present of a pair of cows or bulls as jholla tonka. the remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger brother usually marries the widow of his elder brother. divorce is permitted, and, when a husband separates from his wife, he gives her a new cloth and a bullock as compensation. a divorced woman may remarry. by the mattiyas, and other oriya castes, the ghorojavai (house son-in-law) custom is practiced. according to this custom, the poorer folk, in search of a wife, work, according to a contract, for their future father-in-law for a specified time, at the expiration of which they set up a separate establishment with his daughter. to begin married life with, presents are made to the couple by the father-in-law. the dead are burnt, and the spot where cremation takes place is marked by setting up in the ground a bamboo pole, to which one of the dead man's rags is attached. the domestic pots, which were used during his last illness, are broken there. death pollution is observed for eight days. on the ninth day, the ashes, mixed with water, are cleared up, and milk is poured over the spot. the ashes are sometimes buried in a square hole, which is dug to a depth of about three feet, and filled in. over it a small hut-like structure is raised. a few of these sepulchral monuments may be seen on the south side of the pangam stream on the jeypore-malkangiri road. the personal names of the mattiyas are often taken from the day of the week on which they are born. mavilan.--described, in the madras census report, , as a small tribe of shikaris (hunters) and herbalists, who follow makkathayam (inheritance from father to son), and speak corrupt tulu. tulumar (native of the tulu country), and chingattan (lion-hearted people) were returned as sub-divisions. "the name," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "is said to be derived from mavilavu, a medicinal herb. i think, however, the real derivation must be sought in tulu or canarese, as it seems to be a canarese caste. these people are found only in the chirakkal taluk of malabar. their present occupation is basket-making. succession is from father to son, but among some it is also said to be in the female line." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that the mavilons are "divided into tulu mavilons and eda mavilons, and sub-divided into thirty illams. they are employed as mahouts (drivers of elephants), and collect honey and other forest produce. their headmen are called chingam (simham, lion), and their huts mapura." mayalotilu (rascal).--mayalotilu or manjulotilu is said by the rev. j. cain to be a name given by the hill koyis to the koyis who live near the godavari river. mayan.--recorded, in the madras census report, as a synonym of kammalan. the kamsali goldsmiths claim descent from maya. meda, medara, medarlu, or medarakaran.--the medaras are workers in bamboo in the telugu, canarese, oriya and tamil countries, making sieves, baskets, cradles, mats, fans, boxes, umbrellas, and tatties (screens). occasionally they receive orders for waste-paper baskets, coffins for native christian children, or cages for pigeons and parrots. in former days they made basket-caps for sepoys. they are said to cut the bamboos in the forest on dark nights, in the belief that they would be damaged if cut at any other time. they do not, like the korachas, make articles from the leaf of the date-palm (phoenix). they believe that they came from mahendrachala mountain, the mountain of indra, and the following legend is current among them. dakshudu, the father-in-law of siva, went to invite his son-in-law to a devotional sacrifice, which he was about to perform. siva was in a state of meditation, and did not visibly return the obeisance which dakshudu made by raising his hands to his forehead. dakshudu became angry, and told his people not to receive siva or his wife, or show them any mark of respect. parvati, siva's wife, went with her son ganapati, against her husband's order, to the sacrifice, and received no sign of recognition. thereat she shed tears, and the earth opened, and she disappeared. she was again born of himavant (himalayas), and siva, telling her who she was, remarried her. siva, in reply to her enquiries, told her that she could avoid a further separation from him if she performed a religious vow, and gave cakes to brahmans in a chata, or winnowing basket. she accordingly made a basket of gold, which was not efficacious, because, as siva explained to her, it was not plaited, as bamboo baskets are. taking his serpent, siva turned it into a bamboo. he ordered ganapati, and others, to become men, and gave them his trisula and ghada to work with on bamboo, from which they plaited a basket for the completion of parvati's vow. ganapati and the ganas remained on the mahendrachala mountain, and married gandarva women, who bore children to them. eventually they were ordered by siva to return, and, as they could not take their wives and families with them, they told them to earn their livelihood by plaiting bamboo articles. hence they were called mahendrulu or medarlu. according to another legend, [ ] parvati once wanted to perform the ceremony called gaurinomu, and, wanting a winnow, was at a loss to know how to secure one. she asked siva to produce a man who could make one, and he ordered his riding-ox vrishaban to produce such a person by chewing. vrishaban complied, and the ancestor of the medaras, being informed of the wish of the goddess, took the snake which formed siva's necklace, and, going to a hill, planted its head in the ground. a bamboo at once sprang up on the spot, which, after returning the snake to its owner, the man used for making a winnow. the snake-like root of the bamboo is regarded as a proof of the truth of the story. as among many other castes, opprobrious names are given to children. for example, a boy, whose elder brother has died, may be called pentayya (dung-heap). as a symbol of his being a dung-heap child, the infant, as soon as it is born, is placed on a leaf-platter. other names are thavvayya, or boy bought for bran, and pakiru, mendicant. in a case where a male child had been ill for some months, a woman, under the influence of the deity, announced that he was possessed by the goddess ankamma. the boy accordingly had the name of the goddess conferred on him. the following are some of the gotras and exogamous septs of the medaras:-- (a) gotras. hanumanta (monkey-god). bombadai (a fish). puli (tiger). vinayaka (ganesa). thagenilu (drinking water). kasi (benares). avisa (sesbania grandiflora). moduga (butea frondosa). rela (ficus). kovila (koel or cuckoo). seshai (snake?). (b) exogamous septs. pilli (cat). nuvvulu (gingelly). parvatham (mountain). senagapapu (bengal gram). putta (ant-hill). tsanda (subscription). konda (mountain). nila (blue). javadi (civet-cat). sirigiri (a hill). nandikattu (bull's mouth). kanigiri (a hill). kandikattu (dhal soup). pothu (male). kottakunda (new pot). naginidu (snake). pooreti (a bird). kola (ear of corn). kalluri (stone village). a man most frequently marries his maternal uncle's daughter, less frequently the daughter of his paternal aunt. marriage with a deceased wife's sister is regarded with special favour. marriage with two living sisters, if one of them is suffering from disease, is common. in a note on the medaras of the vizagapatam district, mr. c. hayavadana rao writes that girls are married before or after puberty. a brahman officiates at the marriage ceremonies. widows are allowed to remarry once, and the sathamanam (marriage badge) is tied by the new husband on the neck of the bride, who has, as in the gudala caste, to sit near a mortar. formerly all the medaras were saivites, but many are at the present day vaishnavites, and even the vaishnavites worship siva. every family has some special person or persons whom they worship, for example, virullu, or boys who have died unmarried. a silver image is made, and kept in a basket. it is taken out on festive occasions, as before a marriage in a family, and offerings of milk and rice gruel are made to it. bala perantalu, or girls who have died before marriage, and perantalu, or women who have died before their husbands, are worshipped with fruits, turmeric, rice, cocoanuts, etc. some of the saivites bury their dead in a sitting posture, while others resort to cremation. all the vaishnavites burn the dead, and, like the saivites, throw the ashes into a river. the place of burning or burial is not as a rule marked by any stone or mound. but, if the family can afford it, a tulsi fort is built, and the tulsi (ocimum sanctum) planted therein. in the vizagapatam district, death pollution is said to last for three days, during which the caste occupation is not carried out. on the third day, a fowl is killed, and food cooked. it is taken to the spot where the corpse was burnt, on which a portion is thrown, and the remainder eaten. the potency of charms in warding off evil spirits is believed in. for example, a figure of hanuman the monkey-god, on a thin plate of gold, with cabalistic letters inscribed on it, is worn on the neck. and, on eclipse days, the root of the madar or arka plant (calotropis gigantea), enclosed in a gold casket, is worn on the neck of females, and on the waist or arms of males. some members of this, as of other castes, may be seen with cicatrices on the forehead, chest, back, or neck. these are the scars resulting from branding during infancy with lighted turmeric or cheroot, to cure infantile convulsions, resulting, it is believed, from inhaling tobacco smoke in small, ill-ventilated rooms. various legends are current in connection with tribal heroes. one medara chennayya is said to have fed some thousands of people with a potful of rice. his grandson, medara thodayya, used to do basket-making, and bathed three times daily. a brahman, afflicted with leprosy, lost a calf. in searching for it, he fell into a ditch filled with water, in which the medara had bathed, and was cured. one medara kethayya and his wife were very poor, but charitable. in order to test him, the god iswara made grains of gold appear in large quantities in the hollow of a bamboo, which he cut. he avoided the bamboos as being full of vermin, and useless. at some distance, he found an ant-hill with a bamboo growing in it, and, knowing that bamboos growing on such a hill will not be attacked by vermin, cut it. in so doing, he cut off the head of a rishi, who was doing penance. detecting the crime of which he had been guilty, he cried "siva, siva." his wife, who was miles away, heard him, and, knowing that he must be in some trouble, went to the spot. he asked her how he was to expiate his sin, and she replied. "you have taken a life, and must give one in return." he thereon prepared to commit suicide, but his wife, taking the knife from him, was about to sacrifice herself when iswara appeared, restored the rishi to life, and took medara kethayya and his wife to heaven. as among many other castes, the sthambamuhurtham (putting up the post) ceremony is performed when the building of a new house is commenced, and the deeparathana (lamp-worship) before it is occupied. in every settlement there is a kulapedda, or hereditary caste headman, who has, among other things, the power of inflicting fines, sentencing to excommunication, and inflicting punishments for adultery, eating with members of lower castes, etc. excommunication is a real punishment, as the culprit is not allowed to take bamboo, or mess with his former castemen. in the kistna and godavari districts, serious disputes, which the local panchayat (council) cannot decide, are referred to the headman at masulipatam, who at present is a native doctor. there are no trials by ordeal. the usual form of oath is "where ten are, there god is. in his presence i say." when a girl reaches puberty, she has to sit in a room on five fresh palmyra palm leaves, bathes in turmeric water, and may not eat salt. if there is "leg's presentation" at childbirth, the infant's maternal uncle should not hear the infant cry until the shanti ceremony has been performed. a brahman recites some mantrams, and the reflection of the infant's face is first seen by the uncle from the surface of oil in a plate. widow remarriage is permitted. a widow can be recognised by her not wearing the tali, gazulu (glass bangles), and mettu (silver ring on the second toe). the lowest castes with which the medaras will eat are, they say, komatis and velamas. some say that they will eat with satanis, in the coorg country, the medaras are said to subsist by umbrella-making. they are the drummers at coorg festivals, and it is their privilege to receive annually at harvest-time from each coorg house of their district as much reaped paddy as they can bind up with a rope twelve cubits in length. they dress like the coorgs, but in poorer style. [ ] it is recorded by bishop whitehead [ ] that, "in mercara taluk, in ippanivolavade, and in kadikeri in halerinad, the villagers sacrifice a kona or male buffalo. tied to a tree in a gloomy grove near the temple, the beast is killed by a meda, who cuts off its head with a large knife, but no coorgs are present at the time. the blood is spilled on a stone under a tree, and the flesh eaten by medas." at the census, , gauriga was returned as a sub-caste by some medaras, the better classes are taking to call themselves balijas, and affix the title chetti to their names. the godagula workers in split bamboo sometimes call themselves odde (oriya) medara. [ ] meda (raised mound).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. medam (fight).--an exogamous sept of devanga. mehtar.--a few mehtars are returned, in the madras census report, , as a central provinces caste of scavengers. "this name," yule and burnell write, [ ] "is usual in bengal, especially for the domestic servant of this class. the word is pers., comp. mihtar (lat. major), a great personage, a prince, and has been applied to the class in question in irony, or rather in consolation. but the name has so completely adhered in this application, that all sense of either irony or consolation has perished. mehtar is a sweeper, and nought else. his wife is the matranee. it is not unusual to hear two mehtars hailing each other as maharaj!" meikaval (body-guard of the god).--a name for pandarams. mekala (goats).--recorded as an exogamous sept of boya, chenchu, golla, kamma, kapu, togata, and yanadi. nerigi mekala (a kind of goat) is a further sept of yanadi. mekhri.--a sub-division of navayat muhammadans. melachcheri.--a class of muhammadans in the laccadive islands (see mappilla). meladava.--dancing-girls in south canara. melakkaran.--concerning the melakkarans, mr. f. r. hemingway writes as follows. [ ] "the name means musicians, and, as far as tanjore is concerned, is applied to two absolutely distinct castes, the tamil and telugu melakkarans (of whom the latter are barber musicians). these two will not eat in each other's houses, and their views about dining with other castes are similar. they say they would mess (in a separate room) in a vellalan's house, and would dine with a kallan, but it is doubtful whether any but the lower non-brahman communities would eat with them. in other respects the two castes are quite different. the former speak tamil, and, in most of their customs, resemble generally the vellalans and other higher tamil castes, while the latter speak telugu, and follow domestic practices similar to those of the telugu brahmans. both are musicians. the telugus practice only the musician's art or periyamelam (band composed of clarionet or nagasaram, pipe, drum, and cymbals), having nothing to do with dancing or dancing-girls, to whom the chinnamelam or nautch music is appropriate. the tamil caste provides, or has adopted all the dancing-girls in the district. the daughters of these women are generally brought up to their mother's profession, but the daughters of the men of the community rarely nowadays become dancing-girls, but are ordinarily married to members of the caste. the tamil melakkarans perform both the periyamelam and the nautch music. the latter consists of vocal music performed by a chorus of both sexes to the accompaniment of the pipe and cymbals. the class who perform it are called nattuvans, and they are the instructors of the dancing-women. the periyamelam always finds a place at weddings, but the nautch is a luxury. nowadays the better musicians hold themselves aloof from the dancing-women. both castes have a high opinion of their own social standing. indeed the tamil section say they are really kallans, vellalans, agamudaiyans, and so on, and that their profession is merely an accident." the vairavi, or temple servant of nattukottai chettis, must be a melakkaran. mellikallu.--under the name mellikallu or mallekalu, seventy-six individuals are returned, in the madras census report, , as "hill cultivators in pedakota village of viravalli taluk of the vizagapatam agency, who are reported to constitute a caste by themselves. they pollute by touch, have their own priests, and eat pork but not beef." melnadu.--melnadu, or melnatar, meaning western country, is the name of a territorial sub-division of kallan and shanan. melu sakkare.--a name, meaning western sakkare, by which upparas in mysore style themselves. they claim descent from a mythical individual, named sagara, who dug the bay of bengal. some upparas explain that they work in salt, which is more essential than sugar, and that mel sakkara means superior sugar. meman.--more than three hundred members of this muhammadan class of bombay traders were returned at the madras census, . it is recorded, in the bombay gazetteer, that many cutch, memans are prospering as traders in kurrachee, bombay, the malabar coast, hyderabad, madras, calcutta, and zanzibar. menasu (pepper or chillies).--an exogamous sept of kuruba, and gotra of kurni. menokki (overseer).--menokki and menoki have been returned, in the travancore and cochin census reports, as a sub-division of nayars, who are employed as accountants in temples. the name is derived from mel, above, nokki, from nokkunnu to look after. menon.--by wigram, [ ] menon is defined as "a title originally conferred by the zamorin on his agents and writers. it is now used by all classes of nayars. in malabar, the village karnam (accountant) is called menon." in the travancore census report, , menon is said to be "a contraction of menavan (a superior person). the title was conferred upon several families by the raja of cochin, and corresponds to pillai down south. as soon as a person was made a menon, he was presented with an ola (palmyra leaf for writing on) and an iron style, as symbolical of the office he was expected to fill, i.e., of an accountant. even now, in british malabar, each amsham or revenue village has a writer or accountant, who is called menon." mr. f. fawcett writes [ ] that "to those of the sub-clan attached to the zamorin who were sufficiently capable to earn it, he gave the titular honour menon, to be used as an affix to the name. the title menon is in general hereditary, but, be it remarked, many who now use it are not entitled to do so. properly speaking, only those whose investiture by the zamorin or some other recognized chief is undisputed, and their descendants (in the female line) may use it. a man known to me was invested with the title menon in by the karimpuzha chief, who, in the presence of a large assembly, said thrice 'from this day forward i confer on krishnan nayar the title of krishna menon.' nowadays be it said, the title menon is used by nayars of clans other than the akattu charna." indian undergraduates at the english universities, with names such as krishna menon, raman menon, ramunni menon, are known as mr. menon. in the same way, maratha students are called by their titular name mr. rao. mera.--a sub-division of holeya. meria.--at the madras census, , twenty-five individuals returned themselves as meria or merakaya. they were descendants of persons who were reserved for human (meriah) sacrifice, but rescued by government officials in the middle of the last century. mesta.--a name taken by some chaptegaras (carpenters) in south canara. mestri.--a title of semmans and other tamil classes. the panan tailors are said to be also called mestris. concerning the word mestri, or maistry, yule and burnell write as follows. [ ] "this word, a corruption of the portuguese mestre, has spread into the vernaculars all over india, and is in constant anglo-indian use. properly a foreman, a master-worker. in w. and s. india maistry, as used in the household, generally means the cook or the tailor." mettu kamsali.--a synonym of ojali blacksmith, mettu means shoes or sandals. mhallo.--a name for konkani barbers. midathala (locust).--an exogamous sept of boya and madiga. middala or meddala (storeyed house).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. midichi (locust).--a gotra of kurni. mila.--the milas are a fishing caste in ganjam and vizagapatam, for the following note on whom i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the name milavandlu, by which they are commonly known, means fishermen. they also call themselves odavandlu, because they go out to sea, fishing from boats (oda). when they become wealthy, they style themselves oda balijas. the caste is divided into numerous exogamous septs, among which are dhoni (boat), and tota (garden). the custom of menarikam, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is in force, and a man may also marry his sister's daughter. girls are generally married after puberty. gold jewellery is presented in lieu of money as the bride-price (voli). on the occasion of a marriage, half a dozen males and females go to the house of the bride, where they are entertained at a feast. she is conducted to the home of the bridegroom. a plank is placed at the entrance to the house, on which the bride and bridegroom take their seats. after they have bathed, new cloths are presented to them, and the old ones given to the barber. they then sit once more on the plank, and the caste headman, called the ejaman, takes up the sathamanam (marriage badge), which is passed round among those assembled. it is finally tied by the bridegroom on the bride's neck. the remarriage of widows is recognised. each village has an ejaman, who, in addition to officiating at weddings, presides over council meetings, collects fines, etc. the caste goddess is polamma, to whom animal sacrifices are offered, and in whose honour an annual festival is held. the expenses thereof are met by public subscription and private donations. the dead are burnt, and a satani officiates at funerals. death pollution is not observed. on the twelfth day after death, the pedda rozu (big day) ceremony is performed. the caste titles are anna and ayya. milaku (pepper: piper nigrum).--a tree or kothu of kondaiyamkotti maravans. milikhan.--a class of muhammadan pilots and sailors in the laccadive islands (see mappilla). minalavaru (fish people).--an exogamous sept of bedar or boya. min (fish) palli occurs as a name for pallis who have settled in the telugu country, and adopted fishing as their profession. minchu (metal toe-ring).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. mini (leather rope).--a gotra of kurni. minpidi (fish-catching).--a sub-division of panan. mirapakaya (capsicum frutescens).--an exogamous sept of boya. mirigani.--a sub-division of domb. miriyala (pepper).--an exogamous sept of balija. mir shikari.--a synonym of kurivikkaran. misala (whiskers).--an exogamous sept of boya. mise (moustache).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. mochi.--see mucchi. modikaran.--the name sometimes applied to nokkan mendicants, who dabble in jugglery. modi is a trial of magical powers between two persons, in which the hiding of money is the essential thing. moduga (butea frondosa).--a gotra of medara. moger.--the mogers are the tulu-speaking fishermen of the south canara district, who, for the most part, follow the aliya santana law of inheritance (in the female line), though some who are settled in the northern part of the district speak canarese, and follow the makkala santana law (inheritance from father to son). the mogers are largely engaged in sea-fishing, and are also employed in the government fish-curing yards. on the occasion of an inspection of one of these yards at mangalore, my eye caught sight of the saw of a sawfish (pristis) hanging on the wall of the office. enquiry elicited that it was used as a "threatening instrument" in the yard. the ticket-holders were mappillas and mogers. i was informed that some of the mogers used the hated thattu vala or achi vala (tapping net), in using which the sides of the boats are beaten with sticks, to drive the fish into the net. those who object to this method of fishing maintain that the noise made with the sticks frightens away the shoals of mackerel and sardines. a few years ago, the nets were cut to pieces, and thrown into the sea, as a protest against their employment. a free fight ensued, with the result that nineteen individuals were sentenced to a fine of fifty rupees, and three months' imprisonment. in connection with my inspections of fisheries, the following quaint official report was submitted. "the mogers about the town of udipi are bound to supply the revenue and magisterial establishment of the town early in the morning every day a number of fishes strung to a piece of rope. the custom was originated by a tahsildar (native revenue officer) about twenty years ago, when the tahsildar wielded the powers of the magistrate and the revenue officer, and was more than a tyrant, if he so liked--when rich and poor would tremble at the name of an unscrupulous tahsildar. the tahsildar is divested of his magisterial powers, and to the law-abiding and punctual is not more harmful than the dormouse. but the custom continues, and the official, who, of all men, can afford to pay for what he eats, enjoys the privileges akin to those of the time of louis xiv's court, and the poor fisherman has to toil by night to supply the rich official's table with a delicious dish about gratis." a curious custom at cannanore in malabar may be incidentally referred to. writing in , dr. francis day states [ ] that "at cannanore, the rajah's cat appears to be exercising a deleterious influence on one branch at least of the fishing, viz., that for sharks. it appears that, in olden times, one fish daily was taken from each boat as a perquisite for the rajah's cat, or the poocha meen (cat fish) collection. the cats apparently have not augmented so much as the fishing boats, so this has been commuted into a money payment of two pies a day on each successful boat. in addition to this, the rajah annually levies a tax of rs. - - on every boat. half of the sharks' fins are also claimed by the rajah's poocha meen contractor." writing concerning the mogers, buchanan [ ] states that "these fishermen are called mogayer, and are a caste of tulava origin. they resemble the mucuas (mukkuvans) of malayala, but the one caste will have no communion with the other. the mogayer are boatmen, fishermen, porters, and palanquin-bearers, they pretend to be sudras of a pure descent, and assume a superiority over the halepecas (halepaiks), one of the most common castes of cultivators in tulava; but they acknowledge themselves greatly inferior to the bunts." some mogers have abandoned their hereditary profession of fishing, and taken to agriculture, oil-pressing, and playing on musical instruments. some are still employed as palanquin-bearers. the oil-pressers call themselves ganigas, the musicians sappaligas, and the palanquin-bearers bovis. these are all occupational names. some bestha immigrants from mysore have settled in the pattur taluk, and are also known as bovis, the word bovi is a form of the telugu boyi (bearer). the mogers manufacture the caps made from the spathe of the areca palm, which are worn by koragas and holeyas. the settlements of the moger fishing community are called pattana, e.g., odorottu pattana, manampade pattana. for this reason, pattanadava is sometimes given as a synonym for the caste name. the tamil fishermen of the city of madras are, in like manner, called pattanavan, because they live in pattanams or maritime villages. like other tulu castes, the mogers worship bhuthas (devils). the principal bhutha of the fishing community is bobbariya, in whose honour the kola festival is held periodically. every settlement, or group of settlements, has a bobbariya bhuthasthana (devil shrine). the matti brahmans, who, according to local tradition, are mogers raised to the rank of brahmans by one vathiraja swami, a sanyasi, also have a bobbariya bhuthasthana in the village of matti. the mogers who have ceased to be fishermen, and dwell in land, worship the bhuthas panjurli and baikadthi. there is a caste priest, called mangala pujari, whose head-quarters are at bannekuduru near barkur. every family has to pay eight annas annually to the priest, to enable him to maintain the temple dedicated to ammanoru or mastiamma at bannekuduru. according to some, mastiamma is mari, the goddess of small-pox, while others say that she is the same as mohini, a female devil, who possesses men, and kills them. for every settlement, there must be at least two gurikaras (headmen), and, in some settlements, there are as many as four. all the gurikaras wear, as an emblem of their office, a gold bracelet on the left wrist. some wear, in addition, a bracelet presented by the members of the caste for some signal service. the office of headman is hereditary, and follows the aliya santana law of succession (in the female line). the ordinary tulu barber (kelasi) does not shave the mogers, who have their own caste barber, called melantavam, who is entitled to receive a definite share of a catch of fish. the konkani barbers (mholla) do not object to shave mogers, and, in some places where mhollas are not available, the billava barber is called in. like other tulu castes, the mogers have exogamous septs, or balis, of which the following are examples:-- ane, elephant. bali, a fish. deva, god. dyava, tortoise. honne, pterocarpus marsupium. shetti, a fish. tolana, wolf. the marriage ceremonial of the mogers conforms to the customary tulu type. a betrothal ceremony is gone through, and the sirdochi, or bride-price, varying from six to eight rupees, paid. the marriage rites last over two days. on the first day, the bride is seated on a plank or cot, and five women throw rice over her head, and retire. the bridegroom and his party come to the home of the bride, and are accommodated at her house, or elsewhere. on the following day, the contracting couple are seated together, and the bride's father, or the gurikara, pours the dhare water over their united hands. it is customary to place a cocoanut on a heap of rice, with some betel leaves and areca nuts at the side thereof. the dhare water (milk and water) is poured thrice over the cocoanut. then all those assembled throw rice over the heads of the bride and bridegroom, and make presents of money. divorce can be easily effected, after information of the intention has been given to the gurikara. in the udipi taluk, a man who wishes to divorce his wife goes to a certain tree with two or three men, and makes three cuts in the trunk with a bill-hook. this is called barahakodu, and is apparently observed by other castes. the mogers largely adopt girls in preference to boys, and they need not be of the same sept as the adopter. on the seventh day after the birth of a child a madivali (washerwoman) ties a waist-thread on it, and gives it a name. this name is usually dropped after a time, and another name substituted for it. the dead are either buried or cremated. if the corpse is burnt, the ashes are thrown into a tank (pond) or river on the third or fifth day. the final death ceremonies (bojja or savu) are performed on the seventh, ninth, eleventh, or thirteenth day, with details similar to those of the billavas. like other tulu castes, some mogers perform a propitiatory ceremony on the fortieth day. the ordinary caste title of the mogers is marakaleru, and gurikara that of members of the families to which the headmen belong. in the kundapur taluk, the title naicker is preferred to marakaleru. the cephalic index of the mogers is, as shown by the following table, slightly less than that of the tulu bants and billavas:-- av. max. min. no. of times index or over. billavas . . . bants . . . mogers . . . mogili (pandanus fascicularis).--an exogamous sept of kapu and yerukala. mogotho.--a sub-division of gaudo, the members of which are considered inferior because they eat fowls. mohiro (peacock).--an exogamous sept or gotra of bhondari and gaudo, moksham (heaven).--an exogamous sept of devanga. moktessor or mukhtesar.--see stanika. mola (hare).--an exogamous sept of gangadikara holeya and gangadikara vakkaliga. molaya devan.--a title of kallan and nokkan. moliko.--a title of doluva and kondra. monathinni.--the name, meaning those who eat the vermin of the earth, of a sub-division of valaiyan. mondi.--for the following note i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. mondi, landa, kalladi-siddhan (q.v.), and kalladi-mangam, are different names for one and the same class of mendicants. the first two names denote a troublesome fellow, and the last two one who beats himself with a stone. the mondis speak tamil, and correspond to the bandas of the telugu country, banda meaning an obstinate person or tricksy knave. [the name banda is sometimes explained as meaning stone, in reference to these mendicants carrying about a stone, and threatening to beat out their brains, if alms are not forthcoming.] they are as a rule tall, robust individuals, who go about all but naked, with a jingling chain tied to the right wrist, their hair long and matted, a knife in the hand, and a big stone on the left shoulder. when engaged in begging, they cut the skin of the thighs with the knife, lie down and beat their chests with the stone, vomit, roll in the dust or mud, and throw dirt at those who will not contribute alms. in a note on the mondis or bandas, [ ] mr. h. a. stuart writes that these beggars "lay no claim to a religious character. though regarded as sudras, it is difficult to think them such, as they are black and filthy in their appearance, and disgusting in their habits. happily their numbers are few. they wander about singing, or rather warbling, for they utter no articulate words, and, if money or grain be not given to them, they have recourse to compulsion. the implements of their trade are knives and ordure. with the former they cut themselves until they draw blood, and the latter they throw into the house or shop of the person who proves uncharitable. they appear to possess the power of vomiting at pleasure, and use it to disgust people into a compliance with their demands. sometimes they lie in the street, covering the entire face with dust, keeping, it is said, their eyes open the while, and breathing through the dust. eventually they always succeed by some of these means in extorting what they consider their dues." boys are regularly trained to vomit at will. they are made to drink as much hot water or conji (gruel) as they can, and taught how to bring it up. at first, they are made to put several fingers in the mouth, and tickle the base of the tongue, so as to give rise to vomiting. by constant practice, they learn how to vomit at any time. just before they start on a begging round, they drink some fluid, which is brought up while they are engaged in their professional calling. there are several proverbs relating to this class of mendicants, one of which is to the effect that the rough and rugged ground traversed by the kalladi-siddhan is powdered to dust. another gives the advice that, whichever way the kalladi-mangam goes, you should dole out a measure of grain for him. otherwise he will defile the road owing to his disgusting habits. a song, which the mondi may often be heard warbling, runs as follows:-- mother, mother, oh! grandmother, grandmother, who gave birth. dole out my measure. their original ancestor is said to have been a shepherd, who had both his legs cut off by robbers in a jungle. the king of the country in compassion directed that every one should pay him and his descendants, called mondi or lame, a small amount of money or grain. the caste is divided into a series of bands, each of which has the right to collect alms within a particular area. the merchants and ryots are expected to pay them once a year, the former in money, and the latter in grain at harvest time. each band recognises a headman, who, with the aid of the caste elders, settles marital and other disputes. marriage is usually celebrated after puberty. in the north arcot district, it is customary for a man to marry his maternal uncle's daughter, and in the madura district a man can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. the caste is considered so low in the social scale that brahmans will not officiate at marriages. divorce is easy, and adultery with a man of higher caste is condoned more readily than a similar offence within the caste. mondolo.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as an oriya title given by zamindars to the headmen of villages. it is also a title of various oriya castes. mora buvva.--a sub-division of madigas, who offer food (buvva) to the god in a winnowing basket (mora) at marriage. morasu.--the following legendary account of the origin of the "morsu vellallu" is given in the baramahal records. [ ] "in the kingdom of conjiveram, there was a village named paluru, the residence of a chieftain, who ruled over a small district inhabited by the morsu vellallu. it so happened that one of them had a handsome daughter with whom the chieftain fell in love, and demanded her in marriage of her parents. but they would not comply with his demand, urging as an excuse the difference of caste, on which the inflamed lover determined on using force to obtain the object of his desires. this resolution coming to the knowledge of the parents of the girl, they held a consultation with the rest of the sect, and it was determined that for the present they should feign a compliance with his order, until they could meet with a favourable opportunity of quitting the country. they accordingly signified their consent to the matter, and fixed upon the nuptial day, and erected a pandal or temporary building in front of their house for the performance of the wedding ceremonies. at the proper time, the enamoured and enraptured chief sent in great state to the bride's house the wedding ornaments and clothes of considerable value, with grain and every other delicacy for the entertainment of the guests, the parents, having in concert with the other people of the sect prepared everything for flight, they put the ornaments and clothes on the body of a dog, which they tied to the centre pillar of the pandal, threw all the delicacies on the ground before him, and, taking their daughter, fled. their flight soon came to the ears of the chief, who, being vexed and mortified at the trick they had played him, set out with his attendants like a raging lion in quest of his prey. the fugitives at length came to the banks of the tungabhadra river, which they found full and impassable, and their cruel pursuer nigh at hand. in the dreadful dilemma, they addressed to the god vishnu the following prayer. 'o! venkatrama (a title of vishnu), if thou wilt graciously deign to enable us to ford this river, and wilt condescend to assist us in crossing the water, as thou didst hanumant in passing over the vast ocean, we from henceforth will adopt thee and thy ally hanumant our tutelary deities.' vishnu was pleased to grant their prayer, and by his command the water in an instant divided, and left a dry space, over which they passed. the moment they reached the opposite bank, the waters closed and prevented their adversary from pursuing them, who returned to his own country. the sect settled in the provinces near the tungabhadra river, and in course of time spread over the districts which now form the eastern part of the kingdom of mysore then called morsu, and from thence arose their surname." as in africa, and among the american indians, australians, and polynesians, so in southern india artificial deformity of the hand is produced by chopping off some of the fingers. writing in , buchanan (hamilton) [ ] says that "near deonella or deonhully, a town in mysore, is a sect or sub-division of the murressoo wocal caste, every woman of which, previous to piercing the ears of her eldest daughter, preparatory to her being betrothed in marriage, must undergo the amputation of the first joints of third and fourth fingers of her right hand. the amputation is performed by the blacksmith of the village, who, having placed the finger in a block, performs the operation with a chisel. if the girl to be betrothed is motherless, and the mother of the boy has not before been subjected to the amputation, it is incumbent on her to suffer the operation." of the same ceremony among the "morsa-okkala-makkalu" of mysore the abbé dubois [ ] says that, if the bride's mother be dead, the bridegroom's mother, or in default of her the mother of the nearest relative, must submit to the cruel ordeal. in an editorial foot-note it is stated that this custom is no longer observed. instead of the two fingers being amputated, they are now merely bound together, and thus rendered unfit for use. in the census report, , it is recorded that this type of deformity is found among the morasus, chiefly in cuddapah, north arcot, and salem. "there is a sub-section of them called veralu icche kapulu, or kapulu who give the fingers, from a curious custom which requires that, when a grandchild is born in a family, the wife of the eldest son of the grandfather must have the last two joints of the third and fourth fingers of her right hand amputated at a temple of bhairava." further, it is stated in the manual of the salem district ( ) that "the practice now observed in this district is that, when a grandchild is born in a family, the eldest son of the grandfather, with his wife, appears at the temple for the ceremony of boring the child's ear, and there the woman has the last two joints of the third and fourth fingers chopped off. it does not signify whether the father of the first grandchild born be the eldest son or not, as in any case it is the wife of the eldest son who has to undergo the mutilation. after this, when children are born to other sons, their wives in succession undergo the operation. when a child is adopted, the same course is pursued." the origin of the custom is narrated by wilks, [ ] and is briefly this. mahadeo or siva, who was in great peril, after hiding successively in a castor-oil and jawari plantation, concealed himself in a linga-tonde shrub from a rakshasa who was pursuing him, to whom a marasa vakkaliga cultivator indicated, with the little finger of his right hand, the hiding-place of siva, the god was only rescued from his peril by the interposition of vishnu in the form of a lovely maiden meretriciously dressed, whom the lusty rakshasa, forgetting all about siva, attempted to ravish, and was consumed to ashes. on emerging from his hiding-place, siva decreed that the cultivator should forfeit the offending finger. the culprit's wife, who had just arrived at the field with food for her husband, hearing this dreadful sentence, threw herself at siva's feet, and represented the certain ruin of her family if her husband should be disabled for some months from performing the labours of the farm, and besought the deity to accept two of her fingers instead of one from her husband. siva, pleased with so sincere a proof of conjugal affection, accepted the exchange, and ordered that her family posterity in all future generations should sacrifice two fingers at his temple as a memorial of the transaction, and of their exclusive devotion to the god of the lingam. for the following account of the performance of the rite, as carried out by the morasa vakkaligaru of mysore, i am indebted to an article by mr. v. n. narasimmiyengar. [ ] "these people are roughly classed under three heads, viz.: ( ) those whose women offer the sacrifice; ( ) those who substitute for the fingers a piece of gold wire, twisted round fingers in the shape of rings. instead of cutting the fingers off, the carpenter removes and appropriates the rings; ( ) those who do not perform the rite. the modus operandi is as nearly as possible the following. about the time of the new moon in chaitra, a propitious day is fixed by the village astrologer, and the woman who is to offer the sacrifice performs certain ceremonies or puje in honour of siva, taking food only once a day. for three days before the operation, she has to support herself with milk, sugar, fruits, etc., all substantial food being eschewed. on the day appointed, a common cart is brought out, painted in alternate strips with white and red ochre, and adorned with gay flags, flowers, etc., in imitation of a car. sheep or pigs are slaughtered before it, their number being generally governed by the number of children borne by the sacrificing woman. the cart is then dragged by bullocks, preceded by music, the woman and her husband following, with new pots filled with water and small pieces of silver money, borne on their heads, and accompanied by a retinue of friends and relatives. the village washerman has to spread clean cloths along the path of the procession, which stops near the boundary of the village, where a leafy bower is prepared, with three pieces of stone installed in it, symbolising the god siva. flowers, fruits, cocoanuts, incense, etc., are then offered, varied occasionally by an additional sheep or pig. a wooden seat is placed before the image, and the sacrificing woman places upon it her right hand with the fingers spread out. a man holds her hand firmly, and the village carpenter, placing his chisel on the first joints of her ring and little fingers, chops them off with a single stroke. the pieces lopped off are thrown into an ant-hill, and the tips of the mutilated fingers, round which rags are bound, are dipped into a vessel containing boiling gingily (sesamum indicum) oil. a good skin eventually forms over the stump, which looks like a congenital malformation. the fee of the carpenter is one kanthiraya fanam (four annas eight pies) for each maimed finger, besides presents in kind. the woman undergoes the barbarous and painful ceremony without a murmur, and it is an article of the popular belief that, were it neglected, or if nails grow on the stump, dire ruin and misfortune will overtake the recusant family. staid matrons, who have had their fingers maimed for life in the above manner, exhibit their stumps with a pride worthy of a better cause. at the termination of the sacrifice, the woman is presented with cloths, flowers, etc., by her friends and relations, to whom a feast is given, her children are placed on an adorned seat, and, after receiving presents of flowers, fruits, etc., their ears are pierced in the usual way. it is said that to do so before would be sacrilege." in a very full account of deformation of the hand by the berulu kodo sub-sect of the vakaliga or ryat caste in mysore, mr. f. fawcett says that it was regularly practiced until the commissioner of mysore put a stop to it about twenty years ago. "at present some take gold or silver pieces, stick them on to the finger's ends with flour paste, and either cut or pull them off. others simply substitute an offering of small pieces of gold or silver for the amputation. others, again, tie flowers round the fingers that used to be cut, and go through a pantomime of cutting by putting the chisel on the joint and taking it away again. all the rest of the ceremony is just as it used to be." the introduction of the decorated cart, which has been referred to, is connected by mr. fawcett with a legend concerning a zemindar, who sought the daughters of seven brothers in marriage with three youths of his family. as carts were used in the flight from the zemindar, the ceremony is, to commemorate the event, called bandi devuru, or god of cars. as by throwing ear-rings into a river the fugitives passed through it, while the zemindar was drowned, the caste people insist on their women's ears being bored for ear-rings. and, in honour of the girls who cared more for the honour of their caste than for the distinction of marriage into a great family, the amputation of part of two fingers of women of the caste was instituted. "since the prohibition of cutting off the fingers," mr. l. rice writes, [ ] "the women content themselves with putting on a gold or silver finger-stall or thimble, which is pulled off instead of the finger itself." morasa kapulu women never touch the new grain of the year without worshipping the sun (surya), and may not eat food prepared from this grain before this act of worship has been performed. they wrap themselves in a kambli (blanket) after a purificatory bath, prostrate themselves on the ground, raise their hands to the forehead in salutation, and make the usual offering of cocoanuts, etc. they are said, in times gone by, to have been lax in their morals and to have prayed to the sun to forgive them. morasu has further been returned as a sub-division of holeya, mala and odde. the name morasu paraiyan probably indicates holeyas who have migrated from the canarese to the tamil country, and whose women, like the kallans, wear a horse-shoe thread round the neck. motati.--a sub-division of kapu. moyili.--the moyilis or moilis of south canara are said [ ] by mr. h. a. stuart to be "admittedly the descendants of the children of women attached to the temples, and their ranks are even now swelled in this manner. their duties are similar to those of the stanikas" (q.v.). in the madras census report, , golaka (a bastard) is clubbed with moili. in the mysore census report, this term is said to be applied to children of brahmans by malerus (temple servants in mysore). the following account of the origin of the moylars was given by buchanan at the beginning of the nineteenth century. [ ] "in the temples of tuluva there prevails a very singular custom, which has given origin to a caste named moylar. any woman of the four pure castes--brahman, kshatriya, vaisya or sudra--who is tired of her husband, or who (being a widow, and consequently incapable of marriage) is tired of a life of celibacy, goes to a temple, and eats some of the rice that is offered to the idol. she is then taken before the officers of government, who assemble some people of her caste to inquire into the cause of her resolution; and, if she be of the brahman caste, to give her an option of living in the temple or out of its precincts. if she chooses the former, she gets a daily allowance of rice, and annually a piece of cloth. she must sweep the temple, fan the idol with a tibet cow's tail and confine her amours to the brahmans. in fact she generally becomes a concubine to some officer of revenue who gives her a trifle in addition to her public allowance, and who will flog her severely if she grants favours to any other person. the male children of these women are called moylar, but are fond of assuming the title of stanika, and wear the brahmanical thread. as many of them as can procure employment live about the temples, sweep the areas, sprinkle them with an infusion of cow-dung, carry flambeaus before the gods, and perform other similar low offices." the moyilis are also called devadigas, and should not be mixed with the malerus (or maleyavaru). both do temple service, but the maleru females are mostly prostitutes, whereas moyili women are not. malerus are dancing-girls attached to the temples in south canara, and their ranks are swelled by konkani, shivalli, and other brahman women of bad character. the moyilis have adopted the manners and customs of the bants, and have the same balis (septs) as the bants and billavas. mucchi.--the mucchis or mochis are summed up, in the madras census report, , as being a marathi caste of painters and leather-workers. in the mysore census report it is noted that "to the leather-working caste may be added a small body of mochis, shoemakers and saddlers. they are immigrant mahratas, who, it is said, came into mysore with khasim khan, the general of aurangzib. they claim to be kshatriyas and rajputs--pretensions which are not generally admitted. they are shoemakers and saddlers by trade, and are all saivas by faith." "the mucchi," mr. a. chatterton writes [ ] "is not a tanner, and as a leather-worker only engages in the higher branches of the trade. some of them make shoes, but draw the line at sandals. a considerable number are engaged as menial servants in government offices. throughout the country, nearly every office has its own mucchi, whose principal duty is to keep in order the supplies of stationery, and from raw materials manufacture ink, envelopes and covers, and generally make himself useful. a good many of the so-called mucchis, however, do not belong to the caste, as very few have wandered south of madras, and they are mostly to be found in ganjam and the ceded districts." the duties of the office mucchi have further been summed up as "to mend pencils, prepare ink from powders, clean ink-bottles, stitch note-books, paste covers, rule forms, and affix stamps to covers and aid the despatch of tappals" (postal correspondence). in the moochee's hand-book [ ] by the head mucchi in the office of the inspector-general of ordnance, and contractor for black ink powder, it is stated that "the rev. j. p. rottler, in his tamil and english dictionary, defines the word mucchi as signifying trunk-maker, stationer, painter. mucchi's work comprises the following duties:-- to make black, red, and blue writing ink, also ink of other colours as may seem requisite. to mend quills, rule lines, make envelopes, mount or paste maps or plans on cloth with ribbon edges, pack parcels in wax-cloth, waterproof or common paper, seal letters and open boxes or trunk parcels. to take charge of boxes, issue stationery for current use, and supply petty articles. to file printed forms, etc., and bind books." in the fort st. george gazette, , applications were invited from persons who have passed the matriculation examination of the madras university for the post of mucchi on rs. per mensem in the office of a deputy superintendent of police. in the district manuals, the various occupations of the mucchis are summed up as book-binding, working in leather, making saddles and trunks, painting, making toys, and pen-making. at the present day, mucchis (designers) are employed by piece-goods merchants in madras in devising and painting new patterns for despatch to europe, where they are engraved on copper cylinders. when, as at the present day, the bazars of southern india are flooded with imported piece-goods of british manufacture, it is curious to look back and reflect that the term piece-goods was originally applied in trade to the indian cotton fabrics exported to england. the term mucchi is applied to two entirely different sets of people. in mysore and parts of the ceded districts, it refers to marathi-speaking workers in leather. but it is further applied to telugu-speaking people, called raju, jinigara, or chitrakara, who are mainly engaged in painting, making toys, etc., and not in leather-work. (see rachevar.) mucherikala.--recorded by mr. f. s. mullaly [ ] as a synonym of a thief class in the telugu country. mudali.--the title mudali is used chiefly by the offspring of deva-dasis (dancing-girls), kaikolans, and vellalas. the vellalas generally take the title mudali in the northern, and pillai in the southern districts. by some vellalas, mudali is considered discourteous, as it is also the title of weavers. [ ] mudali further occurs as a title of some jains, gadabas, occhans, pallis or vanniyans, and panisavans. some pattanavans style themselves varunakula mudali. mudavandi.--the mudavandis are said [ ] to be "a special begging class, descended from vellala goundans, since they had the immemorial privilege of taking possession, as of right, of any vellala child that was infirm or maimed. the modivandi made his claim by spitting into the child's face, and the parents were then obliged, even against their will, to give it up. thenceforward it was a modivandi, and married among them. the custom has fallen into desuetude for the last forty or fifty years, as a complaint of abduction would entail serious consequences. their special village is modivandi satyamangalam near erode. the chief modivandi, in , applied for sanction to employ peons (orderlies) with belts and badges upon their begging tours, probably because contributions are less willingly made nowadays to idle men. they claim to be entitled to sheep and grain from the ryats." in a note on the mudavandis, mr. f. r. hemingway writes that it is stated to be the custom that children born blind or lame in the konga vellala caste are handed over by their parents to become mudavandis. if the parents hesitate to comply with the custom, the mudavandis tie a red cloth round the head of the child, and the parents can then no longer withhold their consent. they have to give the boy a bullock to ride on if he is lame, or a stick if he is blind. a revenue officer writes ( ) that, at the village of andipalayam in the salem district, there is a class of people called modavandi, whose profession is the adoption of the infirm members of the konga vellalas. andis are professional beggars. they go about among the konga vellalas, and all the blind and maimed children are pounced upon by them, and carried to their village. while parting with their children, the parents, always at the request of the children, give a few, sometimes rising to a hundred, rupees. the infirm never loses his status. he becomes the adopted child of the andi, and inherits half of his property invariably. they are married among the andis, and are well looked after. in return for their services, the andis receive four annas a head from the konga vellala community annually, and the income from this source alone amounts to rs. , . a forty-first part share is given to the temple of arthanariswara at trichengodu. none of the vellalas can refuse the annual subscription, on pain of being placed under the ban of social excommunication, and the andi will not leave the vellala's house until the infirm child is handed over to him. one tahsildar (revenue officer) asked himself why the andi's income should not be liable to income-tax, and the andis were collectively assessed. of course, it was cancelled on appeal. mudi (knot).--an exogamous sept of mala. mudiya.--the name, derived from mudi, a preparation of fried rice, of a sub-division of chuditiya. muduvar.--the muduvars or mudugars are a tribe of hill cultivators in coimbatore, madura, malabar, and travancore. for the following note on those who inhabit the cardamom hills, i am indebted to mr. aylmer ff. martin. the name of the tribe is usually spelt muduvar in english, and in tamil pronounced muthuvar, or muthuvanal. outsiders sometimes call the tribe thagappanmargal (a title sometimes used by low-caste people in addressing their masters). the muduvars have a dialect of their own, closely allied to tamil, with a few malayalam words. their names for males are mostly those of hindu gods and heroes, but kanjan (dry or stingy), karupu kunji (black chick), kunjita (chicken) and kar megam (black cloud) are distinctive and common. for females, the names of goddesses and heroines, karapayi (black), koopi (sweepings), and paychi (she-devil) are common. boy twins are invariably lutchuman and raman, girl twins lutchmi and ramayi. boy and girl twins are named lutchman and ramayi, or lutchmi and raman. the muduvars do not believe themselves to be indigenous to the hills; the legend, handed down from father to son, is that they originally lived in madura. owing to troubles, or a war in which the pandyan raja of the times was engaged, they fled to the hills. when at bodinayakanur, the pregnant women (or, as some say, a pregnant woman) were left behind, and eventually went with the offspring to the nilgiris, while the bulk of the tribe came to the high range of north travancore. there is supposed to be enmity between these rather vague nilgiri people and the muduvars. the nilgiri people are said occasionally to visit bodinayakanur, but, if by chance they are met by muduvars, there is no speech between them, though each is supposed instinctively or intuitively to recognise the presence of the other. those that came to the high range carried their children up the ghats on their backs, and it was thereupon decided to name the tribe muduvar, or back people. according to another tradition, when they left madura, they carried with them on their back the image of the goddess minakshi, and brought it to neriyamangalam. it is stated by mr. p. e. conner [ ] that the muduvars "rank high in point of precedency among the hill tribes. they were originally vellalas, tradition representing them as having accompanied some of the madura princes to the travancore hills." the approximate time of the exodus from madura cannot even be guessed by any of the tribe, but it was possibly at the time when the pandyan rajas entered the south, or more probably when the telugu naickers took possession of bodinayakanur in the fourteenth century. it has also been suggested that the muduvars were driven to the hills by the muhammadan invaders in the latter part of the eighteenth century. judging from the two distinct types of countenance, their language, and their curious mixture of customs, i hazard the conjecture that, when they arrived on the hills, they found a small tribe in possession, with whom they subsequently intermarried, this tribe having affinities with the west coast, while the new arrivals were connected with the east. the tribe is settled on the northern and western portion of the cardamom hills, and the high range of travancore, known as the kanan devan hills, and there is, i believe, one village on the anaimalai hills. they wander to some extent, less so now than formerly, owing to the establishment of the planting community in their midst. the head-quarters at present may be said to be on the western slopes of the high range. the present mel vaken or headman lives in a village on the western slope of the high range at about , feet elevation, but villages occur up to , feet above sea level, the majority of villages being about , feet above the sea. the wandering takes place between the reaping of the final crop on one piece of land, and the sowing of the next. about november sees the breaking up of the old village, and february the establishment of the new. on the plateau of the high range their dwellings are small rectangular, rather flat-roofed huts, made of jungle sticks or grass (both walls and root), and are very neat in appearance. on the western slopes, although the materials lend themselves to even neater building, their houses are usually of a rougher type. the materials used are the stems and leaves of the large-leaved ita (bamboo: ochlandra travancorica) owing to the absence of grass-land country. the back of the house has no wall, the roof sloping on to the hillside behind, and the other walls are generally made of a rough sort of matting made by plaiting split ita stems. outsiders are theoretically not received into the caste, but a weaver caste boy and girl who were starving (in the famine of , as far as i can make out), and deserted on the hills, were adopted, and, when they grew up, were allowed the full privileges of the caste. since then, a 'thotiya naicker' child was similarly adopted, and is now a full-blown muduvar with a muduvar wife. on similar occasions, adoptions from similar or higher castes might take place, but the adoption of pariahs or low-caste people would be quite impossible. in a lecture delivered some years ago by mr. o. h. bensley, it was stated that the muduvars permit the entry of members of the vellala caste into their community, but insist upon a considerable period of probation before finally admitting the would-be muduvar into their ranks. if any dispute arises in the community, it is referred to the men of the village, who form an informal panchayat (council), with the eldest or most influential man at its head. references are sometimes, but only seldom, made to the muppen, a sort of sub-headman of the tribe, except, perhaps, in the particular village in which he resides. the office of both muppen and mel vaken is hereditary, and follows the marumakkatayam custom, i.e., descent to the eldest son of the eldest sister. the orders of the panchayat, or of the headman, are not enforceable by any specified means. a sort of sending a delinquent to coventry exists, but falls through when the matter has blown over. adjudications only occur at the request of the parties concerned, or in the case of cohabitation between the prohibited degrees of consanguinity, when, on it becoming known, the guilty pair are banished to the jungle, but seem nevertheless to be able to visit the village at will. when disputes between parties are settled against any one, he may be fined, generally in kind--a calf, a cow, a bull, or grain. there is no trial by ordeal. oaths by the accuser, the accused, and partisans of both, are freely taken. the form of oath is to call upon god that the person swearing, or his child, may die within so many days if the oath is untrue, at the same time stepping over the rama kodu, which consists of lines drawn on the ground, one line for each day. it may consist of any number of lines, but three, five, or seven are usual. increasing the number of lines indefinitely would be considered to be trifling with the subject. there do not seem to be any good omens, but evil omens are numerous. the barking of 'jungle sheep' (barking deer) or sambar, the hill robin crossing the path when shifting the village, are examples. oracles, magic, sorcery, witchcraft, and especially the evil eye, are believed in very firmly, but are not practiced by muduvars. i was myself supposed to have exercised the evil eye at one time. it once became my duty to apportion to muduvars land for their next year's cultivation, and i went round with some of them for this purpose, visiting the jungle they wished to clear. a particular friend of mine, called kanjan, asked for a bit of secondary growth very close to a cinchona estate; it was, in fact, situated between lower nettigudy and upper nettigudy, and the main road passed quite close. i told him that there was no objection, except that it was most unusual, and that probably the estate coolies would rob the place; and i warned him very distinctly that, if evil came of his choice, he was not to put the blame on me. shortly afterwards i left india, and was absent about three months, and, when i returned, i found that small-pox had practically wiped out that village, thirty-seven out of forty inhabitants having died, including kanjan. i was, of course, very sorry; but, as i found a small bit of the land in question had been felled, and there being no claimants, i planted it up with cinchona. as the smallpox had visited all the muduvar villages, and had spread great havoc among them, i was not surprised at their being scarce, but i noticed, on the few occasions when i did see them, that they were always running away. when i got the opportunity, i cornered a man by practically riding him down, and asked for an explanation. he then told me that, of course, the tribe had been sorely troubled, because i told kanjan in so many words that evil would come. i had then disappeared (to work my magic, no doubt), and returned just in time to take that very bit of land for myself. that was nearly five years ago, and confidence in me is only now being gradually restored. the muduvans have lucky days for starting on a journey-- monday, start before sunrise. tuesday, start in the forenoon. wednesday start before a.m. thursday, start after eating the morning meal. friday, never make a start; it is a bad day. saturday and sunday, start as soon as the sun has risen. when boys reach puberty, the parents give a feast to the village. in the case of a girl, a feast is likewise given, and she occupies, for the duration of the menstrual period, a hut set apart for all the women in the village to occupy during their uncleanness. when it is over, she washes her clothes, and takes a bath, washing her head. this is just what every woman of the village always does. there is no mutilation, and the girl just changes her child's dress for that of a woman. the married women of the village assist at confinements. twins bring good luck. monsters are said to be sometimes born, bearing the form of little tigers, cows, monkeys, etc. on these occasions, the mother is said generally to die, but, when she does not die, she is said to eat the monster. monstrosities must anyway be killed. childless couples are dieted to make them fruitful, the principal diet for a man being plenty of black monkey, and for a woman a compound of various herbs and spices. a man may not marry the daughter of his brother or sister; he ought to marry his uncle's daughter, and he may have two or three wives, who may or may not be sisters. among the plateau muduvars, both polygamy and polyandry are permitted, the former being common, and the latter occasional. in the case of the latter, brothers are prohibited from having a common wife, as also are cousins on the father's side. in the case of polygamy, the first married is the head wife, and the others take orders from her, but she has no other privileges. if the wives are amicably disposed, they live together, but, when inclined to disagree, they are given separate houses for the sake of peace and harmony. with quarrelsome women, one wife may be in one village, and the others in another. a man may be polygamous in one village, and be one of a polyandrous lot of men a few miles off. on the cardamom hills, and on the western slopes, where the majority of the tribe live, they are monogamous, and express abhorrence of both the polygamous and polyandrous condition, though they admit, with an affectation of amused disgust, that both are practiced by their brethren on the high lands. marriages are arranged by the friends, and more often by the cousins on the mother's side of the bridegroom, who request the hand of a girl or woman from her parents. if they agree, the consent of the most remote relatives has also to be obtained, and, if everyone is amicable, a day is fixed, and the happy couple leave the village to live a few days in a cave by themselves. on their return, they announce whether they would like to go on with it, or not. in the former case, the man publicly gives ear-rings, a metal (generally brass) bangle, a cloth, and a comb to the woman, and takes her to his hut. the comb is a poor affair made of split ita or perhaps of bamboo, but it is the essential part of the ceremony. if the probationary period in the cave has not proved quite satisfactory to both parties, the marriage is put off, and the man and the woman are both at liberty to try again with some one else. betrothal does not exist as a ceremony, though families often agree together to marry their children together, but this is not binding in any way. the tying of the tali (marriage badge) is said to have been tried in former days as part of the marriage ceremony, but, as the bride always died, the practice was discontinued. remarriage of widows is permitted, and the widow by right belongs to, or should be taken over by her deceased husband's maternal aunt's son, and not, under any circumstances, by any of his brothers. in practice she marries almost any one but one of the brothers. no man should visit the house of his younger brother's wife, or even look at that lady. this prohibition does not extend to the wives of his elder brothers, but sexual intercourse even here would be incest. the same ceremonies are gone through at the remarriage of a widow as in an ordinary marriage, the ear-rings and bangles, which she discarded on the death of the previous husband, being replaced. widows do not wear a special dress, but are known by the absence of jewelry. elopements occur. when a man and woman do not obtain the consent of the proper parties, they run away into the jungle or a cave, visiting the village frequently, and getting grain, etc., from sympathisers. the anger aroused by their disgraceful conduct having subsided, they quietly return to the village, and live as man and wife. [it is noted, in the travancore census report, , that, after a marriage is settled, the bridegroom forcibly takes away the maiden from her mother's house when she goes out for water or firewood, and lives with her separately for a few days or weeks in some secluded part of the forest. they then return, unless in the meantime they are searched for, and brought back by their relations.] in theory, a man may divorce his wife at will, but it is scarcely etiquette to do so, except for infidelity, or in the case of incompatibility of temper. if he wants to get rid of her for less horrible crimes, he can palm her off on a friend. a woman cannot divorce her husband at all in theory, but she can make his life so unbearable that he gladly allows her to palm herself off on somebody else. wives who have been divorced marry again freely. the tribe follow the west coast or marumakkatayam law of inheritance with a slight difference, the property descending to an elder or younger sister's son. property, which seldom consists of more than a bill-hook, a blanket, and a few cattle, always goes to a nephew, and is not divided in any way. the tribe professes to be hindu, and the chief gods are panaliandavar (a corruption of palaniandi) and kadavallu, who are supposed to live in the madura temple with minakshiammal and her husband sokuru. they are also said to worship chantiattu bhagavati and neriyamangalam sasta. suryan (the sun) is a beneficent deity. the deities which are considered maleficent are numerous, and all require propitiation. this is not very taxing, as a respectful attitude when passing their reputed haunts seems to suffice. they are alluded to as karapu (black ones). one in particular is nyamaru, who lives on nyamamallai, the jungles round which were said to be badly haunted. at present they are flourishing tea estates, so nyamaru has retired to the scrub at the top of the mountain. certain caves are regarded as shrines, where spear-heads, a trident or two, and copper coins are placed, partly to mark them as holy places, and partly as offerings to bring good luck, good health, or good fortune. they occur in the most remote spots. the only important festival is thai pongal, when all who visit the village, be they who they may, must be fed. it occurs about the middle of january, and is a time of feasting and rejoicing. the tribe does not employ priests of other castes to perform religious ceremonies. muduvars who are half-witted, or it may be eccentric, are recognised as swamyars or priests. if one desires to get rid of a headache or illness, the swamyar is told that he will get four annas or so if the complaint is soon removed, but he is not expected to perform miracles, or to make any active demonstration over the matter. swamyars who spend their time in talking to the sun and moon as their brethren, and in supplications to mysterious and unknown beings, are the usual sort, and, if they live a celibate life, they are greatly esteemed. for those who live principally on milk, in addition to practicing the other virtue, the greatest reverence is felt. such an one occurs only once or twice in a century. the dead are buried lying down, face upwards, and placed north and south. the grave has a little thatched roof, about six feet by two, put over it. a stone, weighing twenty or thirty pounds, is put at the head, and a similar stone at the feet. these serve to mark the spot when the roof perishes, or is burnt during the next grass fire. the depth of the grave is, for a man, judged sufficient if the gravedigger, standing on the bottom, finds the level of the ground up to his waist, but, for a woman, it must be up to his armpits. the reason is that the surviving women do not like to think that they will be very near the surface, but the men are brave, and know that, if they lie north and south, nothing can harm them, and no evil approach. the ghosts of those killed by accident or dying a violent death, haunt the spot till the memory of the occurrence fades from the minds of the survivors and of succeeding generations. these ghosts are not propitiated, but the haunted spots are avoided as much as possible. the muduvars share with many other jungle-folk the idea that, if any animal killed by a tiger or leopard falls so as to lie north and south, it will not be eaten by the beast of prey. nor will it be re-visited, so that sitting over a "kill" which has fallen north and south, in the hopes of getting a shot at the returning tiger or leopard, is a useless proceeding. totemism does not exist, but, in common with other jungle tribes, the tiger is often alluded to as jackal. fire is still often made by means of the flint and steel, though match-boxes are common enough. some dry cotton (generally in a dirty condition) is placed along the flint, the edge of which is struck with the steel. the spark generated ignites the cotton, and is carefully nursed into flame in dead and dry grass. the muduvars also know how to make fire by friction, but nowadays this is very seldom resorted to. a rotten log of a particular kind of tree has first to be found, the inside of which is in an extremely dry and powdery condition, while the outside is still fairly hard. some of the top of the topmost side of the recumbent log having been cut away at a suitable place, and most of the inside removed, a very hard and pointed bit of wood is rapidly rotated against the inner shell of the log where the powdery stuff is likely to ignite, and this soon begins to smoke, the fire being then nursed much in the same way as with the fire generated by the flint and steel. by the men, the languti and leg cloth of the tamils are worn. a turban is also worn, and a cumbly or blanket is invariably carried, and put on when it rains. [it is noted, in the travancore census report, , that males dress themselves like the maravans of the low country. a huge turban is almost an invariable portion of the toilette. the chief of the mudavars is known as vakka, without whose consent the head-dress is not to be worn.] i have seen a muduvar with an umbrella. nowadays, the discarded coats of planters, and even trousers and tattered riding-breeches are common, and a muduvar has been seen wearing a blazer. the men wear ear-rings, supposed to be, and sometimes in reality, of gold, with bits of glass of different colours in them, and also silver or brass finger and toe rings, and sometimes a bangle on each arm or on one leg. the women go in very largely for beads, strings of them adorning their necks, white and blue being favourite colours. rings for the ears, fingers and toes, and sometimes many glass bangles on the arms, and an anklet on each leg, are the usual things, the pattern of the metal jewelry being often the same as seen on the women of the plains. the cloth, after being brought round the waist, and tucked in there, is carried over the body, and two corners are knotted on the right shoulder. unmarried girls wear less jewelry than the married women, and widows wear no jewelry till they are remarried, when they can in no way be distinguished from their sisters. tattooing is not practiced. sometimes a stout thread is worn on the arm, with a metal cylinder containing some charm against illness or the evil eye, but only the wise men or elders of the caste lay much store on, or have knowledge of these things. the muduvars believe that they were originally cultivators of the soil, and their surroundings and tastes have made them become hunters and trappers, since coming to the hills. at the present day, they cut down a bit of secondary jungle or cheppukad, and, after burning it off, sow ragi (millet), or, where the rainfall is sufficient, hill-rice, which is weeded and tended by the women, the men contenting themselves by trying to keep out the enemies to their crops. after harvest there is not much to be done, except building a new village perhaps, making traps, and shooting. all they catch is game to them, though we should describe some of the animals as vermin. they catch rats, squirrels, quail, jungle fowl, porcupines, mouse-deer, and fish. they kill, with a blowpipe and dart, many small birds. the traps in use are varied, but there are three principal ones, one of which looks like a big bow. it is fixed upright in the ground as a spring to close with a snap a small upright triangle of sharp-edged bamboo, to which it is connected, and into which any luckless small game may have intruded its head, induced to do so by finding all other roads closed with a cunningly made fence. another is a bent sapling, from which a loop of twine or fibre hangs on what appears to be the ground, but is really a little platform on which the jungle fowl treads, and immediately finds itself caught by both legs, and hanging in mid-air. the third is very much the same, but of stouter build. the loop is upright, and set in a hedge constructed for the purpose of keeping the fretful porcupine in the path, passing along which the beast unconsciously releases a pin, back flies the sapling, and the porcupine is hung. if fouled in any way, he generally uses his teeth to advantage, and escapes. the muduvars are also adepts at catching 'ibex' (wild goat), which are driven towards a fence with nooses set in it at proper points, which cause the beasts to break their necks. fish are caught in very beautifully constructed cruives, and also on the hook, while, on the larger rivers below the plateau, the use of the night-line is understood. with the gun, sambar, 'ibex,' barking deer, mungooses, monkeys, squirrels, and martens are killed. besides being a good shot, the muduvar, when using his own powder, takes no risks. the stalk is continued until game is approached, sometimes to within a few yards, when a charge of slugs from the antiquated match-lock has the same effect as the most up-to-date bullet from the most modern weapon. mr. bensley records how, on one occasion, two english planters went out with two muduvars after 'bison.' one of the muduvars, carrying a rifle, tripped, and the weapon exploded, killing one of the planters on the spot. the two muduvars immediately took to their heels. the other planter covered them with his rifle, and threatened to shoot them if they did not return, which they at last did. mr. bensley held the magisterial enquiry, and the muduvars were amazed at escaping capital punishment. in their agricultural operations, the muduvars are very happy-go-lucky. they have no scare-crows to avert injury to crops or frighten away demons, but they employ many devices for keeping off pigs, sambar, and barking deer from their crops, none of which appear to be efficacious for long. the implement par excellence of the muduvar is the bill-hook, from which he never parts company, and with which he can do almost anything, from building a house to skinning a rat, or from hammering sheet-lead into bullets to planting maize. the bulk of the tribe live on ragi or hill-rice, and whatever vegetables they can grow, and whatever meat they trap or shoot. they esteem the flesh of the black monkey (semnopithecus johni) above everything, and lust after it. i have seen a muduvar much pulled down by illness seize an expiring monkey, and suck the blood from its jugular vein. muduvars will not eat beef, dog, jackals, or snakes, but will eat several sorts of lizards, and rats, 'ibex,' and all the deer tribe, fish, fowl, and other birds, except kites and vultures, are put into the pot. the plateau muduvars, and those on the eastern slopes, will not eat pig in any shape or form. those on the western slopes are very keen on wild pig, and this fact causes them to be somewhat looked down upon by the others. i think this pork-eating habit is due to the absence of sambar or other deer in the heart of the forests. muduvars are fond of alcohol in any shape or form. they take a liquor from a wild palm which grows on the western slopes, and, after allowing it to become fermented, drink it freely. some members of the tribe, living in the vicinity of these palms, are more or less in a state of intoxication during the whole time it is in season. their name for the drink is tippily-kal, and the palm resembles the kittul (caryota urens). the western slope muduvars are acquainted with opium from the west coast, and some of them are slaves to the habit. the muduvars do not admit that any other caste is good enough to eat, drink, or smoke with them. they say that, once upon a time, they permitted these privileges to vellalans, but this fact induced so many visitors to arrive that they really could not afford it any more, so they eat, drink, and smoke with no one now, but will give uncooked food to passing strangers. i have never heard any proverb, song, or folk-tale of the muduvars, and believe the story of their arrival on the hills to be their stock tale. they have a story, which is more a statement of belief than anything else, that, when a certain bamboo below pallivasal flowers, a son of the maharaja of travancore turns into a tiger or puli-manisan, and devours people. men often turn into puli-manisan owing chiefly to witchcraft on the part of others, and stories of such happenings are often told. the nearest approach to a proverb i have heard is tingakilamei nalla tingalam, which sounds rather tame and meaningless in english, "on monday you can eat well"--the play on the words being quite lost. the muduvars make a miniature tom-tom by stretching monkey skin over a firm frame of split bamboo or ita, on which the maker thereof will strum by the hour much to his own enjoyment. in former days, the whole tribe were very shy of strangers, and it is only within the last thirty years that they have become used to having dealings with outsiders. old men still tell of the days when robbers from the coimbatore side used to come up, burn the muduvar villages, and carry off what cattle or fowls they could find. even now, there are some of the men in whom this fear of strangers seems to be innate, and who have never spoken to europeans. in the women this feeling is accentuated, for, when suddenly met with, they make themselves scarce in the most surprising way, and find cover as instinctively as a quail chick. there are now and again men in the tribe who aspire to read, but i do not know how far any of them succeed. the muduvars are becoming accustomed to quite wonderful things--the harnessing of water which generates electricity to work machinery, the mono-rail tram which now runs through their country, and, most wonderful of all, the telephone. an old man described how he would raise envy and wonder in the hearts of his tribe by relating his experience. "i am the first of my caste to speak and hear over five miles," said he, with evident delight. i have alluded to the two different types of countenance; perhaps there is a third resulting from a mixture of the other two. the first is distinctly aquiline-nosed and thin-lipped, and to this type the men generally belong. the second is flat-nosed, wide-nostrilled, and thick-lipped, and this fairly represents the women, who compare most unfavourably with the men in face. i have never seen men of the second type, but of an intermediate type they are not uncommon. on the cardamom hills there may still exist a tribe of dwarfs, of which very little is known. the late mr. j. d. munro had collected a little information about them. mr. a. w. turner had the luck to come across one, who was caught eating part of a barking deer raw. mr. turner managed to do a little conversation with the man by signs, and afterwards he related the incident to srirangam, a good old muduvar shikari (sportsman), who listened thoughtfully, and then asked "did you not shoot him?" the question put a new complexion on to the character of the usually peaceful and timid muduvar. i know the muduvars to be capable of real affection. kanjan was very proud of his little son, and used to make plans for wounding an ibex, so that his boy might finish it off, and thus become accustomed to shooting. in south coimbatore, "honey-combs are collected by irulas, muduvars, and kadirs. the collection is a dangerous occupation. a hill-man, with a torch in his hand and a number of bamboo tubes suspended from his shoulders, descends by means of ropes or creepers to the vicinity of the comb. the sight of the torch drives away the bees, and he proceeds to fill the bamboos with the comb, and then ascends to the top of the rock." [ ] mugi (dumb).--an exogamous sept of golla. muka.--a sub-division of konda razu. muka dora.--muka is recorded, in the madras census reports, and , as a sub-division and synonym of konda dora, and i am informed that the muka doras, in vizagapatam, hold a high position, and most of the chiefs among the konda doras are muka doras. mr. c. hayavadana rao, to whom i am indebted to the following note, inclines to the opinion that the muka doras form a caste distinct from the konda doras. they are traditionally regarded as one of the primitive hill tribes, but their customs at the present day exhibit a great deal of low-country influence. they speak telugu, their personal names are pure telugu, and their titles are anna and ayya as well as dora. they recognize one vantari dora of padmapuram as their head. the muka doras are agriculturists and pushing petty traders. they may be seen travelling about the country with pack bullocks at the rice harvest season. they irrigate their lands with liquid manure in a manner similar to the kunnuvans of the palni hills in the madura country. they are divided into two sections, viz., kora-vamsam, which reveres the sun, and naga-vamsam, which reveres the cobra, and have further various exogamous septs or intiperulu, such as vemu or nim tree (melia azadirachta), chikkudi (dolickos lablab), velanga (feronia elephantum), kakara (momordica charantia). girls are married either before or after puberty. the menarikam system is in force, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter. on an auspicious day, some of the elders of the future bridegroom's family take a cock or goat, a new cloth for the girl's mother, rice and liquor to the girl's house. the presents are usually accepted, and the pasupu (turmeric) ceremony, practiced by many telugu castes, is performed. on an appointed day, the bridegroom's party repair to the house of the bride, and bring her in procession to the house of the bridegroom. early next morning, the contracting couple enter a pandal (booth), the two central pillars of which are made of the neredi (eugenia jambolana) and relli (cassia fistula) trees. the maternal uncle, who officiates, links their little fingers together. their bodies are anointed with castor-oil mixed with turmeric powder, and they bathe. new cloths are then given to them by their fathers-in-law. some rice is poured over the floor of the house, and the bride and bridegroom measure this three times. the ends of their cloths are tied together, and a procession is formed, which proceeds to the bank of a stream, where the bride fetches tooth-cleaning sticks three times, and gives them to the bridegroom, who repeats the process. they then sit down together, and clean their teeth. after a bath in the stream, the ends of their clothes are once more tied together, and the procession returns to the bridegroom's house. the bride cooks some of the rice which has already been measured with water brought from the stream, and the pair partake thereof. a caste feast, with much drinking, is held on this and the two following days. the newly-married couple then proceed, in the company of an old man, to the bride's house, and remain there from three to five days. if the girl is adult, she then goes to the home of her husband. when a girl reaches puberty, she is placed apart in a room, and sits within a triangular enclosure made by means of three arrows stuck in the ground, and connected together by three rounds of thread. from the roof a cradle, containing a stone, is placed. on the last day, a twig of the neredi tree is plucked, planted on the way to the village stream, and watered. as she passes the spot, the girl pulls it out of the ground, and takes it to the stream, into which she throws it. she then bathes therein. the dead are, as a rule, burnt, and death pollution is observed for three days, during which the caste occupation is not carried out. on the fourth day, a ceremony, called pasupu muttukovadam, or touching turmeric, is performed. the relations of the deceased repair to the spot where the corpse was burnt, collect the ashes, and sprinkle cow-dung, neredi and tamarind water over the spot. some food is cooked, and three handfuls are thrown to the crows. they then perform a ceremonial ablution. the ceremony corresponds to the chinnarozu, or little day ceremony, of the low-country castes. the more well-to-do muka doras perform the peddarozu, or big day ceremony, on the twelfth day, or later on. the relations of the deceased then plant a plantain on the spot where he was burnt, and throw turmeric, castor-oil, and money according to their means. the coins are collected, and used for the purchase of materials for a feast. mukkara (nose or ear ornament).--an exogamous sept of boya. mukkuvan.--the mukkuvans are the sea fishermen of the malabar coast, who are described as follows by buchanan. [ ] "the mucua, or in the plural mucuar, are a tribe who live near the sea-coast of malayala, to the inland parts of which they seldom go, and beyond its limits any way they rarely venture. their proper business is that of fishermen, as palanquin-bearers for persons of low birth, or of no caste; but they serve also as boatmen. the utmost distance to which they will venture on a voyage is to mangalore. in some places they cultivate the cocoanut. in the southern parts of the province most of them have become mussulmans, but continue to follow their usual occupations. these are held in the utmost contempt by those of the north, who have given up all communication with the apostates. those here do not pretend to be sudras, and readily acknowledge the superior dignity of the tiars. they have hereditary chiefs called arayan, who settle disputes, and, with the assistance of a council, punish by fine or excommunication those who transgress the rules of the caste. the deity of the caste is the goddess bhadra-kali, who is represented by a log of wood, which is placed in a hut that is called a temple. four times a year the mucuas assemble, sacrifice a cock, and make offerings of fruit to the log of wood. one of the caste acts as priest (pujari). they are not admitted to enter within the precincts of any of the temples of the great gods who are worshipped by the brahmans; but they sometimes stand at a distance, and send their offerings by more pure hands." it is recorded by captain hamilton [ ] that he saw "at many muchwa houses, a square stake of wood, with a few notches cut about it, and that stake drove into the ground, about two foot of it being left above, and that is covered with cadjans or cocoanut tree leaves, and is a temple and a god to that family." in the gazetteer of malabar ( ), the following account of the mukkuvans is given. "a caste, which according to a probably erroneous tradition came originally from ceylon, is that of the mukkuvans, a caste of fishermen following marumakkatayam (inheritance through the female line) in the north, and makkattayam (inheritance from father to son) in the south. their traditional occupations also include chunam (lime) making, and manchal-bearing (a manchal is a kind of hammock slung on a pole, and carried by four men, two at each end). in the extreme south of the district they are called arayans, [ ] a term elsewhere used as a title of their headmen. north of cannanore there are some fishermen, known as mugavars or mugayans, who are presumably the same as the mugayars of south canara. another account is that the mugayans are properly river-fishers, and the mukkuvans sea-fishers; but the distinction does not seem to hold good in fact. the mukkuvans rank below the tiyans and the artisan classes; and it is creditable to the community that some of its members have recently risen to occupy such offices as that of sub-magistrate and sub-registrar. the caste has supplied many converts to the ranks of muhammadanism. in north malabar the mukkuvans are divided into four exogamous illams, called ponillam (pon, gold), chembillam (chembu, copper), karillam, and kachillam, and are hence called nalillakkar, or people of the four illams; while the south malabar mukkuvans and arayans have only the three latter illams, and are therefore called munillakkar, or people of the three illams. there is also a section of the caste called kavuthiyans, who act as barbers to the others, and are sometimes called panimagans (work-children). the nalillakkar are regarded as superior to the munillakkar and the kavuthiyans, and exact various signs of respect from them. the kavuthiyans, like other barber castes, have special functions to perform in connection with the removal of ceremonial pollution; and it is interesting to note that sea-water is used in the ritual sprinklings for this purpose. the old caste organisation seems to have persisted to the present day among the mukkuvans to an extent which can be paralleled amongst few other castes. they have assemblies (rajiams) of elders called kadavans, or kadakkodis, presided over by presidents called arayans or karnavans, who settle questions of caste etiquette, and also constitute a divorce court. the position of the arayans, like that of the kadavans, is hereditary. it is said to have been conferred by the different rajas in their respective territories, with certain insignia, a painted cadjan (palm leaf) umbrella, a stick, and a red silk sash. the arayans are also entitled to the heads of porpoises captured in their jurisdictions, and to presents of tobacco and pan supari when a girl attains puberty or is married. their consent is necessary to all regular marriages. the mukkuvans have their oracles or seers called ayittans or attans; and, when an arayan dies, these select his successor from his anandravans, while under the influence of the divine afflatus, and also choose from among the younger members of the kadavan families priests called manakkans or banakkans, to perform puja in their temples. "fishing is the hereditary occupation of the mukkuvans. their boats, made of aini (artocarpus hirsuta) or mango wood, and fitted with a mat sail, cost from rs. to rs. , and carry a crew of or men according to size. their nets are of all shapes and sizes, ranging from a fine net with a / '' mesh for sardines and such small fry to a stout valiya sravuvala or shark net with a / '' or '' mesh; and for a big badagara boat a complete equipment is said to cost rs. , . the nets are generally made of fibre, cotton thread being used only for nets with the finest mesh. salt is not usually carried in the boats, and the fish decompose so rapidly in the tropical sun that the usual fishing grounds are comparatively close to the shore; but boats sometimes venture out ten, fifteen, or even twenty miles. shoals of the migratory sardine, which are pursued by predaceous sharks, kora, and cat-fish, yield the richest harvest of fishes great and small to the mukkuvan. huge quantities of mackerel or aila are also caught, and seir, white and black pomfret, prawns, whiting, and soles are common. the arrival of the boats is the great event of the day in a fishing village. willing hands help to drag them up the beach, and an eager crowd gathers round each boat, discussing the catch and haggling over the price. the pile of fish soon melts away, and a string of coolies, each with a basket of fish on his head, starts off at a sling trot into the interior, and soon distributes the catch over a large area. relays of runners convey fresh fish from badagara and tellicherry even as far as the wynaad. all that is left unsold is taken from the boats to the yards to be cured under the supervision of the salt department with tuticorin salt supplied at the rate of annas per maund. the fisherman is sometimes also the curer, but usually the two are distinct, and the former disposes of the fish to the latter 'on fixed terms to a fixed customer,' and 'looks to him for support during the slack season, the rainy and stormy south-west monsoon.' the salt fish is conveyed by coasting steamers to ceylon, and by the madras railway to coimbatore, salem, and other places. sardines are the most popular fish, and are known as kudumbam pulartti, or the family blessing. in a good year, sardines can be had for a single pie. sun-dried, they form valuable manure for the coffee planter and the cocoanut grower, and are exported to ceylon, the straits settlements, and occasionally to china and japan; and, boiled with a little water, they yield quantities of fish oil for export to europe and indian ports. salted shark is esteemed a delicacy, particularly for a nursing woman. sharks' fins find a ready sale, and are exported to china by way of bombay. the maws or sounds of kora and cat-fishes are dried, and shipped to china and europe for the preparation of isinglass." [ ] it will be interesting to watch the effect of the recently instituted fishery bureau in developing the fishing industry and system of fish-curing in southern india. mukkuvans work side by side with mappillas both at the fishing grounds and in the curing yards, and the two classes will eat together. it is said that, in former times, mappillas were allowed to contract alliances with mukkuva women, and that male children born as a result thereof on friday were handed over to the mappilla community. it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "conversion to islam is common among this caste. the converts are called puislam or putiya islam [ ] (new islam). all puislams follow the occupation of fishing. in the northernmost taluks there is a rule that mukkuva females during their periods cannot remain in the house, but must occupy the house of a mappilla, which shows that the two castes live on very close terms." the fishermen at tanur are for the most part puislamites, and will not go out fishing on fridays. from a recent note ( ), i gather that the mukkuvas and puislams of tanur have been prospering of late years and would appear to be going in for a display of their prosperity by moving about arrayed in showy shirts, watch-chains, shoes of the kind known as arabi cherippu, etc. this sort of ostentation has evidently not been appreciated by the moplahs, who, it is said sent round the mukkuva village, known as mukkadi some cherumas, numbering over sixty, to notify by beat of kerosene tins that any mukkuva or puislam who went into the moplah bazaar wearing a shirt or coat or shoes would go in peril of his life. some days after this alleged notification, two mukkuvas and a mukkuva woman complained to the tirur sub-magistrate that they had been waylaid by several moplahs on the public road in the tanur bazaar, and had been severely beaten, the accused also robbing the woman of some gold ornaments which were on her person. i am informed that tanur is the only place where this feeling exists. puislams and mappillas settle down together peacefully enough elsewhere. there are two titles in vogue among the mukkuvans, viz., arayan and marakkan. of these, the former is the title of the headmen and members of their families, and the latter a title of ordinary members of the community. the caste deity is said to be bhadrakali, and the mukkuvans have temples of their own, whereat worship is performed by yogi gurukkals, or, it is said, by the karanavans of certain families who have been initiated by a yogi gurukkal. at tellicherry there are two headmen, called arayanmar belonging to the kachillam and ponillam sections. in addition to the headmen, there are caste servants called manakkan. it is stated, in the manual of the south canara district, that "there is an hereditary headman of the caste called the ayathen, who settles disputes. for trifling faults the ordinary punishment is to direct the culprit to supply so much oil for lights to be burnt before the caste demon." the velichapads, or oracles who become possessed by the spirit of the deity among the mukkuvans, are called ayathen, which is probably an abbreviation of ayuthathan, meaning a sword or weapon-bearer, as the oracle, when under the influence of the deity, carries a sword or knife. as among other malayalam castes, mukkuva girls must go through a ceremony before they attain puberty. this is called pandal kizhikkal, and corresponds to the tali-kettu kalyanam of the other castes. the consent of the arayan is necessary for the performance of this ceremony. on the night previous thereto, the girl is smeared with turmeric paste and oil. early on the following morning, she is brought to the pandal (booth), which is erected in front of the house, and supported by four bamboo posts. she is bathed by having water poured over her by girls of septs other than her own. after the bath, she stands at the entrance to the house, and a kavuthiyachi (barber woman) sprinkles sea-water over her with a tuft of grass (cynodon dactylon). a cloth is thrown over her, and she is led into the house. the barber woman receives as her fee a cocoanut, some rice, and condiments. a tali (marriage badge) is tied on the girl's neck by her prospective husband's sister if a husband has been selected for her, or by a woman of a sept other than her own. the girl must fast until the conclusion of the ceremony, and should remain indoors for seven days afterwards. at the time of ceremony, she receives presents of money at the rate of two vellis per family. the arayan receives two vellis, a bundle of betel leaves, areca nuts, and tobacco. girls are married after puberty according to one of two forms of rite, called kodi-udukkal (tying the cloth) and vittil-kudal. the former is resorted to by the more prosperous members of the community, and lasts over two days. on the first day, the bridegroom goes to the home of the bride, accompanied by his relations and friends, and sweets, betel leaves and areca nuts, etc., are given to them. they then take their departure, and return later in the day, accompanied by musicians, in procession. at the entrance to the bride's house they stand while someone calls out the names of the eleven arayans of the caste, who, if they are present, come forward without a body-cloth or coat. betel leaves and areca nuts are presented to the arayans or their representatives, and afterwards to the rajyakkar, or chief men of the village. the bridegroom then goes inside, conducted by two men belonging to the septs of the contracting parties, to the bride's room. the bridegroom sits down to a meal with nine or eleven young men in a line, or in the same room. on the second day, the bride is brought to the pandal. two persons are selected as representatives of the bridegroom and bride, and the representative of the former gives thirty-nine vellis to the representative of the latter. some sweetened water is given to the bridegroom's relations. a woman who has been married according to the kodi-udukkal rite ties a new cloth round the waist of the bride, after asking her if she is willing to marry the bridegroom, and obtaining the consent of those assembled. sometimes a necklace, composed of twenty-one gold coins, is also tied on the bride's neck. at night, the bridal couple take their departure for the home of the bridegroom. in south canara, the ceremonial is spread over three days, and varies from the above in some points of detail. the bridegroom goes in procession to the bride's house, accompanied by a sangayi or munan (best or third man) belonging to a sept other than that of the bridal couple. the bride is seated in a room, with a lamp and a tray containing betel leaves, areca nuts, and flowers. the sangayi takes a female cloth in which some money is tied, and throws it on a rope within the room. on the third day, the bride puts on this cloth, and, seated within the pandal, receives presents. the vittil-kudal marriage rite is completed in a single day. the bridegroom comes to the home of the bride, and goes into her room, conducted thither by two men belonging to the septs of the contracting couple. the newly-married couple may not leave the bride's house until the seventh day after the marriage ceremony, and the wife is not obliged to live at her husband's house. there is yet another form of alliance called vechchirukkal, which is an informal union with the consent of the parents and the arayans. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "amongst mukkuvas the vidaram marriage obtains, but for this no ceremony is performed. the vidaram wife is not taken to her husbands house, and her family pay no stridhanam. a vidaram marriage can at any time be completed, as it were, by the performance of the kalyanam ceremonies. even if this be not done, however, a child by a vidaram wife has a claim to inherit to his father in south malabar, if the latter recognises him by paying to the mother directly after her delivery a fee of three fanams called mukkapanam. a curious custom is that which prescribes that, if a girl be married after attaining puberty, she must remain for a period in the status of a vidaram wife, which may subsequently be raised by the performance of the regular kalyanam." divorce is easily effected by payment of a fine, the money being divided between the husband or wife as the case may be, the temple, the arayans, and charity. a pregnant woman has to go through a ceremony called puli or ney-kudi in the fifth or seventh month. a ripe cocoanut, which has lost its water, is selected, and heated over a fire. oil is then expressed from it, and five or seven women smear the tongue and abdomen of the pregnant woman with it. a barber woman is present throughout the ceremony. the husband lets his hair grow until his wife has been delivered, and is shaved on the third day after the birth of the child. at the place where he sits for the operation, a cocoanut, betel leaves and areca nuts are placed. the cocoanut is broken in pieces by some one belonging to the same sept as the father of the child. pollution is got rid of on this day by a barber woman sprinkling water at the houses of the mukkuvans. a barber should also sprinkle water at the temple on the same day. the dead are, as a rule, buried. soon after death has taken place, the widow of the deceased purchases twenty-eight cubits of white cloth. a gold ring is put into the hand of the corpse, and given to the widow or her relations, to be returned to the relations of the dead man. the corpse is bathed in fresh water, decorated, and placed on a bier. the widow then approaches, and, with a cloth over her head, cuts her tali off, and places it by the side of the corpse. sometimes the tali is cut off by a barber woman, if the widow has been married according to the kodi-udukkal rite. in some places, the bier is kept in the custody of the barber, who brings it whenever it is required. in this case, the articles requisite for decorating the corpse, e.g., sandal paste and flowers, are brought by the barber, and given to the son of the deceased. some four or five women belonging to the kadavar families are engaged for mourning. the corpse is carried to the burial-ground, where a barber tears a piece of cloth from the winding-sheet, and gives it to the son. the bearers anoint themselves, bathe in the sea, and, with wet cloths, go three times round the corpse, and put a bit of gold, flowers, and rice, in its nose. the relations then pour water over the corpse, which is lowered into the grave. once more the bearers, and the son, bathe in the sea, and go three times round the grave. the son carries a pot of water, and, at the end of the third round, throws it down, so that it is broken. on their return home, the son and bearers are met by a barber woman, who sprinkles them with rice and water. death pollution is observed for seven days, during which the son abstains from salt and tamarind. a barber woman sprinkles water over those under pollution. on the eighth, or sometimes the fourteenth day, the final death ceremony is performed. nine or eleven boys bathe in the sea, and offer food near it. they then come to the house of the deceased, and, with lamps on their heads, go round seven or nine small heaps of raw rice or paddy (unhusked rice), and place the lamps on the heaps. the eldest son is expected to abstain from shaving his head for six months or a year. at the end of this time, he is shaved on an auspicious day. the hair, plantains, and rice, are placed in a small new pot, which is thrown into the sea. after a bath, rice is spread on the floor of the house so as to resemble the figure of a man, over which a green cloth is thrown. at one end of the figure, a light in a measure is placed. seven or nine heaps of rice or paddy are made, on which lights are put, and the son goes three times round, throwing rice at the north, south, east, and west corners. this brings the ceremonial to a close. mulaka (solanum xanthocarpum).--a sept of balija. the fruit of this plant is tied to the big toe of brahman corpses. muli.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a class of blacksmiths in ganjam, and stone-cutters in vizagapatam. it is said to be a sub-division of lohara. muli also occurs as an occupational sub-division of savara. muli kurava.--a name for kuravas in travancore. mullangi(radish).--an exogamous sept of komati. mullu (thorn).--a gotra of kurni. mullu also occurs as a sub-division of kurumba. multani.--a territorial name, meaning a native of multan in the punjab. they are described, in the mysore census report, , as immigrant traders, found in the large towns, whose business consists chiefly of banking and money-lending. mundala,--a sub-division of holeya. mundapotho.--mundapotho (mundo, head; potho, bury) is the name of a class of mendicants who wander about ganjam, and frequent the streets of jagannath (puri). they try to arouse the sympathy of pilgrims by burying their head in the sand or dust, and exposing the rest of the body. they generally speak telugu. mungaru (woman's skirt).--an exogamous sept of kapu. muni.--see ravulo. munillakkar (people of the three illams).--a section of mukkuvans, which is divided into three illams. munnuti gumpu.--recorded, in the kurnool manual, as "a mixed caste, comprising the illegitimate descendants of balijas, and the male children of dancing-girls." it is not a caste name, but an insulting name for those of mixed origin. munnuttan (men of the three hundred).--recorded, at times of census, as a synonym of velan, and sub-caste of panan, among the latter of whom anjuttan (men of five hundred) also occurs. in the gazetteer of malabar, munnuttan appears as a class of mannans, who are closely akin to the velans. in travancore, munnutilkar is a name for kumbakonam vellalas, who have settled there. muppan.--muppan has been defined as "an elder, the headman of a class or business, one who presides over ploughmen and shepherds, etc. the word literally means an elder: mukkiradu, to grow old, and muppu, seniority." at recent times of census, muppan has been returned as a title by many classes, which include alavan, ambalakaran, kudumi, pallan, paraiyan and tandan in travancore, senaikkudaiyan, saliyan, shanan, sudarman and valaiyan. it has further been returned as a division of konkana sudras in travancore. during my wanderings in the malabar wynad, i came across a gang of coolies, working on a planter's estate, who called themselves muppans. they were interesting owing to the frequent occurrence among them of a very simple type of finger-print impression (arches). muppil (chief).--a sub-division of nayar. murikinadu.--murikinadu or murikinati is a territorial name, which occurs as a division of telugu brahmans, and of various telugu classes, e.g., kamsala, mala, mangala, razu, and tsakala. muriya.--a small class in ganjam, who are engaged in making a preparation of fried rice (muri) and in cultivation. muru balayanoru (three-bangle people).--a sub-division of kappiliyan. musaliar.--an occupational term, denoting a muhammadan priest, returned at times of census in the tamil country. musari.--a division of malayalam kammalans, whose occupation is that of brass and copper smiths. the equivalent musarlu occurs among the telugu kamsalas. mushika (rat).--a gotra of nagaralu. the rat is the vehicle of the elephant god, vignesvara or ganesa. mushtiga.--an exogamous sept of the gollas, who may not use the mushtiga tree (strychnos nux-vomica). it also occurs as a synonym of jetti. mushti golla.--a class of mendicants, usually of mixed extraction. mushti means alms. mussad.--for the following note on the mussads or muttatus of travancore, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. they are known as muttatus or mussatus in travancore and cochin, and potuvals (or poduvals) or akapotuvals in north malabar. the word muttatu means elder, and is generally taken to indicate a community, which is higher than the ambalavasi castes, as ilayatu (or elayad), or younger, denotes a sub-caste slightly lower than the brahmans. in early records, the word mupputayor, which has an identical meaning, is met with. potuval means a common person, i.e., the representative of a committee, and a muttatu's right to this name is from the fact that, in the absence of the nambutiri managers of a temple, he becomes their agent, and is invested with authority to exercise all their functions. the work of an akapotuval always lies within the inner wall of the shrine, while that of the purapotuval or potuval proper lies outside. the castemen themselves prefer the name sivadvija or saivite brahman. a few families possess special titles, such as nambi and nambiyar. their women are generally known as manayammamar, mana meaning the house of a brahman. there are no divisions or septs among the muttatus. the origin of the muttatus, and their place in malabar society, are questions on which a good deal of discussion has been of late expended. in the jatinirnaya, an old sanskrit work on the castes of kerala attributed to sankaracharya, it is said that the four kinds of ambalavasis, tantri, bharatabhattaraka, agrima, and slaghyavakku, are brahmans degraded in the krita, treta, dvapara, and kali ages, respectively, and that those who were so degraded in the dvapara yuga--the agrimas or muttatus--and whose occupation is to cleanse the stone steps of shrines--are found in large numbers in kerala. according to kerala mahatmya, another sanskrit work on malabar history and customs, these muttatus are also known as sivadvijas, or brahmans dedicated to the worship of siva, occupying a lower position in malabar society than that of the brahmans. one of them, disguised as a nambutiri, married a nambutiri's daughter, but his real status became known before the marriage was consummated, and the pair were degraded, and allotted a separate place in society. this tradition is not necessary to account for the present position of the muttatus in kerala, as, all over india, worship of fixed images was viewed with disfavour even in the days of manu. worship in saivite temples was not sought by brahmans, and was even considered as despiritualising on account of the divine displeasure which may be expected as the result of misfeasance. it was for a similar reason that the nambiyans of even vaishnavite temples on the east coast became degraded in society. the illayatus and muttatus have been long known in malabar as nyunas or castes slightly lower than the brahmans, and avantaras or castes intermediate between brahmans and ambalavasis. as, in subsequent days, the brahmans themselves undertook with impunity the priestly profession in hindu temples, saivite as well as vaishnavite, the muttatus had to be content with a more lowly occupation, viz., that of guarding the temples and images. according to suchindra mahatmyam, eleven brahmans were ordered by parasu rama to partake of the remnants of the food offered to siva, and to bear the saivite image in procession round the shrine on occasions of festivals; and, according to the vaikam sthalapuranam, three families of sivadvijas were brought over by the same sage from eastern districts for service at that temple. whatever may be said in regard to the antiquity or authenticity of many of these sthalapuranams, corroborative evidence of the brahmanical origin of the muttatus may be amply found in their manners and customs. a fresh colony of sivadvijas is believed to have been invited to settle at tiruvanchikkulam in cranganore from chidambaram by one of the perumals of kerala, in connection with the establishment of saivite temples there. they have preserved their original occupation faithfully enough down to the present day. the houses of muttatus are known as illams and mattams, the former being the name of all nambutiri houses. they are generally built beside some well-known shrine, with which the inmates are professionally connected. the dress of both men and women resembles that of the nambutiri brahmans, the injunction to cover the whole of the body when they go out of doors being applicable also to the manayammamar. girls before marriage wear a ring and kuzal on the neck, and, on festive occasions, a palakka ring. the chuttu in the ears, and pozhutu tali on the neck are worn only after marriage, the latter being the symbol which distinguishes married women from widows and maidens. widows are prohibited from wearing any ornament except the chuttu. in food and drink the muttatus are quite like the nambutiris. the muttatus are the custodians of the images, which they take in procession, and wash the stone steps leading to the inner sanctuary. they live by the naivedya or cooked food offering which they receive from the temple, and various other emoluments. it may be noted that one of the causes of their degradation was the partaking of this food, which brahmans took care not to do. the muttatus are generally well-read in sanskrit, and study astrology, medicine, and sorcery. the social government of the muttatus rests wholly with the nambutiris, who enforce the smartavicharam or enquiry into a suspected case of adultery, as in the case of a nambutiri woman. when nambutiri priests are not available, muttatus, if learned in the vedas, may be employed, but punyaham, or purification after pollution, can only be done by a nambutiri. like the nambutiris, the muttatus strictly observe the rule that only the eldest male member in a family can marry. the rest form casual connections with women of most of the ambalavasi classes. they are, like the brahmans, divided into exogamous septs or gotras. a girl is married before or after puberty. polygamy is not uncommon, though the number of wives is never more than four. widows do not remarry. in their marriage ceremonies, the muttatus resemble the nambutiris, with some minor points of difference. they follow two sutras, those of asvalayana and baudhayana, the former being members of the rig veda and the latter of the yajur veda. the former omit a number of details, such as the panchamehani and dasamehani, which are observed by the latter. according to a territorial distinction, mussad girls of north malabar cannot become the daughters-in-law of south malabar families, but girls of south malabar can become the daughters-in-law of north malabar families. the muttatus observe all the religious rites of the nambutiris. the rule is that the eldest son should be named after the paternal grandfather, the second after the maternal grandfather, and the third after that of the father. the upanayana ceremony is celebrated between the ages of seven and eleven, and the gayatri hymn may only be repeated ten times thrice daily. in the funeral rites, the help of the maran called chitikan (a corruption of chaitika, meaning one who is connected with the funeral pyre) is sought. pollution lasts only ten days. the muttatus stand above all sections of the ambalavasi group, and below every recognised section of the brahman and kshatriya communities, with whom they do not hold commensal relations in any part of kerala. they are thus on a par with the illayatus, but the latter have their own hierarchy, and lead a social life almost independent of the brahmans. the muttatus seek their help and advice in all important matters. the muttatus are, however, privileged to take their food within the nalampalam (temple courts), and the leaf-plates are afterwards removed by temple servants. the ambalavasis do not possess a right of this kind. at suchindram, the nambutiri by whom the chief image is served is not privileged to give prasada (remains of offerings) to any worshipper, this privilege being confined to the muttatus engaged to serve the minor deities of the shrine. the washing of the stone steps leading to the inner sanctuary, the mandapa, kitchen, feeding rooms, and bali stones, both inside and outside the shrine, are done by muttatus at temples with which they are connected. all ambalavasis freely receive food from muttatus. it is further noted, in the cochin census report, , that "there is a pithy saying in malayalam, according to which the muthads are to be regarded as the highest of ambalavasis, and the elayads as the lowest of brahmans. considerable difference of opinion exists as to the exact social status of muthads. for, while some hold that they are to be regarded as degraded brahmans, others maintain that they are only the highest class of ambalavasis. in the opinion, however, of the most learned vydikan who was consulted on the subject, the muthads are to be classed as degraded brahmans. they are supposed to have suffered social degradation by their having tattooed their bodies with figures representing the weapons of the god siva, and partaking of the offerings made to that god." a correspondent, who has made enquiry into caste questions in malabar, writes to me as follows. there are several ways of spelling the name, e.g., mussu, mussad, and muttatu. some people tried to discriminate between these, but i could not work out any distinctions. in practice, i think, all the classes noted below are called by either name indifferently, and most commonly mussad. there are several classes, viz.:-- ( ) brahman or quasi-brahman. (a) ashtavaidyanmar, or eight physicians, are eight families of hereditary physicians. they are called jatimatrakaras (barely caste people), and it is supposed that they are nambudiris slightly degraded by the necessity they may, as surgeons, be under of shedding blood. most of them are called mussad, but one at least is called nambi. (b) urili parisha mussad, or assembly in the village mussad, who are said to be degraded because they accepted gifts of land from parasu rama, and agreed to take on themselves the sin he had contracted by slaying the kshetriyas. this class, as a whole, is called sapta or saptagrastan. ( ) ambalavasi. (c) mussad or muttatu.--they appear to be identical with the agapothuvals, or inside pothuvals, as distinguished from the pura, or outside pothuvals, in north malabar. they are said to be the descendants of a sivadvija man and pure brahman girl. according to another account, they lost caste because they ate rice offered to siva, which is prohibited by one of the anacharams, or rules of conduct peculiar to kerala. they perform various duties in temples, and escort the idol when it is carried in procession on an arrangement called tadambu, which is like an inverted shield with a shelf across it, on which the idol is placed. they wear the punul, or sacred thread. (d) karuga mussad.--so called from the karuga grass (cynodon dactylon), which is used in ceremonies. their exact position is disputed. they wear the sacred thread (cf. karuga nambudiris in north malabar), who cook rice for the sradh (memorial ceremony) of sudras, (e) tiruvalayanath or kovil (temple) mussad.--they also wear the sacred thread, but perform puja in bhadrakali temples, incidents of which are the shedding of blood and use of liquor. they seem to be almost identical with the caste called elsewhere adigal or pidaran, but, i think, adigals are a little higher, and do not touch liquor, while pidarans are divided into two classes, the lower of which does not wear the thread or perform the actual puja, but only attends to various matters subsidiary thereto. in an account of the annual ceremony at the pishari temple near quilandy in malabar in honour of bhagavati, mr. f. fawcett informs [ ] that the mussad priests repeat mantrams (prayers) over the goats for an hour as a preliminary to the sacrifice. then the chief priest, with a chopper-like sword, decapitates the goats, and sacrifices several cocks. the mussads cook some of the flesh of the goats, and one or two of the cocks with rice. this rice, when cooked, is taken to the kavu (grove) to the north of the temple, and there the mussads again ply their mantrams. musu kamma.--the name of a special ear ornament worn by the musu kamma sub-division of balijas. in the salem district manual, musuku is recorded as a sub-division of this caste. mutalpattukar.--a synonym of tandan in travancore, indicating those who received an allowance for the assistance they were called on to render to carpenters. mutracha.--mutracha appears, in published records, in a variety of forms, such as muttaracha, muttirajulu, muttarasan, and mutratcha. the caste is known by one of these names in the telugu country, and in the tamil country as muttiriyan or palaiyakkaran. concerning the mutrachas, mr. h. a. stuart writes as follows. [ ] "this is a telugu caste most numerous in the kistna, nellore, cuddapah, and north arcot districts. the mutrachas were employed by the vijayanagar kings to defend the frontiers of their dominions, and were honoured with the title of paligars (cf. palaiyakkaran). the word mutracha is derived from the dravidian roots mudi, old, and racha, a king; but another derivation is from mutu raja, a sovereign of some part of the telugu country. they eat flesh, and drink liquor. their titles are dora and naidu." mr. stuart writes further [ ] that in the north arcot district they are "most numerous in the chendragiri taluk, but found all over the district in the person of the village taliari or watchman, for which reason it is often called the taliari caste. they proudly call themselves paligars, and in chendragiri doralu or lords, because several of the chittoor palaiyams (villages governed by paligars) were in possession of members of their caste. they seem to have entered the country in the time of the vijayanagar kings, and to have been appointed as its kavilgars (watchmen). the caste is usually esteemed by others as a low one. most of its members are poor, even when they have left the profession of taliari, and taken to agriculture. they eat in the houses of most other castes, and are not trammelled by many restrictions. in chendragiri they rarely marry, but form connections with women of their caste, which are often permanent, though not sanctioned by the marriage ceremony, and the offspring of such associations are regarded as legitimate." in the nellore manual, the mutrachas are summed up as being hunters, fishermen, bearers, palanquin-bearers, and hereditary watchmen in the villages. at times of census, mutracha or mutarasan has been recorded as a sub-division of urali, and a title of ambalakkaran. muttiriyan, which is simply a tamil form of mutracha, appears as a title and sub-division of ambalakkaran (q.v.). further, tolagari is recorded as a sub-division of mutracha. the tolagaris are stated [ ] to be a small cultivating caste, who were formerly hunters, like the palayakkarans. most of the mutrachas are engaged in agriculture. at paniyam, in the kurnool district, i found some employed in collecting winged white-ants (termites), which they sun-dry, and store in large pots as an article of food. they are said to make use of some special powder as a means of attracting the insects, in catching which they are very expert. in some places, the relations between the mutrachas and gollas, both of which castes belong to the left-hand section, are strained. on occasions of marriage among the madigas, some pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts), is set apart for the mutrachas, as a mark of respect. in consequence of the fact that some mutrachas have been petty chieftains, they claim to be kshatriyas, and to be descended from yayathi of the mahabaratha. according to the legend, devayana, the daughter of sukracharya, the priest of the daityas (demons and giants), went to a well with charmanishta, the daughter of the daitya king. a quarrel arose between them, and charmanishta pushed devayana into a dry well, from which she was rescued by king yayathi. sukracharya complained to the daitya king, who made his daughter become a servant to yayathi's wife, devayana. by her marriage devayana bore two sons. subsequently, yayathi became enamoured of charmanishta, by whom he had an illegitimate son. hearing of this, sukracharya cursed yayathi that he should be subject to old age and infirmity. this curse he asked his children to take on themselves, but all refused except his illegitimate child puru. he accordingly cursed his legitimate sons, that they should only rule over barren land overrun by kiratas. one of them, durvasa by name, had seven children, who were specially favoured by the goddess ankamma. after a time, however, they were persuaded to worship maheswara or virabhadra instead of ankamma. this made the goddess angry, and she caused all flower gardens to disappear, except her own. flowers being necessary for the purpose of worship, the perverts stole them from ankamma's garden, and were caught in the act by the goddess. as a punishment for their sin, they had to lose their lives by killing themselves on a stake. one of the seven sons had a child named ravideviraju, which was thrown into a well as soon as it was born. the naga kannikas of the nether regions rescued the infant, and tended it with care. one day, while ankamma was traversing the naga lokam (country), she heard a child crying, and sent her vehicle, a jackal (nakka), to bring the child, which, however, would not allow the animal to take it the goddess accordingly herself carried it off. the child grew up under her care, and eventually had three sons, named karnam raju, gangi raju, and bhupathi raju, from whom the mutrachas are descended. in return for the goddess protecting and bringing up the child, she is regarded as the special tutelary deity of the caste. there is a saying current among the mutrachas that the mutracha caste is as good as a pearl, but became degraded as its members began to catch fish. according to a legend, the mutrachas, being kshatriyas, wore the sacred thread. some of them, on their way home after a hunting expedition, halted by a pond, and were tempted by the enormous number of fish therein to fish for them, using their sacred threads as lines. they were seen by some brahmans while thus engaged, and their degradation followed. in the telugu country, two divisions, called paligiri and oruganti, are recognised by the mutrachas, who further have exogamous septs or intiperulu, of which the following are examples:-- avula, cow. arigala, a dish carried in processions. busi, dirt. ella, boundary. guvvala, doves. indla, house. iga, fly. koppula, hair-knot. katari, dagger. marri, ficus bengalensis. nakka, jackal. puli, tiger. talari, watchman. tota, garden. uyyala, a swing. thumu, iron measure for measuring grain. during the first menstrual seclusion of a girl, she may not have her meals served on a metal plate, but uses an earthen cup, which is eventually thrown away. when she reaches puberty, a girl does up her hair in a knot called koppu. in the case of confinement, pollution ends on the tenth day. but, if a woman loses her infant, especially a first-born, the pollution period is shortened, and, at every subsequent time of delivery, the woman bathes on the seventh or ninth day. every woman who visits her on the bathing day brings a pot of warm water, and pours it over her head. muttal (substitute).--a sub-division of maran. muttan.--in the madras census report, , the muttans are summed up as "a trading caste in malabar. the better educated members of it have begun to claim a higher social status than that usually accorded them. formerly they claimed to be nayars, but recently they have gone further, and, in the census schedules, some of them returned themselves as vaisyas, and added the vaisya title gupta to their names. they do not, however, wear the sacred thread, or perform any vedic rites, and nayars consider themselves polluted by their touch." it is recorded, in the madras census report, , under the conjoint heading muttan and tarakan, that "these two are allied castes, but the latter would consider it a disgrace to acknowledge any affinity with the former. tarakan literally means a broker. dr. gundert says that these were originally warehouse-keepers at palghat. muttan is probably from muttavan, an elder, tarakans have returned muttan as a sub-division, and vice versâ, and both appear as sub-divisions of nayar. we have in our schedules instances of persons who have returned their caste as tarakan, but with their names krishna muttan (male) and lakshmi chettichiar (female). a muttan may, in course of time, become a tarakan, and then a nayar. both these castes follow closely the customs and manners of nayars, but there are some differences. i have not, however, been able to get at the real state of affairs, as the members of the caste are very reticent on the subject, and simply assert that they are in all respects the same as nayars. one difference is that a brahmani does not sing at their tali-kettu marriages. again, instead of having a marayan, attikurissi, or elayad as their priest, they employ a man of their own caste, called choratton. this man assists at their funeral ceremonies, and purifies them at the end of pollution, just as the attikurissi does for nayars. kali temples seem to be specially affected by this caste, and these chorattons are also priests in these temples. the muttan and tarakan castes are practically confined to palghat and walluvanad taluks." in a note on some castes in malabar which are most likely of foreign origin, it is stated, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "this is certainly true of the muttans, who are found only in the palghat taluk and in the parts of walavanad bordering on it, a part of the country where there is a large admixture of tamils in the population. they are now advancing a claim to be vaisyas, and some of them have adopted the title gupta which is proper to that caste, while a few have the title ezhutacchan. some muttans in palghat are called mannadiars, a title also apparently borne by some taragans. the muttans follow makkattayam (inheritance from father to son), and do not enter into the loose connections known as sambandhams; their women are called chettichiars, clearly indicating their eastern origin; and their period of pollution is ten days, according to which test they would rank as a high caste. on the other hand, they may eat meat and drink liquor. their purificatory ceremonies are performed by a class known as chorttavans (literally, sprinklers), who are said to be identical with kulangara nayars, and not by attikurrissi nayars as in the case with nambudris, ambalavasis, and nayars. there is considerable antagonism between the palghat and walavanad sections of the caste. another caste of traders, which has now been practically incorporated in the nayar body, is the class known as taragans (literally, brokers) found in palghat and walavanad, some of whom have considerable wealth and high social position. the taragans of angadippuram and the surrounding neighbourhood claim to be immigrants from travancore, and to be descendants of ettuvittil pillamar of quilon, who are high caste nayars. they can marry kiriyattil women, and their women occasionally have sambandham with samantan rajas. the palghat taragans on the other hand can marry only in their caste." muttasari.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a name by which kammalans are addressed. muttiriyan.--see mutracha. mutyala (pearl).--an exogamous sept, and name of a sub-division of balijas who deal in pearls. the ambalakarans say that they were born of the sweat (muttu, a pearl or bead of perspiration) of paramasiva. muvvari.--recorded [ ] as "a north malabar caste of domestic servants under the embrantiri brahmans. their customs resemble those of the nayars, but the elayads and the marayans will not serve them." myasa.--myasa, meaning grass-land or forest, is one of the two main divisions, uru (village) and myasa, of the bedars and boyas. among the myasa bedars, the rite of circumcision is practiced, and is said to be the survival of a custom which originated when they were included in the army of haidar ali n nadan.--nadan, meaning ruler of a country or village, or one who lives in the country, is a title of the shanans, who, further, call themselves nadans in preference to shanans. nadava.--" this, "mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "is a caste of canarese farmers found only in south canara. the nadavas have returned four sub-divisions, one of which is bant, and two of the other three are sub-divisions of bants, the most important being masadi. in the case of , individuals, nadava has been returned as sub-division also. i have no information regarding the caste, but they seem to be closely allied to the bant caste, of which nadava is one of the sub-divisions." the name nadava or nadavaru means people of the nadu or country. it is one of the sub-divisions of the bants. naga (cobra: naia tripudians).--nag, naga, nagasa, or nageswara, occurs in the name of a sept or gotra of various classes in ganjam and vizagapatam, e.g., aiyarakulu, bhondari, bhumia, bottada, domb, gadaba, konda dora, medara, muka dora, nagaralu, omanaito, poroja, rona, and samantiya. members of the nagabonso sept of odiya claim to be descendants of nagamuni, the serpent rishi. naga is further a gotra or sept of kurnis and toreyas, of whom the latter, at their weddings, worship at 'ant' (termites) hills, which are often the home of cobras. it is also a sub-division of gazula kapus and koppala velamas. nagavadam (cobra's hood) is the name of a sub-division of the pallis, who wear an ornament, called nagavadam, shaped like a cobra's head, in the dilated lobes of the ears. among the viramushtis there is a sept named naga mallika (rhinacanthus communis), the roots of which shrub are believed to be an antidote to the bite of poisonous snakes. the flowers of couroupita guianensis, which has been introduced as a garden tree in southern india, are known as naga linga pu, from the staminal portion of the flower which curves over the ovary being likened to a cobra's hood, and the ovary to a lingam. nagali (plough).--an exogamous sept of kapu. nagalika (of the plough).--a name for lingayats engaged in cultivation. nagaralu.--the nagaralu are a cultivating caste in vizagapatam, concerning whom it is recorded [ ] that "nagaralu means the dwellers in a nagaram or city, and apparently this caste was originally a section of the kapus, which took to town life, and separated itself off from the parent stock. they say their original occupation was medicine, and a number of them are still physicians and druggists, though the greater part are agriculturists." for the following note, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. viziaram raz, the friend of bussy, conferred mokhasas (grants of land) on some of the most important members of the caste, whose descendants are to be found in various places. the caste is divided into three sections or gotras, viz., nagesvara (cobra) kurmesa (tortoise), and vignesvara or mushika (rat). the rat is the vehicle of the elephant god ganesa or vignesvara. it is further divided into exogamous septs or intiperulu, such as sampathi (riches), chakravarthi (king or ruler), majji, etc. the menarikam system, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is in force. girls are usually married before puberty, and a brahman officiates at marriages. the marriage of widows and divorce are not permitted. the dead are burnt, and the chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies, whereat a brahman officiates, are celebrated. some members of the caste have acquired a great reputation as medicine-men and druggists. the usual caste title is pathrulu, indicating those who are fit to receive a gift nagartha.--nagarata, nagarattar, or nagarakulam is returned, in the madras census report, , as a sub-caste of chetti. in the census report, , it is recorded that the nagarattu "hail from kanchipuram (conjeeveram), where, it is said, a thousand families of this caste formerly lived. their name (nagaram, a city) refers to their original home. they wear the sacred thread, and worship both vishnu and siva. they take neither flesh nor alcohol. as they maintain that they are true vaisyas, they closely imitate the brahmanical ceremonies of marriage and death. this sub-division has a dancing-girl and a servant attached to it, whose duties are to dance, and to do miscellaneous work during marriages. the caste servant is called jatipillai (child of the caste). concerning the nagarthas, who are settled in the mysore province, i gather [ ] that "the account locally obtained connects them with the ganigas, and the two castes are said to have been co-emigrants to bangalore where one mallaraje ars made headmen of the principal members of the two castes, and exempted them from the house-tax. certain gotras are said to be common to both castes, but they never eat together or intermarry. both call themselves dharmasivachar vaisyas, and the feuds between them are said to have often culminated in much unpleasantness. the nagarthas are principally found in towns and large trade centres. some are worshippers of vishnu, and others of siva. of the latter, some wear the linga. they are dealers in bullion, cloth, cotton, drugs and grain. a curious mode of carrying the dead among the namadari or vaishnavite nagarthas is that the dead body is rolled up in a blanket, instead of a bier or vimana as among others. these cremate their dead, whereas the others bury them. marriage must be performed before a girl reaches puberty, and widows are not allowed to remarry. polygamy is allowed, and divorce can be for adultery alone. it is recorded by mr. l. rice [ ] that "cases sometimes occur of a sivachar marrying a namadari woman, and, when this happens, her tongue is burned with the linga, after which she forsakes her parents' house and religion. it is stated that the sivachar nagarthas never give their daughters in marriage to the namadari sect." among the gotras returned by the nagarthas are kasyapa, chandramauleswara, and cholendra. naga-sreni.--a fanciful name, meaning those who live in the naga street, used as a caste name by the patramela dancing-girl caste. nagavasulu.--the nagavasulu are described, in the vizagapatam manual, as "cultivators in the vizagapatam district. women who have not entered into matrimony earn money by prostitution, and acting as dancers at feasts. some of the caste lead a bad life, and are excluded from the body of the caste." in the madras census report, , it is stated that "nagavasamu means a company of dancing-girls, and the sons of women of this profession frequently call themselves nagavasulu. the bulk of the caste in vizagapatam, however, are said to be respectable farmers." it is noted, in the census report, , that "most of the nagavasulu are cultivators, but some of the women, are prostitutes by profession, and outsiders are consequently admitted to the caste. their title is naidu." nagellu (plough).--an exogamous sept of boya. nagna (naked).--a name for sanyasis, who go about naked. naidu.--naidu or nayudu is a title, returned at times of census by many telugu classes, e.g., balija, bestha, boya, ekari, gavara, golla, kalingi, kapu, mutracha, and velama. a tamilian, when speaking of a telugu person bearing this title, would call him naicker or naickan instead of naidu. naik.--the word naik (nayaka, a leader or chief) is used, by the older writers on southern india, in several senses, of which the following examples, given by yule and burnell, [ ] may be cited:-- (a) native captain or headman. "il s'appelle naique, qui signifie capitaine." barretto, rel du prov de malabar. (b) a title of honour among hindus in the deccan. "the kings of deccan also have a custome when they will honour a man or recompence their service done, and rayse him to dignitie and honour. they give him the title of naygue".--linschoten. (c) the general name of the kings of vijayanagara, and of the lords of madura and other places. "il y a plusieurs naiques au sud de saint thomé, qui sont souverains: le naigue de madure on est un".--thevenot. naik, naickan, naicker, nayak or nayakkan has been returned, at recent times of census, by the tamil pallis, irulas, and vedans, and also by various telugu and canarese classes, e.g.:-- telugu--balija, boya, ekari, golla, kavarai, muttiriyan, odde, tottiyan, and uppiliyan. canarese--bedar, cheptegara, charodi, kannadiyan, servegara, siviyar, and toreya. some jen kurumbas (a jungle folk) in the wynad are also locally known as naikers. tulu--the mogers, in some parts of south canara, prefer the title naiker to the ordinary caste title marakaleru, and some bants have the same title. the headman among the lambadis or brinjaris is called naik. naicker further occurs as a hereditary title in some brahman families. i have, for example, heard of a desastha brahman bearing the name nyna naicker. naik, naiko, or nayako appears as the title of various oriya classes, e.g., alia, aruva, bagata, gaudo, jatapu, odia, pentiya, rona, and teli. it is noted by mr. s. p. rice that "the uriya korono, or head of the village, appropriates to himself as his caste distinction the title potonaiko signifying the naik or head of the town." the name nayar or nair is, it may be noted, akin to naik and naidu, and signifies a leader or soldier. [ ] in this connection, mr. lewis moore writes [ ] that "almost every page of mr. sewell's interesting book on vijayanagar [ ] bears testimony to the close connection between vijayanagar and the west coast. it is remarkable that colonel (afterwards sir thomas) munro, in the memorandum written by him in on the poligars (feudal chiefs) of the ceded districts, when dealing with the cases of a number of poligars who were direct descendants of men who had been chiefs under the kings of vijayanagar, calls them throughout his report naigue or nair, using the two names as if they were identical." [ ] it is noted by mr. talboys wheeler [ ] that, in the city of madras in former days, "police duties were entrusted to a hindu official, known as the pedda naik or 'elder chief,' who kept a staff of peons, and was bound to make good all stolen articles that were not recovered." in the south canara district, the name naikini (naik females) is taken by temple dancing-girls. nainar.--see nayinar. nakash.--a name, denoting exquisite workmanship, by which rachevars or chitrakaras are known in some places. nakkala.--nakkala or nakka, meaning jackal, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of boya, gudala, golla, and mutracha. the jackal is the vehicle of the goddess ankamma, who is the tutelary deity of the mutrachas. the name occurs further as a name for the kuruvikkarans, who manufacture spurious jackal horns as charms. nali (bamboo tube).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. nalillakkar (people of the four illams).--a section of mukkuvans, which is divided into four illams. nalke.--the nalkes or nalakeyavas are described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as "a caste of mat, basket, and umbrella makers, who furnish the devil-dancers, who play such an important part in the worship of the tulu people. they have the usual tulu exogamous sub-divisions or balis. they are generally held to be holeyas or pariahs. in canarese they are called panaras," "every village in canara," mr. stuart writes further, [ ] "has its bhutasthanam or demon temple, in which the officiating priest or pujari is usually a man of the billava caste, and shrines innumerable are scattered throughout the length and breadth of the land for the propitiation of the malevolent spirits of deceased celebrities, who, in their lifetime, had acquired a more than usual local reputation whether for good or evil, or had met with a sudden or violent death. in addition to these there are demons of the jungle and demons of the waste, demons who guard the village boundaries, and demons whose only apparent vocation is that of playing tricks, such as throwing stones on houses, and causing mischief generally. the demons who guard the village boundaries seem to be the only ones who are credited with even indirectly exercising a useful function. the others merely inspire terror by causing sickness and misfortune, and have to be propitiated by offerings, which often involve the shedding of blood, that of a fowl being most common. there are also family bhutas, and in every non-brahman house a room, or sometimes only a corner, is set apart for the bhuta, and called the bhutakotya. the bhutasthanam is generally a small, plain structure, or yards deep by or yards wide, with a door at one end covered by a portico supported on two pillars. the roof is of thatch, and the building is without windows. in front of it there are usually three or four t-shaped pillars. flowers are placed, and cocoanuts broken on them at ceremonies. the temples of the more popular bhutas are often substantial buildings of considerable size. inside the bhutasthanam there are usually a number of images, roughly made in brass, in human shape, or resembling animals, such as pigs, tigers, fowls, etc. these are brought out and worshipped as symbols of the bhutas on various ceremonial occasions. [ ] a peculiar small goglet or vase, made of bell-metal, into which from time to time water is poured, is kept before the bhutas, and, on special occasions, kepula (ixora coccinea) flowers, and lights are placed before them. in the larger sthanas a sword is always kept near the bhuta, to be held by the officiating priest when he stands possessed and trembling with excitement before the people assembled for worship. [ ] a bell or gong is also found in all bhutasthanams. in the case of bhutas connected with temples, there is a place set apart for them, called a gudi. the bhutasthanam of the baiderlu is called a garudi. "the names of the bhutas are legion. one of the most dreaded is named kalkuti. two others commonly worshipped by the bants and the billavas are koti baidya and chennaya baidya, who always have billava pujaris. these two bhutas are the departed spirits of two billava heroes. the spirit of kujumba kanje, a bant of renown, belongs to this class of bhutas. amongst the most well known of the others, may be mentioned kodamanitaya and mundaltaya, and the jungle demons hakkerlu and brahmerlu. the holeyas worship a bhuta of their own, who is not recognised by any other class of the people. he goes by the name of kumberlu, and the place where he is said to reside is called kumberlu-kotya. very often a stone of any shape, or a small plank is placed on the ground, or fixed in a wall, and the name of a bhuta given to it. other representations of bhutas are in the shape of an ox (mahisandaya), a horse (jarandaya), a pig (panjurli), or a giant (baiderlu). "the bhuta worship of south canara is of four kinds, viz., kola, bandi, nema, and agelu-tambila. kola, or devil dancing, is offered to the bhutas in the sthana of the village in which they are supposed to reside. the sudras of the village, and of those adjacent to it, assemble near the sthana, and witness the kola ceremony in public, sharing the cost of it by subscriptions raised among all the sudra families in the village in which the ceremony is held. bandi is the same as kola, with the addition of dragging about a clumsy kind of car, on which the pompada priest representing the bhuta is seated. nema is a private ceremony in honour of the bhutas, held in the house of anyone who is so inclined. it is performed once in ten, fifteen, or twenty years by well-to-do billavas or bants. the expenses of the nema amount to about rs. or rs. , and are borne by the master of the house in which the nema takes place. during the nema, the bhutas, i.e., the things representing them, are brought from the sthana to the house of the man giving the feast, and remain there till it is over. agelu-tambila is a kind of worship offered only to the baiderlu, and that annually by the billavas only. it will be seen that kola, bandi, and nema are applicable to all the bhutas, including the baiderlu, but that the agelu-tambila is applicable only to the baiderlu." the following account of canara devil-dancers and exorcists is given in mr. lavie's manuscript history of canara. "it is their duty to carry a beautiful sword with a handsomely curved handle, and polished blade of the finest steel. these they shake and flourish about in all directions, jumping, dancing, and trembling in a most frightful manner. their hair is loose and flowing, and, by their inflamed eyes and general appearance, i should suppose that they are prepared for the occasion by intoxicating liquids or drugs.... their power as exorcists is exercised on any person supposed to be possessed with the devil. i have passed by a house in which an exorcist has been exercising his powers. he began with groans, sighs, and mutterings, and broke forth into low mournings. afterwards he raised his voice, and uttered with rapidity and in a peculiar tone of voice certain mantrams or charms, all the while trembling violently, and moving his body backwards and forwards." the performance (of devil dances) always takes place at night, commencing about nine o'clock. at first the pujari, with the bhuta sword and bell in his hands, whirls round and round, imitating the supposed mien and gestures of the demon. but he does not aspire to full possession; that is reserved for a pombada or a nalke, a man of the lowest class, who comes forward when the billava pujari has exhibited himself for about half an hour. he is naked save for a waist-band, his face is painted with ochre, and he wears a sort of arch made of cocoanut leaves, and a metal mask. after pacing up and down slowly for some time, he gradually works himself up to a pitch of hysterical frenzy, while the tom-toms are beaten furiously, and the spectators join in raising a long, monotonous howling cry, with a peculiar vibration. at length he stops, and every one is addressed according to his rank; if the pombada offends a rich bant by omitting any of his numerous titles, he is made to suffer for it. matters regarding which there is any dispute are then submitted for the decision of the bhuta, and his award is generally accepted. either at this stage or earlier, the demon is fed, rice and food being offered to the pombada, while, if the bhuta is of low degree, flesh and arrack (liquor) are also presented. these festivals last for several nights, and dr. burnell states that the devil-dancer receives a fee of eight rupees for his frantic labours." of the three devil-dancing castes found in south canara (nalke, parava, and pompada), the nalkes are apparently the lowest. even a koraga considers a nalke or a parava inferior to him. it is said that, when a parava meets a koraga, he is expected to raise his hand to his forehead. this practice does not, however, seem to be observed at the present day. the nalkes, though living amidst castes which follow the aliyasantana law of inheritance (in the female line), follow the makkalakattu law of inheritance from father to son. the caste has numerous balis (septs), which are evidently borrowed from the bants and billavas. as examples of these, salannaya, bangerannaya, kundarannaya, and uppenannayya may be cited. the nalkes have a headman called gurikara, who settles disputes and other matters affecting the community, and acts as the priest at marriages, death ceremonies, and other ceremonials. girls are married after puberty, and a woman may marry any number of times. the marriage ceremony is concluded in a single day. the contracting couple are seated on planks, and the gurikara throws coloured rice over their heads, and ties a turmeric-dyed string with beads strung on it round their necks. those assembled then throw rice over them, their hands are joined by the gurikara or their fathers, and the dhare water is poured thereon. the dead are either buried or cremated. after burial or cremation, a mound (dhupe) is, as among other castes in canara, made over the spot. round it, four posts are stuck in the ground, and decorated so as to resemble a small car (cf. billava). the final death ceremonies (uttarakriya) are generally performed on the fifth or seventh day. on this day, cooked food is offered to the deceased by placing it near the dhupe, or on the spot where he breathed his last. this is followed by a feast. if the ceremony is not performed on one of the recognised days, the permission of some bants or billavas must be obtained before it can be carried out. all castes in south canara have great faith in bhutas, and, when any calamity or misfortune overtakes a family, the bhutas must be propitiated. the worship of bhutas is a mixture of ancestor and devil propitiation. in the bhuta cult, the most important personage is brahmeru, to whom the other bhutas are subordinate. owing to the influence of brahman tantris, brahmeru is regarded as another name for brahma, and the various bhutas are regarded as ganas or attendants on siva. brahmanical influence is clearly to be traced in the various bhuta songs, and all bhutas are in some manner connected with siva and parvati. whenever people want to propitiate the bhutas, a nalke or parava is engaged. in some places, the nalke disguises himself as any bhuta, but, where paravas are also to be found, the nalke may not dress up as the baiderkulu, kodamanitaya, or rakteswari. the propitiation of the bhuta takes the form of a ceremony called kola, nema, or agelu tambila. of these, kola is a periodical ceremony, in which various castes take part, and is always performed near a bhutasthana. nema is usually undertaken by a single family, and is performed at the house. agelu tambila is celebrated by billavas at their homes. the kola ceremony is usually performed for the propitiation of bhutas other than the baiderkulu. the muktesar or chief man, with the assistance of a brahman, fixes an auspicious day for its celebration. the jewels, and votive offerings made to the bhutas, are kept in the custody of the muktesar. on the kola day, the people go in procession from the sthana to the muktesar's house, and return to the sthana with the jewels and other articles. these are arranged on cots, and a billava pujari places seven plantain leaves in a row on a cot, and heaps rice thereon. on each heap, a cocoanut is placed for the propitiation of the most important bhuta. to the minor bhutas, these things are offered on three or five leaves placed on cots, or on the floor of the sthana, according to the importance of the bhuta. a seven-branched torch must be kept burning near the cot of the principal bhuta. the pujari goes to the courtyard of the sthana, and piles up a conical mass of cooked rice on a stool. over this pieces of plantain fruits are scattered. round the mass several sheaths of plantain leaves are arranged, and on them tender cocoanut leaves, cut in various ways, are stuck. the pujari, who wears a metal belt and other jewelry, does puja to the bhutas, and retires. the nalkes or paravas then advance dressed up as bhutas, and request permission to put on their canopy (ani) and brass anklet (guggire). they then dance, and sing songs connected with the bhutas which are being propitiated. when they are exhausted and retire, the pujari steps forwards, and addresses the assembly in the following terms:-- "oh! great men who are assembled, with your permission i salute you all. oh! brahmans who are assembled, i salute you. oh! priest, i salute you." in this manner, he is expected to run through the names of all important personages who are present. when he has finished, the devil-dancers do the same, and the ceremony is at an end. of the bhutas, the best known are brahmeru, kodamanitaya, kukkintaya, jumadi, sarlu jumadi, pancha jumadi, rakteswari, panjurli, kuppe panjurli, rakta panjurli, urundarayya, hosadevata (or hosa bhuta), devanajiri, kalkutta, ukkatiri, gulige, bobbariya, nicha, duggalaya, mahisandaya, varte, chamundi, baiderukulu, okkuballala, and oditaya. according to some, jumadi is the small-pox goddess mari. there are only two female bhutas--ukkatiri and kallurti. the bhutas are supposed to belong to different castes. for example, okkuballala and devanajiri are jains, kodamanitaya and kukkinataya are bants, kalkutta is a smith, bobbariya is a mappilla, and nicha a koraga. in some temples dedicated to siva, the tantris offer food, etc., to the various bhutas on special occasions, such as dipavali and sankaranthi. at udipi, the sanyasis of the various mutts (religious institutions) seem to believe in some of the bhutas, as they give money for the performance of kola to panjurli, sarla jumadi, and chamundi. at hiriadkap in south canara, where the nalkes performed before me, the dancers wore spathes of the areca palm, forming spats to prevent the skin from being injured by the metal bells round their ankles as they danced. the songs sung by the devil dancers are very numerous, and vary in different localities. of the stories relating to bhutas, a very full account has been given by mr. a. c. burnell. [ ] a collection of stories (padanollu) belonging to the demon-worshippers of the tulu country, and recited at their annual festivals, was published at the mangalore basel mission press in . nalla (black).--an exogamous sept of koppala velama. nallur.--nallur and naluvitan are recorded, in the travancore census report, , as sub-divisions of nayar. namadari.--a name, indicating one who wears the vaishnava sectarian mark (namam). the equivalent namala occurs as an exogamous sept of boya. nambidi.--a class, included among the ambalavasis. it is recorded, in the travancore census report, , that "nampitis are of two classes, the thread-wearing and the threadless. the former have their own priests, while the ilayatus perform the required sacerdotal functions for the latter. their ceremonies are very much like those of the kshatriyas. tradition connects them with royalty acquired under rather unenviable circumstances. they are, therefore, called tampurans (lords) by the sudras, and also muppinnu (elder) or karanavappat (uncle) head of a matriarchal family. they observe twelve days' pollution, and inherit in the female line. their women are called mantalu. the chief man among the nampitis is the karanavappat of kakkat in british malabar." in the cochin census report, , it is noted that of the nampidis "the aiynikoor nampidis, or the five families of nampidis, are historically and socially the most important; the eldest male member possesses the honorific title of karanavarpad, enjoying special privileges at the hands of the rulers of cochin, as the members of the family once held responsible posts in the militia of the state. according to tradition, they were nambudris. one of the perumals or viceroys of kerala having proved troublesome, the brahmans resolved upon his removal. in the struggle that followed, the perumal was killed by the brahmans. when those who had slain him returned to the place where the brahmans had met in solemn conclave, they were gladly welcomed, and asked to sit in their midst; but, feeling that they had committed a heinous crime and thus disqualified themselves from sitting along with the brahmans, they volunteered to sit apart on the threshold of the council room by saying nam padimel (we on the threshold), which fact is supposed to account for the origin of their name nampadi. they and their companions have since been regarded as having almost lost their social status as brahmans, and they are now classed along with the intermediate castes, having but a few privileges other than those enjoyed by the group. they wear the sacred thread, and have gayatri. nambudri brahmans officiate as priests at marriage ceremonies, sradhas, and purification at the end of birth or death pollution, which lasts only for ten days. they follow the marumakkatayam law of inheritance (in the female line). the tali (marriage badge) is tied by their own caste men. nambudris, or their own caste men, unite themselves in sambandham with nampidi females. nampidis are allowed to consort with nayar women. at public feasts they are not privileged to sit and eat with nambudris. their women are called manolpads." nambiyassan.--a division of the ambalavasis. it is noted, in the travancore census report, , that "the nampiassans, otherwise called nampiyars or nampis, have at present no temple service of any kind. they keep gymnasia or schools of training suited to the indian system of warfare. they were the gurus (preceptors) of the fighting nayars. they seem, however, at one time to have followed the profession of garland-making in temples. it is still the occupation of many nampiassans in cochin and british malabar." in the cochin census report, , it is stated that nambiyar is rather a misleading title, as it is applied to more than one class of people. some nayars are known by that title. in some places, muthads and elayads are also called nambiyars. chakkiyar nambiyars beat a drum of a peculiar shape at intervals during the discourses or acting of the chakkiyars, while their females, called nangiyars, keep time. the nangiyars also assume the figure of mythical characters, and perform a sort of pantomime on the chakkiyar's stage. (see unni.) nambiyatiri (a person worthy of worship).--a synonym of elayad. nambutiri brahman. [ ]--the name nambutiri has been variously derived. the least objectionable origin seems to be nambu (sacred or trustworthy) and tiri (a light). the latter occurs as an honorific suffix among malabar brahmans, and other castes above the nayars. the nambutiris form the socio-spiritual aristocracy of malabar, and, as the traditional landlords of parasu rama's land, they are everywhere held in great reverence. a nambutiri, when questioned about the past, refers to the keralolpatti. the nambutiris and their organization according to gramams owe their origin in legend, so far as malabar is concerned, to parasu rama. parasu rama (rama of the axe), an incarnation of vishnu, had, according to the puranic story, slain his mother in a fit of wrath, and was advised by the sages to expiate his sin by extirpating the kshatriyas twenty-one times. he did so, and handed over the land to the sages. but this annoyed the brahmans exceedingly, for they got no share in the arrangement; so they banished parasu rama from the land. by the performance of austerities he gained from the gods the boon to reclaim some land from varuna, the sea god. malabar was then non-existent. he was allowed to throw his axe from cape comorin, and possess all the land within the distance of his throw. so he threw his axe as far as gokarnam in the south canara district, and immediately there was land between these two places, within the direct line and the western ghats, now consisting of travancore and cochin, malabar, and part of south canara. to this land he gave the name karma bhumi, or the country in which salvation or the reverse depends altogether on man's individual actions, and blessed it that there be plenty of rain and no famine in it. but he was alone. to relieve his loneliness, he brought some brahmans from the banks of the krishna river, but they did not remain long, for they were frightened by the snakes. then he brought some brahmans from the north, and, lest they too should flee, gave them peculiar customs, and located them in sixty-four gramams. he told them also to follow the marumakkattayam law of succession (in the female line), but only a few, the nambutiris of payyanur, obeyed him. the brahmans ruled the land with severity, so that the people (who had somehow come into existence) resolved to have a king under whom they could live in peace. and, as it was impossible to choose one among themselves, they chose keya perumal, who was the first king of malabar, and malabar was called keralam after him. the truths underlying this legend are that the littoral strip between the western ghats and the sea is certainly of recent formation geologically. it is not very long, geologically, since it was under the sea, and it is certain that the nambutiris came from the north. the capital of the chera kingdom was very probably on the west coast not far from cranganore in the travancore state, the site of it being now called tiruvanjikkulam. there is still a siva temple there, and about a quarter of a mile to the south-west of it are the foundations of the old palace. the rainfall of malabar is very high, ranging from inches in the hills to about inches on the coast. "it is said that parasu rama ruled that all nambudri women should carry with them an umbrella whenever they go out, to prevent their being seen by those of the male sex, that a nayar woman called a vrishali should invariably precede them, that they should be covered with a cloth from neck to foot, and that they should not wear jewels. these women are therefore always attended by a nayar woman in their outdoor movements, and they go sheltering their faces from public gaze with a cadjan (palm leaf) umbrella." [ ] the keralolpatti relates the story of the exclusion of the panniyur brahmans from the vedas. there were in the beginning two religious factions among the nambutiris, the vaishnavas or worshippers of vishnu in his incarnation as a boar, and the saivas; the former residing in panniyur (boar village), and the latter in chovur (siva's village). the saivas gained the upper hand, and, completely dominating the others, excluded them altogether from the vedas. so now the nambutiris of panniyur are said to be prohibited from studying the vedas. it is said, however, that this prohibition is not observed, and that, as a matter of fact, the panniyur nambutiris perform all the vedic ceremonies. "tradition," mr. n. subramani aiyar writes, "as recorded in the keralamahatmiya, traces the nambutiris to ahikshetra, whence parasu rama invited brahmans to settle in his newly reclaimed territory. in view to preventing the invited settlers from relinquishing it, he is said to have introduced, on the advice of the sage narada, certain deep and distinctive changes in their personal, domestic, and communal institutions. the banks of the nerbudda, the krishna, and the kaveri are believed to have given brahmans to malabar. i have come across nambutiris who have referred to traditions in their families regarding villages on the east coast whence their ancestors originally came, and the sub-divisions of the smarta caste, vadama, brihatcharanam, ashtasahasram, sanketi, etc., to which they belonged. even to this day, an east coast brahman of the vadadesattu vadama caste has to pour water into the hands of a nambutiri sanyasi as part of the latter's breakfast ritual. broach in kathiwar, one of the greatest emporiums of trade in the middle ages, is also mentioned as one of the ancient recruiting districts of the nambutiri brahmans. broach was the ancient bhrigucachchha, where parasu rama made his avabhritasnana (final bathing) after his great triumph over the kshatriyas, and where to this day a set of people called bhargava brahmans live. their comparatively low social status is ascribed to the original sin of their brahman progenitor or founder having taken to the profession of arms. the date of the first settlement of the nambutiris is not known. orthodox tradition would place it in the tretayuga, or the second great hindu cycle. the reference to the gramams of chovvur and panniyur contained in the manigramam syrian christian grant of the eighth century, and its absence in the jewish, have suggested to antiquarians some time between the seventh and eighth centuries as the probable period. the writings of ptolemy and the periplus furnish evidence of brahman settlements on the malabar coast as early as the first century, and it is probable that immigrant brahman families began to pour in with the ascendancy of the western chalukya kings in the fourth and fifth centuries, and became gradually welded with the pre-existing nambutiris. all these nambutiris were grouped under two great sections:--(a) the vaishnavites or panniyur gramakkar, who came with the patronage of the vaishnavites of the chalukya dynasty with the boar as their royal emblem; (b) the saivites or chovvur gramakkar, who readily accepted the saivite teachings from the chera, chola, and pandya kings who followed the chalukyans. they included in all sixty-four gramams, which, in many cases, were only families. of these, not more than ten belong to modern travancore. these gramams constituted a regular autocracy, with four talis or administrative bodies having their head-quarters at cranganore. it appears that a raja or perumal, as he was called, from the adjoining chera kingdom, including the present districts of salem and coimbatore, was, as an improved arrangement, invited to rule for a duodecennial period, and was afterwards confirmed, whether by the lapse of time or by a formal act of the brahman owners it is not known. the chera viceroys, by virtue of their isolation from their own fatherland, had then to arrange for marital alliances being made, as best they could, with the highest indigenous caste, the nambutiris, the males consorting with sudra women. the matriarchal form of inheritance was thus a necessary consequence. certain tracts of kerala, however, continued under direct brahman sovereignty, of which the ettappalli chief is almost the only surviving representative." writing in the eighteenth century, hamilton observes [ ] that "the nambouries are the first in both capacities of church and state, and some of them are popes, being sovereign princes in both." unlike the brahmans of the remainder of the madras presidency, who so largely absorb all appointments worth having under government, who engage in trade, in, one may say, every profitable profession and business, the nambutiris hold almost entirely aloof from what the poet gray calls "the busy world's ignoble strife," and, more than any class of brahmans, retain their sacerdotal position, which is of course the highest. they are for the most part landholders. a very large portion of malabar is owned by nambutiris, especially in walluvanad, most of which taluk is the property of nambutiris. they are the aristocracy of the land, marked most impressively by two characteristics, exclusiveness and simplicity. now and then a nambutiri journeys to benares, but, as a rule, he stays at home. their simplicity is really proverbial, [ ] and they have not been influenced by contact with the english. this contact, which has influenced every other caste or race, has left the nambutiri just where he was before the english knew india. he is perhaps, as his measurements seem to prove, the truest aryan in southern india, and not only physically, but in his customs, habits, and ceremonies, which are so welded into him that forsake them he cannot if he would. it is noted, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "as a class, the nambudiris may be described as less affected than any other caste, except the very lowest, by western influences of whatever nature. one nambudiri is known to have accepted a clerical post in government service; a good many are adhigaris (village headmen), and one member of the caste possesses a tile-works and is partner in a cotton-mill. the bicycle now claims several votaries among the caste, and photography at least one other. but these are exceptions, and exceptions which, unimportant as they may seem to any one unacquainted with the remarkable conservatism of the caste, would certainly have caused considerable surprise to the author of the first malabar manual." concerning the occupations of the nambutiris, mr. subramani aiyar writes that "service in temples, unless very remunerative, does not attract them. teaching as a means of living is rank heterodoxy. and, if anywhere manu's dictum to the brahman 'never serve' is strictly observed, it is in malabar. judging from the records left by travellers, the nambutiris used to be selected by kings as messengers during times of war. writing concerning them, barbosa states that "these are the messengers who go on the road from one kingdom to another with letters and money and merchandise, because they pass in safety without any one molesting them, even though the king may be at war. these brahmans are well read ... and possess many books, and are learned and masters of many arts; and so the kings honour them as such." as the pre-historic heirs to the entire land of kerala, the nambutiris live on agriculture. but inefficiency in adaptation to changing environments operates as a severe handicap in the race for progressive affluence, for which the initial equipment was exceptionally favourable. the difficulties incidental to an effete landlordism have contributed to making the nambutiris a litigious population, and the ruinous scale of expenditure necessary for the disposal of a girl, be it of the most plebeian kind, has brought their general prosperity to a very low level. the feeling of responsible co-operation on the part of the unmarried males of a nambutiri household in the interests of the family is fast decreasing; old maids are increasing; and the lot of the average nambutiri man, and more especially woman, is very hard indeed. as matters now stand, the traditional hospitality of the hindu kings of malabar, which, fortunately for them, has not yet relaxed, is the only sustenance and support of the ordinary nambutiri. the characteristic features of the nambutiri are his faith in god and resignation to his will, hospitality to strangers, scrupulous veracity, punctiliousness as regards the ordinances prescribed, and extreme gentility in manners. the sustaining power of his belief in divine providence is so great, that calamities of whatsoever kind do not exasperate him unduly. the story is told with great admiration of a nambutiri who, with his large ancestral house on fire, his only son just tumbled into a deep disused well, while his wife was expiring undelivered, quietly called out to his servant for his betel-box. evening baths, and daily prayers at sunrise, noon and sunset, are strictly observed. a tradition, illustrative of the miracles which spiritual power can work, is often told of the islet in the vempanat lake known as patiramanal (midnight sand) having been conjured into existence by the tarananallur nambutiripad, when, during a journey to trivandrum, it was past evening, and the prayers to sandhya had to be made after the usual ablutions. to the lower animals, the attitude of the nambutiri is one of child-like innocence. in his relation to man, his guilelessness is a remarkable feature. harshness of language is unknown to the nambutiris, and it is commonly said that the severest expression of his resentment at an insult offered is generally that he (the nambutiri) expects the adversary to take back the insult a hundred times over. of course, the modern nambutiri is not the unadulterated specimen of goodness, purity, and piety that he once was. but, on the whole, the nambutiris form an interesting community, whose existence is indeed a treasure untold to all lovers of antiquity. their present economic condition is, however, far from re-assuring. they are no doubt the traditional owners of kerala, and hold in their hands the janmom or proprietary interest in a large portion of malabar. but their woeful want of accommodativeness to the altered conditions of present day life threatens to be their ruin. their simplicity and absence of business-like habits have made them a prey to intrigue, fraudulence, and grievous neglect, and an unencumbered and well ordered estate is a rarity among malabar brahmans, at least in travancore." the orthodox view of the nambutiri is thus stated in an official document of travancore. "his person is holy; his directions are commands; his movements are a procession; his meal is nectar; he is the holiest of human beings; he is the representative of god on earth." it may be noted that the priest at the temple of badrinath in gurhwal, which is said to have been established by sankaracharya, and at the temple at tiruvettiyur, eight miles north of madras, must be a nambutiri. the birth-place of sankara has been located in a small village named kaladi in travancore. it is stated by mr. subramani aiyar that "at some part of his eventful life, sankara is believed to have returned to his native village, to do the last offices to his mother. every assistance was withdrawn, and he became so helpless that he had to throw aside the orthodox ceremonials of cremation, which he could not get his relations to help him in, made a sacrificial pit in his garden, and there consigned his mother's mortal remains. the compound (garden) can still be seen on the banks of the periyar river on the travancore side, with a masonry wall enclosing the crematorium, and embowered by a thick grove of trees." every nambutiri is, theoretically, a life-long student of the vedas. some admit that religious study or exercise occupies a bare half hour in the day; others devote to these a couple of hours or more. it is certain that every nambutiri is under close study between the ages of seven and fifteen, or for about eight years of his life, and nothing whatsoever is allowed to interfere with this. should circumstances compel interruption of vedic study, the whole course is, i believe, re-commenced and gone through da capo. a few years ago, a nambutiri boy was wanted, to be informally examined in the matter of a dacoity in his father's illam; but he had to be left alone, as, among other unpleasant consequences of being treated as a witness, he would have had to begin again his whole course of vedic study. the nambutiris are probably more familiar with sanskrit than any other brahmans, even though their scholarship may not be of a high order, and certainly none other is to the same extent governed by the letter of the law handed down in sanskrit. as already said, the nambutiris are for the most part landholders, or of that class. they are also temple priests. the rich have their own temples, on which they spend much money. all over malabar there are to be seen pattar brahmans, wandering here and there, fed free at the illams of rich nambutiris, or at the various kovilakams and temples. and they are always to be found at important ceremonial functions, marriage or the like, which they attend uninvited, and receive a small money present (dakshina). but the nambutiri never goes anywhere, unless invited. from what i have seen, the presents to brahmans on these occasions are usually given on the following scale:--eight annas to each nambutiri, six annas to each embrantiri, four annas to each pattar brahman. the nambutiri is sometimes a money-lender. of the two divisions, nambutiri and nambutiripad, the latter are supposed to be stricter, and to rank higher than the former. pad, meaning power or authority, is often used to all nambutiris when addressing them. thus, some who are called nambutiripads may really be nambutiris. it may not be strictly correct to divide the nambutiris thus, for neither so-called division is separated from the other by interdiction of marriage. the class distinctions are more properly denoted the adhyan and asyan, of which the former is the higher. an adhyan is never a priest; he is a being above even such functions as are sacerdotal in the temple. but there are also divisions according to the number of yagams or sacrifices performed by individuals, thus:--somatiri or somayaji, akkitiri or agnihotri, and adittiri. a man may reach the first stage of these three, and become an addittiripad by going through a certain ceremony. at this, three nambutiri vaidikars, or men well versed in the vedas, must officiate. a square pit is made. fire raised by friction between two pieces of pipal (ficus religiosa) wood with a little cotton is placed in it. this fire is called aupasana. the ceremony cannot be performed until after marriage. it is only those belonging to certain gotras who may perform yagams, and, by so doing, acquire the three personal distinctions already named. again, there are other divisions according to professions. thus it is noted, in the cochin census report, , that "the adhyans are to study the vedas and sastras; they are prohibited from taking parannam (literally meals belonging to another), from taking part in the funeral ceremonies of others, and from receiving presents. those who perform the sacrifice of adhana are known as aditiris, those who perform some yaga are called somayagis or chomatiris, while those who perform agni are called agnihotris or akkitiris. only married men are qualified to perform the sacrifices. the nayar is an indispensable factor in the performance of these sacrifices. the bhattatiris are to study and teach the sastras; the orthikans are to teach the vedas, and to officiate as family priests. the vadhyans are to teach the vedas, and to supervise the moral conduct of their pupils. the vydikans are the highest authority to decide what does or does not constitute violation of caste rules, and to prescribe expiatory ceremonies. the smarthas are to study the smritis and other sastras relating to customs, with the special object of qualifying themselves to preside over caste panchayats, or courts, and to investigate, under the orders of the sovereign, cases of conjugal infidelity arising among the nambutiris. the rulers of cochin and travancore issue the writs convening the committee in the case of offences committed within their territory. the zamorin of calicut, and other chiefs or rajas, also continue to exercise the privilege of issuing such orders in regard to cases occurring in malabar. the tantris officiate as high priests in temples. they also practice exorcism. there are adhyans among this class also. having received weapons from parasu rama and practiced the art of war, the sastrangakars are treated as somewhat degraded brahmans. they are prohibited from studying the vedas, but are entitled to muthalmura, that is, reading the vedas, or hearing them recited once. having had to devote their time and energy to the practice of the art of war, they could not possibly spend their time in the study of the vedas. the vaidyans or physicians, known as mussads, are to study the medical science, and to practice the same. as the profession of a doctor necessitates the performance of surgical operations entailing the shedding of blood, the mussads are also considered as slightly degraded. they too are entitled only to muthalmura. of these, there are eight families, known as ashta vaidyans. the gramanis are alleged to have suffered degradation by reason of their having, at the command of parasu rama, undertaken the onerous duties of protecting the brahman villages, and having had, as rakshapurushas or protectors, to discharge the functions assigned to kshatriyas. ooril parisha mussads are supposed to have undergone degradation on account of their having accepted from parasu rama the accumulated sin of having killed the warrior kshatriyas thrice seven times, along with immense gifts in the shape of landed estates. they are not allowed to read the vedas even once." "there are," mr. subramani aiyar writes, "five sub-divisions among the nambutiris, which may be referred to:-- ( ) tampurakkal.--this is a corruption of the sanskrit name samrat, and has probable reference to temporal as much as to secular sovereignty. of the two tampurakkal families in south malabar, kalpancheri and azhvancheri, the latter alone now remains. as spiritual samrats (sovereigns) they are entitled to ( ) bhadrasanam, or the highest position in an assembly, ( ) brahmavarchasa, or authority in vedic lore, and consequent sanctity, ( ) brahmasamragyam, or lordship over brahmans, ( ) sarvamanyam, or universal acknowledgment of reverence. once in six years, the azhvancheri tampurakkal is invited by the maharaja of travancore, who accords him the highest honours, and pays him the homage of a sashtanganamaskaram, or prostration obeisance. even now, the samrats form a saintly class in all malabar. though considered higher than all other sub-divisions of nambutiris, they form, with the adhyas, an endogamous community. ( ) adhyas.--they form eight families, called ashtadhyas, and are said by tradition to be descended from the eight sons of a great brahman sage, who lived on the banks of the river krishna. the fund of accumulated spirituality inherited from remote ancestors is considered to be so large that sacrifices (yagas), as well as vanaprastha and sanyasa (the two last stages of the brahman's life), are reckoned as being supererogatory for even the last in descent. they are, however, very strict in the observance of religious ordinances, and constantly engage themselves in the reverent study of hindu scriptures. the tantris are adhyas with temple administration as their specialised function. they are the constituted gurus of the temple priests, and are the final authorities in all matters of temple ritual. ( ) visishta.--these are of two classes, agnihotris and bhattatiris. the former are the ritualists, and are of three kinds:--( ) akkittiris, who have performed the agnichayanayaga, ( ) adittiris, who have done the ceremony of agniadhana, ( ) chomatiris, who have performed the soma sacrifice. the bhattatiris are the philosophers, and are, in a spirit of judicious economy, which is the characteristic feature of all early caste proscriptions, actually prohibited from trenching on the province of the agnihotris. they study tarkka (logic), vedanta (religious philosophy or theology), vyakarana (grammar), mimamsa (ritualism), bhatta, from which they receive their name, and prabhakara, which are the six sciences of the early nambutiris. they were the great religious teachers of malabar, and always had a large number of disciples about them. under this head come the vadyars or heads of vedic schools, of which there are two, one at trichur in cochin, and the other at tirunavai in british malabar; the six vaidikas or expounders of the caste canons, and the smartas, who preside at the smartavicharams or socio-moral tribunals of brahmanical malabar. ( ) samanyas.--they form the nambutiri proletariat, from whom the study of the vedas is all that is expected. they take up the study of mantravada (mystic enchantment), puja (temple ritual), and reciting the sacred accounts of the avatara and astrology. ( ) jatimatras.--the eight leading physician families of malabar, or ashta vaidyas, are, by an inexcusable misuse of language, called gatimatras or nominal nambutiris. the class of nambutiris called yatrakalikkar (a corruption of sastrakalikkar) also comes under this head. they are believed to be the brahmans, who accepted the profession of arms from their great founder. those that actually received the territory from the hands of parasu rama, called gramani nambutiris or gramani adhyas, are also gatimatras. they were the virtual sovereigns of their respective lands. the physicians, the soldiers, and the landed kings, having other duties to perform, were not able to devote all their time to vedic recitations. the mutalmura or first study was, of course, gone through. in course of time, this fact was unfortunately taken by the religious conscience of the people to lower the brahmans who were deputed under the scheme of parasu rama for special functions in the service of the nation in the scale of nambutiri society, and to mean a formal prohibition as of men unworthy to be engaged in vedic study. papagrastas are nambutiris, who are supposed to have questioned the divine nature of parasu rama, the urilparisha mussus, who too are brahmans who received gifts of land from parasu rama, the nambitis, the panniyur gramakkar, and the payyanur gramakkar or the ammuvans (uncles), so called from their matriarchal system of inheritance, form other sections of nambutiris." it is recorded, in the cochin census report, , that "certain special privileges in regard to the performance of religious rites and other matters of a purely social nature serve as the best basis for a sub-division of the nambutiris in the order of social precedence as recognised amongst themselves. for this purpose, the privileges may be grouped under two main classes, as given in the following mnemonic formula:-- a . edu (the leaf of a cadjan grandha or book): the right of studying and teaching the vedas and sastras. . piccha (mendicancy symbolic of family priests): the right of officiating as family priests. . othu (vedas): the right of studying the vedas. . adukala (kitchen): the right of cooking for all classes of brahmans. . katavu (bathing place or ghat): the right of bathing in the same bathing place with other brahmans, or the right of touching after bathing, without thereby disqualifying the person touched for performing religious services. b . adu (sheep): the right of performing holy sacrifices. . bhiksha (receiving alms): the right of becoming a sanyasi. . santhi (officiating as temple priests): the right of performing priestly functions in temples. . arangu (stage): the right of taking part in the performance of sastrangam nambudris. . panthi (row of eaters): the right of messing in the same row with other brahmans. those who enjoy the privilege of no. in a are entitled to all the privileges in a and b; those enjoying no. in a have all the privileges from no. downwards in a and b; those having no. in a have similarly all the privileges from no. downwards in a and b, and so on. those entitled to no. in b have all the privileges except no. in a; similarly those entitled to no. in b have all the privileges from no. downwards in b, but only from no. downwards in a, and so on." among the people of good caste in malabar, to speak of one as a hairy man is to speak of him reproachfully. yet, putting aside muhammadans, the highest of all, the nambutiris are certainly the most hairy. in the young nambutiri, the hair on the head is plentiful, glossy, and wavy. the hair is allowed to grow over an oval patch from the vertex or a little behind it to a little back from the forehead. this is the regular malabar fashion. the hair thus grown is done into a knot hanging over the forehead or at one side according to fancy, never hanging behind. the rest of the head, and also the face is shaved. the whole body, excepting this knot and the back, is shaved periodically. karkkadakam, kanni, kumbham and dhanu are months in which shaving should be avoided as far as possible. an auspicious day is always selected by the nambutiri for being shaved. gingelly oil (enna) is commonly used for the hair. when a nambutiri's wife is pregnant, he refrains from the barber, letting his hair grow as it will. and, as he may have as many as four wives, and he does not shave when any of them is in an interesting condition, he sometimes has a long beard. a marked difference observed between the nambutiri and those allied to him, and the lower races, is this. the former have whiskers in the shape of a full growth of hair on the cheeks, while in the latter this is scanty or entirely absent. also, while the nambutiris have very commonly a hairy chest, the others have little or no hair on the chest. so, too, in the case of hair on the arms and legs. one nambutiri examined had hair all over the body, except over the ribs. in connection with a hypothesis that the todas of the nilgiris are an offshoot of one of the races now existing in malabar, dr. w. h. r. rivers writes as follows. [ ] "of all the castes or tribes of malabar, the nambutiris perhaps show the greatest number of resemblances to the customs of the todas, and it is therefore interesting to note that mr. fawcett describes these people as the hairiest of all the races of malabar, and especially notes that one individual he examined was like a toda." it is noted by mr. subramani aiyar that "the nambutiris are passionate growers of finger-nails, which are sometimes more than a foot long, and serve several useful purposes. as in everything else, the nambutiri is orthodox even in the matter of dress. locally-manufactured cloths are alone purchased, and indian publicists who deplore the crushing of indigenous industries by the importation of foreign goods may congratulate the kerala brahmans on their protectionist habits. silk and coloured cloths are not worn by either sex. the style of dress is peculiar. that of the males is known as tattutukkuka. unlike the nayar dress, which the nambutiris wear during other than religious hours, the cloth worn has a portion passing between the thighs and tucked in at the front and behind, with the front portion arranged in a number of characteristic reduplications. the nambutiri wears wooden shoes, but never shoes made of leather. nambutiri women have two styles of dress, viz., okkum koluttum vachchutukkuka for the adhyans, and ngoringutukkuka for ordinary nambutiris. undyed cloths constitute the daily wearing apparel of nambutiri women. it is interesting to notice that all brahman women, during a yagnam (sacrifice), when, as at other ceremonials, all recent introductions are given up in favour of the old, wear undyed cloths. beyond plain finger-rings and a golden amulet (elassu) attached to the waist-string, the nambutiri wears no ornaments. his ears are bored, but no ear-rings are worn unless he is an agnihotri, when ear-pendants of an elongated pattern (kundalam) are used. the ornaments of the nambutiri women have several peculiarities. gold bracelets are, as it were, proscribed even for the most wealthy. hollow bangles of brass or bell-metal for ordinary nambutiris, and of solid silver for the adhyas, are the ones in use. the chuttu is their ear ornament. a peculiar necklace called cheru-tali is also worn, and beneath this adhya women wear three garlands of manis or gold pieces, along with other jewels called kasumala, puttali, and kazhuttila. the nambutiris do not bore their noses or wear nose-rings, and, in this respect, present a striking contrast to the nayar women. no restriction, except the removal of the tali, is placed on the use of ornaments by nambutiri women. tattooing is taboo to nambutiri women. they put on three horizontal lines of sandal paste after bathing. these marks have, in the case of adhya women, a crescentic shape (ampilikkuri). kunkuma, or red powder, is never applied by nambutiri women to the forehead. turmeric powder as a cosmetic wash for the face is also not in vogue. mr. fawcett states that, on festive occasions, turmeric is used by the brahmans of malabar. but this is not borne out by the usage in travancore. eye-salves are applied, and may be seen extending as dark lines up to the ears on either side." the ornaments and marks worn by individual nambutiri males are thus recorded by mr. fawcett:-- ( ) left hand: gold ring with large green stone on first finger; four plain gold rings on third finger; a ring, in which an anavarahan coin is set, on little finger. this is a very lucky ring. spurious imitations are often set in rings, but it is the genuine coin which brings good luck. right hand: two plain gold rings, and a pavitram on the third finger. the pavitram is of about the thickness of an ordinary english wedding ring, shaped like a figure of eight, with a dotted pattern at each side, and the rest plain. it is made of gold, but, as every nambutiri must wear a pavitram while performing or undergoing certain ceremonies, those who do not possess one of gold wear one made of darbha grass. they do not say so, but i think the ring of darbha grass is orthodox. ( ) golden amulet-case fastened to a string round the waist, and containing a figure (yantram) written or marked on a silver plate. he had worn it three years, having put it on because he used to feel hot during the cool season, and attributed the circumstance to the influence of an evil spirit. ( ) youth, aged . wears a yak skin sash, an inch wide, over the left shoulder, fastened at the ends by a thong of the same skin. he put it on when he was seven, and will wear it till he is fifteen, when he will have completed his course of vedic study. a ring, hanging to a string in front of his throat, called modiram, was put on in the sixth month when he was named, and will be worn until he is fifteen. the ears are pierced. he wears two amulets at the back, one of gold, the other of silver. in each are some chakrams (travancore silver coins), and a gold leaf, on which a charm is inscribed. one of the charms was prepared by a mappilla, the other by a nambutiri. ( ) black spot edged with yellow in the centre of the forehead. three horizontal white stripes on the forehead. a dab on each arm, and a stripe across the chest. ( ) black spot near glabella, and two yellow horizontal stripes near it. the same on the chest, with the spot between the lines. ( ) red spot and white stripe on the forehead. a red dab over the sternum, and on each arm in front of the deltoid. ( ) an oval, cream-coloured spot with red centre, an inch in greatest length, over the glabella. the stripes on the forehead and chest are generally made with sandal paste. rudraksha (nuts of eloeocarpus ganitrus) necklaces, mounted in gold, are sometimes worn. the thread worn by men over the left shoulder is made of a triple string of country-grown cotton, and, unlike other brahmans of southern india, no change is made after marriage. it may be changed on any auspicious day. brahmans of southern india outside malabar change their thread once a year. concerning the habitations of the nambutiris, mr. subramani aiyar writes as follows. "a nambutiri's house stands within a compound (grounds) of its own. each house has its own name, by which the members are known, and is called by the generic title of illam, the term used by brahmans, or mana, which is the reverential expression of sudras and others. sometimes the two words are found combined, e.g., itamana illam. in the compound surrounding the house, trees such as the tamarind, mango, and jak, grow in shady luxuriance. the area of the compound is very extensive; in fact, no house in malabar is surrounded by a more picturesque or more spacious garden than that of the nambutiri. plantains of all varieties are cultivated, and yams of various kinds and peas in their respective seasons. a tank (pond) is an inseparable accompaniment, and, in most nambutiri houses, there are three or four of them, the largest being used for bathing, and the others for general and kitchen purposes. whenever there is a temple of any importance near at hand, the nambutiri may prefer to bathe in the tank attached to it, but his favourite ghat is always the tank near his home, and owned by him. wells are never used for bathing, and a hot-water bath is avoided as far as possible, as plunging in a natural reservoir would alone confer the requisite ablutional purity. towards the north-west corner of the house is located the sarpakkavu or snake abode, one of the indispensables of a malabar house. the kavu is either an artificial jungle grown on purpose in the compound, or a relic of the unreclaimed primeval jungle, which every part of malabar once was. right in the centre of the kavu is the carved granite image of the cobra, and several flesh-and-blood representatives of the figure haunt the house, as if in recognition of the memorial raised. in the centre of the compound is situated the illam or mana, which is in most cases a costly habitat. all the houses used until recently to be thatched as a protection against the scorching heat of the tropical sun, which a tiled house would only aggravate. in form the house is essentially a square building, consisting of several courtyards in the centre, with rooms on all sides. on the east or west of the courtyard, a room having the space of two ordinary rooms serves as a drawing room and the dormitory of the unmarried members of the house. the rest of the house is zenana to the stranger. right on the opposite side of the visitor's room, beyond the central courtyard, is the arappura, of massive wood-work, where the valuables are preserved. on either side of this are two rooms, one of which serves as a storehouse, and the other as a bed-room. the kitchen adjoins the visitor's room, and is tolerably spacious. in the front, which is generally the east of the house, is a spacious yard, square and flat, and leading to it is a flight of steps, generally made of granite. these steps lead to a gate-house, where the servants of the house keep watch at night. the whole house is built of wood, and substantially constructed. though the houses look antiquated, they have a classical appearance all their own. to the north-east is the gosala, where large numbers of oxen and cows are housed. the furniture of a nambutiri is extremely scanty. there are several cots, some made of coir (cocoanut fibre), and others of wooden planks. the kurmasana is the nambutiri's devotional seat, and consists of a jak (artocarpus integrifolia) plank carved in the form of a tortoise. other seats, of a round or oblong shape, are also used, and no brahman addresses himself to his meal without being seated on one of them. every brahman visitor is offered one, and is even pressed to sit on it. when the writer went to a brahman house at kalati, the native village of sankaracharya, and wished the hosts not to trouble themselves about a seat for him, he was told that the contact of a brahman's nates with the floor was harmful to the house. hanging cots, attached to the ceiling by chains of iron, are common things in a nambutiri's house, especially in the bed-rooms. skins of spotted deer, used to sit on during prayers, also form part of the nambutiri's furniture." the nambutiris follow the makkatayam law of inheritance from father to son; not, however, precisely as do the other people who do so. nor is their system of inheritance the same as that of brahmans to the eastward (i.e., of southern india generally), with whom the family property may be divided up amongst the male members at the instance of any one of them. the nambutiri household is described by mr. subramani aiyar as representing a condition intermediate between the impartible matriarchal form of the nayars and the divided patriarchal form of the other coast. among the nambutiris, the eldest male member of the family is the karanavan or manager of it, and has complete control over all the property. the younger members of the family are entitled to nothing but maintenance. the head of the family may be a female, provided there is none of the other sex. the eldest son alone marries. the accepted practice, as well as the recognised principle among the nambutiris, seems to be in consonance with the directions expounded by manu, viz.-- immediately on the birth of his first-born, a man is the father of a son, and is free from the debt to the manes. that son is, therefore, worthy to receive the whole estate. that son alone, on whom he throws his debt, is begotten for (the fulfilment of) the law. all the rest they consider the offspring of desire. as a father supports his sons, so let the eldest support his younger brothers, and so let them, in accordance with the law, behave towards their eldest brother as sons behave towards their father. should a nambutiri eldest son die, the next marries, and so on. women join the family of their husband, and to this too her children belong. self-acquired property, that is property acquired by any junior member of the family through his own efforts outside the taravad, [ ] lapses to the taravad at his death, unless he has disposed of it in his lifetime. this is the custom, which our law has not yet infringed. the taravad is the unit, and, as the senior male succeeds to the management, it may happen that a man's sons do not succeed directly as his heirs. the arrangement is an excellent one for the material prosperity of the family, for there is no dispersion. every circumstance tends towards aggrandizement, and the family is restricted to no more than a requisite number by one member only marrying, and producing children. impartibility is the fundamental principle. it is seldom that a nambutiri family comes to an end; and such a thing as a nambutiri's estate escheating to government has been said on eminent authority never to have been known. it happens sometimes that there is no male member to produce progeny, and in such a case the sarvasvadanam marriage is performed, by which a man of another family is brought into the family and married to a daughter of it, who, after the manner of the "appointed daughter" of old hindu law, hands on the property through her children. the man so brought in is henceforth a member of the family which he has joined, and as such he performs the sraddha or ceremonies to the dead. an exception to the general rule of inheritance is that seventeen families of payannur in north malabar follow the marumakkattayam system of inheritance, through the female line. the other nambutiris look askance at these, and neither marry nor dine with them. it is supposed that they are not pure bred, having kshatriya blood in their veins. adoption among the nambutiris is stated by mr. subramani aiyar to be of three kinds, called pattu kaiyyal dattu, chanchamata dattu, and kutivazhichcha dattu. "the first is the orthodox form. pattukai means ten hands, and indicates that five persons take part in the ceremony, the two natural parents, the two adopted parents, and the son to be adopted. the gotra and sutra of the natural family have to be the same as those of the adoptive family. the son adopted may have had his upanayanam already performed by his natural parents. an adoption of this kind cannot be made without the permission of all the male members of the family, of the sapindas or samanodakas who are distinct blood relations, though some degrees removed. in the second form, the adoption relieves the adopted son of all ceremonial duties towards the natural parents. involving, as it does, a position contrary to the established ordinances of sankaracharya, this kind of adoption is not in favour. the third form is still less orthodox. the adoption is made by a surviving widow, and mainly serves to keep up the lineage." liquor and flesh are strictly forbidden to the nambutiris. their staple food is rice and curry. upperi is a curry of chopped vegetables fried in ghi (clarified butter), cocoanut or gingelly oil, seasoned with gingelly (sesamum indicum), salt, and jaggery (crude sugar). aviyal is another, composed of jak fruit mixed with some vegetables. sweets are sometimes eaten. candied cakes of wheat or rice, and rice boiled in milk with sugar and spices, are delicacies. papadams (wafer-like cakes) are eaten at almost every meal. the nambutiri must bathe, and pray to the deity before partaking of any meal. an offering of rice is then made to the household fire, some rice is thrown to the crows, and he sits down to eat. the food is served on a plantain leaf or a bell-metal plate. it should be served by the wife; but, if a man has other nambutiris dining with him, it is served by men or children. the sexes feed separately. before a man rises from his meal, his wife must touch the leaf or plate on which the food has been served. the reason may lie in this. the remains of the food are called echchil, and cannot be eaten by any one. just before finishing his meal and rising, the nambutiri touches the plate or leaf with his left hand, and at the same time his wife touches it with her right hand. the food is then no longer echchil, and she may eat it. the nambutiri householder is said to be allowed by the sastras, which rule his life in every detail, to eat but one meal of rice a day--at midday. he should not, strictly speaking, eat rice in the evening, but he may do so without sinning heinously, and usually does. fruit only should be eaten in the evening. women and children eat two or three times in a day. a widow, however, is supposed to lead the life of a sanyasi, and eats only once a day. a nambutiri may eat food prepared by an east country brahman (pattar), or by an embrantiri. in fact, in the large illams, where many people are fed every day, the cooks are generally pattars in south malabar. the nambutiri woman is more scrupulous, and will not touch food prepared by any one of a caste inferior to her own, as the pattar is considered to be. tea and coffee are objected to. the sastras do not permit their use. at the same time, they do not prohibit them, and some nambutiris drink both, but not openly. persons observing vows are not allowed an oil bath, to eat off bell-metal plates, or to eat certain articles of food. the gourd called churakhai, palmyra fruit, and palmyra jaggery are taboo to the nambutiri at all times. water-melons are eaten regularly during the month karkkataka, to promote health and prolong life. in connection with the nambutiri's dietary, mr. subramani aiyar states that "their food is extremely simple. as camöens writes: [ ] to crown their meal no meanest life expires. pulse, fruit, and herb alone their food requires. "ghi is not in a great requisition. gingelly oil never enters the kitchen. milk is not taken except as porridge, which goes by the name of prathaman (first). a bolus-like preparation of boiled rice-flour with cocoanut scrapings, called kozhakkatta, is in great favour, and is known as parasu rama's palaharam, or the light refreshment originally prescribed by parasu rama. conji, or rice gruel, served up with the usual accessories, is the nambutiri's favourite luncheon. cold drinks are rarely taken. the drinking water is boiled, and flavoured with coriander, cummin seeds, etc., to form a pleasant beverage." the horse is a sacred animal, and cannot be kept. the cow, buffalo, dog, and cat are the animals ordinarily kept in domestication; and it is said that a parrot is sometimes taught to repeat sanskrit slokas. there are families, in which the business of the magician and sorcerer is hereditary, chiefly in south malabar and among the chela [ ] nambutiris, as those are termed who, in the turbulent period of tippu's invasion, were made muhammadans by force. true, these returned almost at once to their own religion, but a stigma attaches to them, and they are not looked on as true nambutiris. it is extremely difficult to obtain reliable information regarding magic or anything allied to it among any people, and most difficult of all among the nambutiris. they possess magic books, but they will neither produce nor expound them. hara mekhala is the name of one of these, which is most used. it is said that the sorcerer aims at the following:-- ( ) destruction (marana). ( ) subjection of the will of another (vasikarana). ( ) exorcism (uchchatana). ( ) stupefaction (stambhana). ( ) separation of friends (vidveshana). ( ) enticement as for love (mohana). of these, the first may be carried out in the following manner. a figure representing the enemy to be destroyed is drawn on a small sheet of metal (gold by preference), and to it some mystic diagrams are added. it is then addressed with a statement that bodily injury or the death of the person shall take place at a certain time. this little sheet is wrapped up in another metal sheet or leaf (of gold if possible), and buried in some place which the person to be injured or destroyed is in the habit of passing. should he pass over the place, it is supposed that the charm will take effect at the time named. instead of the sheet of metal, a live frog or lizard is sometimes buried within a cocoanut shell, after nails have been stuck into its eyes and stomach. the deaths of the animal and the person are supposed to take place simultaneously. for carrying out vasikarana, vidveshana, and mohana, betel leaves, such as are ordinarily used for chewing, or vegetables are somehow or other given to the victim, who unknowingly takes them into his mouth. exorcism may be treated as follows. if a young woman is suffering from hysteria, and is supposed to be possessed by an evil spirit, or by the discontented spirit of some deceased ancestor, nervousness is excited by beating drums, blowing conch-shells, and otherwise making a horrible noise close to her. when the supreme moment is believed to have arrived, water is sprinkled over the wretched woman, who is required to throw rice repeatedly on certain diagrams on the ground, woven into which is a representation of the goddess durga, the ruler of evil spirits. an effigy of the evil spirit is then buried in a copper vessel. by means of certain mantrams, hanuman or kali is propitiated, and, with their aid, in some occult manner, the position of buried treasure may be found. it is said that the bones of a woman who has died immediately after childbirth, and the fur of a black cat, are useful to the magician. there are said to be two nambutiris of good family, well known in south malabar, who are expert mantravadis or dealers in magic, and who have complete control over kuttichchattan, an evil mischievous spirit, whose name is a household word in malabar. he it is who sets fire to houses, damages cattle, and teases interminably. concerning kuttichchattan, mr. subramani aiyar writes as follows. "the most mischievous imp of malabar demonology is an annoying, quip-loving little spirit, as black as night, and about the size and nature of a well-nourished twelve-year old boy. some people say that they have seen him, vis-à-vis, having a forelock. the nature and extent of its capacity for evil almost beggar description. there are nambutiris, to whom these are so many missiles, which they throw at anybody they choose. they are, like ariel, little active things, and most willing slaves of the master under whom they happen to be placed. their victim suffers from unbearable agony. his clothes take fire, his food turns into ordure, his beverages become urine, stones fall in showers on all sides of him, but curiously not on him, and his bed becomes a literal bed of thorns. he feels like a lost man. in this way, with grim delight, the spirit continues to torment his victim by day as well as by night. but, with all this annoying mischief, kuttichchattan, or boy satan, does no serious harm. he oppresses and harasses, but never injures. a celebrated brahman of changanacheri is said to own more than a hundred of these chattans. household articles and jewelry of value can be left on the premises of the homes guarded by chattan, and no thief dares to lay his hands on them. the invisible sentry keeps diligent watch over his master's property, and has unchecked powers of movement in any medium. as remuneration for all these services, the chattan demands nothing but food, but that on a large scale. if starved, the chattans would not hesitate to remind the master of their power; but, if ordinarily cared for, they would be his most willing drudges. by nature chattan is more than a malevolent spirit. as a safeguard against the infinite power secured for the master by the kuttichchattan, it is laid down that malign acts committed through his instrumentality recoil on the prompter, who either dies childless, or after frightful physical and mental agony. another method of oppressing humanity, believed to be in the power of sorcerers, is to make men and women possessed by spirits; women being more subject to their evil influence than men. delayed puberty, sterility, and still-births are not uncommon ills of a woman possessed by a devil. sometimes the spirits sought to be exorcised refuse to leave the body of the victim, unless the sorcerer promises them a habitation in the compound of his own house, and arranges for daily offerings being given. this is agreed to as a matter of unavoidable necessity, and money and lands are conferred upon the nambutiri mantravadi, to enable him to fulfil his promise." a nambutiri is not permitted to swear, or take oath in any way. he may, however, declare so and so, holding the while his sacred thread between the thumb and forefinger of the right hand, by way of invoking the gayatri in token of his sincerity. and he may call on the earth mother to bear witness to his words, for she may, should he speak falsely, relieve herself of him. the name of the supreme being is not used in oath. nambutiris have been known to take oath before a shrine, in order to settle a point in a civil court, but it is not orthodox to do so. something has been said already concerning vows. those who desire offspring perform the vow called payasahavanam. sacrifice is made through fire (homam) to the supreme being. homam is also vowed to be done on a child's birthday, to ensure its longevity. here we may observe a contrast between the nambutiri and a man of one of the inferior castes. for, while the vow of the nambutiri has assumed to some extent the nature of propitiatory prayer, of which those low down really know nothing, the other gives nothing until he has had the full satisfaction of his vow. mrityunjayam, or that which conquers death, is another kind of homam in performance of a vow. a further one is concerned with cleansing from any specific sin. liberal presents are made to brahmans, when the vow is completed. in the vow called rudrabhisheka the god siva is bathed in consecrated water. it is performed by way of averting misfortune. monday is the day for it, as it is supposed that on that day siva amuses himself with parvati by dancing on kailasa. the custom observed by nambutiris of letting the hair grow on the head, face, and body, untouched by the razor, when a wife is enceinte has been noticed already. a nambutiri who has no male issue also lets his hair grow in the same way for a year after the death of his wife. should there, however, be male issue, on the eldest son devolves the duty of performing the ceremonies connected with the funeral of his mother (or father), and it is he who remains unshaven for a year. in such a case, the husband of a woman remains unshaven for twelve days (and this seems to be usual), or until after the ceremony on the forty-first day after death. the period during which the hair is allowed to grow, whether for a death, a pregnant wife, or by reason of a vow, is called diksha. during diksha, as well as during the brahmachari period, certain articles of food, such as the drumstick vegetable, milk, chillies, gram, dhal, papadams, etc., are prohibited. "bathing," mr.subramani aiyar writes, "is one of the most important religious duties of all hindus, and of brahmans in particular. a nambutiri only wants an excuse for bathing. every nambutiri bathes twice a day at least, and sometimes oftener. it is prohibited to do so before sunrise, after which a bath ceases to be a religious rite on the other coast. the use of a waist-cloth, the languti excepted, during a bath in private or in public, is also prohibited. this injunction runs counter to that of the sutrakaras, who say 'na vivasanah snayat,' i.e., bathe not without clothing. the fastidious sense of bath purity occasionally takes the form of a regular mania, and receives the not inapt description of galappisachu or possession by a water-devil. never, except under extreme physical incapacity, does a nambutiri fail to bathe at least once a day." before concluding the bath, the cloth worn when it was begun, and for which another has been substituted, is wrung out in the water. from this practice, a patch of indurated skin between the thumb and first finger of the right hand, where the cloth is held while wringing it, is commonly to be seen. almost every nambutiri examined in north malabar was marked in this way. the nambutiris observe sixty-four anacharams, or irregular customs, which are said to have been promulgated by the great reformer sankaracharya. these are as follows:-- ( ) you must not clean your teeth with sticks. ( ) you must not bathe with cloths worn on your person. ( ) you must not rub your body with the cloths worn on your person. ( ) you must not bathe before sunrise. ( ) you must not cook your food before you bathe. ( ) avoid the water kept aside during the night. ( ) you must not have one particular object in view while you bathe. ( ) the remainder of the water taken for one purpose must not be used for another ceremony. ( ) you must bathe if you touch another, i.e., a sudra. ( ) you must bathe if you happen to be near another, i.e., a chandala. ( ) you must bathe if you touch polluted wells or tanks. ( ) you must not tread over a place that has been cleaned with a broom, unless it is sprinkled with water. ( ) a particular mode of marking the forehead with ashes (otherwise described as putting three horizontal lines on the forehead with pure burnt cow-dung). ( ) you must repeat charms yourself. (you must not allow someone else to do it.) ( ) you must avoid cold rice, etc. (food cooked on the previous day). ( ) you must avoid leavings of meals by children. ( ) you must not eat anything that has been offered to siva. ( ) you must not serve out food with your hands. ( ) you must not use the ghi of buffalo cows for burnt offerings. ( ) you must not use buffalo milk or ghi for funeral offerings. ( ) a particular mode of taking food (not to put too much in the mouth, because none must be taken back). ( ) you must not chew betel while you are polluted. ( ) you must observe the conclusion of the brahmachari period (the samavarttanam ceremony). this should be done before consorting with nayar women. ( ) you must give presents to your guru or preceptor. (the brahmachari must do so.) ( ) you must not read the vedas on the road. ( ) you must not sell women (receive money for girls given in marriage). ( ) you must not fast in order to obtain fulfilment of your desires. ( ) bathing is all that a woman should observe if she touches another in her menses. (a woman touching another who is in this state should, it is said, purify herself by bathing. a man should change his thread, and undergo sacred ablution. women, during their periods, are not required to keep aloof, as is the custom among non-malabar brahmans.) ( ) brahmans should not spin cotton. ( ) brahmans should not wash cloths for themselves. ( ) kshatriyas should avoid worshipping the lingam. ( ) brahmans should not accept funeral gifts from sudras. ( ) perform the anniversary ceremony of your father (father's father, mother's father and both grandmothers). ( ) anniversary ceremonies should be performed on the day of the new moon (for the gratification of the spirits of the deceased). ( ) the death ceremony should be performed at the end of the year, counting from the day of death. ( ) the ceremony to be performed till the end of the year after death (diksha is apparently referred to). ( ) sraddhas should be performed with regard to the stars (according to the astronomical, not the lunar year). ( ) the death ceremony should not be performed until after the pollution caused by childbirth has been removed. ( ) a particular mode of performing sraddha by an adopted son (who should do the ceremony for his adopted parents as well as for his natural parents. among non-malabar brahmans, an adopted son has nothing to do with the ceremonies for his natural father, from whose family he has become entirely disconnected). ( ) the corpse of a man should be burnt in his own compound. ( ) sanyasis should not look at (see) women. ( ) sanyasis should renounce all worldly pleasures. ( ) sraddha should not be performed for deceased sanyasis. ( ) brahman women must not look at any other persons besides their own husbands. ( ) brahman women must not go out, unless accompanied by women servants. ( ) they should wear only white clothing. ( ) noses should not be pierced. ( ) brahmans should be put out of their caste if they drink any liquor. ( ) brahmans should forfeit their caste, if they have intercourse with other brahman women besides their wives. ( ) the consecration of evil spirits should be avoided. (otherwise said to be that worship of ancestors should not be done in temples.) ( ) sudras and others are not to touch an idol. ( ) anything offered to one god should not be offered to another. ( ) marriage etc., should not be done without a burnt offering (homam). ( ) brahmans should not give blessings to each other. ( ) they should not bow down to one another. (among non-malabar brahmans, juniors receive benediction from seniors. the nambutiris do not allow this.) ( ) cows should not be killed in sacrifice. ( ) do not cause distraction, some by observing the religious rites of siva, and others those of vishnu. ( ) brahmans should wear only one sacred thread. ( ) the eldest son only is entitled to marriage. ( ) the ceremony in honour of a deceased ancestor should be performed with boiled rice. ( ) kshatriyas, and those of other castes, should perform funeral ceremonies to their uncles. ( ) the right of inheritance among kshatriyas, etc., goes towards nephews. ( ) sati should be avoided. (this also includes directions to widows not to shave the head, as is the custom among non-malabar brahmans.) in connection with the foregoing, mr. subramani aiyar writes that the manners and customs of the nambutiris differ from those of the other communities in several marked particulars. they go by the specific name of keralacharas, which, to the casual observer, are so many anacharas or mal-observances, but to the sympathetic student are not more perhaps than unique acharas. a verse runs to the effect that they are anacharas, because they are not acharas (observances) elsewhere. (anyatracharanabhavat anacharaitismritah.) of these sixty-four acharas, about sixty will be found to be peculiar to malabar. these may be grouped into the following six main classes:-- ( ) personal hygiene.--bathing. ( ) eating.--the rules about food, either regarding the cooking or eating of it are very religiously observed. absolute fasting is unknown in malabar. ( ) worship of the gods and manes.--the anniversary of a person's death is regulated not by the age of the moon at the time, but by the star, unlike on the other coast. again, a birth pollution has priority over other observances, even death ceremonies. a son who has to perform the funeral ceremonies of his father is rendered unfit for that solemn function by an intervening birth pollution. an adopted son is not, as in other parts of india, relieved of the sraddha obligations to his natural parents. sectarian controversies in regard to siva and vishnu are strictly tabooed. the establishment of hinduism on a non-sectarian basis was the sacred mission of sankaracharya's life. a single triple string (sacred thread) is worn irrespective of civil condition. this is contrary to the usage of the other coast, where married brahmans wear two or three triplets. sprinkling water is an essential purificatory act after the use of the broom. an isolated rule requires dead bodies to be burnt in private compounds, and not in consecrated communal sites, as among the east coast people. ( ) conduct in society.--chastity is jealously guarded by the imposition of severe ostracism on adulterers. formal salutation, and even namaskaras and anugrahas, or prostration before and blessing by seniors, are prescribed. this is a striking point of difference between malabar and the rest of india, and is probably based on the esoteric teaching of universal oneness. ( ) asramas or stages of life.--it is distinctly prescribed that a brahman should formally conclude the brahmachari asrama, and that presents or dakshina to the gurus should be the crowning act. the asura or bride-sale form of marriage is prohibited--a prohibition which, in the case of the nambutiris, is absolutely unnecessary as matters now stand. an injunction in the reverse direction against the ruinous tyranny of a bride-penalty would be an anxiously sought relief to the strugglings of many an indigent bride's father. the special law of malabar, under which the eldest son is alone entitled to be married, has already been referred to. the anchorite stage comes in for regulation by the manu of kerala. the eyes of a sanyasin should never rest on a woman even for a second. this rule, which, if it errs at all, only does so on the side of safety, is not observed elsewhere, as the stage of a sanyasin is expected to be entered only after the complete subjugation of the passions. no aradhana (worship) sraddhas are performed for them, as is done in other parts. the soul of the sanyasin is freed from the bondage of karma and the chance of recurring birth, and has only to be remembered and worshipped, unlike the ordinary jivan or still enslaved soul, whose salvation interests have to be furthered by propitiatory karmas on the part of its earthly beneficiaries. ( ) regulation of women's conduct.--women are not to gaze on any face but that of their wedded lord, and never go out unattended. they are to wear only white clothes, and are never to pierce their noses for the wearing of jewelry. death on the husband's funeral pyre is not to be the sacred duty of the nambutiri widow, who is advised to seek in the life of a self-sacrificing sanyasi a sure means of salvation. in affairs of the world, time is reckoned by the ordinary malabar kollam or solar year, the era beginning from the date of the departure of the last perumal, a sovereign of the western coast, to arabia in . the months of the kollam year are mesha (metam), vrishabha (itavam), mithuna, karkkataka, sihma (chingga), kanya (kanni), tula, vrischika, dhanu, makara, kumbha, mina. in affairs of religion, time is reckoned by the salivahana saka, or lunar year, the months of which are chaitra, vaisakha, jeshta, ashadha, sravana, bhadrapata, asvavuja, margasirsha, paushya, magha, phalguna. every three years or thereabouts, there is added another month, called adhika. some of the festivals kept by the nambutiris are as follows: -- ( ) sivaratri.--worship of siva on the last day of magha. fast and vigil at night, and puja. ( ) upakarma.--the regular day for putting on a new sacred thread, after having cleansed away the sins of the year through the prayaschittam, in which ceremony the five sacred products of the cow (milk, curds, ghi, urine, and dung) are partaken of. it is done on the th of sravana. ( ) nagara panchimi.--the serpent god is worshipped, and bathed in milk. on the th of sravana. this festival is common in southern india. ( ) gokulashtami.--fast and vigil at night, to celebrate the birth of krishna. puja at night, on the eighth day of the latter half of sravana. ( ) navaratri.--the first nine days of asvayuja are devoted to this festival in honour of durga. ( ) dipavali.--observed more particularly in north malabar on the anniversary of the day on which krishna slew the rakshasa naraka. everyone takes an oil bath. on the last day of asvayuja. ( ) ashtkalam.--the pitris (ancestors) of the family are propitiated by offerings of pinda (balls of rice) and tarpana (libations of water). on the new moon day of dhanu. ( ) vinayaka chaturthi.--the elephant-headed god of learning is worshipped. at the end of the ceremony, the idol is dropped into a well. on the th of bhadrapada. ( ) puram.--the god of love, represented by a clay image, is propitiated by unmarried girls with offerings of flowers seven days successively. the image is finally given, together with some money, to a brahman, who drops it into a well. the flowers which have been used to decorate the image are placed by the girls at the foot of a jak tree. contrary to the custom of other brahmans, nambutiri girls are under no disgrace, should they attain puberty while unmarried. in the month of mina. ( ) onam.--the great festival of malabar, kept by everyone, high and low, with rejoicing. it is the time of general good-will, of games peculiar to the festival, and of distribution of new yellow cloths to relations and dependants. it is supposed to commemorate the descent of maha bali, or mabali, to see his people happy. ( ) tiruvadira.--fast and vigil in honour of siva, observed by women only. in the month of dhanu. ( ) vishu.--the solar new year's day. a very important festival in malabar. it is the occasion for gifts, chiefly to superiors. the first thing seen by a nambutiri on this day should be something auspicious. his fate during the year depends on whether the first object seen is auspicious, or the reverse. the following festivals are referred to by mr. subramani aiyar:-- ( ) trikkatta or jyeshta star.--in the month of chingam. food is cooked, and eaten before sunrise by all the married male members, as well as by every female member of a family. though not of the previous day, the food goes by the name of trikkatta pazhayatu, or the old food of the trikkatta day. the import of this festival, when the specific ordinance of sankara against food cooked before sunrise is contravened, is not known. ( ) makam or magha star.--in the month of kanni. on this day, the cows of the house are decorated with sandal paste and flowers, and given various kinds of sweetmeats. the ladies of the house take ten or twelve grains of paddy (rice), anoint them with oil, and, after bathing in turmeric-water, consecrate the grains by the recitation of certain hymns, and deposit them in the ara or safe room of the house. if there are in the house any female members born under the makam star, the duty of performing the ceremony devolves on them in particular. this is really a harvest festival, and has the securing of food-grains in abundance (dhanyasamriddhi) for its temporal object. ( ) all the days in the month of thulam.--in this month, young unmarried girls bathe every day before a.m., and worship ganapathi (vignesvara), the elephant god. ( ) gauri puja.--in the month of vrischigam. this is done on any selected monday in the month. the ceremony is known as ammiyum vilakkaum toduka, or touching the grinding-stone and lamp. the married women of the house clean the grinder and the grinding-stone, and place a bronze mirror by its side. they then proceed to worship gauri, whose relation to siva represents to the hindu the ideal sweetness of wedded life. ( ) tiruvatira or ardra star.--in the month of dhanu. this is a day of universal festivity and rejoicing. for seven days previous to it, all the members of the house bathe in the early morning, and worship siva. this bathing is generally called tutichchukuli or shivering bath, as the mornings are usually cold and intensely dewy. on the day previous to tiruvatira, ettangnati, or eight articles of food purchased in the bazar, are partaken of. such a repast is never indulged in on any other day. the tiruvatira day is spent in the adoration of siva, and the votaries take only a single meal (orikkal). night vigils are kept both by the wife and husband seated before a lighted fire, which represents the sakshi (witness) of karmas and contracts. (hence the common term agnisakshi.) they then chew a bundle of betel leaves, not less than a hundred in number. this is called kettuvettila tinnuka. as the chewing of betel is taboo except in the married state, this function is believed to attest and seal their irrefragable mutual fidelity. ( ) the new moon day in the month of karkatakam.--on the evening of this day, various kinds of sweetmeats are cooked, and, before the family partakes of them, a portion of each is placed in the upper storey as an offering to rats, by which their divine master, ganapathi, is believed to be propitiated. the nambutiri's business, which he has in hand, will be concluded to his satisfaction, should he on starting hear or see vocal or instrumental music, a harlot, a dancing-girl, a virgin, a litter, an elephant, a horse, a bull or cow tethered, curds, raw rice of a reddish colour, sugar-cane, a water-pot, flowers, fruits, honey, or two brahmans. bad omens, which, if seen by a householder the first thing in the morning, mean trouble of some kind for the rest of the day, are a crow seen on the left hand, a kite on the right, a snake, a cat, a jackal, a hare, an empty vessel, a smoky fire, a bundle of sticks, a widow, a man with one eye, or a man with a big nose. a nambutiri, seeing any of these things, when setting out on a journey, will turn back. should he, however, at once see a lizard on the eastern wall of a house, he may proceed. to sneeze once is a good omen for the day; to sneeze twice is a bad one. an evil spirit may enter the mouth while one is yawning, so, to avert such a catastrophe, the fingers are snapped, and kept snapping until the yawn is over, or the hand is held in front of the mouth. but this idea, and the custom of snapping the fingers, are by no means peculiar to the nambutiris. the nambutiris look on a voyage across the sea with horror, and no nambutiri has ever yet visited england. a nayar should not come nearer than six paces to a nambutiri, a man of the barber caste nearer than twelve paces, a tiyan than thirty-six, a malayan than sixty-four, and a pulaiyan than ninety-six. malabar is, indeed, the most conservative part of southern india. the man of high caste shouts occasionally as he goes along, so that the low caste man may go off the road, and allow him to pass unpolluted. and those of the lowest castes shout as they go, to give notice of their pollution-bearing presence, and, learning the command of the man of high caste, move away from the road. it is common to see people of the inferior castes travelling parallel to the road, but not daring to go along it. they do not want to. it is not because they are forced off the road. custom clings to them as to the nayar or to the nambutiri. but even this is undergoing modification. in connection with marriage, three chief rules are observed. the contracting parties must not be of the same gotra; they must not be related to each other through father or mother; and the bridegroom must be the eldest son of the family. it is said that there are seven original gotras, called after the sages kamsha, kasyapa, bharadvaja, vatsya, kaundinya, atri, and tatri; and that other gotras have grown out of these. relationship is said by some to cease after the fourth generation, but this is disputed. the bride's dowry is always heavy. the wife joins her husband's gotra, forsaking her own altogether. women may remain unmarried without prejudice. needless to say, this has the reverse of favour with brahmans outside malabar. but the nambutiri girl or woman, who has not been married, is not allowed to disappear altogether from the world without at least the semblance of marriage, for, at her death, some part of the marriage ceremony is performed on her person. the tali is tied. in like manner, a dead toda girl is not allowed to go to her last rest unmarried. infant marriage, which is the rule with other brahmans, is said to be unknown among the nambutiris. mr. justice k. narayana marar, however, writes [ ] that he is "not prepared to assert that infant marriage is unknown among nambudris, and that marriages are always celebrated before puberty. there are instances, though rare, of infant marriages among them." when a girl is ten years old, or a little more, her father thinks of finding a husband for her. property alone is the real thing to be considered. every detail bearing on advantage to the family through the alliance is carefully thought out. among the malayalis generally, the young man with university degrees has command of the marriage market, but to the nambutiri these are of no account. when the girl's father has fixed on a likely young man, he gets his horoscope, and confers with a vadhyar concerning the suitability or agreement of the young man's horoscope with that of his daughter. should the decision of the vadhyar be favourable, the young man's father is invited to the house on an auspicious day, and the two fathers, together with some friends, talk the matter over. in the presence of all, the vadhyar announces the agreement of the horoscopes of the pair whose marriage is in prospect. the dowry of the bride is then fixed. probably many days have been occupied already, before the fathers can agree as to the settlement of the dowry. when this has been done, the vadhyar consults the heavenly bodies, and appoints the day on which the marriage ceremonies should be begun. there is then a feast for all present. a nambutiri would be in very bad circumstances if he did not give at least a thousand rupees with his daughter. he should give much more, and does, if he possibly can. the ceremonies connected with marriage are supposed to occupy a year, but they are practically completed within ten days. they open with a party leaving the bride's illam, to invite the bridegroom and his party to the wedding. at the house of the bridegroom, the vadhyar is given about eight fanams [ ] (money) by both parties. the return to the bride's illam is a sort of noisy procession composed of the bridegroom with his friends, nayar women under big cadjan (palm leaf) umbrellas, a number of nayars, some of whom indulge in sword play with swords and shields, and nambutiris versed in the sastras. the bridegroom, who is the chief figure in the crowd, has a string (the usual kankanam) tied round his right wrist to protect him from evil spirits, and carries a bamboo with sixteen joints symbolic of the married state, a mirror for good luck, an arrow to guard the bride against evil spirits, four cloths, and a tali. at the gate of the bride's illam, the procession is met by some nayar women dressed as nambutiri women, who, being unable to come out and welcome the bridegroom, do so by proxy. these women wave a light in front of his face, and offer ashtamangalyam--a plate on which are plantain, betel leaves, a cocoanut, and other articles. on this day, the aupasana agni, or sacred fire, is prepared in the courtyard of the bride's illam. a square pit is made, and fire is made with a piece of wood of the jak tree and of the pipal. this fire is rendered sacred by some mystic rites. it is kept burning throughout the marriage, and is preserved until the death of the future husband and wife in one of two ways:-- ( ) keeping a lamp lighted at the fire burning perpetually; ( ) heating in the fire a piece of wood (plasa or palasa) or dharba grass. the wood or grass is put away, and, when the aupasana agni is to be revived, is lighted in a fire of jak and pipal wood, while certain mantrams (consecrated formulæ) are repeated. the body of the bridegroom (and, i think, of the bride should she die first) should be burnt in the aupasana agni prepared on the first day of the wedding. the aupasana agni is, as it were, a witness to the marriage. in the courtyard, the nandimukham ceremony is performed for propitiation of the minor deities and the pitris (spirits of deceased ancestors). a pot containing sacred or consecrated water, a piece of sandalwood, a piece of gold, flowers, raw rice, and some fruits are the apparent object of adoration. it is called kalas--the kalasam of the tamil and telugu countries--and is a common symbol of the deity. according to monier williams, [ ] it should be worshipped thus. "in the mouth of the water-vessel abideth vishnu, in its neck is rudra, in its lower part is brahma, while the whole company of the mothers are congregated in its middle part. o! ganges, yamuna, godavari, saraswati, narmada, sindhu and kaveri, be present in this water." a part of the aforesaid ceremony (nandimukham) is called the punyahavachana, for which the bridegroom repeats certain hymns after the vadhyar, and is sprinkled with water from the kalas. while all this is being done in the courtyard, the very same ceremony is performed within the house in the presence of the bride, whose father does inside the house what the bridegroom is doing outside. at the conclusion of the ceremony, the tali is tied on the bride's neck. then two of the cloths brought by the bridegroom are sent inside, and are touched by the bride. after she has touched them, they are again brought out, and the bridegroom puts them on. he touches the other two cloths, which are taken inside, and worn by the bride. a feast (ayanium) is the next item. the bride and bridegroom eat their share of it in separate rooms. then comes the marriage proper. the bride's father washes the bridegroom's feet, while a nayar woman waves a light (ayiram tiri or thousand lights) before his face, and conducts him to the hall prepared for the wedding. in this is a mantapam, or sort of raised seat, having four pillars and a covering roof. the pillars of the mantapam, and the ceiling of the hall, are covered with red cloth (red being an auspicious colour), and there are festoons of mango leaves. to one side of the mantapam is a screen, behind which stand the nambutiri women of the household, looking at the scene in the hall through holes. the bride and bridegroom are led to the mantapam, the former following the latter screened from the general gaze by a big cadjan umbrella. she hands him a garland, and, in doing so, she should not touch his hand. he puts on the garland. vedic hymns are chanted, and the pair are brought face to face for the first time. this is called mukhadarsanam, or seeing the face. the bridegroom leads the bride three times round the fire and water jar, moving round to the right, repeating a mantram, which is rendered as follows by monier williams. [ ] "i am male, thou art female. come, let us marry, let us possess offspring. united in affection, illustrious, well disposed towards each other, let us live for a hundred years." each time the bridegroom leads the bride round, he causes her to mount a mill-stone, saying "ascend thou this stone, and be thou firm as this rock. [ ]" then, at a moment supposed to be auspicious, water is poured on the hands of the bridegroom, signifying that the girl and her dowry have been handed over to him. the nambutiri women behind the screen, and the nayar women in the hall, utter a shrill cry "like that of the vaikura." the fire here mentioned is probably taken from the original aupasana agni. holding the bride by the hand, the bridegroom leads her seven steps--one for force, two for strength, three for wealth, four for well-being, five for offspring, six for the seasons, and seven as a friend. he tells her to be devoted to him, and to bear him many sons, who may live to a good old age. this ceremony is called the saptapadi (seven steps). a homam is then performed. it is said that the fire used on this occasion must be preserved until the death of the bridegroom, and used at the cremation of his body. a feast is the next thing. when it is over, the bride's father takes her on his lap, asks his son-in-law to treat her well, and formally hands her over to him. the bridegroom promises to do so, and takes his wife by the hand. then there is a procession to the bridegroom's illam, the bride being carried in a litter, and the bridegroom walking and carrying the sacrificial fire. so ends the first day. it seems that the newly-married couple live apart for the next three days, during which the bride is initiated into household duties. the only daily ceremony is the homam, which is done by the pair after bathing, and before taking food. on the fourth day there is a ceremony, in which the bride plants a jasmine cutting, by way of symbolising help to her husband in the performance of his religious duties. at night the couple are conducted to the bridal chamber by the vadhyar. the bed is merely a grass mat, or a common country blanket, covered with a white sheet, and having a little ridge of rice and paddy, signifying plenty, round the edge. the vadhyar withdraws, and the bridegroom shuts the door. [ ] the vadhyar outside cites appropriate passages from the sacred writings, which are repeated by the bridegroom. on the fifth day, the bride and bridegroom anoint each other with oil, and the latter combs the hair of the former. then, before bathing, they catch some little fish called manatt kani (eyes looking up) which are found in pools, with a cloth used as a net. while this is being done, a brahmachari asks the bridegroom "did you see a cow and a son?" pointing to the fishes caught in the cloth, the bridegroom replies "yes, they are here." this is said to be suggestive of progeny, fishes being emblematic of fertility. homam is then done. at night, the bridegroom adorns the bride with flowers, and makes her look into a mirror, while he recites mantrams suitable to the occasion. from the sixth to the ninth day there is practically nothing in the way of ceremonial. and, as that proper to the tenth day is invariably done on the sixth day, the ceremony may be said to conclude on the night of the sixth day. a few brahmans are fed to please the pitris, and the couple go to a jak tree, under which some rice, curds, and ghi are placed on kusa grass, and an offering is made of flowers and sandalwood or powder. the kankanam, bamboo staff, arrow, and mirror are given to the vadhyar, and the wedding is over. sir w. w. hunter [ ] speaks of the nambutiris as "a despised class," they having had fishermen ancestors. the little ceremony of catching fish, which is a very important item in the marriage rites, may look like preservation in meaningless ceremonial of something real in the past, but it only shows that, in an endeavour to interpret ceremonial, we must be far from hasty. among the shivalli brahmans of south canara, the marriage mat is taken to a tank in procession. the bride and bridegroom make a pretence of catching fish, and, with linked fingers, touch their foreheads. it is recorded, in the manual of south canara, that "all tulu chronicles agree in ascribing the creation of malabar and canara, or kerala, tuluva, and haiga, to parasu rama, who reclaimed from the sea as much land as he could cover by hurling his battle-axe from the top of the western ghauts. according to tulu traditions, after a quarrel with brahmans who used to come to him periodically from ahi-kshetra, parasu rama procured new brahmans for the reclaimed tract by taking the nets of some fishermen, and making a number of brahmanical threads with which he invested the fishermen, and thus turned them into brahmans, and retired to the mountains to meditate, after informing them that, if they were in distress, and called on him, he would come to their aid. after the lapse of some time, during which they suffered no distress, they were curious to know if parasu rama would remember them, and called upon him in order to find out. he promptly appeared, but punished their thus mocking him by cursing them, and causing them to revert to their old status of sudras." a more detailed account of the marriage ceremonial is given in the gazetteer of malabar, which may well be quoted. "the first preliminaries in arranging a nambudiri marriage are the inevitable comparison of horoscopes, and the settlement of the dowry. when these have been satisfactorily concluded, an auspicious day for the wedding is selected in consultation with the astrologer. on that day, the bridegroom, before he starts from his illam, partakes with his relatives and friends of a sumptuous repast called the ayani un. a similar feast is held simultaneously at the bride's house. on leaving the illam, as he crosses the threshold, and indeed on all occasions of importance, the bridegroom must be careful to put his right foot first. he also mutters mantrams of an auspicious nature, called mangala sutrangal. as he passes out of the gate, he is met by a bevy of nayar ladies, carrying the eight lucky articles (ashtamangalyam). these are a grandha, a washed cloth, a cheppu or rouge-box, some rice, a val kannadi or metal hand-mirror, some kunkumam (crimson powder), chanthu (ointment of sandal, camphor, musk and saffron), and mashi (bdellium or any eye salve). on his journey to the bride's illam, he is preceded by a noisy procession of nayars, armed with swords and lacquered shields, who constitute his agambadi or body-guard, and by nambudri friends and relatives, one of whom carries a lighted lamp. at the gate of the bride's illam he is met by a band of nayar women, dressed like antarjanams, and carrying the ashtamangalyam and lighted lamps. the bridegroom enters the inner court-yard (nadumittam), and takes his seat in the usual eastward position. the bride's father comes and sits opposite him, and, clasping his right hand, formally invites him to bathe and wed his daughter, an invitation which he formally accepts. after his bath, he returns clad in fresh clothes, and wearing a ring of dharba or kusa grass (cynodon dactylon), and takes his seat in the room adjoining the porch (pumukham), called purattalam. he then makes an offering of a few fanams (money) to his family deities, performs ganapathi puja (worship of the elephant god), and presents four or five nambudris with a few fanams each, and with betel leaf and areca nut. this is called asramapischetha prayaschittam, and is in expiation of any sins into which he may have been betrayed during his bachelor days. similar gifts are also made first to two nambudris of any gotra considered as representing the deities called visvadvas, and then to two others of different gotras representing the deceased ancestors or pitris. the last gift is called nandimukham. meanwhile, within the house the bride is conducted to the vadakkini room, veiled in an old cloth, and carrying a piece of bell-metal shaped like a hand-mirror (val kannadi). her father, after washing his feet and putting on a darbha ring, comes and performs ganapathi puja, and repeats more or less the same ritual that has been performed without. the bride is then sprinkled with holy water by her father and four other nambudiris. the tali or marriage symbol is brought in a brass vessel containing holy water, and laid near the idol to which the daily domestic worship is paid; and, after further offerings to ganapathi, the bridegroom is summoned to enter the illam. before doing so he purifies himself, taking off the darbha ring, making the 'caste marks' with holy ashes (bhasmam), washing his feet, replacing the ring, and being sprinkled with holy water by four nambudiris--a form of ritual which recurs constantly in all ceremonies. he enters the nadumittam, preceded by a nambudiri carrying a lighted lamp, and takes his seat on a wooden stool (pidam) in the middle of the court where the bride's father makes obeisance to him, and is given four double lengths of cloth (kaccha), which the bridegroom has brought with him. they are taken to the bride, who puts on two of them, and returns two for the bridegroom to wear. the bridegroom then goes to the kizhakkini, where he prepares what may be called the "altar." he smears part of the floor in front of him with cow-dung and then, with a piece of jack-wood (artocarpus integrifolia), called sakalam, draws a line at the western side of the place so prepared, and at right angles to this line five more, one at each end, but not actually touching it, and three between these. he then places the pieces of jack-wood on the altar, and ignites it with fire brought from the hearth of the bride's illam. he feeds the flame with chips of plasu or chamatha (butea frondosa). this fire is the aupasana agni, regarded as the witness to the marriage rite. it must be kept alight--not actually, but by a pious fiction [ ]--till the parties to the marriage die, and their funeral pyre must be kindled from it. three pieces of plasu called paridhi, and eighteen pieces called udhmam, tied together by a string of darbha, are placed on the northern side of the altar on two pieces of jack-wood; and there are also brought and placed round the altar four blades of darbha grass, a small bell-metal vessel, an earthenware pot full of water, a pair of grind-stones (ammi and ammikuzha), a small winnowing fan containing parched paddy (malar), and a copper vessel of ghee (clarified butter) with a sacrificial ladle made of plasu. meanwhile, the bride's father ties the tali round her neck in the vadakkini, and her mother gives her a garland of tulasi (ocimum sanctum). she is conducted to the kizhakkini, preceded by a nambutiri carrying a lamp called ayyira tiri (thousand wicks), and is made to stand facing the bridegroom on the north or north-east of the altar. this is called mukha-dharsanam (face-beholding). she gives the garland to the bridegroom. now comes the central rite of this elaborate ceremonial, the udaga-purva-kannyaka-dhanam, or gift of a maiden with water. the bride and her father stand facing west, and the bridegroom facing them. all three stretch out their right hands, so that the bride's hand is between those of her father and the bridegroom, which are above and below hers respectively. a nambutiri othikan or ritual expert pours water thrice into the father's hand. the latter each time pours it into his daughter's hand, and then, grasping her hand, pours it into the bridegroom's hand. the dowry is then given to the bride, who hands it over to the bridegroom. she then passes between him and the fire, and sits on an amana palaga [ ] on the east of the altar, while the bridegroom sits on another palaga on her left, and burns the udhmams (except one piece of plasu and the darbha string used to tie the bundle), and makes an oblation of ghee called agharam. the next rite is called panigrahanam. the bridegroom rises from his seat, turns to the right, and stands facing the bride, who remains seated, holding the mirror in her left hand. she stretches out her right hand palm upwards, with the fingers closed and bent upwards. he grasps it, and sits down again. a brother of the bride now comes and takes the mirror from the bride, puts it on a palaga, and professes to show her her own reflection in its surface. then the bridegroom pours a little ghee into her joined hands, to which the bride's brother adds two handfuls of paddy from the winnowing basket, and the bridegroom then brushes the paddy from her hands into the fire. this is called the lajahomam. at its conclusion, bride and bridegroom perform a pradakshinam round the fire, passing outside the water-pot but not the grindstone and fan. next comes the important piece of ceremonial called asmarohanam, symbolising immutability. the bride and bridegroom stand west of the grindstones, and the bridegroom, taking her feet one by one, places them on the stones, and then grasps feet and stones with both hands. lajahomam, pradakshinam, and asmarohanam are each repeated thrice. then comes the rite called saptapadi or seven paces. the bridegroom leads his bride seven steps towards the north-east, touching her right foot with his right hand as he does so. they then pass between the grindstones and the fire, and seat themselves on the west of the earthen pot facing east, the bride behind the bridegroom; and the latter performs a somewhat acrobatic feat which it must be difficult to invest with any dignity. he bends backwards, supporting himself by placing the palms of his hands on the ground behind him, until he can touch with the top of his head that of the bride, who bends forward to facilitate the process. after this, the bridegroom sprinkles himself and the bride with water from the earthen pot. they then return to their seats west of the altar, and face north, ostensibly looking at the pole star (druvan), the star arundati, and the seven rishis (ursa major), which the bridegroom is supposed to point out to the bride, while he teaches her a short mantram invoking the blessing of long life on her husband. the bridegroom then makes two oblations, pouring ghee on the sacred fire, the first called sishtakralhomam and the second darmmihomam. he then places on the fire the paridhis, the remaining udhmams and dharba grass, and the rest of the ghee. a start is then made for the bridegroom's illam, the bridegroom carrying the chamatha branch used in making the aupasana agni in the bride's house. on arrival, an altar is prepared in much the same manner as before, the chamatha branch is ignited, and darbha and ghee are offered. the bride and bridegroom next spend a few moments closeted in the same room, she lying on a skin spread over a new cloth on the floor, and he sitting on an amana palaga. in the evening, aupasana homam, or offerings of chamatha in the sacred fire, and vaisyadeva homam, or offerings of boiled rice, are made. these, which are known as a second homam, may be postponed till next afternoon, if there is no time for them on the actual wedding day. they have to be performed daily for ten months. the first three days on which these homams are performed (viz., the wedding day and the two following it, or the three days after the wedding as the case may be) are regarded as days of mourning (diksha), and clothes are not changed. on the fourth day, the newly married couple have an oil-bath, and the diksha is considered to be at an end. after the usual homams and worship of ganapathi, the bride is led to the bridal chamber at an auspicious moment. her husband joins her, carrying two garlands of jasmine, one of which he puts on the lamp placed in the south-east corner of the room, and one round his wife's neck. he then smears the upper part of her body with the ointment known as chanthu, and she herself smears the lower part. tum vir penem suum fæminæ ad partes pudendas admovit, vestibus scilicet haud remotis. they then bathe and change their clothes, and sit near each other, the wife screened behind an umbrella. her husband gives her water, and after some further rites they eat from the same plantain leaf. actual cohabitation commences from that night. the pair are conducted to the bridal chamber by the vadhiyar. the nuptial couch is but a grass mat or a common country blanket covered with a white sheet, with a little ridge of rice and paddy signifying plenty around the edges. the final ceremony is the homam called stalipagam. it is performed on the day after the first full moon day after the second homam. if the moon is at the full / nazhiga before sunset or earlier, the ceremony may be performed on the full moon day itself." it will have been seen already that the nambutiris are not strict monogamists. some stated that a man may have four wives, and that the same ceremony as that described must be performed for wedding all four wives. moreover, there is no restriction to the number of nayar women, with whom a man may be associated. hamilton, writing concerning malabar at the end of the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth century, says that "when the zamorin marries, he must not cohabit with his bride till the nambutiri or chief priest has enjoyed her, and, if he pleases, may have three nights of her company, because the first fruit of her nuptials must be an holy oblation to the god he worships: and some of the nobles are so complaisant as to allow the clergy the same tribute; but the common people cannot have that compliment paid to them, but are forced to supply the priest's place themselves." of ceremonies after marriage, and those performed during pregnancy and subsequent to the birth of a child, the following may be noted:-- ( ) garbhadhanam, performed soon after marriage. there is a homam, and the husband puts the juice of some panic grass into his wife's nostrils. ( ) garbharakshana secures the unborn child from dangers. it is not considered important, and is not always done. ( ) pumsavana, performed in the third month of pregnancy for the purpose of securing male offspring. the desire of the hindu for male rather than female children need not be dilated on. putra (a son) is the one who saves from hell (put). it is by every religious text made clear that it is the duty of every man to produce a son. the nambutiri may have practically any number of wives in succession, until he begets a son by one of them, and he may adopt a son through the sarvasvadanam form of marriage. on the day devoted to the pumsavana ceremony, the wife fasts until she is fed by her husband with one grain of corn, symbolising the generative organs of the male. ( ) simantonnayana is the next ceremony performed for the benefit of the unborn child. it is done between the sixth and eighth months of pregnancy, and consists in a burnt sacrifice to the deity, and the husband parting the hair of his wife's head with a porcupine quill, or with three blades of the sacred kusa grass, repeating the while vedic verses. ( ) jatakarma is the name of the birth ceremony, and is performed by the father of the child. honey and ghi are introduced into the mouth of the infant with a golden spoon or rod, to symbolise good fortune. then the ears and shoulders are touched with the spoon or rod, while vedic texts are recited. ( ) medhajananam, rarely done, is for inducing intelligence. ( ) ayusha, for prolonging life, is the next in order. the father gives the child a secret name, having an even number of syllables for a male and an uneven number for a female, which is never revealed to any one except the mother. ( ) namakarana is the ceremony, at which the child is named, and is said to be done on the tenth day after birth. the naming of a child is an important religious act, which is supposed to carry consequences throughout life. the parents, assisted by a vadhyan, make a burnt sacrifice to the deity. ( ) annaprasana is the ceremony at which food other than that from nature's fount is first given. it is done in the sixth month after birth. the father carries the child to a group of friends and relations. the vadhyan or purohit is present and repeats vedic texts, while the father places a little rice and butter in the child's mouth. ( ) chaula is the ceremony when the hair is cut for the first time in the nambutiri fashion. ( ) karna vedha is the occasion on which the ears are bored. on the vidyadasami day, the tenth of asvayuja, when a male child is five years old, the father goes through the form of initiating him into the mysteries of the alphabet. the following details of some of the above ceremonies are given in the gazetteer of malabar. "the chief ceremonies connected with pregnancy are pumsavanam or rite to secure male offspring, at which the husband puts a grain of barley and two beans, to represent the male organ, into his wife's hand, and pours some curds over them, which the wife then swallows, and also pours some juice of karuga grass into her right nostril; and simantham, a ceremony usually performed in the fourth month of pregnancy, at which the husband parts the wife's hair four times from back to front with a sprig of atti (ficus glomerata), a porcupine quill which must have three white marks on it, and three blades of darba grass, all tied together, after which mantrams are sung to the accompaniment of vinas. the first ceremony to be performed on the birth of a child is jathakarmam. a little gold dust is mingled with ghee and honey, and the father takes up some of the mixture with a piece of gold, and smears the child's lips with it, once with a mantram and once in silence. he next washes the gold, and touches the child's ears, shoulders and head with it, and finally makes a gift of the bit of gold and performs nandimukham. the ceremony of naming the child, or namakarmam, takes place on the twelfth day. the father ties a string round the child's waist, and marks its body with the sacred ash (bhasmam). then, after the usual 'gifts' he pronounces thrice in the child's right ear the words 'devadatta sarmmasi,' or if the child be a girl, 'nili dasi.' he then calls out the name thrice. then, taking the child from its mother, he again calls out the name thrice, and finally gives the child back to its mother, who in turn calls out the name thrice. gifts and nandimukham complete the ceremony. in the fourth month, the child is ceremonially taken out of doors (nishkramana or vittil purapattu) by the father, who carries it to a cocoanut, round which he makes three pradakshinams." the death ceremonies of the nambutiris are commenced shortly before death actually takes place. when death is believed to be unmistakably near, some verses from the taittirya upanishad are spoken in the dying man's ears. these are called karna mantras, or ear hymns. a bed of kusa grass, called darbhasana, is prepared in the verandah or some convenient place outside the foundations of the house, and the dying man is placed on it. when life is extinct, the body is washed, dressed in a new white cloth, and placed on a bier made of bamboos covered with a new white cloth. the bier is then carried on the shoulders of four of the nearest relatives to the place of cremation within the compound of the illam, and laid on a pile of firewood, which must include some sandalwood. this should be done by brothers or sons if there are such; if not, by more distant relatives or friends. the pyre need not of necessity be prepared by nambutiris. properly speaking, according to the sacred texts, which govern almost every act of the nambutiri's life, relatives and friends, male and female, should accompany the bier to the place of cremation, but, as a rule, women do not join the little procession. the bier is laid on the pyre, and the corpse is uncovered. rice is scattered over the face by the blood-relations present, and small pieces of gold are thrust into the nine openings of the body, while mantras are recited by the vadhyayar or priest. the gold is said to be used on this occasion as part of the offering in the yagam--the last sacrifice, as the burning of the body is called--and not in any way to assist the deceased in his journey to "the undiscovered country." soon after the bier is laid on the funeral pyre, a homam is made. fire taken from it is placed on the chest of the deceased, and then the pyre is lighted in three places. the performer of the crematory rites carries an earthen pot round the pyre. the officiating priest punctures the pot with a knife, and receives the water in another pot. he throws this water on the pyre, and the pot is then smashed and flung away. this part of the ceremony is said to symbolise that the deceased has had his ablution in the water of the ganges, and the fire god, agni, represented by the homam, was witness to the same. the fire god is supposed to witness every ceremony enjoined by the vedas. after the body is burnt, those who attended go away and bathe. the disembodied soul is supposed to enter a body called sukshma sarira, and eventually goes to heaven or hell as it deserves. but, before it can reach its destination, certain ceremonies must be performed. these consist chiefly of oblations on each of the ten days following death, for the purpose of causing the preta (spirit) to grow out of the dhananjaya vayu, which causes deformities and changes in the deceased after death. each day's ceremony completes a limb or part of the preta, and the body is complete in ten days. on the third day after death, the ashes of the deceased are collected in an urn, and buried at the place of cremation or close to it. this is called ekoddishta. on the eleventh day, all the members of the family go through a purificatory ceremony, which consists in swallowing the panchagavya, and changing the sacred thread. they then perform a sraddha, offering balls of rice, etc., to the deceased and three of his ancestors, and give a dinner and presents of money and cloths to brahmans. twelve sraddhas must be performed, one in each month following, when water and balls of rice (pindas) are offered to the spirit. the twelfth sraddha is the sapindi karana, which elevates the spirit of the deceased to the rank of an ancestor. following this, there is only the annual sraddha, or anniversary of death, calculated according to the lunar or astronomical year, when not less than three brahmans are fed, and receive presents of money and cloths. concerning the death ceremonies, mr. subramani aiyar writes as follows. "after death, the blood relations of the deceased bathe, and, with wet clothes on, place two pieces of the stem of the plantain tree, one at the head and the other at the feet of the corpse. the hair of the head and face is shaved a little, and the body is bathed with water in which turmeric and mailanchi, a red vegetable substance, are dissolved. the vaishnavite gopi mark is drawn vertically, as also are sandal paste marks on various parts of the body, and flowers and garlands are thrown over it. the corpse is then covered with an unbleached cloth, which is kept in position by a rope of kusa grass. it is carried to the pyre by nambutiris who are not within the pollution circle of the deceased, the eldest son supporting the head and the younger ones the legs. a cremation pit is dug in the south-east portion of the compound, and a mango tree, which has been felled, is used as fuel. in all these ceremonies, the eldest son is the karta or chief mourner and responsible ritualist, with whom the younger ones have to keep up physical contact while the several rites are being gone through. when the body is almost reduced to ashes, the principal performer of the ceremonies and his brothers bathe, and, taking some earth from the adjoining stream or tank, make with it a representation of the deceased. throughout the funeral ceremonies, the maran is an indispensable factor. the handing of the kusa grass and gingelly (sesamum) seeds for the oblation must be done by a member of that caste. sanchayanam, or the collection and disposal of the burnt bones of the deceased, takes place on the fourth day. on the eleventh day the pollution ceases, and the daily sraddha begins. a term of diksha or special observance is kept up for three fortnights, but generally for a whole year. on the twelfth day is the sapinda karana sraddha, or ceremony of what may be called joining the fathers, after which the dead person passes from the stage of preta to join the manes or spirits. there are then the monthly ceremonies (masikas) and ashta sraddhas (eight sraddhas). the abdika or first anniversary, known in malabar by the name of masam, is a very important ceremony, and one on which unstinted expenditure is the rule." a further account of the death ceremonies is given in the gazetteer of malabar. "when death is believed to be near, the dying man is taken to the west of the hearth of the sacred fire (aupasana agni), and laid with his head to the south on a bed of sand and darbha grass, while the ottu mantram is whispered in his ear. when life is extinct, the body is washed and covered with a plantain leaf. the mourners dress themselves in tattu fashion, and tear up a new cloth breadthwise into pieces called sesham, which they each wear round their waist. the body is then dressed in an undercloth; the forehead is smeared with the pounded root of the creeper mettoni, and tulasi flowers are put on the head; the kudumi (hair knot) is untied, and the punul (sacred thread) arranged to hang round the neck in front. the body is tied on to a bamboo ladder and covered with a new cloth, and then carried by four of the nearest relatives to the place of cremation within the compound of the illam. a trench is dug on the north-east of the pyre, and some water put into it, which is sprinkled on the pyre with twigs of chamatha and darbha. the body is then laid on the pyre with the head to the south, and the fire is kindled. the ladder is thrown away, and a homam performed of ghee and darbha grass made to represent the deceased, while mantrams are recited. then comes the ceremony called kumbhapradakshinam. the mourners go round the pyre three times, the eldest son leading the way, carrying an earthen pot of water on his left shoulder. the water should run through the bottom of the pot, one hole being made for the first round, two for the second, and three for the third, and other mourners should sprinkle it on the pyre. at the end of the third round the pot is thrown on to the pyre, and all the mourners come away, the eldest son leaving last, and being careful not to look back. after bathing and shaving, the sons and other persons entitled to celebrate the obsequies, each perform an oblation of water (udagakriya) to a piece of karuga grass stuck up to represent the spirit of the dead, concluding the ceremony by touching iron, granite, a firebrand, cow-dung, paddy and gold three times, throwing away the sesham, and receiving a clean cloth (mattu). they then return to the nadumittam, when they make offerings (bali or veli) of rice balls (pindams) to a piece of karuga grass. both these ceremonies have to be repeated twice daily for ten days. on the fourth day after death, provided it is not a tuesday or friday, the ceremony of collecting the bones (sanchyanam) is performed. the eldest son goes to the pyre with a pala (pot made of the spathe of an areca palm) of milk, which he sprinkles on the pyre with a brush of chamatha tied with karuga grass. three palas are placed on the west of the pyre parallel to the places where the feet, waist and head of the corpse rested, and bones are removed from the feet, waist and head with tongs of chamatha, and placed in the respective palas. the bones are then washed in milk, and all put into an earthen pot (kudam) with some karuga grass on the top. the pot is covered with a cloth, taken to a cocoanut tree and buried in a pit, the cloth being removed and the top filled with mud. a plantain is planted in the trench that was dug near the pyre. on the eleventh day, all the members of the family purify themselves, and perform oblations of water and balls of rice. this constitutes the first sraddha, which must be repeated on each anniversary of the eleventh day." "the funeral rites of women are similar; but, if the woman is pregnant at the time of death, the body has first to be purified seven times with pounded kusa grass, cow-dung, cow's urine, ashes and gold, and to receive mattu. the belly is cut open four inches below the navel, and, if the child is found alive, it is taken out and brought up; if dead, it is put back in the womb with a piece of gold and some ghee. children not more than ten days old are buried with little ceremony, but all others are burnt." [ ] when a nambutiri is believed to have been guilty of an offence against the caste, or when there is a caste dispute in any gramam, the proper course is to represent the matter to the king (in malabar the zamorin), who refers it to the smarta having jurisdiction over that particular gramam, ordering him to try the offender after holding a proper enquiry. minor offences are punishable by infliction of penance, fasting, or doing special puja to the gods. graver offences are dealt with by excommunication from the caste. against the decision of the smarta there is no appeal. adultery between a nambutiri woman and a man of inferior caste is perhaps the most serious of all caste offences. the enquiry into cases of adultery is described as follows by mr. subramani aiyar. "it is conducted by the smarta, and hence arises the name (smartavicharam) by which it is known. whenever a nambutiri woman's chastity is suspected, she is at once handed over to society for enquiry, no considerations of personal affection or public policy intervening. the mother or brother may be the first and only spectator of a shady act, but feels no less bound to invite, and generally pay very heavily for a public enquiry by society according to its recognised rules. the suspect is at once transferred to an isolation shed in the same compound, variously called by the name of anchampura or fifth room (outside the nalukettu or quadrangle), or the pachcholappura, a new shed with green thatch roofing put up for the occasion. she may be seen here by her husband, his father and uncles, her father, father's father, father's maternal grandfather, and their sons, but by none else. once a prohibited member sees her, the brand of infamy indubitably settles on her, and the smartavicharam is considered foreclosed. for beginning a smartavicharam, the sanction of the ruling raja has to be obtained. the matter is carried to his ears, after a preliminary enquiry, called dasivicharam, has been gone through. for this, the woman's male relations, in conjunction with the brahmans of the neighbourhood, interrogate the dasi or nayar maid-servant attached to the suspected woman. along with the application for royal sanction in travancore, a fee of sixty-four fanams or nine rupees has to be sent in, and is credited to the treasury of sri padmanabha swami, as whose deputy the maharaja is supposed to rule the country. the maharaja then appoints a smarta (judge), two mimamsakas, an akakkoyimma, and a purakkoyimma. the office of smarta is hereditary. if a family becomes extinct, the yoga or village union nominates another in its place. the mimamsakas are nambutiris learned in the law, and their office is seldom hereditary. they are appointed to help the smarta in his enquiries. the akakkoyimma, or person whose business is to preserve order, holds his appointment by heredity. the purakkoyimma is the proxy of the sovereign himself. in ancient days, and even so late as the time of the great martanda varma, the ruling sovereign himself was present during the trial, and preserved order. now a deputy is sent by the maharaja. he is generally the magistrate of the taluk, who, if he finds it inconvenient to attend the meeting, delegates the function to the chief village officer. the smarta, when he receives the royal commission (neet) for holding the enquiry, receives from the woman's relations a small tribute of money (dakshina). the mimamsakas, it may be observed, are selected by the smarta. in travancore alone is the smarta's authority supreme, for no vaidika lives in this territory, and none are generally invited. in other parts of malabar, where vaidikas live permanently, one of the six recognised vaidikas has to accompany the smarta to the place of the vicharana (enquiry), and the smarta merely conducts the enquiry as the proxy of, and authorised and guided by the vaidikas. generally the council assembles at some neighbouring village temple. the suspected woman is placed within the anchampura, and her maid-servant stands at the door. all questions are addressed to her, as the gosha of the suspect has to be honoured in its entirety until the pronouncement of the final verdict. the procedure begins, not by the framing and reading out of a charge-sheet, but by arranging for the suspicion being brought to notice by the accused person herself. for this purpose, the smarta makes a feint of entering the isolation shed, as if in ignorance of everything that has transpired. the maid-servant stops him, and informs him that her mistress is within. the smarta, on hearing this, affects astonishment, and asks her the reason why her mistress should not be in the main building (antahpuram). with this question, the enquiry may be said to have actually begun. the next morning by eleven o'clock, the smarta and his co-adjutors again go and stand beside the isolation hut, and, calling for the maid-servant, commence the regular enquiry. after about five o'clock in the afternoon, the smarta, in the presence of the akakkoyimma, relates the whole day's proceedings to the mimamsakas, and takes their opinion as to the questions for the next day. the enquiry often lasts for months, and sometimes even for years. it is the most expensive undertaking possible, as the whole judicatory staff has to be maintained by the family, unless the sadhanam or subject gives a circumstantial confession of her guilt. it is not enough to plead guilty; she must point out all the persons who have been partakers in her guilt. thus every day the smarta asks "are there any more?" after the completion of the enquiry, the council re-assembles at the village temple. the guardian of the suspect presents himself before the assembled brahmans, and makes the customary obeisance. the smarta then recounts the details of the enquiry, and ultimately pronounces his verdict. if the woman is declared innocent, she is re-accepted amidst universal rejoicings, and the head of the family feels amply repaid for the expenditure he has incurred in the reputation for chastity secured for a member of his family under such a severe ordeal. if things do not end so well, all the brahmans come out of the temple and re-assemble, when a brahman, who is usually not a nambutiri, as the nambutiris do not desire to condemn one of their own caste, stands up, and in a stentorian voice repeats the substance of the charge, and the judgment as given by the smarta. the guardian of the woman then goes away, after she has been handed over by the smarta to the custody of the purakkoyimma. the guardian bathes, and performs all the funeral ceremonies for his ward, who from this moment is considered dead for all social and family purposes. the persons meanwhile, whose names have been given out by the woman as having been implicated in the offence, have to vindicate their character on pain of excommunication. in connection with a case of adultery, which was tried recently in malabar, it is noted that the purakkoyimma kept order in the court with sword in hand. iswara puja (worship of iswara) was performed in the local temple on all the days of the trial, and the suspected woman was given panchagavya (five products of the cow) so that she might tell the truth. i am informed that, in the course of an enquiry into a charge of adultery, "it sometimes happens that the woman names innocent men as her seducers. two courses are then open to them, in order that they may exculpate themselves, viz., ordeal by boiling oil, and ordeal by weighing. the former of these ordeals is undergone, under the sanction of the raja, by the accused person dipping his bare hand in ghi, which has been boiling from sunrise to midday, and taking out of it a bell-metal image. the hand is immediately bandaged, and if, on examination of it on the third day, it be found unharmed, the man is declared innocent. in the other ordeal, the man is made to sit for a certain time in one of a pair of scales, and is declared innocent or guilty, according as the scale ascends or descends. but these practices do not now prevail." in former days, the ordeal of boiling ghi was undergone at the temple of suchindram in travancore. this temple derives its name from indra, who, according to the legend, had illicit intercourse with ahalya, the wife of gautama rishi, and had to undergo a similar ordeal at this place. in connection with a case which came before the high court of madras, it is recorded [ ] that "an enquiry was held into the conduct of a woman suspected. she confessed that the plaintiff had had illicit intercourse with her, and thereupon they were both declared out-casts, the plaintiff not having been charged, nor having had an opportunity to cross-examine the woman, or enter on his defence, and otherwise to vindicate his character. held by the high court that the declaration that the plaintiff was an outcast was illegal, and, it having been found that the defendants had not acted bonâ fide in making that declaration, the plaintiff was entitled to recover damages." in order to mitigate to some extent the suffering caused by turning adrift a woman proved guilty of adultery, who has hitherto lived in seclusion, provision has been made by the raja of cherakkal. a tiyan named talliparamba possesses a large extent of land granted by a former raja of cherakkal, on condition of his taking under his protection all excommunicated females, if they choose to go with him. he has special rank and privileges, and has the title of mannanar. whenever an inquiry takes place, mannanar receives information of it, and his messengers are ready to take the woman away. it was the custom in former days for mannanar's agents to lead the woman to near his house, and leave her at a certain place from which two roads lead to the house--one to the eastern gate, and the other to the northern. if the woman happened to enter the house by the eastern gate, she became mannanar's wife, and, if she went in by the northern gate, she was considered to be his sister by adoption. this rule, however, is not strictly adhered to at the present day. the nambutiris are stated by mr. subramani aiyar to "belong to different sutras, gotras, or septs, and follow different vedas. the most important of the sutras are asvalayana, baudhayana, apastamba, and kaushitaka. the best-known gotras are kasyapa, bhargava, bharadvaga, vasishta, and kausika. there are a few samavedins belonging to the kitangnur and panchal gramams, but most of them are rigvedic, and some belong to the yajurveda. the rigvedic brahmans belong to two separate yogas or unions, namely, trichur yoga and tirunavai yoga. it appears that three of the most renowned of the disciples of sankaracharya were nambutiri brahmans, who received their initiation into the sanyasasrama at the great sage's hands. they established three maths or monasteries, known as the tekkematham (southern), natuvile matham (middle), and vatakke matham (northern). succession having fallen in default in regard to the last, the property that stood in its name lapsed to the raja of cochin. out of the funds of this matham, a vedic pathasala (boarding school) was established at trichur. a certain number of villagers became in time recognised as being entitled to instruction at this institution, and formed a yoga. trichur then became the centre of brahmanical learning. later on, when the relations of the zamorin of calicut with the raja of cochin became strained, he organised another yoga at tirunavai for the nambutiris who lived within his territory. here there are two yogas for rigvedic brahmans. in these schools, religious instruction has been imparted with sustained attention for several centuries. the heads of these schools are recruited from the houses of changngavot and erkara, respectively. to these two yogas two vadhyars and six vaidikas are attached. there are also six smartas or judges attached to these bodies. the vadhyars are purely religious instructors, and have no judicial duties in respect of society. the vaidikas and smartas are very learned in the smritis, and it is with them that the whole caste government of the nambutiris absolutely rests." the names of the nambutiris measured by mr. fawcett were as follows:-- nilakantan. bhavasarman. paramesvaran. nandi. raman. kuberan. harijayandan. madhavan. chandrasekharan. anantan. vasudevan. nambiatan. greni. shannan. damodaran. krishnan. sivadasan. sankaran. mahesvaran. in connection with the names of nambutiris, mr. subramani aiyar writes as follows. "a list of names not current or unusual now among other brahman communities in southern india may be interesting. these are-- vishnu. kadamban. gayantan. chitran. devadattan. gadavedan. kiratan. bhavadasan. prabhakaran. srikumaran. dattareyan "the conspicuous absence of the names of the third son of siva (sasta), such as hariharaputra and budhanatha, may be noted. nor are the names of ganapathi much in favour with them. sridevi and savitri are the two most common names, by which nambutiri females are known. there are also certain other names of a prakrita or non-classic character, used to denote males and females, which sometimes border on the humorous. among these are-- males. females. nampiyattan. nangngaya. ittiyattan. nangngeli. uzhutran. pappi. tuppan. ittichchiri. nampotta. unnima. chiruta. "some names in this list are identifiable with the names of divinities and puranic personages. for example, uzhutran is a corruption of rudran. in the same manner, tuppan is the prakrit for subramanya, and chiruta for sita. unnima is another name for uma or parvati. nambutiris grudge to grant the title of nambutiri to each other. for instance, the tamarasseri nambutiri calls the mullappalli nambutiri merely mullapalli (house name). but, if the person addressed is an adhya of one of the eight houses, or at least a tantri adhya, the title nambutiri is added to his name. again, if there are in a house two nambutiris, one of them being the father and the other the son, the father whenever he writes, subscribes himself as the achchan nambutiri or father nambutiri, while the son subscribes himself as the makan or son nambutiri. in malabar there were two poets called venmani achchan nambutiri and venmani makan nambutiri, venmani signifying the name of the illam. it is only in documents and other serious papers that the proper name or sarman of the nambutiri would be found mentioned." when addressing each other, nambutiris use the names of their respective illams or manas. when a nambutiri is talking with a nayar, or indeed with one of any other caste, the manner in which the conversation must be carried on, strictly according to custom, is such that the nambutiri's superiority is apparent at every turn. thus, a nayar, addressing a nambutiri, must speak of himself as foot-servant. if he mentions his rice, he must not call it rice, but his gritty rice. rupees must be called his copper coins, not his rupees. he must call his house his dung-pit. he must speak of the nambutiri's rice as his raw rice, his coppers as rupees, and his house as his illam or mana. the nayar must not call his cloth a cloth, but an old cloth or a spider's web. but the nambutiri's cloth is to be called his daily white cloth, or his superior cloth. the nayar, speaking of his bathing, says that he drenches himself with water, whereas the nambutiri sports in the water when he bathes. should he speak of eating or drinking, the nayar must say of himself that he takes food, or treats himself to the water in which rice has been washed. but, should he speak of the nambutiri eating, he must say that he tastes ambrosia. the nayar calls his sleeping lying flat, and the nambutiri's closing his eyes, or resting like a raja. the nayar must speak of his own death as the falling of a forest, but of the nambutiri's as entering fire. the nambutiri is not shaved by the barber; his hairs are cut. he is not angry, but merely dissatisfied. he does not clean his teeth as the nayar; he cleans his superior pearls. nor does he laugh; he displays his superior pearls. concerning the recreations and pastimes of the nambutiris, mr. subramani aiyar writes as follows. "during the intervals of vedic or puranic recitations, the nambutiri engages himself in chaturangam or chess. when the players are equally matched, a game may last five, six, or even seven days. another amusement, which the nambutiris take a great interest in, is the yatrakali, which is said to be a corruption of sastrakali, a performance relating to weapons. this is a unique institution, kept up by a section of the nambutiris, who are believed to represent the brahmanical army of parasu rama. when, at a ceremony in the travancore royal household, a yatrakali is performed, the parties have to be received at the entrance of the maharaja's palace in state, sword in hand. the dress and songs are peculiar. in its import, the performance seems to combine the propitiation of siva and parvati in the manner indicated in a tradition at trikkariyur with exorcism and skill in swordsmanship. it is generally believed that, in ancient days, the brahmans themselves ruled kerala. when they found it necessary to have a separate king, one attakat nambutiri was deputed, with a few other brahmans, to go and obtain a ruler from the adjoining chera territory. the only pass in those days, connecting malabar and coimbatore, was that which is now known as nerumangalam. when the nambutiris were returning through this pass with the ruler whom they had secured from the chera king, a strange light was observed on the adjacent hills. two young brahmans of chengngamanat village, on proceeding towards the hill to investigate the source thereof, found to their amazement that it was none other than sri bhagavati, the consort of siva, who enjoined them to go, viâ trikkariyur, to kodungngnallur, the capital of the perumals. seeing that the sight of bhagavati foretold prosperity, the king called the range of hills nerumangalam or true bliss, and made an endowment of all the surrounding land to the brahman village of chengngamanat, the members of which had the good fortune to see the goddess face to face. when they entered the temple of trikkariyur, a voice was heard to exclaim "chera perumal," which meant that into that town, where parasu rama was believed to be dwelling, no perumal (king) should ever enter--a traditional injunction still respected by the malabar kshatriyas. at this place, the sixth perumal who, according to a tradition, had a pronounced predilection for the bouddha religion (islamism or buddhism, we cannot say), called a meeting of the brahmans, and told them that a religious discussion should be held between them and the bouddhas, in view to deciding their relative superiority. the presiding deity of the local saiva shrine was then propitiated by the brahmans, to enable them to come out victorious from the trial. a gangama saint appeared before them, and taught them a hymn called nalupadam (four feet or parts of a sloka) which the nambutiris say is extracted from the samaveda. the saint further advised them to take out a lamp from within the temple, which according to tradition had existed from the time of sri rama, to a room built on the western ghat of the temple tank, and pray to siva in terms of the hymn. while this was continued for forty-one days, six brahmans, with mayura bhatta at their head, arrived from the east coast to the succour of the nambutiris. with the help of these brahmans, the nambutiris kept up a protracted discussion with the bouddhas. wishing to bring it to a close, the perumal thought of applying a practical test. he enclosed a snake within a pot, and asked the disputants to declare its contents. the bouddhas came out first with the correct answer, while the brahmans followed by saying that it was a lotus flower. the perumal was, of course, pleased with the bouddhas; but, when the pot was opened, it was found to contain a lotus flower instead of a snake. the bouddhas felt themselves defeated, and ever afterwards the nalupadam hymn has been sung by the nambutiris with a view to securing a variety of objects, every one of which they expect to obtain by this means. it is also said that, when the brahmans were propitiating siva at trikkariyur, diverse spirits and angels were found amusing parvati with their quips and cranks. a voice from heaven was then heard to say that such frolics should thereafter form part of the worship of siva. "engaged in these socio-religious performances are eighteen sanghas or associations. the chief office-bearers are the vakyavritti who is the chief person, and must be an ottu nambutiri or a nambutiri with full vedic knowledge; the parishakkaran who holds charge of the yatrakali paraphernalia; and the guru or instructor. the chief household divinities of these soldier nambutiris are bhadrakali, sasta, and subrahmanya. on the evening of the yatrakali day, these brahmans assemble round the lamp, and recite the nalupadam and a few hymns in praise of their household divinities, and especially of siva, the saviour who manifested himself at trikkariyur. on the night of the performance they are entertained at supper, when they sing certain songs called karisloka. they then move in slow procession to the kalam or hall, singing specially songs in the vallappattu metre, with the sacred thread hanging vertically round the neck (apiviti), and not diagonally as is the orthodox fashion. in the hall have been placed a burning lamp in the centre, a para (malabar measure) filled with paddy, a number of bunches of cocoanuts, plantain fruits, and various kinds of flowers. the brahmans sit in a circle round the lamp, and, after preliminary invocations to ganapathi, sing songs in praise of siva. after this various kinds of dumb-show are performed, and this is the time for exhibiting skill in swordsmanship. the exorcising, by the waving of a lighted torch before the face of the host, of any evil spirits that may have attached themselves is then gone through. the performance ends with a prayer to bhagavati, that she will shower every prosperity. following close upon this, a variety entertainment is sometimes given by the yatrakali nambutiris. this old institution is still in great favour in british malabar, and, as it has a religious aspect intertwined with it, it is not likely to be swept away by the unsparing broom of the so-called parishkarakalam or reforming age of modern india. "the kathakali, or national drama of malabar, is held in great esteem and favour by the nambutiris. most of them are conversant with the songs and shows relating to it, and severely criticise the slightest fault or failure. the kathakali is more than three centuries old in malabar, and is said to have been first brought into existence by a member of the ancient ruling house of kottarakkara. as the earliest theme represented was the ramayana, the kathakali is also known as ramanattam. a single play lasts for eight and even ten hours in the night. kshatriyas, asuras, rakshasas, kiratas (hunting tribes), monkeys, birds, etc., each has an appropriate make-up. the play is in dumb-show, and no character is permitted to speak on the stage. the songs are sung by the bhagavatar or songster, and the actors literally act, and do nothing more. the nambutiris love this antiquated form of theatrical performance, and patronise it to a remarkable extent. "there are a number of other recreations of an entirely non-religious character. the chief of these are called respectively seven dogs and the leopard, fifteen dogs and the leopard, and twenty-eight dogs and the leopard. success in these games consists in so arranging the dogs as to form a thick phalanx, two abreast, round the leopard. stones of two sizes are employed to represent the dogs and leopards, and the field is drawn on the ground. "the ezahmattukali, or seventh amusement, is said to have been so called from the fact of its being introduced by the seventh nambutiri gramam of kerala. it is a miniature form of yatrakali, but without its quasi-religious character, and is intended to serve merely as a social pastime. the players need not all be brahmans; nor is fasting or any religious discipline part of the preliminary programme. sitting round the lamp as at the yatrakali, and reciting songs in praise of siva, the players proceed to the characteristic portion of the recreation, which is a kind of competition in quick-wittedness and memory held between two yogas or parties. one among them calls himself the kallur nayar and is the presiding judge. there is interrogation and answering by two persons, and a third proclaims the mistakes in the answers. there are two others, who serve as bailiffs to execute the judge's orders. humorous scenes are then introduced, such as ittikkantappan nayar, prakkal, mutti or old woman, pattar or paradesa brahman, and other characters, who appear on the stage and amuse the assembly." the nambutiris are vedic brahmans: their scriptures are the vedas. it is safe to say that the nambutiris are shaivas, but not to the exclusion of vishnu. the ordinary south indian vaishnava brahman has nothing to do with the shaiva temple over the way, and takes no part or interest in the shaiva festivals. siva is to the nambutiri the supreme deity, but he has temples also to vishnu, krishna, narasimha, sri raghava, ganapathi, subrahmanya, bhagavati, etc. there are said to be temples to sastavu and sankarnarayanan--amalgamated forms of siva and vishnu. the lingam is the ordinary object of worship. like all brahmans, the nambutiris believe that the eight directions or points of the compass, north, north-east, east, south-east, south, south-west, west, north-west, are presided over by eight deities, or ashtadikpalakas, riding on various animals. indra reigns in heaven and yama in hell, and surya is the sun god. all these and their wives are worshipped. parvati shares adoration with siva, lakshmi with vishnu, and so on. the nambutiris believe in the existence of evil spirits which influence man, but they do not worship them. it is said that the nambutiri has of late been influenced by vedantism, that wonderful religious idea of the existence of one spirit or atman, the only reality, outside which the world and all besides is mere illusion, and whose doctrine is wrapped up in the three words "ekam eva advitiyam". (there is but one being without a second). the nambutiris call themselves arya brahmanar. their legendary transmigration to malabar from northern india is doubtless true. theirs is by far the purest form of the vedic brahmanism to be met with in southern india. a complete account of the religion of the nambutiris cannot be given in these pages. the nambutiri's life is a round of sacrifices, the last of which is the burning of his body on the funeral pyre. when the nambutiri has no male issue, he performs the putra kameshti or karmavipakaprayaschittam yagams or sacrifices to obtain it. should he be unwell, he performs the mrittyunjaya santi yagam, so that he may be restored to good health. he performs the aja yagam, or goat sacrifice, in order to obtain salvation. though animal food is strictly forbidden, and the rule is strictly followed, the flesh of the goat, which remains after the offering has been made in this sacrifice, is eaten by the nambutiris present as part of the solemn ceremonial. this is the only occasion on which animal food is eaten. namaskaram, or prostration, is much done during prayers. by some it is done some hundreds of times daily, by others not so often. it amounts to physical exercise, and is calculated to strengthen the arms and the back. reference has already been made to certain ceremonies connected with pregnancy, and the early life of a child. there are three further important ceremonies, called upanayana, samavartana and upakarma, concerning which mr. subramani aiyar writes as follows. "upanayana may be called the brahmanising ceremony. an oft-repeated sanskrit verse runs to the effect that a brahman is a brahman by virtue of his karmas or actions in this life, or the lives preceding it. the meaning of the term upanayana is a ceremony which leads one to god, i.e., to a realisation of the eternal self through the aid of a guru (preceptor). this ceremony takes place in the seventh, eighth, or ninth year of a boy's life. as ordinarily understood, it is a ceremony for males only, as they alone have to observe the four asramas. but, in ancient days, it seems to have been performed also by females. marriage was not compulsory, and a girl might take to asceticism at once. sita is said to have worn a yagnopavitam (sacred thread). a brahman is not born, but made by the karmas. in other words, a brahman boy is, at the time of his birth, only a sudra, and it is by the performance of the necessary karmas--not merely the ceremonial rites, but the disciplinary and preparatory process in view to spiritual development--that he becomes a dviga or twice-born. the word upanayana is composed of upa, meaning near, and nayana, leading. what the youth is led to is, according to some, brahmaggnana or the realisation of the eternal and universal self, and according to others only the teacher or guru. a nambutiri upanayana begins with the presentation of a dakshina (consolidated fee) to the ezhuttachchan, or the nayar or ambalavasi teacher, who has been instructing the youth in the vernacular. the boy stands on the western side of the sacrificial fire, facing the east, and the father stands beside him, facing the same way. the second cloth (uttariya) is thrown over the boy's head, and his right hand being held up, the sacred thread, to which a strap made from the skin of a krishnamriga (antelope) is attached, is thrown over his shoulders and under his right arm, while he stands reverently with closed eyes. the thread and skin are wrapped up in the cloth, and are not to be seen by the boy. he is then taken to an open place, where the priest introduces the new brahmachari to the sun, and invokes him to cover his pupil with his rays. the boy next goes to the sacrificial altar, and himself offers certain sacrifices to the fire. saluting his preceptor and obtaining his blessing, he requests that he may be initiated into the savitrimantram. after a few preliminary ceremonies, the guru utters in the right ear of his disciple the sacred syllable om, and repeats the gayatri mantram nine times. he then instructs him in certain maxims of conduct, which he is to cherish and revere throughout the brahmacharya stage. addressing the boy, the guru says, 'you have become entitled to the study of the vedas; perform all the duties which pertain to the asrama you are about to enter. never sleep during the day. study the vedas by resigning yourself to the care of your spiritual instructor.' these exhortations, though made in sanskrit, are explained in malayalam, in order that the boy may understand them--a feature unknown to brahmans on the other coast. with his words of advice, the preceptor gives the youth a danda or stick made of pipal (ficus religiosa) wood, as if to keep him in perpetual memory of what would follow if any of the directions be disregarded. the boy then makes his obeisance to his parents and all his relations, and is given a brass vessel called bhikshapatra (alms pot), in which he collects, by house-to-house visits, food for his daily sustenance during the brahmacharya stage. he proceeds to the kitchen of his own house with the vessel in one hand and the stick in the other. making his obeisance in due form to his mother, who stands facing the east, he says 'bhiksham bhavati dadatu' (may you be pleased to give me alms). the mother places five or seven handfuls of rice in the vessel. after receiving similar contributions from the assembled elders, the boy takes the vessel to his father, who is the first guru, saying 'bhaikshmamidam' (this is my alms collection). the father blesses it, and says 'may it be good.' after the gayatrijapa, the ceremony of samidadhana is performed. this is the brahmachari's daily worship of the sacred fire, corresponding to the aupasana of the grihastha, and has to be performed twice daily. after another homam at night, the cloth covering the sacred thread and skin is removed, and the consecration of the food is done for the first time. in addition to the skin strap, the brahmachari wears a mekhala or twisted string of kusa grass. it is doubtless of the youthful nambutiri that barbosa wrote as follows at the beginning of the sixteenth century. 'and when these are seven years old, they put round their necks a strap two fingers in width of an animal which they call cresnamergan, and they command him not to eat betel for seven years, and all this time he wears that strap round the neck, passing under the arm; and, when he reaches fourteen years of age, they make him a brahman, removing from him the leather strap round his neck, and putting on another three-thread, which he wears all his life as a mark of being a brahman. the rules which were observed with such strictness centuries ago are still observed, and every nambutiri boy goes through his period of brahmacharya, which lasts at least for full five years. during the whole of this period, no sandal paste, no scents, and no flowers are to be used by him. he is not to take his meals at other houses on festive occasions. he must not sleep during the day. nor may he wear a loin-cloth in the ordinary fashion. shoes and umbrella are also prohibited. the completion of the brahmachari asrama, or stage of pupilage, is called samavartana. after a few religious ceremonies in the morning, the brahmachari shaves for the first time since the upanayana ceremonies, casts off the skin strap and mekhala, and bathes. he puts on sandal paste marks, bedecks himself with jasmine flowers, and puts on shoes. he then holds an umbrella, and wears a pearl necklace. after this, he puts on a head-dress, and a few other ceremonials conclude the samavartana. for three days subsequent to this, the budding grihastha is considered ceremonially impure, and the pollution is perhaps based on the death of the old asrama, and birth of the new. in the upakarma ceremony, hymns are sung by the preceptor, and the pupil has merely to listen to them." in conclusion, something may be said concerning the general beliefs of the nambutiris. all objects, animate or inanimate, organic or inorganic, are believed to be permeated by the divine spirit. animals, trees, plants, and flowers are animate, and therefore venerated. the sun, moon, and stars are revered on account of some inherent quality in each, such as utility or strength, or owing to their connection with some deity. a god can assume any form at any time, such as that of a man, bird, beast, or tree. the various forms in which a god has appeared are ever sacred. some animals have been used as vehicles by the gods, and are therefore revered. cows, horses, and snakes are worshipped. the cow is the most sacred of all animals. the puranas tell of kamadhenu, the cow of plenty, one of the fourteen useful things which turned up out of the ocean of milk when it was churned, and which is supposed to have yielded the gods all they desired. so kamadhenu is one who gives anything which is desired. every hair of the cow is sacred, its urine is the most holy water, and its dung the most purificatory substance. the horse is the favourite animal of kubera, the treasure-god. the uchchaisravas the high-eared prototype of all horses, also came out of the churned ocean. horse sacrifice, or asvamedha, is the greatest of all sacrifices. performance of a hundred of them would give the sacrificer power to displace indra, in order to make room for him. snakes are the fruitful progeny of the sage kasyapa and kadru. the maha sesha, their prince, is the couch and canopy of vishnu, and supports the world on his thousand heads. but attention to snakes is probably more in the light of the harm which they may do, and propitiatory in character. among plants, the tulasi or sacred basil (ocimum sanctum) is the most sacred of all. it is supposed to be pervaded by the essence of both vishnu and lakshmi: according to some legends, it is a metamorphosis of sita and rukmini. the daily prayer offered to the tulasi is thus rendered by monier williams. "i adore that tulasi in whose roots are all the sacred places of pilgrimage, in whose centre are all the deities, and in whose upper branches are all the vedas." the udumbara (ficus glomerata) is also sacred. under this tree dattatreya, the incarnation of the trinity, performed his ascetic austerities. the nambutiri says that, according to the sastras, there must be one of these trees in his compound, and, if it is not there, he imagines it is. the bilva (Ægle marmelos) is specially sacred to siva all over southern india. to the nambutiri it is very sacred. its leaves are supposed to represent the three attributes of siva--satva, raja, and tama--and also his three eyes and his trisulam (trident). they are used by the nambutiri in propitiatory ceremonies to that god. an offering of a single leaf of this tree is believed to annihilate the sins done three births or existence. kusa grass (eragrostis cynosuroides) is very sacred, and used in many ceremonies. at the churning of the ocean, the snakes are said to have been greedy enough to lick the nectar off the kusa grass, and got their tongues split in consequence. the asvaththa (ficus religiosa) is also very sacred to the nambutiris. it is supposed to be pervaded by the spirit of brahma the creator. from the sun (surya, the sun-god) emanate light and heat, and to its powers all vegetation is due, so the nambutiri worships it daily. he also offers puja to the sun and moon as belonging to the nine navagrahas (planets). the planets are the sun, moon, mercury, venus, mars, jupiter, saturn, rahu and ketu. they influence the destinies of men, and therefore come in for some worship. the three last are sinister in their effects, and must be propitiated. namdev.--a synonym of rangari. nanchi kuruva.--a name for kuruvas, who inhabit nanchinad in travancore. nanchinad vellala.--the nanchinad vellalas, to the number of , , are found scattered all over travancore, though their chief centre is nanchinad, composed of the taluks of tovala and agastisvaram. their manners and customs at the present day are so different to those of the tamil vellalas that they may be regarded as a separate caste indigenous to travancore and cochin. like other sudras of travancore, they add the title pillai to their name, which is often preceded by the title kannaku. from a copper-plate grant in the possession of the syrian christians, dated a.d. , we learn that one family of carpenters, and four families of vellalas, were entrusted with the growing of plants on the sea-coast, the latter being the karalars or trustees. from this it appears that the vellalas must have settled on the west coast in the ninth century at the latest. the nanchinad vellalas were not originally different from their pandyan analogues, but settled in the taluks above mentioned, over which the pandyans held sway during several periods in mediæval times. on one occasion, when there was a dispute about the territorial jurisdiction of nanchinad between the maharaja of travancore and the pandyan ruler, the leading vellalas of these taluks went over in a body to the travancore camp, and swore allegiance to the travancore throne. they gradually renounced even the law of inheritance, which their brethren of the tamil country followed, and adopted many novel customs, which they found prevalent in kerala. from nanchinad the caste spread in all directions, and, as most of them were respectable men with good education and mathematical training, their services were utilised for account-keeping in the civil and military departments of the state. they must, of course, be clearly distinguished from the tamil makkathayam vellalas of kuttamperur in tiruvella, who have also become naturalised in travancore, for the following note, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. like the tamil vellalas, the nanchinad vellalas are divided into two classes, saiva and asaiva, of which the former abstain from flesh and fish, while the latter have no such scruple. asaivas will take food in the houses of saivas, but the saivas cook their own food when they go to an asaiva house. again, though the saivas marry girls from asaiva families, they are taught the saiva hymn by the gurukal immediately afterwards, and prohibited from dining with their former relatives. this custom is, however, only known to prevail in the south. while the vellalas in the south reside in streets, their brethren in the north live, like nayars, in isolated houses. in their dress and ornaments, too, the nanchinad vellalas living in north travancore differ from those of the south, inasmuch as they adopt the practice of the nayars, while the latter are conservative, and true to their old traditions. the nanchinad vellalas are well known, throughout travancore, for their thrift, industry, and mathematical acumen. several families have dropped the designation of vellala, and adopted nanchinad nayar as their caste-name. their language is largely mixed up with malayalam words and phrases. madan isakki (yakshi) and inan are their recognised tutelary deities, and were till recently worshipped in every household. villati-chanpattu is a common propitiatory song, sung by members of the goldsmith and oilmonger castes, in connection with the ceremonies of the nanchinad vellalas. it deals with the origin of these minor deities, and relates the circumstances in which their images were set up in various shrines. amman-kodai, or offering to the mother, is the most important religious festival. they also observe the tye-pongal, depavali, trikkartikai, onam and vishu festivals. the anniversary of ancestors is celebrated, and the pattukkai ceremony of the tamil vellalas, in propitiation of deceased female ancestors, is performed every year. stories of chitragupta, the accountant-general of yama, the indian pluto, are recited on the new-moon day in the month, of chittiray (april-may) with great devotion. the nanchinad vellalas are chiefly an agricultural class, having their own village organisation, with office-bearers such as kariyasthan or secretary, mutalpiti or treasurer, and the pilla or accountant. contributions towards village funds are made on certain ceremonial occasions. their high priest belongs to the umayorubhagam mutt of kumbakonam, and the north travancore vellalas recognise the panantitta gurukal as their spiritual adviser. east coast brahmans often officiate as their priests, and perform the sacrificial and other rites at weddings. the usual rule is for girls to marry after puberty, but early marriage is not rare. the maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter is regarded as the legitimate bride. the presents to the bridegroom include a mundu and neriyatu, the ordinary malabar dress, and very often an iron writing-style and knife. this is said to be symbolical of the fact that the vellalas formed the accountant caste of travancore, and that several families of them were invited from madura and tinnevelly to settle down in nanchinad for this purpose. a procession of the bridal couple in a palanquin through the streets is a necessary item of the marriage festivities. the nanchinad vellalas contract temporary alliances with nayar women from the padamangalam section downwards. divorce is permitted, provided a formal release-deed, or vidu-muri, is executed by the husband. after this, the woman may enter into sambandham (connection) with a nanchinad or pandi vellala. the laws of inheritance are a curious blend of the makkathayam and marumakkathayam systems. sons are entitled to a portion of the property, not exceeding a fourth, of the self-acquired property of the father, and also a fourth of what would have descended to him in a makkathayam family. this is called ukantutama, because it is property given out of love as opposed to right. it is a further rule that, in case of divorce, the wife and children should be given this ukantutama, lest they should be left in utter destitution, only a tenth part of the ancestral property being allotted for this purpose, if her husband leaves no separate estate. if more than a fourth of the estate is to be given in this manner, the permission of the heirs in the female line has generally to be obtained. if a man dies without issue, and leaves his wife too old or unwilling to enter into a fresh matrimonial alliance, she is entitled to maintenance out of his estate. a divorced woman, if without issue, is similarly entitled to maintenance during the life of her former husband. the property to which she may thus lay claim is known as nankutama, meaning the property of the nanka or woman. the nankutama cannot be claimed by the widow, if, at the time of her husband's death, she does not live with, and make herself useful to him. when a widow enters into a sambandham alliance, the second husband has to execute a deed called etuppu, agreeing to pay her, either at the time of his death or divorce, a specified sum of money. the ukantutama from the family of her first husband does not go to the issue of a woman who is in possession of an etuppu deed. the namakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed in early life. many of the names are unknown among nayars, e.g., siva, vishnu, kuttalalingam, subramanya, ponnampalam among males, and sivakami, kantimati among females. the tonsure is performed before a boy is three years old. the right of performing the funeral ceremonies is vested in the son, or, failing one, the nephew. pollution lasts for sixteen days. the karta (chief mourner) has to get himself completely shaved, and wears the sacred thread throughout the period of pollution, or at least on the sixteenth day. on that day oblations of cooked food, water and gingelly (sesamum) seeds are offered to the departed. if a daughter's son dies, her mother, and not the father, observes pollution. nanchinad vellala has been assumed by males of the deva-dasi caste in travancore. nandikattu (bull's mouth).--an exogamous sept of medara. nandimandalam.--a sub-division of razu. nanga (naked).--a sub-division of poroja. nangudi vellala.--the so-called nangudi vellalas, or savalai pillais, are found inhabiting several villages in the tinnevelly district, and differ from other vellalas in several important points. they say that they are kottai (fort) vellalas, who have given up the custom of living within a fort. nangudi women are not allowed to enter the fort at srivaiguntam, wherein the kottai vellalas live. within the last few years, marriages are said to have taken place between members of the two communities. the nangudis have exogamous septs or kilais, named for the most part after persons or deities, which, like the septs of the maravans, run in the female line. the hereditary caste headman is called pattaththu pillai. in olden times, members who disobeyed him were made to run through the streets with a rotten tender cocoanut tied to the kudumi (hair knot), while a man ran behind, applying a tamarind switch to the back. the consent of a girl's maternal uncle and his wife is necessary, before she can marry. the aunt's consent is signified by touching the tali (marriage badge) on the wedding day. the uncle keeps a light, called ayira panthi, burning until the time for tying the tali, a quarter measure of rice is tied up in a cloth, and the knot converted into a wick, which is fed with ghi (clarified butter). the news of a death in the community is conveyed by the barber. before the removal of the corpse, all close relations, and at least one pair of nangudis from every village, must come to the house. absence on this occasion is considered as a very grave insult. on the second day after death, an amarantus, called arakkirai, must be cooked. a special feature in connection with inheritance is that a man should give his daughters some property, and every daughter must be given a house. the husbands have to live in their wives' houses. the property which a woman receives from her father becomes eventually the property of her daughters, and her sons have no claim to it. sons inherit the property of the father in the usual manner. like the kondaikatti vellalas, the nangudis claim that they had the right of placing the crown on the head of the pandyan kings. in the village of korkai, there is a tank (pond) called kannimar jonai, because celestial maidens used to bathe there. when one agni maha rishi was doing penance, three of the celestial maidens are said to have come to bathe. the rishi fell in love with them, and eventually three sons were born. these children were brought up by the vellalas of korkai at the request of the rishi, who represented that they were likely to become kings. according to the legend, they became chera, chola, and pandya kings. nannuru (four hundred).--an exogamous sept of madiga. nantunikkuruppu.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a synonym of vatti, a sub-division of nayar. nanukonda.--a sub-division of lingayat kapus, named after the village of nanukonda in the kurnool district. naravidyavaru.--these are vipravinodis, who are jangams by caste. they style themselves naravidyavaru when they perform acrobatic and other feats before ordinary people, and vipravinodi when they perform before brahmans. the name naravidyavaru is said to be a contraction of narulu-mechche-vidya-cheyu-varu, i.e., those who receive the approbation of men. one of their most favourite feats is throwing three or four wooden or stone balls up into the air, and rolling them quickly in succession over various parts of the body--arms, chest, etc. nariangal (nari, jackal).--an exogamous sept of vallamban. narikela (cocoanut).--an exogamous sept of balija. narollu (fibre).--an exogamous sept of pedakanti kapu. narpathu katchi (forty-house section).--a sub-division of valluvan. nasrani mappilla.--a name, in malabar, applied to christians. nasuvan.--nasivan or nasuvan, said to mean unholy, one who should not be touched, or one sprung from the nose, is the name for ambattans (tamil barbers). the equivalents nasiyan and navidan occur as a name for telugu barbers, and malayali barbers who shave nayars and higher castes. navidan is further recorded as the occupational name of a sub-division of tamil paraiyans, and vettuvans. natamukki.-- recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. naththalu (snails).--an exogamous sept of mala. natramiludaiyan.--a name, meaning the repository of chaste tamil, returned by some nattamans at times of census. nattan.--at the census, , nearly , individuals returned themselves as nattan, which is stated by the census superintendent to be "a vague term meaning people of the country, reported by some to be a main caste, and by others to be a sub-caste of vellala. nearly all of those who returned the name came from salem and were cultivators, but some of them entered themselves as possessing the title of servai, which usually denotes an agamudaiyan" (see servai, servaikaran). nattan also occurs as a title of the tamil sembadavan and pattanavan fishing castes, and of the vallambans. portions of the tamil country are divided into areas known as nadus, in each of which certain castes, known as nattan or nattar, are the predominant element. for example, the vallambans and kallans are called the nattars of the palaya nadu in the sivaganga zamindari of the madura district. in dealing with the tribal affairs of the various castes inhabiting a particular nadu, the lead is taken by the nattars. nattati (the name of a village).--a sub-division of shanan. nattu (sons of the soil).--recorded as a sub-division of kallan, and of the malayans of cochin. nattukattada nayanmar.--a class of mendicants attached to the kaikolans (q.v.). nattukottai chetti.--"of all the chettis," mr. francis writes, [ ] "perhaps the most distinctive and interesting are the nattukottai chettis, who are wealthy money-lenders with head-quarters in the tiruppattur and devakottai divisions of the sivaganga and ramnad zamindaris in the madura district. they are the most go-a-head of all the trading castes in the south, travelling freely to burma, the straits settlements and ceylon (also saigon, mauritius, and south africa), and having in some cases correspondents in london and on the continent. as long as their father is alive, the members of a nattukottai chetti family usually all live together. the caste is noted in the madura district for the huge houses, to which this custom has given rise. married sons have a certain number of rooms set aside for them, and are granted a carefully calculated yearly budget allotment of rice and other necessaries. on the father's death, contrary to all ordinary hindu usage, the eldest son retains the house, and the youngest his mother's jewels and bed, while the rest of the property is equally divided among all the sons. when a male child is born, a certain sum is usually set aside, and in due time the accumulated interest upon it is spent on the boy's education. as soon as he has picked up business ways sufficiently, he begins life as the agent of some other members of the caste, being perhaps entrusted with a lakh of rupees, often on no better security than an unstamped acknowledgment scratched on a palmyra leaf, and sent off to burma or singapore to trade with it, and invest it. a percentage on the profits of this undertaking, and savings from his own salary, form a nucleus which he in turn invests on his own account. his wife will often help pay the house-keeping bills by making baskets and spinning thread, for the women are as thrifty as the men. as a caste they are open-handed and devout. in many houses, one pie in every rupee of profit is regularly set aside for charitable and religious expenditure, and a whip round for a caste-fellow in difficulties is readily responded to. by religion they are fervent saivites, and many of the men proclaim the fact by wearing a rudraksham (eleocarpus ganitrus) fruit, usually set in gold, round their necks. of late years they have spent very large sums upon several of the famous saivite shrines in the madras presidency, notably those at chidambaram, [ ] madura, and tiruvannamalai. unfortunately, however, much of the work has been executed in the most lamentable modern taste, and it is saddening to contrast the pitiful outcome of their heavy outlay with the results which might have been attained under judicious guidance. the decoration in the new kaliyana mahal in the madura temple is mainly inferior varnished wood-carving, looking-glasses, and coloured glass balls. the same style has been followed at tiruvannamalai, although lying scattered about in the outer courts of the temple are enough of the old pierced granite pillars to make perhaps the finest mantapam in south india. owing to their wealth and their money-lending, the nattukottai chettis have been called the jews of south india, but their kindliness and charity deserve more recognition than this description accords." i am informed that the property of a woman (jewels, vessels, investments, etc.), on her decease, goes to her daughters. as among other hindu castes, the eldest son may retain the personal effects of his father, and, with the consent of his brothers, may retain his house. but the value thereof is deducted from his share in the property. it is stated in the madura manual that the "nattukottai settis in particular are notorious for their greed, and most amusing stories are told about them. however wealthy they may be, they usually live in the most penurious manner, and they will never by any chance show mercy to a debtor, so long as he shall have a penny left, or the chance of earning one. however, to make amends for their rapacity, they are in the habit of spending large sums now and then in works of charity. and, whatever faults there may be, they are most excellent men of business. indeed, until quite lately, the good faith and honesty of a nattukottai setti were proverbial, and are even now conspicuous. the nattukottai settis claim to be a good caste, and asserted that they emigrated to this district thousands of years ago from a town called kaveripattanam, in consequence of an intolerable persecution. but the other settis will not admit the truth of their story, and affect to despise them greatly, alleging even that they are the bastard descendants of a muhammadan man and a kalla woman. the word nattukottai is said to be a corruption of nattarasangkottai, the name of a small village near sivaganga. but this derivation appears to be doubtful." the name is usually said to be derived from nattukottai, or country fort. it has been said that "the nattukottai chettis, in organisation, co-operation, and business methods, are as remarkable as the european merchants. very few of them have yet received any english education. they regard education as at present given in public schools as worse than useless for professional men, as it makes men theoretical, and scarcely helps in practice. the simple but strict training which they give their boys, the long and tedious apprenticeship which even the sons of the richest among them have to undergo, make them very efficient in their profession, and methodical in whatever they undertake to do." concerning the nattukottai chettis, mr. p. r. sundara aiyar writes as follows. [ ] "the first and chiefest aim of a nattukottai chetti is to make as much money as possible. he does not regard usury as a sin. as a little boy of ten or twelve, he begins to apply himself to business, learns accounts, and attends the shop of his father. as soon as he marries, his father gives him a separate home, or rather compels him to live separately, though often in the same house as his parents. this makes him self-reliant, and produces in him a desire to save as much money as possible. he is given a certain allowance out of the paternal estate, but, if he spends more, he is debited with the excess amount. every one consequently tries to increase his stock of individual savings. even the women earn money in a variety of ways. every rupee saved is laid out at as high a rate of interest as possible. it is commonly stated that a rupee, laid out at the birth of a child at compound interest at per cent., will amount to a lakh of rupees by the time he attains the age of a hundred. the habits of a nattukottai chetti are very simple, and his living is very cheap, even when he is rich. so strict are the chettis in pecuniary matters that, if a relation visits them, he gets only his first meal free, and if he stays longer, is quietly debited with the cost of his stay." the nattukottai chettis [ ] are said to employ kammalans, valaiyans, kallans, and vallambans as their cooks. they are permitted to enter the interior of hindu temples, and approach near to the innermost doorway of the central shrine. this privilege is doubtless accorded to them owing to the large sums of money which they spend on temples, and in endowing charitable institutions. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "of the profits of their commercial transactions, a fixed percentage (called magamai) is usually set aside for charity. some of the money so collected is spent on keeping up sanskrit schools, but most of it has been laid out in the repair and restoration of the temples of the south, especial attention being paid to those shrines (padal petta sthalangal, as they are called), which were hymned by the four great poet-saints, manikya vachakar, appar, tirugnana sambandhar, and sundaramurti." "the chettis," mr. sundara aiyar writes, "are believed to be the most charitable class in southern india, and undoubtedly they spend the largest amount of money on charity. they set apart a fraction of their profits for charity. they levy rates among themselves for local charities, wherever they go. the income obtained from the rates is generally spent on temples. in new places like ceylon, burma, and singapore, they build new temples, generally dedicated to subramanya swami. in india itself, they establish festivals in existing temples, and undertake the repair of temples. immense sums have been spent by them recently in the renovation and restoration of ancient temples. we should not be surprised to be told that the amount spent within the last thirty years alone amounts to a crore of rupees. being saivites, they do not generally care for vaishnava temples. and, even among saiva temples, only such as have special sanctity, and have been sung about by the saiva nainars or bhaktas, are patronised by them. they have devoted large sums to the establishment of comfortable choultries (rest-houses), feeding houses, vedic and recently also sastraic pathasalas (schools). they have established schools for the education of the kurukal or the priestly class. and, in fact, every charity of the orthodox hindu type finds generous support among them." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that the gopurams of the madura temple "have been repaired of late years at great cost by the nattukottai chettis. the northern tower used to consist only of the brick and stone-work storeys, and was known in consequence as the mottai (literally bald) gopuram. recently, however, a courageous chetti, who cared nothing for the superstition that it is most unlucky to complete a building left unfinished, placed the usual plaster top upon it." in recent years, the temple at chidambaram has been renovated by the nattukottai chettis, who "have formed for this and similar restorations a fund which is made up of a fee of four annas per cent. levied from their clients on all sums borrowed by the latter. the capital of this is invested, and the interest thereon devoted exclusively to such undertakings." [ ] in , the purificatory ceremony, or kumbabishekam, of the sri pasupathiswara swami temple at karur was performed with great pomp. the old temple had been thoroughly overhauled and repaired by the nattukottai chettis. the ceremony cost about fifty thousand rupees. many thousands were fed, and presents of money made to a large number of vaidiki brahmans. in the same year, at a public meeting held in madras to concert measures for establishing a pinjrapole (hospital for animals), one of the resolutions was that early steps should be taken to collect public subscriptions from the hindu community generally, and in particular from the nattukottai chettis, gujaratis, and other mercantile classes. still more recently, the kumbabishekam festival was celebrated at tiruvanaikkaval, the seat of a celebrated temple near trichinopoly, which was repaired by the nattukottai chettis at a cost of many lakhs of rupees. by a traditional custom, the nattukottai chettis live largely by money-lending. they never serve under any one outside their own community. they either trade on their own account, or are employed as agents or assistants. the pay of an assistant is always calculated for a period of three years, and a portion thereof is paid in advance after a month's service. this the assistant invests to the best advantage. at the end of a year, a portion of the balance of the pay is handed over to him, leaving a small sum to be paid at the end of the contract period. his expenses for board and lodging are met by his employer, and he may receive a small share of the profits of the business. a man, on receiving an agency, starts on an auspicious day, and proceeds to a temple of ganesa, and to a matam (religious institution) containing figures of ganesa and natesa. after prostrating himself before the gods, he proceeds on his way. if he encounters an object of evil omen, he will not continue, and, if he has to journey to a distant spot, he will throw up his appointment. the accounts of the nattukottai chettis are audited triennially, an annual audit being inconvenient, as their business is carried on at various remote spots. the foreign business is said [ ] to "be transacted by agents belonging to the caste, who receive a salary proportioned to the distance of the place, and also, usually, a percentage on the profits. they generally serve for three years, and then return, and give an account of their stewardship." the commencement of a fresh period of three years is made on an auspicious day called puthukanakkunal (fresh account day), which is observed as a holiday. no business is transacted, and customers are invited, and receive presents of fruits, sweets, etc. in connection with nattukottai agencies, mr. hayavadana rao writes as follows. [ ] "people of moderate means usually elect to go to distant places as agents of the different firms that have their head offices either at madura or in the zamindaris of ramnad and sivaganga. the pay of a local agent varies directly with the distance of the place to which he is posted. if he is kept at madura, he gets rs. per mensem; if sent to burma, he gets three times as much; and, if to natal, about twice the latter sum. if an agent proves himself to be an industrious and energetic man, he is usually given a percentage on the profits. the tenure of office is for three years, six months before the expiry of which the next agent is sent over to work conjointly with the existing one, and study the local conditions. on relief, the agent returns directly to his head office, and delivers over his papers, and then goes to his own village. with this, his connection with his firm practically ceases. he enjoys his well-earned rest of three years, at the end of which he seeks re-employment either under his old firm, or under any other. the former he is bound to, if he has taken a percentage on the profits during his previous tenure of office. if the old firm rejects him when he so offers himself, then he is at liberty to enter service under others." it is said to be very rare for nattukottai women to accompany their husbands to distant places. "in fact, the husbands have to visit their native places at long intervals, and make a felicitous sojourn in the company of their wives." the houses of the nattukottai chettis are spacious and substantial buildings all based on the same general plan. the front entrance opens into an oblong courtyard with a verandah all round, and rows of rooms at the two sides. at the farther end of the courtyard is an entrance leading into a backyard or set of apartments. modern houses have imposing exteriors, and an upper storey. married sons live in separate quarters, and every couple receive from their fathers a fixed yearly allowance, which may amount to twenty rupees and fifteen kalams of paddy. the sons may, if they choose, spend more, but the excess is debited to their account, and, at the time of partition of the estate, deducted, with interest, from their share. it is noted by mr. hayavadana rao that "the remarkable custom prevails amongst them that obliges all married members to cook separately and eat their meals, though they live in the same house. even the widowed mother is no exception to this rule. unmarried members live with their parents until they are married. allotments of rice and other necessaries are annually made to the several semi-independent members of the household. this custom has given rise to the commodious houses in which members of this caste usually reside." as concerning the origin of the nattukottai chettis, the following story is told. in ancient days, the vaisyas of the lunar race were living in the town of santhyapuri in the naganadu of the jambudvipa(india). they paid daily visits to the shrine of vinayaka god made of emerald, and were traders in precious stones. they were much respected, and led the life of orthodox saivites, wore rudraksha beads, and smeared themselves with sacred ashes. they were, however, much oppressed by a certain ruler, and emigrated in a body to conjeeveram in the tondamandalam country in the year of the kaliyuga. the king of conjeeveram gave them permission to settle in his territory, and made grants to them of land, temples and matams. they stayed there for a very long time, but, being troubled by heavy taxes and fines, left this part of the country about kaliyuga, and settled in the chola country. the chola king, being much impressed with them, bestowed on them the privilege of placing the crown on the head of a new ruler at his coronation. at this time, the town of kaveripumpattanam is said to have been in a very flourishing state, and the north street was occupied by vaisyas from other countries. being unwilling to disturb them, the king made the new settlers occupy the east, west, and south streets. as a mark of respect, they were allowed to use flags with the figure of a lion on them, and use golden vessels (kalasam) in their houses. they all, at the instigation of the king, became disciples of one isanya sivachariar of patanjalikshetra (chidambaram). about kaliyuga, puvandi chola raja imprisoned several of the vaisya women, whereon all the eight thousand vaisya families destroyed themselves, leaving their male children to be taken care of by a religious teacher named atmanadhachariar. in all , children were thus brought up, viz., of six ways from the west street, of seven ways from the east street, and of four ways from the south street. later on, puvandi chola fell ill, and, knowing his recovery to be impossible, sent for the vaisya boys, and asked them to look after the coronation of his son rajabhushana chola. but they said that, as they were bachelors, they could not comply with his request. the king accordingly made them marry vellala girls. those of the west street took as wives girls of the karkaththar section, those of the east street girls of the sozhia section, and those of the south street girls of the kaniyala section. the three groups became disciples of three different matams, viz., tiruvarur, kumbakonam, and vanchium. in the year , a dispute arose in connection with the right of priority in receiving sacred ashes between the vaisya and true vellala women, and the former were made to become the disciples of a new guru (religious preceptor). about , a pandya king, named sundara pandya, is said to have asked the chola king to induce some of the vaisyas to settle down in the pandya territory. they accordingly once more emigrated in a body, and reached the village of onkarakudi on a friday (the constellation astham being in the ascendant on that day). they were allowed to settle in the tract of country north of the river vaigai, east of the piranmalai, and south of vellar. those from the east street settled at ilayaththukudi, those from the west street at ariyur, and those from the south street at sundarapattanam. thus the chettis became divided into three endogamous sections, of which the ilayaththukudi and sundarapattanam are found at the present day in the madura district. the members of the ariyur section migrated to the west coast on the destruction of their village. the members of the ilayaththukudi section became the nattukottais. they, not being satisfied with only one place of worship, requested the king to give them more temples. accordingly, temples were provided for different groups at maththur, vairavanpatti, iraniyur, pillayarpatti, nemam, iluppaikudi, suraikudi, and velangkudi. at the present day, the nattukottai chettis are divided into the following divisions (kovils or temples) and exogamous sub-divisions:-- . ilayaththukudi kovil-- okkurudaiyar. pattanasamiar. perumaruthurudaiyar. kazhanivasakkudaiyar. kinkinikkudaiyar. perasendurudaiyar. siruseththurudaiyar. . maththur kovil-- uraiyur. arumbakur. manalur. mannur. kannur. karuppur. kulaththur. . vairavan kovil-- sirukulaththur. kazhanivasal. marudendrapuram. . iraniyur kovil. . pillayarpatti kovil. . nemam kovil. . iluppaikudi kovil. . suraikudi kovil. . velangkudi kovil. when nattukottai chettis adopt children, they must belong to the same temple division. an adopted son is called manjanir puthiran, or turmeric-water son, because, at the ceremony of adoption, the lad has to drink turmeric-water. [ ] in villages where their main temples are situated, the temple manager is obliged to give food to stranger chettis, and charge for it if they belong to another temple division. according to a variant of the story relating to the origin of the nattukottai chettis, "they were formerly merchants at the court of the chola kings who ruled at kaveripattanam, at one time a flourishing sea-port at the mouth of the cauveri, from which they emigrated in a body on being persecuted by one of them, and first settled at nattarasankottai, about three miles north-east of sivaganga." by other castes, the nattukottai chettis are said to be the descendants of the offspring of unions between a shanan and a muhammadan and uppu korava women. some of the peculiarities of the caste are pointed out in support of the story. thus, nattukottai men shave their heads like muhammadans, and both men and women have the lobes of their ears dilated like the older shanans. their girls wear necklaces of shell beads like korava women, and the women delight in making baskets for recreation, as the korava women do for sale. the caste is sometimes spoken of as uppu (salt) maruhira chetti. the arguments and illustrations are naturally much resented by the nattukottai chettis, who explain the obnoxious name by the story that they were formerly very poor, and made a living by selling salt. the nattukottai chettis have recourse to panchayats (councils) in matters affecting the community. they have, mr. sundara aiyar writes, "been at any rate till recently remarkable for settling their differences out of court. the influence of the elders in preventing litigation is very strong. they conciliate the disputants as far as possible and, after reducing the difference between them to a minimum, they often get their signatures to an award, in which a blank is left to decide the still existing point of difference, the disputants agreeing, after putting in their signatures, to the mediators' filling in the blank, and deciding the dispute as they choose. we are afraid that this spirit of give-and-take is now unfortunately diminishing, and the arbitrament of the courts is more often resorted to than before." there are, among the nattukottai chettis, two forms of panchayat, called madaththuvasal mariyal (matam panchayat) and kovilvasal mariyal (temple panchayat), of which, at the present day, only the latter is in vogue. for every temple there is a manager, an assistant, and a servant called vairavi, who must be a melakkaran. the aggrieved party lodges his complaint with the manager, who sends word to the leading men of the temple division concerned. the complainant and defendant are summoned to attend a council meeting, and the evidence is recorded by the temple manager. if the accused falls to put in an appearance, the vairavi is sent to his house, to take therefrom adavu (security) in the shape of some article belonging to him. in a recent case, a wealthy nattukottai chetti promised his brother's widow that she should be allowed to adopt a boy. but, as the promise was not fulfilled, she complained to the temple; and, as her brother-in-law did not attend the council meeting, the vairavi went to his house, and, in his absence, abstracted the adavu. this was regarded as a great insult, and there was some talk of the case going into court. matters such as the arrangement of marriage contracts, monetary disputes, family discussions, and the like, are referred to the temple council for settlement. final decisions are never recorded in writing, but delivered by word of mouth. those who fail to abide by the decision of the council do not receive a garland from the temple for their marriage, and without this garland a marriage cannot take place. it is noted by mr. hayavadana rao that each of the kovils or temples "is managed by karyakarans, who are nominated to the place by the local elders. these karyakarans act as panchayatdars, and decide all civil cases referred to them. if a case is first referred to them, it may, if necessary, be carried over again to the established courts of the country. but, if once a case is first taken to the courts, they would not entertain it before themselves. they enforce their decrees ( ) by refusing to give the garland of flowers at the marriage time, ( ) by exercising the power of excommunication." every nattukottai chetti youth has to perform a ceremony called suppidi before marriage. on the karthika day, when the constellation krithikai is in the ascendant, he is taken on horseback to a pillayar (ganesa) temple, where he worships, and whirls a bag of burning charcoal tied to a long string round his head. in front of the temple he burns a booth (chokkapane), which has been set up, and with the ashes his forehead is marked. on his return home, and at the entrance of nattukottai houses which he passes, rice lamps are waved before him (alathi). in like manner, every girl has to go through a ceremony, called thiruvadhirai, before marriage. on the day of the arudradarsanam festival, she is bathed and decorated. a necklace of gold beads is placed on her neck instead of the necklace of glass beads (pasimani), which she has hitherto worn. she proceeds, with a silver cup, to the houses where other girls are performing the ceremony, and bawls out:-- i have come dancing; give me avarakkai (dolichos lablab beans). i have come singing; give me padavarangkai (cyamopsis beans). i have come speaking; give me sorakkai (lagenaria fruit). various kinds of vegetables are placed on the silver vessel, cooked, and distributed. cakes, called dosai, are made in the house, and, during their preparation, holes are made in them by married women with an iron style. these cakes are also distributed, and it is taken as an insult if any individual does not receive one. every nattukottai chetti is said to have the inviolable right to claim the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter. this being so, ill-assorted marriages are quite common, the putative father being often but a child. [ ] the marriage ceremonies commence with the giving of gold for the bride's neck. on an auspicious day, the bridegroom's party give a gold coin to a goldsmith, who beats it into a thin sheet, and goes home after receiving betel, etc. on the first day of the marriage rites, a feast is given to the bridegroom's family, and female ancestors are worshipped. on the following day, the presentation of the dowry (sireduththal) takes place. the presents, which are often of considerable value, are laid out for inspection, and an inventory of them is made. perishable articles, such as rice, ghi (clarified butter), dhal (cajanus indicus), and fruits are sold. the bride's presents are taken to the house of the bridegroom, those who carry them being rewarded with betel, a silk fan, scent bottle, silk handkerchief, bottle of chocolate, a tin of biscuits, and a brass vessel. on the third day, garlands are received from the temples to which the bride and bridegroom belong. the bride's party go to the house of the bridegroom, taking on a tray a silk handkerchief and cloth, and in a silver vessel fifty rupees, betel, etc. these are presented to the bridegroom. this ceremony is called mappillai ariyappothal, or going to examine the son-in-law. the next item on the programme is nalkuriththal, or fixing the day. the bridegroom's party proceed to the house of the bride, taking with them two cocoanuts wrapped up in a blanket, betel, turmeric, etc., as a present. the bride is bathed and decorated, and purangkaliththal is proceeded with. she stands by the side of her grandmother, and a brahman purohit, taking up a few leafy margosa (melia azadirachta) twigs, touches the girl's shoulders, head, and knees with them, and throws them away. her glass bead necklace is then removed. at the uppu-eduththal (salt carrying) ceremony, the bridegroom's party carry a basket containing salt, a bundle containing nine kinds of grains, and a palmyra scroll for writing the marriage contract on, to the bride's house. the sacred fire is lighted, and homam performed by the brahman purohit. an old man, who has had a number of children, and belongs to a temple other than that of a bride, and the bridegroom's sister, then tie the tali string round her neck. this string bears a large tali, about seven inches long and four inches broad, and seventeen to twenty-three gold ornaments, often of considerable value. some of them have very sharp points, so that accidents sometimes arise from the points sticking in the eyes of babies carried by women. for every day wear, the massive ornaments are replaced by a smaller set. immediately after the tali has been tied, the marriage contract (isagudi manam) is written. two copies are made, for the bride and bridegroom respectively. as an example of a marriage contract, the following may be cited: "this is written for the marriage celebrated on ... between subramanyan, the son of okkurudaiyan arunachelam chetti ramanadhan chetti and valliammai, the daughter of arumbakurudaiyan k. narayana chetti, both formerly of ilayaththukudi, at the village of.... the value of jewels given to the girl is ... of gold; his dowry amounts to ...; money for female servant ...; sirattuchukram money ...; free gift of jewels.... this esaikudimanam was written by me at.... signed ramanadhan chetti." the bridegroom goes on horseback to a pillayar temple where he worships, and then proceeds in procession through various streets to the bride's house, accompanied by his sister carrying milk in a vessel, and a cooly bearing a bundle of seed rice. at every chetti house the procession halts, and coloured rice lights are waved before the bridegroom. at the entrance to the bride's house, he is met by the bride, whose sister-in-law pushes the couple against each other. hence the ceremony is called mappillaikuidiththukattal, or showing the bride to the bridegroom by pushing her. the couple are then conducted to a dais within the house, and wristlets made of cotton cloth are tied on by the purohit. they exchange cocoanuts and garlands, and, amid the blowing of the conch shell (musical instrument) by women, the bride's mother touches the couple with turmeric, ashes, sandal, etc. on the fourth day, money called veththilai surul rupai (betel-roll money) is given to the newly-married couple by chettis and the maternal uncles. a silver vessel, containing betel and two rupees, is given to the bridegroom by his father-in-law. the bridegroom usually carries on his shoulders a long purse of silk or red cloth, called valluvaippai, into which he puts the betel and other things which are given to him. on the last day of the marriage ceremonies, toe-rings and wristlets are removed, and the bridal pair eat together. in connection with pregnancy, two ceremonies are performed, called respectively marunthidal (medicine giving) and thirthamkudiththal (drinking holy water). the former is celebrated at about the fifth month. on an auspicious day, the sister-in-law of the pregnant woman, amid the blowing of the conch-shell by females, extracts the juice from the leaves of five plants, and gives to the woman to drink. during the seventh month the woman is given consecrated water (thirtham) from the temple. all first-born children, both male and female, have to go through a ceremony called pudhumai (newness). when they are two years old, on an auspicious day, fixed by a brahman purohit, the maternal uncle of the child ties on its neck strings of coral and glass beads, to which ornaments of pearls and precious stones are added in the case of the wealthy. the child is further decorated with other ornaments, and placed in an oval wooden tray, which is held by the mother and her sister-in-law. they go round three times with the tray, and the child's aunt, taking it up, carries it round to be blessed by those who have assembled. presents of money are given to the child by relations and friends, and the maternal uncles have to give a larger sum than the others. on the second or third day the coral and bead ornaments are removed, and, on the fourth day, the child, if a male, is shaved, and must thenceforth have the head clean shaved throughout life. "the story goes that, when the chola king of kaveripattanam persecuted them, the members of this caste resolved not to shave their heads until they quitted his territories. when they reached their new settlement they shaved their heads completely as a memorial of their stern resolution." [ ] when a death occurs among the nattukottai chettis, news thereof is conveyed by the thandakaran, or caste messenger. those who come to condole with the bereaved family are received with outstretched hands (kainittikolludhal). the head of the corpse is shaved, and it is washed and decorated. in front of the house a pandal (booth), supported by four thespesia populnea posts, and roofed with twigs of eugenia jambolana, is erected. beneath this the corpse is laid, and all present go round it thrice. while the corpse is being got ready for conveyance to the burning ground, the daughters and sisters of the deceased husk paddy (unhusked rice). on the way to the burning ground, the son carries the fire. if the deceased is a young boy or girl, the pandal is removed after the funeral; otherwise it is removed, on a tuesday, thursday, or sunday, within four days. the nattukottais restrict the name pandal to the funeral booth, the marriage booth being called kavanam or kottagai. even an ordinary shed set up in front of a house is not called a pandal, as the name is associated with funerals. on the day following the funeral, the bigger fragments of bones are collected by a barber, and given to the son, who places them in an earthen pot. a pandaram offers fruit, food, etc., to the deceased. eight days afterwards, a feast, at which meat is partaken of for the first time since the death, is given to the relations of the dead person, and their pollution is at an end. they may not, however, enter a temple for thirty days. on the sixteenth day after death, the final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are performed, and liberal presents of money, religious books, such as the ramayana, mahabharata, and periya puranam, wooden spoons for domestic use, etc., are given to brahmans. there are three matams, whereat the nattukottai chettis are initiated into their religion, at patharakkudi (or padanakkudi) and kila for males, and tulavur for females. they are saivites, but also, more especially the women, worship such minor deities as aiyanar, muneswara, and karuppan. they are also said to worship two village goddesses, called sellattamman and kannudayamman, at nattarasankottai. nattukottai men have the lobes of the ears artificially dilated, but seldom wear ornaments therein. they frequently have a gold chain round the loins, and wear finger rings set with diamonds. the wives even of wealthy men wear a cheap body cloth, and do menial house work, such as cleaning the kitchen utensils. they plait baskets, and, in some houses, wheels for spinning cotton may be seen. like other trading classes in southern india, the nattukottai chettis have a trade language of their own, which varies according to locality. in the city of madras they have three tables, for annas, rupees, and tens of rupees respectively. each of these is formed out of the syllables of certain words. thus, the anna table is composed of the syllables of tiripurasundari, the goddess at madura, which is a great centre for nattukottai chettis. the syllables (in the inverse order), and their money equivalent are as follows:-- ri / anna. da / anna. un anna. su annas. ra annas. pu annas. ri annas. ti annas. the rupee table is composed of the word vedagirisvararthunai, meaning with the help of vedagirisvarar, the god at tirukalikundram near madras:-- ve rupee. da rupees. gi rupees. ri rupees. i rupees. is rupees. va rupees. ra rupees. a rupees. thu rupees. nai rupees. the tens-of-rupees table is made up from the word tirukalikundram:-- ti rupees. ru rupees. ik rupees. ka rupees. li rupees. ik rupees. ku rupees. in rupees. ra rupees. im rupees. an anna is sometimes called vanakkam; a rupee is known as velle (white). nattupattan.--a section of ambalavasis. (see unni.) nattusamban.--samban (a name of siva) is a title of some tamil paraiyans. nattusamban denotes a village paraiyan. nattuvan.--defined in the madras census report, , as "an occupational term, meaning a dancing-master, which is applied to males of the dancing-girl castes, who teach dancing." at nautch parties, when the deva-dasis dance, the nattuvans play the accompaniment on the drum, bag-pipe, flute, clarionet, cymbals, etc. at the initiation of a kaikolan girl as a deva-dasi, her dancing-master seats himself behind her, and, grasping her legs, moves them up and down in time with the music. some occhans in the tamily country, who teach dancing to deva-dasis, are also called nattuvan. natuvili (middle).--a sub-division of paraiyans in travancore. navakoti (nine crores).--an exogamous sept of desur reddi. a crore is one hundred lakhs, i.e., , , . navalipitta (peacock).--a sept of jatapu. navayat.--the navayats or navayets are summed up, in the madras census report, , as "a musalman tribe, which appears to have originally settled at bhatkal in north canara, and is known on the west coast as bhatkali. the derivation of the name is much disputed. there are five sub-divisions of the tribe, namely, kureshi, mehkeri, chida, gheas, and mohagir. it takes a high place among musalmans, and does not intermarry with other tribes." of the nevayets, the following account, based on the saadut nama, and conversations with members of the community, is given by colonel wilks. [ ] "nevayet is generally supposed to be a corruption of the hindustanee and mahratta terms for new-comer. about the end of the first century of the hejira, or the early part of the eighth century of the christian era, hejaj bin yusuf, governor of irak, on the part of the khalif abd-al-melik-bin-merwan, a monster abhorred for his cruelties even among musalmans, drove some respectable and opulent persons of the house of hâshem to the desperate resolution of abandoning for ever their native country. aided by the good offices of the inhabitants of kufa, a town of celebrity in those days, situated near to the tomb of ali, west of the euphrates, they departed with their families, dependents, and effects, and embarked on ships prepared for their reception in the persian gulf. some of these landed on that part of the western coast of india called the concan; the others to the eastward of cape comorin; the descendants of the former are the nevayets; of the latter the lubbe. the lubbe pretend to one common origin with the nevayets, and attribute their black complexion to intermarriage with the natives; but the nevayets affirm that the lubbe are the descendants of their domestic slaves; and there is certainly, in the physiognomy of this very numerous class, and in their stature and form, a strong resemblance to the natives of abyssinia. the nevayets of the western coast preserved the purity of their original blood by systematically avoiding intermarriage with the indians, and even with the highest muhammadan families, for many centuries after the establishment of the musalman dynasties of the deckan. even at this time there are some nevayets whose complexions approach the european freshness. their adherence to each other as members of the same family preserved their respectability; and they were famed at the muhammadan courts of the deckan for uniting the rare qualities of the soldier, the scholar, and the gentleman." navutiyan.--a synonym of velakkattalavan. nayadi.--in the malabar manual, the nayadis are briefly summed up as follows. "of the nayadis, or lowest caste among the hindus--the dog-eaters--nothing definite is known. they are most persistent in their clamour for charity, and will follow at a respectful distance, for miles together, any person walking, driving, or boating. if anything is given to them, it must be laid down, and, after the person offering it has proceeded a sufficient distance, the recipient comes timidly forward, and removes it." the subjects, whom i examined and measured at shoranur, though living only about three miles off, had, by reason of the pollution which they traditionally carry with them, to avoid walking over the long bridge which spans the river, and follow a circuitous route of many miles. eventually they had to climb, or be ignominiously hoisted over the wall of the bungalow. ignorant of the orthodox manner of using a chair, the first victim of the craniometer, who had to sit while his head was under examination, assumed the undignified position with which eton boys who have been swished are familiar. measurements concluded, men, women, and children sat down on the grass to an ample feast. and, before they departed homeward, copious blessings were invoked on me, to a chorus composed of the repetition of a single shrill note, not unlike that of the first note of a jackal cry. to quote the newspaper account of my doings, which refers to the 'monograms' issued by me on matters ethnological: "in the evening the kind gentleman gave them a sumptuous treat of canji and curry, and gave them also copper coins, toddy, and arrack. the poor people left the place immensely pleased, and were safely escorted to the british side of the river from the cochin territory." when travelling on the public roads in malabar or cochin, one may observe a few ragged and dirty cloths spread near the road, with one or two copper coins on them; and, at the same time, hear a chorus of monotonous stentorian voices at a distance of a hundred yards or more, emanating from a few miserable specimens of humanity, standing ghost-like with dishevelled hair, and a long strip of leaves tied round the waist, or clad in a dirty loin-cloth. the coins represent the alms given by the charitably disposed traveller, and the persons are nayadis. i am told that, near kollatur, there is a stone called the nayadi parai, which is believed to be a man who was turned into stone for not giving alms to a nayadi. the name nayadi is equivalent to nayattukar, i.e., hunter. the nayadis are, in fact, professional hunters, and are excellent shots. the nayars and other higher classes, used formerly to take them with them on hunting and shooting expeditions. but, since the arms act came into force, the nayadis find this occupation gone. they are also good archers, and used to kill deer, pigs, hares, etc., and eat them. these animals are now difficult to get, as the forests are reserved by government, and private forests are denuded of their trees for use as fuel, and for house-building by a growing population, and for consumption on the railway. the suggestion has been made that the name nayadi is derived from the fact of their eating otters, which live in hill streams, and are called nir-nai (water-dog). the approach of a nayadi within a distance of three hundred feet is said to contaminate a brahman, who has to bathe and put on a new sacred thread, to cleanse himself of the pollution. the nayadis, in fact, hold the lowest position in the social scale, and consequently labour under the greatest disadvantage. the nayadis live mostly in isolated huts on the tops of hills, and generally select a shola, or glade, where there is a pond or stream. some families live on the land of their landlords, whose crops they watch by night, to guard them against the attacks of wild beasts. sometimes they are engaged in ploughing, sowing, weeding, transplanting, and reaping, the rice crop, or in plantain (banana) gardens. i take exception to the comparison by a recent author of the british empire to the banana (musa) throwing out aërial roots. the banyan (ficus bengalensis) must have been meant. the male members of the community are called nayadis, and the females nayadichis. the boys are called molayans, and the young girls manichis. succession is in the male line (makkathayam). a thatched shed with palm-leaf walls, a few earthen pots, and a chopper, constitute the nayadi's property. he occasionally collects honey and bees-wax, and also the gum (matti pasai) from the mattipal tree (ailanthus malabarica), which, when burnt, is used as temple incense and for fumigating the bed-chamber. he receives toddy in exchange for the honey and wax, and copper coins for the gum, with which he purchases luxuries in the shape of salt, chillies, dried fish, tobacco, and liquor. he makes rough ropes from the malanar plant, and the bark of the kayyul tree (bauhinia). the bark is soaked in water, sun-dried, and the fibre manufactured into rope. he also makes slings of fibre, wherewith he knocks over birds, and mats from a species of cyperus. according to custom, the nayadi has to offer four ropes, each eight yards long, to every nambutiri illam, and two ropes to every nayar house near his settlement, on the occasion of the vishu and onam festivals. in return he receives a fixed measure of paddy (rice). the ropes are used for tethering cattle, and for drawing water from the well. by a wise dispensation of the ancient local chieftains, to each nayadi is assigned a desom (portion of a parish), within which he enjoys certain privileges. and no nayadi has any business to poach on his preserves. the privileges are these. on birthdays, anniversaries, and festive occasions, the nayadi receives his share of curry and rice, tied up in an old cloth. when a person is sick, a black country-made kambli (blanket), with gingelly (sesamum), mustard, turmeric, and cocoanut tied up in the four corners, is passed three times over the patient and presented to a nayadi, together with a palm umbrella, a stick, and a cucumber. this is called kala-dhanam, or offering to yama, the god of death, whose attack has to be warded off by propitiatory offerings. the nayadi accepts the gifts, and prays for the long life and prosperity of the giver. placing them before his own family god, he prays that the life of the sick person may be spared, and that the disease may not be transferred to him. like the cherumans, the nayadis drink, but they cannot afford to buy as much toddy as the former, for the cheruman works regularly for a daily wage. monkeys, which are very troublesome in gardens, are shot down by the higher classes, and given to the nayadis to eat. their dietary includes rats, mungooses, pigs, deer, paraquets, the koel (cuckoo), doves, quails, fowls, paddy-birds, hares, tortoises, varanus (lizard), crocodiles, and fish. they abstain from eating the flesh of dogs, cats, snakes, land-crabs, shell-fish, and beef. among vegetables, the tubers of yams (dioscorea) and colocasia are included. they produce fire by friction with two sticks of litsoea sebifera, in the shorter of which a cavity is scooped out. they do not, like the todas, put powdered charcoal in the cavity, but ignite the cloth rag by means of the red-hot wood dust produced by the friction. when a woman is pregnant, she craves for the flesh of a monkey or jungle squirrel during the sixth month. during the seventh month, a ceremony is performed, to relieve her of the influence of devils, who may be troubling her. it is called ozhinnukalayuka. abortion is attributed to the malign influence of evil spirits. to ward off this, they tie round the neck a magic thread, and invoke the aid of their hill gods and the spirits of their ancestors. they erect a special hut for delivery, to which the woman retires. when she is in labour, her husband shampooes his own abdomen, while praying to the gods for her safe delivery--a custom which seems to suggest the couvade. as soon as his wife is delivered, he offers thanks to the gods "for having got the baby out." the woman observes pollution for ten days, during which her husband avoids seeing her. any deformity in the child is attributed to the evil influence of the gods. on the twenty-eighth day after birth, the ceremony of naming the child takes place. the name given to the first-born son is that of the paternal grandfather, and to the first-born daughter that of the maternal grandmother. in the fifth year, the ear-boring ceremony takes place, and the operation is performed by the child's uncle. a piece of brass wire takes the place of ear-rings. girls wear a plug of wood in the lobes. the nayadichis do not, like the cheruman women, wear bracelets, but have many rows of beads round their necks, and hanging over their bosoms. when a girl reaches puberty, a nayadichi leads her to a tank (pond), in which she bathes, after a pandi, composed of several pieces of plantain leaf tied together, has been carried three or four times round her. she must not touch any utensils, and must abstain from touching her head with the hand, and, if the skin itches, the body must be scratched with a small stick. concerning a very interesting form of marriage, mr. t. k. gopal panikkar writes as follows. [ ] "a large hut is constructed of 'holly' and other leaves, inside which the girl is ensconced. then all the young men and women of the village gather round the hut, and form a ring about it. the girl's father, or the nearest male relative, sits a short distance from the crowd, with a tom-tom in his hands. then commences the music, and a chant is sung by the father, which has been freely translated as follows:-- take the stick, my sweetest daughter, now seize the stick, my dearest love, should you not capture the husband you wish for, remember, 'tis fate decides whom you shall have. "all the young men, who are eligible for marriage, arm themselves with a stick each, and begin to dance round the hut, inside which the bride is seated. this goes on for close on an hour, when each of them thrusts his stick inside the hut through the leafy covering. the girl has then to take hold of one of these sticks from the inside, and the owner of the stick which she seizes becomes the husband of the concealed bride. this ceremony is followed up by feasting, after which the marriage is consummated." a photograph by mr. f. fawcett shows a young man with a ring hanging round his neck, as a sign that he was still unattached. but he was soon about to part with it, for a present of a rupee enabled him to find a girl, and fix up a marriage, within two days. adultery is regarded with abhorrence, and there is a belief that those who are guilty of it are liable to be attacked by wild beasts or demons. on the occasion of the marriage of a divorced woman's son or daughter, the mother attends the festivities, if she receives a cordial invitation from her children. but she does not look her former husband straight in the face, and returns to her home the same evening. when a man lies at the point of death, it is usual to distribute rice kanji to the people, who, after taking their fill, become possessed with the power of predicting the fate in store for the sick man. according as the taste of the kanji turns to that of a corpse, or remains unaltered, the death or recovery of the patient is foretold in their deep and loud voices. [ ] the nayadis either burn or bury their dead. several layers of stones are placed within the grave, and its site is marked by three big stones, one in the middle, and one at each end. the burnt ashes of the bones are collected, and preserved in a pot, which is kept close to the hut of the deceased. pollution is observed for ten days, during which the enangan (relations by marriage) cook for the mourners. on the tenth day, the sons of the deceased go, together with their relations, to the nearest stream, and bury the bones on the bank. the sons bathe, and perform beli, so that the soul of the departed may enter heaven, and ghosts may not trouble them. after the bath, a sand-heap, representing the deceased, is constructed, and on it are placed a piece of plantain leaf, some unboiled rice, and karuka grass (cynodon dactylon). over these water is poured twelve times, and the sons reverently prostrate themselves before the heap. they then return home, and cow-dung, mixed with water, is sprinkled over them by their relations, and poured over the floor of the hut. in this manner they are purified. some time during the seventh month after death, according to another account, the grave, in which the corpse has been buried, is dug up, and the bones are carefully collected, and spread out on a layer of sticks arranged on four stones placed at the corners of a pit. the bones are then covered with more sticks, and the pile is lighted. the partially burnt bones are subsequently collected by the eldest son of the deceased, and carried to the hut in a new pot, which is tied to a branch of a neighbouring tree. this rite concluded, he bathes, and, on his return, the adiyanthiram (death ceremony) day is fixed. on this day, the eldest son removes the pot, and buries it by the side of a stream, near which a heap of sand is piled up. on this all the agnates pour water three times, prostrate themselves before it, and disperse. the ceremony is brought to a close with a square meal. some time ago an old nayadi, who had the reputation of being a good shot, died. his son obtained a handful of gunpowder from a gun-license holder, and set fire to it near the grave, with a view to satisfying the soul of the deceased. the chief gods of the nayadis are mallan, malavazhi, and parakutti, to whom offerings of toddy, rice, and the flesh of monkeys are made. parakutti it is who aids them in their hunting expeditions, bringing the game to them, and protecting them from wild beasts. if they do not succeed in bagging the expected game, they abuse him. the nayadis are also ancestor worshippers, and keep representations of the departed, to which offerings of rice and toddy are made during the onam, vishu, and other festivals. beneath a mango tree in a paramba (garden) were forty-four stones set up in a circle round the tree. one of the stones was a beli-kal (beli stone), such as is placed round the inner shrines of temples. the remainder resembled survey stones, but were smaller in size. the stones represented forty-four nayadis, who had left the world. on the ceremonial occasions referred to above, a sheep or fowl is killed, and the blood allowed to fall on them, puja (worship) is performed, and solemn prayers are offered that the souls of the departed may protect them against wild beasts and snakes. a nayadi asserted that, if he came across a tiger, he would invoke the aid of his ancestors, and the animal would be rendered harmless. whenever the nayadis labour under any calamity or disease, they consult the parayan astrologer. and, when a woman is possessed by devils, the parayan is summoned. he is furnished with a thread and some toddy. muttering certain prayers to parakutti and other deities, he ties the thread round the woman's neck, drinks the toddy, and the devil leaves her. when a person is believed to be under the influence of a devil or the evil eye, salt, chillies, tamarind, oil, mustard, cocoanut, and a few pice (copper coins) in a vessel are waved thrice round the head of the affected individual, and given to a nayadi, whose curse is asked for. there is this peculiarity about a nayadi's curse, that it always has the opposite effect. so, when he is asked to curse one who has given him alms, he does so by invoking misery and evil upon him. by the nayadi money is called chembu kasu (copper coin), food elamattam (exchange of leaves), and having no food nakkan illa (nothing to lick on). as a protection against snake-bite, the nayadis wear a brass toe-ring. and, when engaged in catching rats in their holes, they wear round the wrist a snake-shaped metal ring, to render them safe against snakes which may be concealed in the hole. the nayadis who live within the jurisdiction of the kavalapara nayar near shoranur wear the kudumi (front lock of hair), as there are no mappillas (muhammadans) to molest them. the kavalapara nayar was at one time an important chief, and directed all nambutiri jenmis (landlords) who held land within his jurisdiction to bind themselves not to let the land to mappillas. nayadis of other parts are not allowed by the mappillas to wear the kudumi, and, if they do so, they are taken for parayans and professional sorcerers, and beaten. some nayadis have become converts to christianity, others to muhammadanism, and maintain themselves by begging for alms from muhammadans. they are called thoppyitta (cap-wearing) nayadis. the priest of the nayadis is called muppan. his appointment is hereditary, and he enquires into all matters affecting the community, and can excommunicate a guilty person. [ ] average height, cm.; nasal index, . nayar.--"the nayars," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are a dravidian caste, or rather a community, for we find several distinct elements with totally different occupations among the people who call themselves by this title. the original nayars were undoubtedly a military body, holding lands and serving as a militia, but the present nayar caste includes persons who, by hereditary occupation, are traders, artisans, oilmongers, palanquin-bearers, and even barbers and washermen. the fact seems to be that successive waves of immigration brought from the canarese and tamil countries different castes and different tribes; and these, settling down in the country, adopted the customs and manners, and assumed the caste names of the more respectable of the community that surrounded them. this process of assimilation is going on even yet. chettis of coimbatore, for example, who settled in palghat and valluvanad within living memory, have developed by this time into nayars. in the census schedules we find instances in which the males of a house affix the term nayar to their names, while the names of the females end in chettichi. gollas entering the country from the north have similarly, in course of time, assumed nayar customs and manners, and are now styled nayars. again the rajahs and chieftains of the country sometimes raised individuals or classes who had rendered them meritorious service to the rank of nayars. these men were thereafter styled nayars, but formed a separate sub-division with little or no communion with the rest of the nayar class, until at least, after the lapse of generations, when their origin was forgotten. nayar may thus at present be considered to be a term almost as wide and general as sudra." according to the brahman tradition, the nayar caste is the result of union between the nambudris with deva, gandharva and rakshasa women introduced by parasurama; and this tradition embodies the undoubted fact that the caste by its practice of hypergamy has had a very large infusion of aryan blood. in origin the nayars were probably a race of dravidian immigrants, who were amongst the first invaders of malabar, and as conquerors assumed the position of the governing and land-owning class. the large admixture of aryan blood combined with the physical peculiarities of the country would go far to explain the very marked difference between the nayar of the present day and what may be considered the corresponding dravidian races in the rest of the presidency. [ ] in connection with the former position of the nayars as protectors of the state, it is noted by mr. logan [ ] that "in johnston's 'relations of the most famous kingdom in the world' ( ), there occurs the following quaintly written account of this protector guild. 'it is strange to see how ready the souldiour of this country is at his weapons: they are all gentile men, and tearmed naires. at seven years of age they are put to school to learn the use of their weapons, where, to make them nimble and active, their sinnewes and joints are stretched by skilful fellows, and annointed with the oyle sesamus [gingelly: sesamum indicum]: by this annointing they become so light and nimble that they will winde and turn their bodies as if they had no bones, casting them forward, backward, high and low, even to the astonishment of the beholders. their continual delight is in their weapon, perswading themselves that no nation goeth beyond them in skill and dexterity.' and jonathan duncan, who visited malabar more than once as one of the commissioners from bengal in - , and afterwards as governor of bombay, after quoting the following lines from mickle's camoens, book vii-- 'poliar the labouring lower clans are named: by the proud nayrs the noble rank is claimed; the toils of culture and of art they scorn: the shining faulchion brandish'd in the right-- their left arm wields the target in the fight'-- went on to observe: 'these lines, and especially the two last, contain a good description of a nayr, who walks along, holding up his naked sword with the same kind of unconcern as travellers in other countries carry in their hands a cane or walking staff. i have observed others of them have it fastened to their back, the hilt being stuck in their waist band, and the blade rising up and glittering between their shoulders' (asiatic researches, v. , ). m. mahé de la bourdonnais, who had some experience of their fighting qualities in the field, thus described them: 'les nairs sont de grands hommes basanés, légers, et vigoureux: ils n'ont pas d'autre profession que celle des armes, et seraient de fort bons soldats, s'ils étiaent disciplinés: mais ils combattent sans ordre, ils prennent la fuite dès qu'on les serre de près avec quelque supèrioritê; pourtant, s'ils se voient pressés avec vigueur et qu'ils se croient en danger, ils reviennent à la charge, et ne se rendent jamais' (m. esquer, essai sur les castes dans l'inde, page ). finally, the only british general of any note--sir hector munro--who had ever to face the nayars in the field, thus wrote of their modes of fighting:-- 'one may as well look for a needle in a bottle of hay as any of them in the daytime, they being lurking behind sand banks and bushes, except when we are marching towards the fort, and then they appear like bees out in the month of june.' 'besides which,' he continued, 'they point their guns well, and fire them well also.' (tellicherry factory diary, march, ). they were, in short, brave light troops, excellent in skirmishing, but their organization into small bodies with discordant interests unfitted them to repel any serious invasion by an enemy even moderately well organised. among other strange malayali customs, sheikh zin-ud-din [ ] noticed the fact that, if a chieftain was slain, his followers attacked and obstinately persevered in ravaging the slayer's country, and killing his people till their vengeance was satisfied. this custom is doubtless that which was described so long ago as in the ninth century a.d. by two muhammadans, whose work was translated by renaudot (lond., ). 'there are kings who, upon their accession, observe the following ceremony. a quantity of cooked rice was spread before the king, and some three or four hundred persons came of their own accord, and received each a small quantity of rice from the king's own hands after he himself had eaten some. by eating of this rice they all engage themselves to burn themselves on the day the king dies or is slain, and they punctually fulfil their promise.' men, who devoted themselves to certain death on great occasions, were termed amoucos by the portuguese; and barbosa, one of the portuguese writers, alluded to the practice as prevalent among the nayars. purchas has also the following:--'the king of cochin hath a great number of gentlemen, which he calleth amocchi, and some are called nairi: these two sorts of men esteem not their lives anything, so that it may be for the honour of the king.' the proper malayalam term for such men was chaver, literally those who took up, or devoted themselves to death. it was a custom of the nayars, which was readily adopted by the mappillas, who also at times--as at the great mahamakkam, twelfth year feast, at tirunavayi [ ]--devoted themselves to death in the company of nayars for the honour of the valluvanad raja. and probably the frantic fanatical rush of the mappillas on british bayonets, which is not even yet a thing of the past, is the latest development of this ancient custom of the nayars. the martial spirit of the nayars in these piping times of peace has quite died out for want of exercise. the nayar is more and more becoming a family man. comparatively few of them now-a-days even engage in hunting." according to an inscription of the king kulottunga i (a.d. - ), he conquered kudamalai-nadu, i.e., the western hill country (malabar), whose warriors, the ancestors of the nayars of the present day, perished to the last man in defending their independence. [ ] the following description of the nayars at the beginning of the sixteenth century is given by duarte barbosa. [ ] "the nairs are the gentry, and have no other duty than to carry on war, and they continually carry their arms with them, which are swords, bows, arrows, bucklers, and lances. they all live with the kings, and some of them with other lords, relations of the kings, and lords of the country, and with the salaried governors, and with one another. they are very smart men, and much taken up with their nobility.... these nairs, besides being all of noble descent, have to be armed as knights by the hand of a king or lord with whom they live, and until they have been so equipped they cannot bear arms nor call themselves nairs.... in general, when they are seven years of age, they are immediately sent to school to learn all manner of feats of agility and gymnastics for the use of their weapons. first they learn to dance and then to tumble, and for that purpose they render supple all their limbs from their childhood, so that they can bend them in any direction.... these nairs live outside the towns separate from other people on their estates which are fenced in. when they go anywhere, they shout to the peasants, that they may get out of the way where they have to pass; and the peasants do so, and, if they did not do it, the nairs might kill them without penalty. and, if a peasant were by misfortune to touch a nair lady, her relations would immediately kill her, and likewise the man that touched her and all his relations. this, they say, is done to avoid all opportunity of mixing the blood with that of the peasants.... these are very clean and well-dressed women, and they hold it in great honour to know how to please men. they have a belief amongst them that the woman who dies a virgin does not go to paradise." writing in the eighteenth century, hamilton states [ ] that "it was an ancient custom for the samorin (zamorin) to reign but twelve years, and no longer. if he died before his term was expired, it saved him a troublesome ceremony of cutting his own throat on a public scaffold erected for that purpose. he first made a feast for all his nobility and gentry, who were very numerous. after the feast he saluted his guests, went on the scaffold, and very neatly cut his own throat in the view of the assembly. his body was, a little while after, burned with great pomp and ceremony, and the grandees elected a new samorin. whether that custom was a religious or a civil ceremony i know not, but it is now laid aside, and a new custom is followed by the modern samorin, that a jubilee is proclaimed throughout his dominion at the end of twelve years, and a tent is pitched for him in a spacious plain, and a great feast is celebrated for ten or twelve days with mirth and jollity, guns firing night and day, so at the end of the feast any four of the guests that have a mind to gain a crown by a desperate action in fighting their way through thirty or forty thousand of his guards, and kill the samorin in his tent, he that kills him succeeds him in his empire. in anno one of these jubilees happened, and the tent pitched near ponnany, a sea-port of his about fifteen leagues to the southward of calicut. there were but three men that would venture on that desperate action, who fell on, with sword and target, among the guards, and, after they had killed and wounded many, were themselves killed. one of the desperadoes had a nephew of fifteen or sixteen years of age that kept close by his uncle in the attack on the guards, and, when he saw him fall, the youth got through the guards into the tent, and made a stroke at his majesty's head, and had certainly dispatched him if a large brass lamp which was burning over his head had not marred the blow, but, before he could make another, he was killed by the guards, and i believe the same samorin reigns yet." it is noted by sonnerat [ ] that the nayars "are the warriors; they have also the privilege of enjoying all the women of their caste. their arms, which they constantly carry, distinguish them from the other tribes. they are besides known by their insolent haughtiness. when they perceive pariahs, they call out to them, even at a great distance, to get out of their way, and, if any one of these unfortunate people approaches too near a nair, and through inadvertence touches him, the nair has a right to murder him, which is looked upon as a very innocent action, and for which no complaint is ever made. it is true that the pariahs have one day in the year when all the nairs they can touch become their slaves, but the nairs take such precautions to keep out of the way at the time, that an accident of that kind seldom happens." it is further recorded by buchanan [ ] that "the whole of these nairs formed the militia of malayala, directed by the namburis and governed by the rajahs. their chief delight is in arms, but they are more inclined to use them for assassination or surprise, than in the open field. their submission to their superiors was great, but they exacted deference from those under them with a cruelty and arrogance, rarely practised but among hindus in their state of independence. a nair was expected to instantly cut down a tiar or mucuai, who presumed to defile him by touching his person; and a similar fate awaited a slave, who did not turn out of the road as a nair passed." nayar is commonly said to be derived from the sanskrit nayaka, a leader, and to be cognate with naik, and nayudu or naidu. in this connection, mr. l. moore writes [ ] that "if a reference is made to the anglo-indian glossary (hobson-jobson) by yule and burnell, it will be found that the term naik or nayakan, and the word nayar are derived from the same sanskrit original, and there is a considerable amount of evidence to show that the nayars of malabar are closely connected by origin with the nayakans of vijayanagar. [ ] xavier, writing in to , makes frequent references to men whom he calls badages, who are said to have been collectors of royal taxes, and to have grievously oppressed xavier's converts among the fishermen of travancore. [ ] dr. caldwell, alluding to xavier's letters, says [ ] that these badages were no doubt vadages or men from the north, and is of opinion that a jesuit writer of the time who called them nayars was mistaken, and that they were really nayakans from madura. i believe, however, that the jesuit rightly called them nayars, for i find that father organtino, writing in , speaks of these badages as people from narasinga (a kingdom north of madura, lying close to bishnaghur). [ ] bishnaghur is, of course, vijayanagar, and the kingdom of narasinga was the name frequently given by the portuguese to vijayanagar. almost every page of mr. sewell's interesting book on vijayanagar bears testimony to the close connection between vijayanagar and the west coast. dr. a. c. burnell tells us that the kings who ruled vijayanagar during the latter half of the fourteenth century belonged to a low non-aryan caste, namely, that of canarese cow-herds. [ ] they were therefore closely akin to the nayars, one of the leading rajas among whom at the present time, although officially described as a samanta, is in reality of the eradi, i.e., cow-herd caste. [ ] it is remarkable that colonel (afterwards sir thomas) munro, in the memorandum written by him in [ ] on the poligars of the ceded districts, when dealing with the cases of a number of poligars who were direct descendants of men who had been chiefs under the kings of vijayanagar, calls them throughout his report naique or nair, using the two names as if they were identical. further investigation as to the connection of the nayars of malabar with the kingdom of vijayanagar would, i believe, lead to interesting results." in the journal of the hon. john lindsay ( ) it is recorded [ ] that "we received information that our arms were still successful on the malabar coast, and that our army was now advancing into the inland country; whilst the nayars and polygars that occupy the jungles and mountains near seringapatam, thinking this a favourable opportunity to regain their former independence, destroyed the open country, and committed as many acts of barbarity as hyder's army had done in the carnatic." "some," mr. n. subramani aiyar writes in a note on the nayars of travancore, "believe that nayar is derived from naga (serpents), as the aryans so termed the earlier settlers of malabar on account of the special adoration which they paid to snakes. the travancore nayars are popularly known as malayala sudras--a term which contrasts them sharply with the pandi or foreign sudras, of whom a large number immigrated into travancore in later times. another name by which nayars are sometimes known is malayali, but other castes, which have long inhabited the malayalam country, can lay claim to this designation with equal propriety. the most general title of the nayars is pillai (child), which was once added to the names of the brahman dwellers in the south. it must, in all probability, have been after the brahmans changed their title to aiyar (father), by which name the non-brahman people invariably referred to them, that sudras began to be termed pillai. we find that the vellalas of the tamil country and the nayars of travancore called themselves pillai from very early times. the formal ceremony of paying down a sum of money, and obtaining a distinction direct from the sovereign was known as tirumukham pitikkuka, or catching the face of the king, and enabled the recipients to add, besides the honorary suffix pillai, the distinctive prefix kanakku, or accountant, to their name. so important were the privileges conferred by it that even sanku annavi, a brahman dalava, obtained it at the hand of the reigning maharaja, and his posterity at vempannur have enjoyed the distinction until the present day. the titles pillai and kanakku are never used together. the name of an individual would be, for example, either krishna pillai or kanakku raman krishnan, raman being the name of the karanavan or the maternal uncle. a higher title, chempakaraman, corresponds to the knighthood of mediæval times, and was first instituted by maharaja marthanda varma in memory, it is said, of his great prime minister rama aiyyan dalawa. the individual, whom it was the king's pleasure to honour, was taken in procession on the back of an elephant through the four main streets of the fort, and received by the prime minister, seated by his side, and presented with pansupari (betel). rare as this investiture is in modern times, there are many ancient houses, to which this title of distinction is attached in perpetuity. the title kanakku is often enjoyed with it, the maternal uncle's name being dropped, e.g., kanakku chempakaraman krishnan. tambi (younger brother) is another title prevalent in travancore. it is a distinctive suffix to the names of nayar sons of travancore sovereigns. but, in ancient times, this title was conferred on others also, in recognition of merit. tambis alone proceed in palanquins, and appear before the maharaja without a head-dress. the consorts of maharajas are selected from these families. if a lady from outside is to be accepted as consort, she is generally adopted into one of these families. the title karta, or doer, appears also to have been used as a titular name by some of the rulers of madura. [at the madras census, , kartakkal was returned by balijas claiming to be descendants of the nayak kings of madura and tanjore.] the tekkumkur and vadakkumkur rajas in malabar are said to have first conferred the title karta on certain influential nayar families. in social matters the authority of the karta was supreme, and it was only on important points that higher authorities were called on to intercede. all the kartas belong to the illam sub-division of the nayar caste. the title kuruppu, though assumed by other castes than nayars, really denotes an ancient section of the nayars, charged with various functions. some were, for instance, instructors in the use of arms, while others were superintendents of maid-servants in the royal household. writing concerning the zamorin of calicut about a.d., barbosa states that "the king has a thousand waiting women, to whom he gives regular pay, and they are always at the court to sweep the palaces and houses of the king, and he does this for the state, because fifty would be enough to sweep." when a maharaja of travancore enters into a matrimonial alliance, it is a kuruppu who has to call out the full title of the royal consort, panappillai amma, after the presentation of silk and cloth has been performed. the title panikkar is derived from pani, work. it was the panikkars who kept kalaris, or gymnastic and military schools, but in modern times many panikkars have taken to the teaching of letters. some are entirely devoted to temple service, and are consequently regarded as belonging to a division of marans, rather than of nayars. the title kaimal is derived from kai, hand, signifying power. in former times, some kaimals were recognised chieftains, e.g., the kaimal of vaikkattillam in north travancore. others were in charge of the royal treasury, which, according to custom, could not be seen even by the kings except in their presence. "neither could they," barbosa writes, "take anything out of the treasury without a great necessity, and by the counsel of this person and certain others." the titles unnithan and valiyathan were owned by certain families in central travancore, which were wealthy and powerful. they were to some extent self-constituted justices of the peace, and settled all ordinary disputes arising in the kara where they dwelt. the title menavan, or menon, means a superior person, and is derived from mel, above, and avan he. the recipient of the title held it for his lifetime, or it was bestowed in perpetuity on his family, according to the amount of money paid down as atiyara. as soon as an individual was made a menon, he was presented with an ola (palmyra leaf for writing on) and an iron style as symbols of the office of accountant, which he was expected to fill. in british malabar even now every amsam or revenue village has an accountant or writer called menon. the title menokki, meaning one who looks over or superintends, is found only in british malabar, as it was exclusively a creation of the zamorin. [they are, i gather, accountants in temples.] "there are numerous sub-divisions comprised under the general head nayar, of which the most important, mentioned in vernacular books, are kiriyam, illam, svarupam, itacheri or idacheri, pallichan, ashtikkurichchi, vattakatan, otatu, pulikkal, vyapari, vilakkitalavan, and veluthetan. of these ashtikkurichchi and pulikkal are divisions of maran, vyapari is a division of chettis, and vilakkitalavan and veluthetan are barbers and washermen respectively. "the chief divisions of nayars, as now recognised, are as follows:-- . kiriyam, a name said to be a corruption of the sanskrit griha, meaning house. this represents the highest class, the members of which were, in former times, not obliged to serve brahmans and kshatriyas. . illakkar.--the word illam indicates a nambutiri brahman's house, and tradition has it that every illam family once served an illam. but, in mediæval times, any nayar could get himself recognised as belonging to the illam division, provided that a certain sum of money, called adiyara, was paid to the government. the illakkar are prohibited from the use of fish, flesh, and liquor, but the prohibition is not at the present day universally respected. in some parts of malabar, they have moulded many of their habits in the truly brahmanical style. . svarupakkar.--adherents of the kshatriya families of travancore. the members of the highest group, parur svarupam, have their purificatory rites performed by marans. it is stated that they were once the illakkar servants of one karuttetathu nambutiri, who was the feudal lord of parur, and afterwards became attached to the royal household which succeeded to that estate, thus becoming parur svarupakkar. . padamangalam and tamil padam were not originally nayars, but immigrants from the tamil country. they are confined to a few localities in travancore, and until recently there was a distinctive difference in regard to dress and ornaments between the tamil padam and the ordinary nayars. the occupation of the padamangalakkar is temple service, such as sweeping, carrying lamps during processions, etc. the tamil padakkar are believed to have taken to various kinds of occupation, and, for this reason, to have become merged with other sections. . vathi or vatti.--this name is not found in the jatinirnaya, probably because it had not been differentiated from maran. the word is a corruption of vazhti, meaning praying for happiness, and refers to their traditional occupation. they use a peculiar drum, called nantuni. some call themselves daivampatis, or wards of god, and follow the makkathayam system of inheritance (in the male line). . itacheri or idacheri, also called pantaris in south travancore. they are herdsmen, and vendors of milk, butter and curds. the name suggests a relation of some kind to the idaiyan caste of the tamil country. . karuvelam, known also by other names, such as kappiyara and tiruvattar. their occupation is service in the palace of the maharaja, and they are the custodians of his treasury and valuables. fifty-two families are believed to have been originally brought from kolathanad, when a member thereof was adopted into the travancore royal family. . arikuravan.--a name, meaning those who reduced the quantity of rice out of the paddy given to them to husk at the temple of kazhayakkuttam near trivandrum, by which they were accosted by the local chieftain. . pallichchan.--bearers of palanquins for brahmans and malabar chieftains. they are also employed as their attendants, to carry their sword and shield before them. . vandikkaran.--a name, meaning cartmen, for those who supply fuel to temples, and cleanse the vessels belonging thereto. . kuttina.--the only heiress of a svarupam tarwad is said to have been a maid-servant in the vadakketam brahman's house, and her daughter's tali-kettu ceremony to have been celebrated in her master's newly-built cowshed. the bride was called kuttilachchi, or bride in a cowshed, and her descendants were named kuttina nayars. they intermarry among themselves, and, having no priests of their own, obtain purified water from brahmans to remove the effects of pollution. . matavar.--also known as puliyattu, veliyattu, and kallur nayars. they are believed to have been good archers in former times. . otatu, also called kusa. their occupation is to tile or thatch temples and brahman houses. . mantalayi.--a tract of land in the kalkulam taluk, called mantalachchi konam, was granted to them by the state. they are paid mourners, and attend at the trivandrum palace when a death occurs in the royal family. . manigramam.--believed to represent hindu recoveries from early conversion to christianity. manigramam was a portion of cranganore, where early christian immigrants settled. . vattaykkatan, better known in travancore as chakala nayars, form in many respects the lowest sub-division. they are obliged to stand outside the sacrificial stones (balikallu) of a sanctuary, and are not allowed to take the title pillai. pulva is a title of distinction among them. one section of them is engaged in the hereditary occupation of oil-pressing, and occupies a lower position in the social scale than the other." the following list of "clans" among the nayars of malabar whom he examined anthropometrically is given by mr. f. fawcett [ ]:-- kiriyattil. vangiloth. sudra. kitavu. kurup. pallichan. nambiyar. muppathinayiran. urali. viyapari or ravari. nallioden. attikurissi. viyyur. manavalan. akattu charna. adungadi. purattu charna. adiodi. vattakkad. amayengolam. "the kurup, nambiyar viyyur, manavalan, vengolan, nellioden, adungadi, kitavu, adiodi, amayengolam, all superior clans, belong, properly speaking, to north malabar. the kiriyattil, or kiriyam, is the highest of all the clans in south malabar, and is supposed to comprise, or correspond with the group of clans first named from north malabar. the akattu charna clan is divided into two sub-clans, one of which looks to the zamorin as their lord, and the other owns lordship to minor lordlings, as the tirumulpad of nilambur. the former are superior, and a woman of the latter may mate with a man of the former, but not vice versâ. in the old days, every nayar chief had his charnavar, or adherents. the purattu charna are the outside adherents, or fighters and so on, and the akattu charna are the inside adherents--clerks and domestics. the clan from which the former were drawn is superior to the latter. the uralis are said to have been masons; the pallichans manchil bearers. [ ] the sudra clan supplies female servants in the houses of nambudiris. the vattakkad (or chakkingal: chakku, oil press) clan, whose proper métier is producing gingelly or cocoanut oil with the oil-mill, is the lowest of all, excepting, i think, the pallichan. indeed, in north malabar, i have frequently been told by nayars of the superior clans that they do not admit the vattakkad to be nayars, and say that they have adopted the honorary affix nayars to their names quite recently. there is some obscurity as regards the sub-divisions of the vattakkad clan. to the north of calicut, in kurumbranad, they are divided into the undiatuna, or those who pull (to work the oil-machine by hand), and the murivechchu-atune, or those who tie or fasten bullocks, to work the oil-machine. yet further north, at tellicherry and thereabouts, there are no known sub-divisions, while in ernad, to the eastward, the clan is divided into the veluttatu (white) and karuttatu (black). the white have nothing to do with the expression and preparation of oil, which is the hereditary occupation of the black. the white may eat with nayars of any clan; the black can eat with no others outside their own clan. the black sub-clan is strictly endogamous; the other, the superior sub-clan, is not. their women may marry men of any other clan, the pallichchan excepted. union by marriage, or whatever the function may be named, is permissible between most of the other clans, the rule by which a woman may never unite herself with her inferior being always observed. she may unite herself with a man of her own clan, or with a man of any superior clan, or with a nambutiri, an embrantiri, or any other brahman, or with one of the small sects coming between the brahmans and the nayars. but she cannot under any circumstances unite herself with a man of a clan, which is inferior to hers. nor can she eat with those of a clan inferior to her; a man may, and does without restriction. her children by an equal in race and not only in mere social standing, but never those by one who is racially inferior, belong to her taravad. [ ] the children of the inferior mothers are never brought into the taravad of the superior fathers, i.e., they are never brought into it to belong to it, but they may live there. and, where they do so, they cannot enter the taravad kitchen, or touch the women while they are eating. nor are they allowed to touch their father's corpse. they may live in the taravad under these and other disabilities, but are never of it. the custom, which permits a man to cohabit with a woman lower in the social scale than himself, and prohibits a woman from exercising the same liberty, is called the rule of anulomam and pratilomam. dr. gundert derives anulomam from anu, with lomam (romam), hair, or going with the hair or grain. so pratilomam means going against the hair or grain. according to this usage, a nayar woman, consorting with a man of a higher caste, follows the hair, purifies the blood, and raises the progeny in social estimation. by cohabitation with a man of a lower division (clan) or caste, she is guilty of pratilomam, and, if the difference of caste were admittedly great, she would be turned out of her family, to prevent the whole family being boycotted. a corollary of this custom is that a nambutiri brahman father cannot touch his own children by his nayar consort without bathing afterwards to remove pollution. the children in the marumakkatayam family belong, of course, to their mother's family, clan, and caste. they are nayars, not nambutiris. the nayars of north malabar are held to be superior all along the line, clan for clan, to those of south malabar, which is divided from the north by the river korapuzha, seven miles north of calicut, so that a woman of north malabar would not unite herself to a man of her own clan name of south malabar. a nayar woman of north malabar cannot pass northward beyond the frontier; she cannot pass the hills to the eastward; and she cannot cross the korapuzha to the south. it is tabu. the women of south malabar are similarly confined by custom, breach of which involves forfeiture of caste. to this rule there is an exception, and of late years the world has come in touch with the malayali, who nowadays goes to the university, studies medicine and law in the presidency town (madras), or even in far off england. women of the relatively inferior akattu charna clan are not under quite the same restrictions as regards residence as are those of most of the other clans; so, in these days of free communications, when malayalis travel, and frequently reside far from their own country, they often prefer to select wives from this akattu charna clan. but the old order changeth everywhere, and nowadays malayalis who are in the government service, and obliged to reside far away from malabar, and a few who have taken up their abode in the presidency town, have wrenched themselves free of the bonds of custom, and taken with them their wives who are of clans other than the akattu charna. the interdiction to travel, and the possible exception to it in the case of akattu charna women, has been explained to me in this way. the nayar woman observes pollution for three days during menstruation. while in her period, she may not eat or drink with any other member of the taravad, and on the fourth day she must be purified. purification is known as mattu (change), and it is effected by the washerwoman, who, in some parts of south malabar, is of the mannan or vannan caste, whose métier is to wash for the nayars and nambutiris, but who is, as a rule, the washerwoman of the tiyan caste, giving her, after her bath, one of her own cloths to wear (mattu, change of raiment) instead of the soiled cloth, which she takes away to wash. pollution, which may come through a death in the family, through child-birth, or menstruation, must be removed by mattu. until it is done, the woman is out of caste. it must be done in the right way at the right moment, under pain of the most unpleasant social consequences. how that the influential rural local magnate wreaks vengeance on a taravad by preventing the right person giving mattu to the women is well known in malabar. he could not, with all the sections of the penal code at his disposal, inflict greater injury. now the nayar woman is said to feel compelled to remain in malabar, or within her own part of it, in order to be within reach of mattu. my informant tells me that, the vannan caste being peculiar to malabar, the nayar women cannot go where these are not to be found, and that mattu must be done by one of that caste. but i know, from my own observation in the most truly conservative localities, in kurumbranad for example, where the nayar has a relative superiority, that the washerman is as a rule a tiyan; and i cannot but think that the interdiction has other roots than those involved in mattu. it does not account for the superstition against crossing water, which has its counterparts elsewhere in the world. the origin of the interdiction to cross the river southwards has been explained to me as emanating from a command of the kolatirri rajah in days gone by, when, the arabs having come to the country about calicut, there was a chance of the women being seized and taken as wives. the explanation is somewhat fanciful. the prohibition to cross the river to the northwards is supposed to have originated in much the same way. as bearing on this point, i may mention that the nayar women living to the east of calicut cannot cross the river backwater, and come into the town." it may be noted in this connection that the paikara river on the nilgiri hills is sacred to the todas, and, for fear of mishap from arousing the wrath of the river-god, a pregnant toda woman will not venture to cross it. no toda will use the river water for any purpose, and they do not touch it, unless they have to ford it. they then walk through it, and, on reaching the opposite bank, bow their heads. even when they walk over the paikara bridge, they take their hands out of the putkuli (body-cloth) as a mark of respect. the complexity of the sub-divisions among the nayars in north malabar is made manifest by the following account thereof in the gazetteer of malabar. "there are exogamous sub-divisions (perhaps corresponding to original tarwads) called kulams, and these are grouped to form the sub-castes which are usually endogamous. it is quite impossible to attempt a complete account of the scheme, but to give some idea of its nature one example may be taken, and dealt with in some detail; and for this purpose the portion of kurumbranad known as payyanad will serve. this is the country between the kottapuzha and porapuzha rivers, and is said to have been given by a raja of kurumbranad to a certain ambadi kovilagam tamburatti (the stanam or title of the senior lady of the zamorin raja's family). in this tract or nad there were originally six stanis or chieftains, who ruled, under the raja, with the assistance, or subject to the constitutional control, of four assemblies of nayars called kuttams. each kuttam had its hereditary president. in this tract there are seven groups of kulams. the highest includes twelve kulams, vengalat, pattillat, viyyur, nelliot, atunkudi, amayangalat, nelloli, nilancheri, rendillat, pulliyani, orakatteri, and venmeri. of these, the pattillat and rendillat (members of the ten and members of the two illams or houses) affix the title adiyodi to their names, the last three affix the title nambiyar, and the rest affix nayar. of the six stanis already mentioned, three, with the title of adiyodi, belong to the vengalat kulam, while two of the presidents of kuttams belonged to the pattillat kulam. the younger members of the stani houses are called kidavu. it is the duty of women of viyyur and nelliot kulams to join in the bridal procession of members of the vengalat kulam, the former carrying lamps, and the latter salvers containing flowers, while the rendillat adiyodis furnish cooks to the same class. pattillat adiyodis and orakatteri nambiyars observe twelve days' pollution, while all the other kulams observe fifteen. the second group consists of six kulams, eravattur, ara-eravattur (or half eravattur), and attikodan nayars, tonderi kidavus, punnan nambiyars, and menokkis. all these observe fifteen days' pollution. the third group consists of three kulams, taccholi to which the remaining three stanis belong, kotholi, and kuruvattancheri. all affix nayar to their names, and observe fifteen days' pollution. the fourth group consists of three kulams, peruvanian nambiyars, chelladan nayars, and vennapalan nayars. all three observe fifteen days' pollution. the name peruvanian means great or principal oil-man; and it is the duty of this caste to present the kurumbranad raja with oil on the occasion of his formal installation. the fifth group consists of the three kulams, mannangazhi, paramchela, and pallikara nayars, all observing fifteen days' pollution. a member of the first-named class has to place an amanapalaga (the traditional seat of nambudiris and other high castes) for the kurumbranad raja to sit on at the time of his installation, while a member of the second has to present him with a cloth on the same occasion. the sixth group consists of four kiriyams named patam, tulu, manan, and ottu respectively, and has the collective name of ravari. the seventh group consists of six kulams, kandon, kannankodan, kotta, karumba, kundakollavan, and panakadan nayars. all observe fifteen days' pollution, and the women of these six kulams have certain duties to perform in connection with the purification of women of the vengalat, pattillat, and orakatteri kulams. besides these seven groups, there are a few other classes without internal sub-divisions. one such class is known as pappini nayar. a woman of this class takes the part of the brahmini woman (nambissan) at the tali-kettu kalyanam of girls belonging to the kulams included in the third group. another class called palattavan takes the place of the attikurissi nayar at the funeral ceremonies of the same three kulams." in illustration of the custom of polyandry among the nayars of malabar in by-gone days, the following extracts may be quoted. "on the continent of india," it is recorded in ellis' edition of the kural, "polyandry is still said to be practiced in orissa, and among particular tribes in other parts. in malayalam, as is well known, the vision of plato in his ideal republic is more completely realised, the women among the nayars not being restricted to family or number, but, after she has been consecrated by the usual rites before the nuptial fire, in which ceremony any indifferent person may officiate as the representative of her husband, being in her intercourse with the other sex only restrained by her inclinations; provided that the male with whom she associates be of an equal or superior tribe. but it must be stated, for the glory of the female character, that, notwithstanding the latitude thus given to the nayattis, and that they are thus left to the guidance of their own free will and the play of their own fancy (which in other countries has not always been found the most efficient check on the conduct of either sex), it rarely happens that they cohabit with more than one person at the same time. whenever the existing connexion is broken, whether from incompatibility of temper, disgust, caprice, or any of the thousand vexations by which from the frailty of nature domestic happiness is liable to be disturbed, the woman seeks another lover, the man another mistress. but it mostly happens that the bond of paternity is here, as elsewhere, too strong to be shaken off, and that the uninfluenced and uninterested union of love, when formed in youth, continues even in the decline of age." in a note on the nayars in the sixteenth century, cæsar fredericke writes as follows. [ ] "these nairi having their wives common amongst themselves, and when any of them goe into the house of any of these women, he leaveth his sworde and target at the door, and the time that he is there, there dare not be any so hardie as to come into that house. the king's children shall not inherite the kingdom after their father, because they hold this opinion, that perchance they were not begotten of the king their father, but of some other man, therefore they accept for their king one of the sonnes of the king's sisters, or of some other woman of the blood roiall, for that they be sure that they are of the blood roiall." in his "new account of the east indies, ( )" hamilton wrote: "the husbands," of whom, he said, there might be twelve, but no more at one time, "agree very well, for they cohabit with her in their turns, according to their priority of marriage, ten days more or less according as they can fix a term among themselves, and he that cohabits with her maintains her in all things necessary for his time, so that she is plentifully provided for by a constant circulation. when the man that cohabits with her goes into her house he leaves his arms at the door, and none dare remove them or enter the house on pain of death. when she proves with child, she nominates its father, who takes care of his education after she has suckled it, and brought it to walk or speak, but the children are never heirs to their father's estate, but the father's sister's children are." writing in the latter half of the eighteenth century, grose says [ ] that "it is among the nairs that principally prevails the strange custom of one wife being common to a number; in which point the great power of custom is seen from its rarely or never producing any jealousies or quarrels among the co-tenants of the same woman. their number is not so much limited by any specific law as by a kind of tacit convention, it scarcely ever happening that it exceeds six or seven. the woman, however, is under no obligation to admit above a single attachment, though not less respected for using her privilege to its utmost extent. if one of the husbands happens to come to the house when she is employed with another, he knows that circumstance by certain signals left at the door that his turn is not come, and departs very resignedly." writing about the same time, sonnerat [ ] says that "these brahmans do not marry, but have the privilege of enjoying all the nairesses. this privilege the portuguese who were esteemed as a great caste, obtained and preserved, till their drunkenness and debauchery betrayed them into a commerce with all sorts of women. the following right is established by the customs of the country. a woman without shame may abandon herself to all men who are not of an inferior caste to her own, because the children (notwithstanding what mr. de voltaire says) do not belong to the father, but to the mother's brother; they become his legitimate heirs at their birth, even of the crown if he is king." in his 'voyages and travels', kerr writes as follows. [ ] "by the laws of their country these nayres cannot marry, so that no one has any certain or acknowledged son or father; all their children being born of mistresses, with each of whom three or four nayres cohabit by agreement among themselves. each one of this cofraternity dwells a day in his turn with the joint mistress, counting from noon of one day to the same time of the next, after which he departs, and another comes for the like time. thus they spend their time without the care or trouble of wives and children, yet maintain their mistresses well according to their rank. any one may forsake his mistress at his pleasure; and, in like manner, the mistress may refuse admittance to any one of her lovers when she pleases. these mistresses are all gentlewomen of the nayre caste, and the nayres, besides being prohibited from marrying, must not attach themselves to any woman of a different rank. considering that there are always several men attached to one woman, the nayres never look upon any of the children born of their mistresses as belonging to them, however strong a resemblance may subsist, and all inheritances among the nayres go to their brothers, or the sons of their sisters, born of the same mothers, all relationship being counted only by female consanguinity and descent. this strange law prohibiting marriage was established that they might have neither wives nor children on whom to fix their love and attachment; and that, being free from all family cares, they might more willingly devote themselves entirely to warlike service." the term son of ten fathers is used as a term of abuse among nayars to this day. [ ] tipu sultan is said to have issued the following proclamation to the nayars, on the occasion of his visit to calicut in . "and, since it is a practice with you for one woman to associate with ten men, and you leave your mothers and sisters unconstrained in their obscene practices, and are thence all born in adultery, and are more shameless in your connections than the beasts of the field; i hereby require you to forsake these sinful practices, and live like the rest of mankind." [ ] as to the present existence or non-existence of polyandry i must call recent writers into the witness-box. the rev. s. mateer, mr. fawcett writes, [ ] "informed me ten years ago--he was speaking of polyandry among the nayars of travancore--that he had 'known an instance of six brothers keeping two women, four husbands to one, and two to the other. in a case where two brothers cohabited with one woman, and one was converted to christianity, the other brother was indignant at the christian's refusal to live any longer in this condition.' i have not known an admitted instance of polyandry amongst the nayars of malabar at the present day, but there is no doubt that, if it does not exist now (and i think it does here and there), it certainly did not long ago." mr. gopal panikkar says [ ] that "to enforce this social edict upon the nairs, the brahmans made use of the powerful weapon of their aristocratic ascendancy in the country, and the nairs readily submitted to the brahman supremacy. thus it came about that the custom of concubinage, so freely indulged in by the brahmans with nair women, obtained such firm hold upon the country that it has only been strengthened by the lapse of time. at the present day there are families, especially in the interior of the district, who look upon it as an honour to be thus united with brahmans. but a reaction has begun to take place against this feeling, and brahman alliances are invariably looked down upon in respectable nair tarwads. this reactionary feeling took shape in the malabar marriage act." mr. justice k. narayana marar says: "there is nothing strange or to be ashamed of in the fact that the nayars were originally of a stock that practiced polyandry, nor if the practice continued till recently. hamilton and buchanan say that, among the nayars of malabar, a woman has several husbands, but these are not brothers. these travellers came to malabar in the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century. there is no reason whatever to suppose that they were not just recording what they saw. for i am not quite sure whether, even now, the practice is not lurking in some remote nooks and corners of the country." lastly, mr. wigram writes as follows. [ ] "polyandry may now be said to be dead, and, although the issue of a nayar marriage are still children of their mother rather than of their father, marriage may be defined as a contract based on mutual consent, and dissoluble at will. it has been well said (by mr. logan) that nowhere is the marriage tie, albeit informal, more rigidly observed or respected than it is in malabar: nowhere is it more jealously guarded, or its neglect more savagely avenged." in connection with the tali-kattu kalyanam, or tali-tying marriage, mr. fawcett writes that "the details of this ceremony vary in different parts of malabar, but the ceremony in some form is essential, and must be performed for every nayar girl before she attains puberty." for an account of this ceremony, i must resort to the evidence of mr. k. r. krishna menon before the malabar marriage commission. [ ] "the tali-kattu kalyanam is somewhat analogous to what a deva-dasi (dancing-girl) of other countries (districts) undergoes before she begins her profession. among royal families, and those of certain edaprabhus, a kshatriya, and among the charna sect a nedungadi is invited to the girl's house at an auspicious hour appointed for the purpose, and, in the presence of friends and castemen, ties a tali (marriage badge) round her neck, and goes away after receiving a certain fee for his trouble. among the other sects, the horoscope of the girl is examined along with those of her enangan (a recognised member of one's own class) families, and the boy whose horoscope is found to agree with hers is marked out as a fit person to tie the tali, and a day is fixed for the tali-tying ceremony by the astrologer, and information given to the karanavan [ ] (senior male in a tarwad) of the boy's family. the feast is called ayaniunu, and the boy is thenceforth called manavalan or pillai (bridegroom). from the house in which the manavalan is entertained a procession is formed, preceded by men with swords, and shields shouting a kind of war-cry. in the meantime a procession starts from the girl's house, with similar men and cries, and headed by a member of her tarwad, to meet the other procession, and, after meeting the manavalan, he escorts him to the girl's house. after entering the booth erected for the purpose, he is conducted to a seat of honour, and his feet are washed by the brother of the girl, who receives a pair of cloths. the manavalan is then taken to the centre of the booth, where bamboo mats, carpets and white cloths are spread, and seated there. the brother of the girl then carries her from inside the house, and, after going round the booth three times, places her at the left side of the manavalan. the father of the girl then presents new cloths tied in a kambli (blanket) to the pair, and with this new cloth (called manthravadi) they change their dress. the wife of the karanavan of the girl's tarwad, if she be of the same caste, then decorates the girl by putting on anklets, etc. the purohit (officiating priest) called elayath (a low class of brahmans) then gives the tali to the manavalan, and the family astrologer shouts muhurtham (auspicious hour), and the manavalan, putting his sword on the lap, ties the tali round the neck of the girl, who is then required to hold an arrow and a looking-glass in her hand. in rich families a brahmani sings certain songs intended to bless the couple. in ordinary families who cannot procure her presence, a nayar, versed in songs, performs the office. the boy and girl are then carried by enangans to a decorated apartment in the inner part of the house, where they are required to remain under a sort of pollution for three days. on the fourth day they bathe in some neighbouring tank (pond) or river, holding each other's hands. after changing their clothes they come home, preceded by a procession. tom-toms (native drums) and elephants usually form part of the procession, and turmeric water is sprinkled. when they come home, all doors of the house are shut, and the manavalan is required to force them open. he then enters the house, and takes his seat in the northern wing thereof. the aunt and female friends of the girl then approach, and give sweetmeats to the couple. the girl then serves food to the boy, and, after taking their meal together from the same leaf, they proceed to the booth, where a cloth is severed into two parts, and each part given to the manavalan and girl separately in the presence of enangans and friends. the severing of the cloth is supposed to constitute a divorce." "the tearing of the cloth," mr. fawcett writes, "is confined to south malabar. these are the essentials of the ceremony, an adjunct to which is that, in spite of the divorce, the girl observes death pollution when her manavalan dies. the same manavalan may tie the tali on any number of girls, during the same ceremony or at any other time, and he may be old or young. he is often an elderly holy brahman, who receives a small present for his services. the girl may remove the tali, if she likes, after the fourth day. in some parts of malabar there is no doubt that the man who performs the rôle of manavalan is considered to have some right to the girl, but in such case it has been already considered that he is a proper man to enter into sambandham with her." of the tali-kattu kalyanam in malabar, the following detailed account, mainly furnished by an urali nayar of calicut, is given in the gazetteer of malabar. "an auspicious time has to be selected for the purpose, and the preliminary consultation of the astrologer is in itself the occasion of a family gathering. the manavalan or quasi-bridegroom is chosen at the same time. for the actual kalyanam, two pandals (booths), a small one inside a large one, are erected in front of the padinhatta macchu or central room of the western wing. they are decorated with cloth, garlands, lamps and palm leaves, and the pillars should be of areca palm cut by an asari on sunday, monday, or wednesday. the first day's ceremonies open with a morning visit to the temple, where the officiating brahman pours water sanctified by mantrams (religious formulæ), and the addition of leaves of mango, peepul and darbha, over the girl's head. this rite is called kalasam maduga. the girl then goes home, and is taken to the macchu, where a hanging lamp with five wicks is lighted. this should be kept alight during all the days of the kalyanam. the girl sits on a piece of pala (alstonia scholaris) wood, which is called a mana. she is elaborately adorned, and some castes consider a coral necklace an essential. in her right hand she holds a vaalkannadi (brass hand mirror), and in her left a charakkal (a highly ornate arrow). in front of the girl are placed, in addition to the five-wicked lamp and nirachaveppu, a metal dish or talam of parched rice, and the eight lucky things known as ashtamangalyam. a woman, termed brahmini or pushpini, usually of the nambissan caste, sits facing her on a three-legged stool (pidam), and renders appropriate and lengthy songs, at the close of which she scatters rice over her. about midday there is a feast, and in the evening songs in the macchu are repeated. next morning, the ceremonial in the macchu is repeated for the third time, after which the paraphernalia are removed to the nearest tank or to the east of the household well, where the pushpini sings once more, goes through the form of making the girl's toilet, and ties a cocoanut frond round each of her wrists (kappola). the girl has then to rise and jump over a kindi (vessel) of water with an unhusked cocoanut placed on the top, overturning it the third time. the party then proceed to the pandal, two men holding a scarlet cloth over the girl as a canopy, and a chaliyan (weaver) brings two cloths (kodi vastiram), which the girl puts on. in the evening, the previous day's ceremonial is repeated in the macchu. the third day is the most important, and it is then that the central act of the ceremony is performed. for this the girl sits in the inner pandal richly adorned. in some cases she is carried from the house to the pandal by her karnavan or brother, who makes a number of pradakshinams round the pandal (usually or ) before he places her in her seat. before the girl are the various objects already specified, and the hymeneal ditties of the pushpini open the proceedings. at the auspicious moment the manavalan arrives in rich attire. he is often preceded by a sort of body guard with sword and shield who utter a curious kind of cry, and is met at the gate of the girl's house by a bevy of matrons with lamps and salvers decorated with flowers and lights, called talams. a man of the girl's family washes his feet, and he takes his seat in the pandal on the girl's right. sometimes the girl's father at this stage presents new cloths (mantravadi or mantrokodi) to the pair, who at once don them. the girl's father takes the tali, a small round plate of gold about the size of a two-anna bit, with a hole at the top, from the goldsmith who is in waiting, pays him for it,' and gives it to the manavalan. the karnavan or father of the girl asks the astrologer thrice if the moment has arrived, and, as he signifies his assent the third time, the manavalan ties the tali round the girl's neck amidst the shouts of those present. the manavalan carries the girl indoors to the macchu, and feasting brings the day to a close. tom-toming and other music are of course incessant accompaniments throughout as on other festal occasions, and the women in attendance keep up a curious kind of whistling, called kurava, beating their lips with their fingers. on the fourth day, girl and manavalan go in procession to the temple richly dressed. the boy, carrying some sort of sword and shield, heads the party. if the family be one of position, he and the girl must be mounted on an elephant. offerings are made, to the deity, and presents to the brahmans. they return home, and, as they enter the house, the manavalan who brings up the rear is pelted by the boys of the party with plantains, which he wards off with his shield. in other cases, he is expected to make a pretence of forcing the door open. these two usages are no doubt to be classed with those marriage ceremonies which take the form of a contest between the bridegroom and the bride's relatives, and which are symbolic survivals of marriage by capture. the manavalan and the girl next partake of food together in the inner pandal--a proceeding which obviously corresponds to the ceremonious first meal of a newly-married couple. the assembled guests are lavishly entertained. the chief kovilagans and big nayar houses will feed , brahmans as well as their own relations, and spend anything up to ten or fifteen thousand rupees on the ceremony." concerning the tali-kettu ceremony in travancore mr. n. subramani aiyar writes as follows. "after the age of eleven, a nayar girl becomes too old for this ceremony, though, in some rare instances, it is celebrated after a girl attains her age. as among other castes, ages represented by an odd number, e.g., seven, nine, and eleven, have a peculiar auspiciousness attached to them. any number of girls, even up to a dozen, may go through the ceremony at one time, and they may include infants under one year--an arrangement prompted by considerations of economy, and rendered possible by the fact that no civil or religious right or liability is contracted as between the parties. the duty of getting the girls of the tarwad 'married' devolves on the karanavan, or in his default on the eldest brother, the father's obligation being discharged by informing him that the time for the ceremony has arrived. the masters of the ceremonies at a nayar tali-kettu in travancore are called machchampikkar, i.e., men in the village, whose social status is equal to that of the tarwad in which the ceremony is to be celebrated. at a preliminary meeting of the machchampikkar, the number of girls for whom the ceremony is to be performed, the bridegrooms, and other details are settled. the horoscopes are examined by the village astrologer, and those youths in the tarwads who have passed the age of eighteen, and whose horoscopes agree with those of the girls, are declared to be eligible. the ola (palm-leaf) on which the kaniyan (astrologer) writes his decision is called the muhurta charutu, and the individual who receives it from him is obliged to see that the ceremony is performed on an auspicious day in the near future. the next important item is the fixing of a wooden post in the south-west corner or kannimula of the courtyard. at the construction of the pandal (booth) the pidakakkar or villagers render substantial aid. the mandapa is decorated with ears of corn, and hence called katirmandapa. it is also called mullapandal. on the night of the previous day the kalati or brahman's song is sung. a sumptuous banquet, called ayaniunnu, is given at the girl's house to the party of the young man. the ceremony commences with the bridegroom washing his feet, and taking his seat within the pandal. the girl meanwhile bathes, worships the household deity, and is dressed in new cloths and adorned with costly ornaments. a brahman woman ties a thread round the girl's left wrist, and sings a song called subhadraveli, which deals with the marriage by capture of subhadra by arjuna. then, on the invitation of the girl's mother, who throws a garland round his neck, the bridegroom goes in procession, riding on an elephant, or on foot. the girl's brother is waiting to receive him at the pandal. a leading villager is presented with some money, as if to recompense him for the permission granted by him to commence the ceremony. the girl sits within the mandapa, facing the east, with her eyes closed. the bridegroom, on his arrival, sits on her right. he then receives the minnu (ornament) from the ilayatu priest, and ties it round the girl's neck. a song is sung called ammachampattu, or the song of the maternal uncle. if there are several brides, they sit in a row, each holding in her hand an arrow and a looking-glass, and the ornaments are tied on their necks in the order of their ages. unless enangans are employed, there is usually only one tali-tier, whatever may be the number of girls. in cases where, owing to poverty, the expenses of the ceremony cannot be borne, it is simply performed in front of a brahman temple, or in the pandaramatam, or house of the village chieftain. in many north travancore taluks the girl removes her tali as soon as she hears of the tali-tier's death." it is noted by the rev. s. mateer [ ] that "a nair girl of travancore must get married with the tali before the age of eleven to avoid reproach from friends and neighbours. in case of need a sword may even be made to represent a bridegroom." sometimes, when a family is poor, the girl's mother makes an idol of clay, adorns it with flowers, and invests her daughter with the tali in the presence of the idol. in an account of the tali-kettu ceremony, in the cochin census report, , it is stated that "the celebration of the ceremony is costly, and advantage is therefore taken of a single occasion in the course of ten or twelve years, at which all girls in a family, irrespective of their ages, and, when parties agree, all girls belonging to families that observe death pollution between one another go through the ceremony. the ceremony opens with the fixing of a post for the construction of a pandal or shed, which is beautifully decorated with cloth, pictures and festoons. the male members of the village are invited, and treated to a feast followed by the distribution of pan-supari. every time that a marriage ceremony is celebrated, a member of the family visits his highness the raja with presents, and solicits his permission for the celebration. such presents are often made to the nambudri jenmis (landlords), by their tenants, and by castes attached to illams. it may be noted that certain privileges, such as sitting on a grass mat, having an elephant procession, drumming, firing of pop-guns, etc., have often to be obtained from the ruler of the state. the marriage itself begins with the procession to the marriage pandal with the eight auspicious things (ashtamangalyam) and pattiniruththal (seating for song), at the latter of which a brahmini or pushpini sings certain songs based upon suitable puranic texts. the girls and other female members of the family, dressed in gay attire and decked with costly ornaments, come out in procession to the pandal, where the pushpini sings, with tom-toms and the firing of pop-guns at intervals. after three, five, or seven rounds of this, a cutting of the jasmine placed in a brass pot is carried on an elephant by the elayad or family priest to the nearest bhagavati temple, where it is planted on the night previous to the ceremonial day with tom-toms, fireworks, and joyous shouts of men and women. a few hours before the auspicious moment for the ceremony, this cutting is brought back. before the tali is tied, the girls are brought out of the room, and, either from the ground itself or from a raised platform, beautifully decorated with festoons, etc., are made to worship the sun. the bridegroom, a tirumulpad or an enangan, is then brought into the house with sword in hand, with tom-toms, firing of pop-guns, and shouts of joy. at the gate he is received by a few female members with ashtamangalyam in their hands, and seated on a bench or stool in the pandal. a male member of the family, generally a brother or maternal uncle of the girl, washes the feet of the bridegroom. the girls are covered with new cloths of cotton or silk, and brought into the pandal, and seated screened off from one another. after the distribution of money presents to the brahmans and the elayad, the latter hands over the tali, or thin plate of gold shaped like the leaf of aswatha (ficus religiosa), and tacked on to a string, to the tirumulpad, who ties it round the neck of the girl. a single tirumulpad often ties the tali round the neck of two, three, or four girls. he is given one to eight rupees per girl for so doing. sometimes the tali is tied by the mother of the girl. the retention of the tali is not at all obligatory, nay it is seldom worn or taken care of after the ceremony. these circumstances clearly show the purely ceremonial character of this form of marriage. the karamel asan, or headman of the village, is an important factor on this occasion. in a conspicuous part of the marriage pandal, he is provided with a seat on a cot, on which a grass mat, a black blanket, and white cloth are spread one over the other. before the tali is tied, his permission is solicited for the performance of the ceremony. he is paid , , , or puthans (a puthan = pies) per girl, according to the means of the family. he is also given rice, curry stuff, and pan-supari. rose-water is sprinkled at intervals on the males and females assembled on the occasion. with the distribution of pan-supari, scented sandal paste and jasmine flowers to the females of the village and wives of relatives and friends, who are invited for the occasion, these guests return to their homes. the male members, one or two from each family in the village, are then treated to a sumptuous feast. in some places, where the enangu system prevails, all members of such families, both male and female, are also provided with meals. on the third day, the villagers are again entertained to a luncheon of rice and milk pudding, and on the fourth day the girls are taken out in procession for worship at the nearest temple amidst tom-toms and shouting. after this a feast is held, at which friends, relatives, and villagers are given a rich meal. with the usual distribution of pan-supari, sandal and flowers, the invited guests depart. presents, chiefly in money, are made to the eldest male member of the family by friends and relatives and villagers, and with this the ceremony closes. from the time of fixing the first pole for the pandal to the tying of the tali, the village astrologer is in attendance on all ceremonial occasions, as he has to pronounce the auspicious moment for the performance of each item. during the four days of the marriage, entertainments, such as kathakali drama or ottan tullal, are very common. when a family can ill-afford to celebrate the ceremony on any grand scale, the girls are taken to the nearest temple, or to the illam of a nambudri, if they happen to belong to sub-divisions attached to illams, and the tali is tied with little or no feasting and merriment. in the northern taluks, the very poor people sometimes tie the tali before the trikkakkarappan on the tiruvonam day." an interesting account of the tali-kettu ceremony is given by duarte barbosa, who writes as follows. [ ] "after they are ten or twelve years old or more, their mothers perform a marriage ceremony for them in this manner. they advise the relations and friends that they may come to do honour to their daughters, and they beg some of their relations and friends to marry these daughters, and they do so. it must be said that they have some gold jewel made, which will contain half a ducat of gold, a little shorter than the tag of lace, with a hole in the middle passing through it, and they string it on a thread of white silk; and the mother of the girl stands with her daughter very much dressed out, and entertaining her with music and singing, and a number of people. and this relation or friend of hers comes with much earnestness, and there performs the ceremony of marriage, as though he married her, and they throw a gold chain round the necks of both of them together, and he puts the above mentioned jewel round her neck, which she always has to wear as a sign that she may now do what she pleases. and the bridegroom leaves her and goes away without touching her nor more to say to her on account of being her relation; and, if he is not so, he may remain with her if he wish it, but he is not bound to do so if he do not desire it. and from that time forward the mother goes begging some young men to deflower the girl, for among themselves they hold it an unclean thing and almost a disgrace to deflower women." the tali-kettu ceremony is referred to by kerr, who, in his translation of castaneda, states that "these sisters of the zamorin, and other kings of malabar, have handsome allowances to live upon; and, when any of them reaches the age of ten, their kindred send for a young man of the nayar caste out of the kingdom, and give him presents to induce him to initiate the young virgin; after which he hangs a jewel round her neck, which she wears all the rest of her life, as a token that she is now at liberty to dispose of herself to anyone she pleases as long as she lives." the opinion was expressed by mr. (now sir henry) winterbotham, one of the malabar marriage commissioners, that the brahman tali-tier was a relic of the time when the nambutiris were entitled to the first fruits, and it was considered the high privilege of every nayar maid to be introduced by them to womanhood. in this connection, reference may be made to hamilton's 'new account of the east indies', where it is stated that "when the zamorin marries, he must not cohabit with his bride till the nambudri, or chief priest, has enjoyed her, and he, if he pleases, may have three nights of her company, because the first fruits of her nuptials must be an holy oblation to the god she worships. and some of the nobles are so complaisant as to allow the clergy the same tribute, but the common people cannot have that compliment paid to them, but are forced to supply the priests' places themselves." of those who gave evidence before the malabar commission, some thought the tali-kettu was a marriage, some not. others called it a mock marriage, a formal marriage, a sham marriage, a fictitious marriage, a marriage sacrament, the preliminary part of marriage, a meaningless ceremony, an empty form, a ridiculous farce, an incongruous custom, a waste of money, and a device for becoming involved in debt. "while," the report states, "a small minority of strict conservatives still maintain that the tali-kettu is a real marriage intended to confer on the bridegroom a right to cohabit with the bride, an immense majority describe it as a fictitious marriage, the origin of which they are at a loss to explain. and another large section tender the explanation accepted by our president (sir t. muttusami aiyar) that, in some way or other, it is an essential caste observance preliminary to the forming of sexual relations." in a recent note, mr. k. kannan nayar writes [ ]: "almost every nayar officer in government employ, when applying for leave on account of the kettukallianam of his daughter or niece, states in his application that he has to attend to the 'marriage' of the girl. the ceremony is generally mentioned as marriage even in the letters of invitation sent by nayar gentlemen in these days.... this ceremony is not intended even for the betrothal of the girl to a particular man, but is one instituted under brahman influence as an important kriya (sacrament) antecedent to marriage, and intended, as the popular saying indicates, for dubbing the girl with the status of amma, a woman fit to be married. the saying is tali-kettiu amma ayi, which means a woman has become an amma when her tali-tying ceremony is over." in summing up the evidence collected by him, mr. l. moore states [ ] that it seems to prove beyond all reasonable doubt that "from the sixteenth century at all events, and up to the early portion of the nineteenth century, the relations between the sexes in families governed by marumakkattayam were of as loose a description as it is possible to imagine. the tali-kettu kalyanam, introduced by the brahmans, brought about no improvement, and indeed in all probability made matters much worse by giving a quasi-religious sanction to a fictitious marriage, which bears an unpleasant resemblance to the sham marriage ceremonies performed among certain inferior castes elsewhere as a cloak for prostitution. as years passed, some time about the opening of the nineteenth century, the kerala mahatmyam and keralolpathi were concocted, probably by nambudris, and false and pernicious doctrines as to the obligations laid on the nayars by divine law to administer to the lust of nambudris were disseminated abroad. the better classes among the nayars revolted against the degrading custom thus established, and a custom sprang up especially in north malabar, of making sambandham a more or less formal contract, approved and sanctioned by the karnavan (senior male) of the tarwad to which the lady belonged, and celebrated with elaborate ceremony under the pudamuri form. that there was nothing analogous to the pudamuri prevalent in malabar from a.d. to may, i think, be fairly presumed from the absence of all allusion to it in the works of the various european writers." according to act iv, madras, , sambandham means an alliance between a man and a woman, by reason of which they in accordance with the custom of the community to which they belong, or either of them belongs, cohabit or intend to cohabit as husband and wife. of sambandham the following account was given by mr. chandu menon to the malabar marriage commission. "the variations of the sambandham are the pudamuri, vastradanam, uzhamporukkuka, vitaram kayaruka, etc., which are local expressions hardly understood beyond the localities in which they are used, but there would be hardly a malaiyali who would not readily understand what is meant by sambandham tudanguga (to begin sambandham). the meaning of this phrase, which means to 'marry,' is understood throughout keralam in the same way, and there can be no ambiguity or mistake about it. it is thus found that sambandham is the principal word denoting marriage among marumakkatayam nayars. [sambandhakaran is now the common term for husband.] it will also be found, on a close and careful examination of facts, that the principal features of this sambandham ceremony all over keralam are in the main the same. as there are different local names denoting marriage, so there may be found local variations in the performance of the ceremony. but the general features are more or less the same. for instance, the examination, prior to the betrothal, of the horoscopes of the bride and bridegroom to ascertain whether their stars agree astrologically; the appointment of an auspicious day for the celebration of the ceremony; the usual hour at which the ceremony takes place; the presentation of danam (gifts) to brahmans; sumptuous banquet; the meeting of the bride and bridegroom, are features which are invariably found in all well-conducted sambandhams in all parts of keralam alike. but here i would state that i should not be understood as saying that each and every one of the formalities above referred to are gone through at all sambandhams among respectable nayars; and i would further state that they ought to be gone through at every sambandham, if the parties wish to marry according to the custom of the country. i would now briefly refer to the local variations to be found in the ceremony of the sambandham, and also the particular incidents attached to certain forms of sambandham in south malabar. i shall describe the pudamuri or vastradanam as celebrated in north malabar, and then show how the other forms of sambandham differ from it. of all the forms of sambandham, i consider the pudamuri the most solemn and the most fashionable in north malabar. the preliminary ceremony in every pudamuri is the examination of the horoscopes of the bride and bridegroom by an astrologer. this takes place in the house of the bride, in the presence of the relations of the bride and bridegroom. the astrologer, after examination, writes down the results of his calculations on a piece of palmyra leaf, with his opinion as to the fitness or otherwise of the match, and hands it over to the bridegroom's relations. if the horoscopes agree, a day is then and there fixed for the celebration of the marriage. this date is also written down on two pieces of cadjan (palm leaf), one of which is handed over to the bride's karanavan, and the other to the bridegroom's relations. the astrologer and the bridegroom's party are then feasted in the bride's house, and the former also receives presents in the shape of money or cloth. this preliminary ceremony, which is invariably performed at all pudamuris in north malabar, is called pudamuri kurikkal, but is unknown in south malabar. some three or four days prior to the date fixed for the celebration of the pudamuri, the bridegroom visits his karanavans and elders in caste, to obtain formal leave to marry. the bridegroom on such occasion presents his elders with betel and nuts, and obtains their formal sanction to the wedding. on the day appointed, the bridegroom proceeds after sunset to the house of the bride, accompanied by a number of his friends. he goes in procession, and is received at the gate of the house by the bride's party, and conducted with his friends to seats provided in the tekkini or southern hall of the house. there the bridegroom distributes presents (danam) or money gifts to the brahmans assembled. after this, the whole party is treated to a sumptuous banquet. it is now time for the astrologer to appear, and announce the auspicious hour fixed. he does it accordingly, and receives his dues. the bridegroom is then taken by one of his friends to the padinhatta or principal room of the house. the bridegroom's party has, of course, brought with them a quantity of new cloths, and betel leaves and nuts. the cloths are placed in the western room of the house (padinhatta), in which all religious and other important household ceremonies are usually performed. this room will be decorated, and turned into a bed-room for the occasion. there will be placed in the room a number of lighted lamps, and ashtamangalyam, which consists of eight articles symbolical of mangalyam or marriage. these are rice, paddy (unhusked rice), the tender leaves of cocoanut trees, an arrow, a looking-glass, a well-washed cloth, burning fire, and a small round box called cheppu. these will be found placed on the floor of the room as the bridegroom enters it. the bridegroom with his groomsman enters the room through the eastern door. the bride, dressed in rich cloths and bedecked with jewels, enters the room through the western door, accompanied by her aunt or some other elderly lady of her family. the bride stands facing east, with the ashtamangalyam and lit-up lamps in front of her. the groomsman then hands over to the bridegroom a few pieces of new cloth, and the bridegroom puts them into the hands of the bride. this being done, the elderly lady who accompanied the bride sprinkles rice over the lamps and the head and shoulders of the bride and bridegroom, who immediately leaves the room, as he has to perform another duty. at the tekkini or southern hall, he now presents his elders and friends with cakes, and betel leaf and nuts. betel and nuts are also given to all the persons assembled at the place. after the departure of the guests, the bridegroom retires to the bed-room with the bride. next morning, the vettilakettu or salkaram ceremony follows, and the bridegroom's female relations take the bride to the husband's house, where there is feasting in honour of the occasion. uzhamporukkuka or vidaram kayaral is a peculiar form of marriage in north malabar. it will be seen from description given above that the pudamuri is necessarily a costly ceremony, and many people resort to the less costly ceremony of uzhamporukkuka or vidaram kayaral. the features of this ceremony are to a certain extent the same as pudamuri, but it is celebrated on a smaller scale. there is no cloth-giving ceremony. the feasting is confined to the relations of the couple. the particular incident of this form of marriage is that the husband should visit the wife in her house, and is not permitted to take her to his house, unless and until he celebrates the regular pudamuri ceremony. this rule is strictly adhered to in north malabar, and instances in which the husband and wife joined by the uzhamporukkuka ceremony, and with grown-up children as the issue of such marriage, undergo the pudamuri ceremony some fifteen or twenty years after uzhamporukkuka, in order to enable the husband to take the wife to his house, are known to me personally. the sambandham of south malabar, and the kidakkora kalyanam of palghat have all or most of the incidents of pudamuri, except the presenting of cloths. here money is substituted for cloths, and the other ceremonies are more or less the same. there is also salkaram ceremony wanting in south malabar, as the wives are not at once taken to the husband's house after marriage." in connection with the following note by mr. c. p. raman menon on sambandham among the akattu charna or akathithaparisha (inside clan), mr. fawcett states that "my informant says in the first place that the man should not enter into sambandham with a woman until he is thirty. now-a-days, when change is running wild, the man is often much less. in north malabar, which is much more conservative than the south, it was, however, my experience that sambandham was rare on the side of the man before twenty-seven." "the karanavan," mr. raman menon writes, "and the women of his household choose the bride, and communicate their choice to the intending bridegroom through a third party; they may not, dare not speak personally to him in the matter. he approves. the bride's people are informally consulted, and, if they agree, the astrologer is sent for, and examines the horoscopes of both parties to the intended union. as a matter of course these are found to agree, and the astrologer fixes a day for the sambandham ceremony. a few days before this takes place, two or three women of the bridegroom's house visit the bride, intimating beforehand that they are coming. there they are well treated with food and sweetmeats, and, when on the point of leaving, they inform the senior female that the bridegroom (naming him) wishes to have sambandham with ... (naming her), and such and such a day is auspicious for the ceremony. the proposal is accepted with pleasure, and the party from the bridegroom's house returns home. preparations for feasting are made in the house of the bride, as well as in that of the bridegroom on the appointed day. to the former all relations are invited for the evening, and to the latter a few friends who are much of the same age as the bridegroom are invited to partake of food at or p.m., and accompany him to the bride's house. after eating they escort him, servants carrying betel leaves (one or two hundred according to the means of the taravad), areca nuts and tobacco, to be given to the bride's household, and which are distributed to the guests. when the bride's house is far away, the bridegroom makes his procession thither from a neighbouring house. arrived at the bride's house, they sit awhile, and are again served with food, after which they are conducted to a room, where betel and other chewing stuff is placed on brass or silver plates called thalam. the chewing over, sweetmeats are served, and then all go to the bridal chamber, where the women of the house and others are assembled with the bride, who, overcome with shyness, hides herself behind the others. here again the bridegroom and his party go through more chewing, while they chat with the women. after a while the men withdraw, wishing the couple all happiness, and then the women, departing one by one, leave the couple alone, one of them shutting the door from the outside. the pattar brahmans always collect on these occasions, and receive small presents (dakshina) of two to four annas each, with betel leaves and areca nuts from the bridegroom, and sometimes from the bride. a few who are invited receive their dakshina in the bridal chamber, the others outside. those of the bridegroom's party who live far away are given sleeping accommodation at the bride's house [in a nayar house the sleeping rooms of the men and women are at different ends of the house]. about daybreak next morning the bridegroom leaves the house with his party, leaving under his pillow , , , or rupees, according to his means, which are intended to cover the expenses of the wife's household in connection with the ceremony. the sambandham is now complete. the girl remains in her own taravad house, and her husband visits her there, coming in the evening and leaving next morning. a few days after the completion of the ceremony, the senior woman of the bridegroom's house sends some cloths, including pavu mundu (superior cloths) and thorthu mundu (towels) and some oil to the bride for her use for six months. every six months she does the same, and, at the onam, vishu, and thiruvathira festivals, she sends besides a little money, areca nuts, betel and tobacco. the money sent should be , , , , or rupees. higher sums are very rarely sent. before long, the women of the husband's house express a longing for the girl-wife to be brought to their house, for they have not seen her yet. again the astrologer is requisitioned, and, on the day he fixes, two or three of the women go to the house of the girl, or, as they call her, ammayi (uncle's wife). they are well treated, and presently bring away the girl with them. as she is about to enter the gate-house of her husband's taravad, the stile of which she crosses right leg first, two or three of the women meet her, bearing a burning lamp and a brass plate (thalam), and precede her to the nalukattu of the house. there she is seated on a mat, and a burning lamp, a nazhi (measure) of rice, and some plantains are placed before her. one of the younger women takes up a plantain, and puts a piece of it in the ammayi's mouth; a little ceremony called madhuram tital, or giving the sweets for eating. she lives in her husband's house for a few days, and is then sent back to her own with presents, bracelets, rings or cloths, which are gifts of the senior woman of the house. after this she is at liberty to visit her husband's house on any day, auspicious or inauspicious. in a big taravad, where there are many women, the ammayi does not, as a rule, get much sympathy and good-will in the household, and, if she happens to live temporarily in her husband's house, as is sometimes, though very rarely the case in south malabar, and to be the wife of the karanavan, it is observed that she gets more than her share of whatever good things may be going. hence the proverb, 'place ammayi amma on a stone, and grind her with another stone.' a sambandham ceremony at calicut is recorded by mr. fawcett, at which there were cake and wine for the guests, and a ring for the bride. in connection with sambandham, mr. n. subramani aiyar writes from travancore that "it is known in different localities as gunadosham (union through good or evil), vastradanam or putavakota (giving of cloth), and uzhamporukkal (waiting one's turn). it may be performed without any formal ceremony whatever, and is actually a private transaction confidentially gone through in some families. the bridegroom and his friends assemble at the house of the bride on the appointed night, and, before the assembled guests, the bridegroom presents the bride with a few unbleached cloths. custom enjoins that four pieces of cloth should be presented, and the occasion is availed of to present cloths to the relatives and servants of the bride also. the girl asks permission of her mother and maternal uncle, before she receives the cloths. after supper, and the distribution of pan-supari, the party disperses. another day is fixed for the consummation ceremony. on that day the bridegroom, accompanied by a few friends, goes to the bride's house with betel leaves and nuts. after a feast, the friends retire." it is noted in the cochin census report, , that one name for the sambandham rite is kitakkora, meaning bed-chamber ceremony. in the same report, the following account of a puberty ceremony is given. "the tirandukuli ceremony is practically a public declaration that a girl has reached the age of maturity. when a girl attains puberty, she is seated in a separate room, where a lamp is lit, and a brass pot with a bunch of cocoanut flowers is kept. she has to keep with her a circular plate of brass called valkannadi, literally a looking-glass with a handle. the event is proclaimed by korava (shouts of joy by females). the females of the neighbouring houses, and of the families of friends and relatives, visit her. new cloths are presented to the girl by her near relatives. on the third day the villagers, friends and relatives are treated to a luncheon of rice and milk pudding. early in the morning on the fourth day, the mannans or velans appear. the girl is anointed with oil, and tender leaves of the cocoanut palm are tied round the head and waist. in the company of maidens she is brought out of the room, and the velans sing certain songs. thence the party move on to the tank, where the girl wears a cloth washed by a velan, and takes a bath. after the bath the velans again sing songs. in the afternoon, the girl is taken out by the females invited for the occasion to an ornamental pandal, and the velans, standing at a distance, once more sing. with the usual distribution of pan-supari, sandal and jasmine flowers, the ceremony closes. in the midst of the song, the female guests of the village, the wives of friends and relatives, and most of the members of the family itself, present each a small cloth to the velans. they are also given a small amount of money, rice, betel leaf, etc. the guests are then entertained at a feast. in some places, the girl is taken to a separate house for the bath on the fourth day, whence she returns to her house in procession, accompanied by tom-toms and shouting. in the northern taluks, the velan's song is in the night, and the performance of the ceremony on the fourth day is compulsory. in the southern taluks, it is often put off to some convenient day. before the completion of this song ceremony, the girl is prohibited from going out of the house or entering temples." it is provided, by the malabar marriage act, , that, "when a sambandham has been registered in the manner therein laid down, it shall have the incidence of a legal marriage; that is to say, the wife and children shall be entitled to maintenance by the husband or father, respectively, and to succeed to half his self-acquired property, if he dies intestate; while the parties to such a sambandham cannot register a second sambandham during its continuance, that is, until it is terminated by death or by a formal application for divorce in the civil courts. the total number of sambandhams registered under the act has, however, been infinitesimal, and the reason for this is, admittedly, the reluctance of the men to fetter their liberty to terminate sambandham at will by such restrictions as the necessity for formal divorce, or to undertake the burdensome responsibility of a legal obligation to maintain their wife and offspring. if, as the evidence recorded by the malabar marriage commission tended to show, 'a marriage law in north malabar, and throughout the greater part of south malabar, would merely legalise what is the prevailing custom,' it is hard to see why there has been such a disinclination to lend to that custom the dignity of legal sanction." [ ] the following applications to register sambandhams under the act were received from to :-- nayars. tiyans. others. total. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... --- --- -- -- total in a recent account of a nayar wedding in high life in travancore, the host is said to have distributed flowers, attar, etc., to all his hindu guests, while the european, eurasian, and other christian guests, partook of cake and wine, and other refreshments, in a separate tent. the chief secretary to government proposed the toast of the bride and bridegroom. the following note on nayar pregnancy ceremonies was supplied to mr. fawcett by mr. u. balakrishnan nayar. "a woman has to observe certain ceremonies during pregnancy. first, during and after the seventh month, she (at least among the well-to-do classes) bathes, and worships in the temple every morning, and eats before her morning meal a small quantity of butter, over which mantrams (consecrated formulæ) have been said by the temple priest, or by nambutiris. this is generally done till delivery. another, and even more important ceremony, is the puli-kuti (drinking tamarind juice). this is an indispensable ceremony, performed by rich and poor alike, on a particular day in the ninth month. the day and hour are fixed by the local astrologer. the ceremony begins with the planting of a twig of the ampasham tree on the morning of the day of the ceremony in the principal courtyard (natu-muttam) of the taravad. at the appointed hour or muhurtam, the pregnant woman, after having bathed, and properly attired, is conducted to a particular portion of the house (vatakini or northern wing), where she is seated, facing eastward. the ammayi, or uncle's wife, whose presence on the occasion is necessary, goes to the courtyard, and, plucking a few leaves of the planted twig, squeezes a few drops of its juice into a cup. this she hands over to the brother, if any, of the pregnant woman. it is necessary that the brother should wear a gold ring on his right ring finger. holding a country knife (pissan kathi) in his left hand, which he directs towards the mouth, he pours the tamarind juice over the knife with his right hand three times, and it dribbles down the knife into the woman's mouth, and she drinks it. in the absence of a brother, some other near relation officiates. after she has swallowed the tamarind juice, the woman is asked to pick out one of several packets of different grains placed before her. the grain in the packet she happens to select is supposed to declare the sex of the child in her womb. the ceremony winds up with a sumptuous feast to all the relatives and friends of the family." in connection with pregnancy ceremonies, mr. n. subramani aiyar writes that "the puli-kuti ceremony is performed at the seventh, or sometimes the ninth month. the husband has to contribute the rice, cocoanut, and plantains, and present seven vessels containing sweetmeats. in the absence of a brother, a maran pours the juice into the mouth of the woman." it is noted in the cochin census report, , that "the puli-kudi ceremony consists in administering to the woman with child a few pills of tamarind and other acid substances. the pills are placed at the end of a knife-blade, and pushed into the mouth of the woman by means of a gold ring. the ceremony, which in a way corresponds to the pumsavana of the brahmans, is performed either by a brother or uncle of the woman, and, in the absence of both, by the husband himself. unlike brahmans, the ceremony is performed only at the time of the first pregnancy." in the eighth month, a ceremony, called garbha veli uzhiyal, is performed by the kaniyan (astrologer) to remove the effects of the evil eye. the ceremonies observed in connection with pregnancy are described as follows in the gazetteer of malabar. "the first regular ceremony performed during pregnancy is known as pulikudi or drinking tamarind, which corresponds to the pumsavanam of the brahmans. but there are other observances of less importance, which commonly, if not invariably, precede this, and may be considered as corresponding to the garbharakshana (embryo or womb protection) ceremony sometimes performed by brahmans, though not one of the obligatory sacraments. sometimes the pregnant woman is made to consume daily a little ghee (clarified butter), which has been consecrated by a nambudiri with appropriate mantrams. sometimes exorcists of the lower castes, such as panans, are called in, and perform a ceremony called balikkala, in which they draw magic patterns on the ground, into which the girl throws lighted wicks, and sing rude songs to avert from the unborn babe the unwelcome attentions of evil spirits, accompanying them on a small drum called tudi, or with bell-metal cymbals. the ceremony concludes with the sacrifice of a cock, if the woman is badly affected by the singing. the pulikudi is variously performed in the fifth, seventh, or ninth month. an auspicious hour has to be selected by the village astrologer for this as for most ceremonies. a branch of a tamarind tree should be plucked by the pregnant woman's brother, who should go to the tree with a kindi (bell-metal vessel) of water, followed by an enangatti [ ] carrying a hanging lamp with five wicks (tukkuvilakku), and, before plucking it, perform three pradakshinams round it. in the room in which the ceremony is to be performed, usually the vadakkini, there is arranged a mat, the usual lamp (nilavilakku) with five wicks, and a para measure of rice (niracchaveppu), also the materials necessary for the performance of ganapathi puja (worship of the god ganesa), consisting of plantains, brown sugar, leaves of the sacred basil or tulasi (ocimum sanctum), sandal paste, and the eight spices called ashtagantham. the woman's brother performs ganapathi puja, and then gives some of the tamarind leaves to the enangatti, who expresses their juice, and mixes it with that of four other plants. [ ] the mixture is boiled with a little rice, and the brother takes a little of it in a jack (artocarpus integrifolia) leaf folded like a spoon, and lets it run down the blade of a knife into his sister's mouth. he does this three times. then the mixture is administered in the same manner by some woman of the husband's family, and then by an ammayi (wife of one of the members of the girl's tarwad). the branch is then planted in the nadumittam, and feasting brings the ceremony to a close. the above description was obtained from an urali nayar of calicut taluk. in other localities and castes, the details vary considerably. sometimes the mixture is simply poured into the woman's mouth, instead of being dripped off a knife. some castes use a small spoon of gold or silver instead of the jack leaves. in south malabar there is not as a rule any procession to the tamarind tree. among agathu charna nayars of south malabar, the ceremony takes place in the nadumittam, whither the tamarind branch is brought by a tiyan. the girl carries a valkannadi or bell-metal mirror, a charakkol or arrow, and a pisankatti (knife). an enangatti pours some oil on her head, and lets it trickle down two or three hairs to her navel where it is caught in a plate. then the girl and her brother, holding hands, dig a hole with the charakkol and pisankatti, and plant the tamarind branch in the nadumittam, and water it. then the juice is administered. until she is confined, the girl waters the tamarind branch, and offers rice, flowers, and lighted wicks to it three times a day. when labour begins, she uproots the branch." "at delivery," mr. balakrishnan nayar writes, "women of the barber caste officiate as midwives. in some localities, this is performed by velan caste women. pollution is observed for fifteen days, and every day the mother wears cloths washed and presented by a woman of the vannan [or tiyan] caste. on the fifteenth day is the purificatory ceremony. as in the case of death pollution, a man of the attikurissi clan sprinkles on the woman a liquid mixture of oil and the five products of the cow (panchagavya), with gingelly (sesamum) seeds. then the woman takes a plunge-bath, and sits on the ground near the tank or river. some woman of the family, with a copper vessel in her hands, takes water from the tank or river, and pours it on the mother's head as many as twenty-one times. this done, she again plunges in the water, from which she emerges thoroughly purified. it may be noted that, before the mother proceeds to purify herself, the new-born babe has also to undergo a rite of purification. it is placed on the bare floor, and its father or uncle sprinkles a few drops of cold water on it, and takes it in his hands. the superstitious believe that the temperament of the child is determined by that of the person who thus sprinkles the water. all the members of the taravad observe pollution for fifteen days following the delivery, during which they are prohibited from entering temples and holy places." it is noted by mr. n. subramani aiyar that the first act done, when a male child is born, is to beat the earth with a cocoanut leaf, and, if the issue is a female, to grind some turmeric in a mortar, with the object, it is said, of removing the child's fear. in connection with post-natal ceremonies, mr. balakrishnan nayar writes further that "the twenty-seventh day after the child's birth, or the first recurring day of the star under which it was born, marks the next important event. on this day, the karanavan of the family gives to the child a spoonful or two of milk mixed with sugar and slices of plantain. then he names the child, and calls it in the ear by the name three times. this is followed by a feast to all friends and relatives, the expenses of which are met by the father of the child. with the nayar, every event is introduced by a ceremonial. the first meal of rice (chorun) partaken of by the child forms no exception to the rule. it must be remembered that the child is not fed on rice for some time after birth, the practice being to give it flour of dried plantain boiled with jaggery (crude sugar). there is a particular variety of plantain, called kunnan, used for this purpose. rice is given to the child for the first time generally during the sixth month. the astrologer fixes the day, and, at the auspicious hour, the child, bathed and adorned with ornaments (which it is the duty of the father to provide) is brought, and laid on a plank. a plantain leaf is spread in front of it, and a lighted brass lamp placed near. on the leaf are served a small quantity of cooked rice--generally a portion of the rice offered to some temple divinity--some tamarind, salt, chillies, and sugar. [in some places all the curries, etc., prepared for the attendant feast, are also served.] then the karanavan, or the father, ceremoniously approaches, and sits down facing the child. first he puts in the mouth of the child a mixture of the tamarind, chillies and salt, then some rice, and lastly a little sugar. thenceforward the ordinary food of the child is rice. it is usual on this occasion for relatives (and especially the bandhus, such as the ammayi, or 'uncle's wife') to adorn the child with gold bangles, rings and other ornaments. the rice-giving ceremony is, in some cases, preferably performed at some famous temple, that at guruvayur being a favourite one for this purpose." it is noted by mr. n. subramani aiyar that the rice-giving ceremony is usually performed by taking the child to a neighbouring temple, and feeding it with the meal offered to the deity as nivadiyam. in some places, the child is named on the chorun day. of ceremonies which take place in infancy and childhood, the following account is given in the gazetteer of malabar. "on the fifth day after birth, a woman of the attikurissi or marayan caste among nayars, or of the barber caste in the lower classes, is called in, and purifies the mother, the other women of the household, and the room in which the child was born, by lustration with milk and gingelly oil, using karuga (cynodon dactylon) as a sprinkler. her perquisites are the usual niracchaveppu ( edangazhi of paddy and nazhi of uncooked rice) placed together with a lamp of five wicks in the room to be cleansed, and a small sum in cash. a similar purification ceremony on the th day concludes the pollution period. in some cases, milk and cow's urine are sprinkled over the woman, and, after she has bathed, the marayan, or attikurissi waves over her and the child two vessels, one containing water, stained red with turmeric and lime, and one water blackened with powdered charcoal. during this and other periods, a characteristic service called mattu (change) has to be rendered by people of the mannan caste to nayars, and to other castes by their proper washermen, who may or may not be mannans. on the day of birth, the mannatti brings a clean tuni (cloth) of her own, and a mundu (cloth), which she places in the yard, in which she finds the accustomed perquisites of grain set out, and a lamp. an attikurissi nayar woman takes the clean clothes, and the mannatti removes those previously worn by the mother. every subsequent day during the pollution period, the mannatti brings a change of raiment, but it is only on the th and th days that any ceremonial is observed, and that the attikurissi woman is required. on those days, a mannan man attends with the mannatti, he makes three pradakshinams round the clean clothes, the lamp, and the niracchaveppu, and scatters a little of the grain forming the latter on the ground near it, with an obeisance, before the attikurissi woman takes the clothes indoors. this rite of mattu has far reaching importance. it affords a weapon, by means of which the local tyrant can readily coerce his neighbours, whom he can subject to the disabilities of excommunication by forbidding the washerman to render them this service; while it contributes in no small degree to the reluctance of malayali women to leave kerala, since it is essential that the mattu should be furnished by the appropriate caste and no other. "on the twenty-eighth day (including the day of birth) comes the palu-kudi (milk-drinking) ceremony, at which some women of the father's family must attend. amongst castes in which the wife lives with the husband, the ceremony takes place in the husband's house, to which the wife and child return for the first time on this day. the usual lamp, niracchaveppu and kindi of water, are set forth with a plate, if possible of silver, containing milk, honey, and bits of a sort of plantain called kunnan, together with three jack leaves folded to serve as spoons. the mother brings the child newly bathed, and places it in his karnavan's lap. the goldsmith is in attendance with a string of five beads (mani or kuzhal) made of the panchaloham or five metals, gold, silver, iron, copper and lead, which the father ties round the baby's waist. the karnavan, or the mother, then administers a spoonful of the contents of the plate to the child with each of the jack leaves in turn. the father's sister, or other female relative, also administers some, and the karnavan then whispers the child's name thrice in its right ear. "the name is not publicly announced till the chorunnu or annaprasanam (rice giving), which takes place generally in the sixth month, and must be performed at an auspicious moment prescribed by an astrologer. the paraphernalia required are, besides the five-wicked lamp, some plantain leaves on which are served rice and four kinds of curry called kalan, olan, avil, and ericchakari, some pappadams (wafers of flour and other ingredients), plantains and sweetmeats called upperi (plantains fried in cocoanut oil). the mother brings the child newly bathed, and wearing a cloth for the first time, and places it in the karnavan's lap. the father then ties round the child's neck a gold ring, known as muhurta mothiram (auspicious moment ring), and the relatives present give the child other ornaments of gold or silver according to their means, usually a nul or neck-thread adorned with one or more pendants, an arannal or girdle, a pair of bangles, and a pair of anklets. the karnavan then, after an oblation to ganapathi, gives the child some of the curry, and whispers its name in its right ear three times. he then carries the child to a cocoanut tree near the house, round which he makes three pradakshinams, pouring water from a kindi round the foot of the tree as he does so. the procession then returns to the house, and on the way an old woman of the family proclaims the baby's name aloud for the first time in the form of a question, asking it 'krishnan' (for instance), 'dost thou see the sky?' in some cases, the father simply calls out the name twice. "the vidyarambham ceremony to celebrate the beginning of the child's education takes place in the fifth or seventh year. in some places, the child is first taken to the temple, where some water sanctified by mantrams is poured over his head by the shantikaran (officiating priest). the ceremony at the house is opened by ganapathi puja performed by an ezhuttacchan, or by a nambudri, or another nayar. the ezhuttacchan writes on the child's tongue with a gold fanam (coin) the invocation to ganapathi (hari sri ganapathayi nama), or sometimes the fifty-one letters of the malayalam alphabet, and then grasps the middle finger of the child's right hand, and with it traces the same letters in parched rice. he also gives the child an ola (strip of palm leaf) inscribed with them, and receives in return a small fee in cash. next the child thrice touches first the ezhuttacchan's feet, and then his own forehead with his right hand, in token of that reverent submission to the teacher, which seems to have been the key-note of the old hindu system of education. "the kathukuttu or ear-boring is performed either at the same time as the pala-kudi or the choulam, or at any time in the fifth or seventh year. the operator, who may be any one possessing the necessary skill, pierces first the right and then the left ear with two gold or silver wires brought by the goldsmith, or with karamullu thorns. the wires or thorns are left in the ears. in the case of girls, the hole is subsequently gradually distended by the insertion of nine different kinds of thorns or plugs in succession, the last of which is a bamboo plug, till it is large enough to admit the characteristic malayali ear ornament, the boss-shaped toda." of the death ceremonies among the nayars of malabar, the following detailed account is given by mr. fawcett. "when the dying person is about to embark for that bourne from which no traveller returns, and the breath is about to leave his body, the members of the household, and all friends who may be present, one by one, pour a little water, a few drops from a tiny cup made of a leaf or two of the tulsi (ocimum sanctum), into his mouth, holding in the hand a piece of gold or a gold ring, the idea being that the person should touch gold ere it enters the mouth of the person who is dying. if the taravad is rich enough to afford it, a small gold coin (a rasi fanam, if one can be procured) is placed in the mouth, and the lips are closed. as soon as death has taken place, the corpse is removed from the cot or bed and carried to the vatakkini (a room in the northern end of the house), where it is placed on long plantain leaves spread out on the floor; while it is in the room, whether by day or night, a lamp is kept burning, and one member of the taravad holds the head in his lap, and another the feet in the same way; and here the neighbours come to take a farewell look at the dead. as the malayalis believe that disposal of a corpse by cremation or burial as soon as possible after death is conducive to the happiness of the spirit of the departed, no time is lost in setting about the funeral. the bodies of senior members of the taravad, male or female, are burned, those of children under two are buried; so too are the bodies of all persons who have died of cholera or small-pox. when preparations for the funeral have been made, the corpse is removed to the natumuttam or central yard of house, if there is one (there always is in the larger houses); and, if there is not, is taken to the front yard, where it is again laid on plantain leaves. it is washed and anointed, the usual marks are made with sandal paste and ashes as in life, and it is neatly clothed. there is then done what is called the potavekkuka ceremony, or placing new cotton cloths (koti mundu) over the corpse by the senior member of the deceased's taravad followed by all the other members, and also the sons-in-law and daughters-in-law, and all relatives. these cloths are used for tying up the corpse, when being taken to the place of burial or cremation. in some parts of malabar, the corpse is carried on a bier made of fresh bamboos, tied up in these cloths, while in others it is carried, well covered in the cloths, by hand. in either case it is carried by the relatives. before the corpse is removed, there is done another ceremony called paravirakkuka, or filling up paras. (a para is a measure nearly as big as a gallon.) all adult male members of the taravad take part in it under the direction of a man of the attikkurissi clan who occupies the position of director of the ceremonies during the next fifteen days, receiving as his perquisites all the rice and other offerings made to the deceased's spirit. it consists in filling up three para measures with paddy (unhusked rice), and one edangali ( / of a para) with raw rice. these offerings of paddy and rice are placed very near the corpse, together with a burning lamp of the kind commonly used in malabar, called nela vilaku. if the taravad is rich enough to afford one, a silk cloth is placed over the corpse before its removal for cremation. as much fuel as is necessary having been got ready at the place of cremation, a small pit about the size of the corpse is dug, and across this are placed three long stumps of plantain tree, one at each end, and one in the middle, on which as a foundation the pyre is laid. the whole, or at least a part of the wood used, should be that of the mango tree. as the corpse is being removed to the pyre, the senior anandravan [ ] who is next in age (junior) to the deceased tears from one of the new cloths laid on the corpse a piece sufficient to go round his waist, ties it round his waist and holds in his hand, or tucks into his cloth at the waist, a piece of iron, generally a long key. this individual is throughout chief among the offerers of pindam (balls of rice) to the deceased. the corpse is laid on the bier with the head to the south, with the fuel laid over it, and a little camphor, sandalwood and ghi (clarified butter), if these things are within the means of the taravad. here must be stated the invariable rule that no member of the taravad, male or female, who is older than the deceased, shall take any part whatever in the ceremony, or in any subsequent ceremony following on the cremation or burial. all adult males junior to the deceased should be present when the pyre is lighted. the deceased's younger brother, or, if there is none surviving, his nephew (his sister's eldest son) sets fire to the pyre at the head of the corpse. if the deceased left a son, this son sets fire at the same time to the pyre at the feet of the corpse. in the case of the deceased being a woman, her son sets fire to the pyre; failing a son, the next junior in age to her has the right to do it. it is a matter of greatest importance that the whole pyre burns at once. the greatest care is taken that it burns as a whole, consuming every part of the corpse. while the corpse is being consumed, all the members of the deceased's taravad who carried it to the pyre go and bathe in a tank (there is always one in the compound or grounds round every nayar's house). the eldest, he who bears the piece of torn cloth and iron (the key), carries an earthen pot of water, and all return together to the place of cremation. it should be said that, on the news of a death, the neighbours assemble, assisting in digging the grave, preparing the pyre, and so on, and, while the members of the taravad go and bathe, they remain near the corpse. by the time the relatives return it is almost consumed by the fire, and the senior anandravan carries the pot of water thrice round the pyre, letting the water leak out by making holes in the pot as he walks round. on completing the third round, he dashes the pot on the ground close by where the head of the dead body has been placed. a small image representing the deceased is then made out of raw rice, and to this image a few grains of rice and gingelly seeds are offered. when this has been done, the relatives go home and the neighbours depart, bathing before entering their houses. when the cremation has been done by night, the duty of seshakriya (making offerings to the deceased's spirit) must be begun the next day between and a.m., and is done on seven consecutive days. in any case the time for this ceremony is after and before , and it continues for seven days. it is performed as follows. all male members of the taravad younger than the deceased go together to a tank and bathe, i.e., they souse themselves in the water, and return to the house. the eldest of them, the man who tore off the strip of cloth from the corpse, has with him the same strip of cloth and the piece of iron, and all assemble in the central courtyard of the house, where there have been placed ready by an enangan some rice which has been half boiled, a few grains of gingelly, a few leaves of the cherula (Ærua lanata), some curds, a smaller measure of paddy, and a smaller measure of raw rice. these are placed in the north-east corner with a lamp of the ordinary malabar pattern. a piece of palmyra leaf, about a foot or so in length and the width of a finger, is taken, and one end of it is knotted. the knotted end is placed in the ground, and the long end is left sticking up. this represents the deceased. the rice and other things are offered to it. the belief concerning this piece of palmyra leaf is explained thus. there are in the human body ten humours:--vayus, pranan, apanan, samanan, udanan, vyanan, nagan, kurman, krikalan, devadattan, dhananjayan. these are called dasavayu, i.e., ten airs. when cremation was done for the first time, all these, excepting the last, were destroyed by the fire. the last one flew up, and settled on a palmyra leaf. its existence was discovered by some brahman sages, who, by means of mantrams, forced it down to a piece of palmyra leaf on the earth. so it is thought that, by making offerings to this dhananjayan leaf for seven days, the spirit of the deceased will be mollified, should he have any anger to vent on the living members of the taravad. the place where the piece of leaf is to be fixed has been carefully cleaned, and the leaf is fixed in the centre of the prepared surface. the offerings made to it go direct to the spirit of the deceased, and the peace of the taravad is assured. the men who have bathed and returned have brought with them some grass (karuka pulla), plucked on their way back to the house. they kneel in front of the piece of palmyra, with the right knee on the ground. some of the grass is spread on the ground near the piece of leaf, and rings made with it are placed on the ring finger of the right hand by each one present. the first offerings consist of water, sandal paste, and leaves of the cherula, the eldest of the anandravans leading the way. boys need not go through the actual performance of offerings; it suffices for them to touch the eldest as he is making the offerings. the half boiled rice is made into balls (pindam), and each one present takes one of these in his right hand, and places it on the grass near the piece of palmyra leaf. some gingelly seeds are put into the curd, which is poured so as to make three rings round the pindams. it is poured out of a small cup made with the leaf on which the half-boiled rice had been placed. it should not be poured from any other kind of vessel. the whole is then covered with this same plantain leaf, a lighted wick is waved, and some milk is put under the leaf. it is undisturbed for some moments, and leaf is gently tapped with the back of the fingers of the right hand. the leaf is then removed, and torn in two at its midrib, one piece being placed on either side of the pindams. the ceremony is then over for the day. the performers rise, and remove the wet clothing they have been wearing. the eldest of the anandravans should, it was omitted to mention, be kept somewhat separated from the other anandravans while in the courtyard, and before the corpse is removed for cremation; a son-in-law or daughter-in-law, or some such kind of relation remaining, as it were, between him and them. he has had the piece of cloth torn from the covering of the corpse tied round his waist, and the piece of iron in the folds of his cloth, or stuck in his waist during the ceremony which has just been described. now, when it has been completed, he ties the piece of cloth to the pillar of the house nearest to the piece of palmyra leaf which has been stuck in the ground, and puts the piece of iron in a safe place. the piece of palmyra leaf is covered with a basket. it is uncovered every day for seven days at the same hour, while the same ceremony is repeated. the balls of rice are removed by women and girls of the taravad who are junior to the deceased. they place them in the bell-metal vessel in which the rice was boiled. the senior places the vessel on her head, and leads the way to a tank, on the bank of which the rice is thrown. it is hoped that crows will come and eat it; for, if they do, the impression is received that the deceased's spirit is pleased with the offering. but, if somehow it is thought that the crows will not come and eat it, the rice is thrown into the tank. dogs are not to be allowed to eat it. the women bathe after the rice has been thrown away. when the ceremony which has been described has been performed for the seventh time, i.e., on the seventh day after death, the piece of palmyra leaf is removed from the ground, and thrown on the ashes of the deceased at the place of cremation. during these seven days, no member of the taravad goes to any other house. the house of the dead, and all its inmates are under pollution. no outsider enters it but under ban of pollution, which is, however, removable by bathing. a visitor entering the house of the dead during these seven days must bathe before he can enter his own house. during these seven days, the karanavan of the family receives visits of condolence from relatives and friends to whom he is "at home" on monday, wednesday or saturday. they sit and chat, chew betel, and go home, bathing ere they enter their houses. it is said that, in some parts of malabar, the visitors bring with them small presents in money or kind to help the karanavan through the expenditure to which the funeral rites necessarily put him. to hark back a little, it must not be omitted that, on the third day after the death, all those who are related by marriage to the taravad of the deceased combine, and give a good feast to the inmates of the house and to the neighbours who are invited, one man or woman from each house. the person so invited is expected to come. this feast is called patni karigi. on the seventh day, a return feast will be given by the taravad of the deceased to all relatives and neighbours. between the seventh and fourteenth day after death no ceremony is observed, but the members of the taravad remain under death pollution. on the fourteenth day comes the sanchayanam. it is the disposal of the calcined remains; the ashes of the deceased. the male members of the taravad go to the place of cremation, and, picking up the pieces of unburnt bones which they find there, place these in an earthen pot which has been sun-dried (not burnt by fire in the usual way), cover up the mouth of this pot with a piece of new cloth, and, all following the eldest who carries it, proceed to the nearest river (it must be running water), which receives the remains of the dead. the men then bathe, and return home. in some parts of malabar the bones are collected on the seventh day, but it is not orthodox to do so. better by far than taking the remains to the nearest river is it to take them to some specially sacred place, benares, gaya, rameswaram, or even to some place of sanctity much nearer home, as to tirunelli in wynaad, and there dispose of them in the same manner. the bones or ashes of any one having been taken to gaya and there deposited in the river, the survivors of the taravad have no need to continue the annual ceremony for that person. this is called ashtagaya sradh. it puts an end to the need for all earthly ceremonial. it is believed that the collection and careful disposal of the ashes of the dead gives peace to his spirit, and, what is more important, the pacified spirit will not thereafter injure the living members of the taravad, cause miscarriage to the women, possess the men (as with an evil spirit), and so on. on the fifteenth day after death is the purificatory ceremony. until this has been done, any one touched by any member of the taravad should bathe before he enters his house, or partakes of any food. a man of the athikurisi clan officiates. he sprinkles milk oil, in which some gingelly seeds have been put, over the persons of those under pollution. this sprinkling, and the bath which follows it, remove the death pollution. the purifier receives a fixed remuneration for his offices on this occasion, as well as when there is a birth in the taravad. in the case of death of a senior member of a taravad, well-to-do and recognised as of some importance, there is the feast called pinda atiyantaram on the sixteenth day after death, given to the neighbours and friends. with the observance of this feast of pindams there is involved the diksha, or leaving the entire body unshaved for forty-one days, or for a year. there is no variable limit between forty-one days or a year. the forty-one-day period is the rule in north malabar. i have seen many who were under the diksha for a year. he who lets his hair grow may be a son or nephew of the deceased. one member only of the taravad bears the mark of mourning by his growth of hair. he who is under the diksha offers half-boiled rice and gingelly seeds to the spirits of the deceased every morning after his bath, and he is under restriction from women, from alcoholic drinks, and from chewing betel, also from tobacco. when the diksha is observed, the ashes of the dead are not deposited as described already (in the sun-dried vessel) until its last day--the forty-first or a year after death. when it is carried on for a year, there is observed every month a ceremony called bali. it is noteworthy that, in this monthly ceremony and for the conclusion of the diksha, it is not the thirtieth or three hundred and sixty-fifth day which marks the date for the ceremonies, but it is the day (of the month) of the star which was presiding when the deceased met his death: the returning day on which the star presides. [ ] for the bali, a man of the elayatu caste officiates. the elayatus are priests for the nayars. they wear the brahmin's thread, but they are not brahmins. they are not permitted to study the vedas, but to the nayars they stand in the place of the ordinary purohit. the officiating elayatu prepares the rice for the bali, when to the deceased, represented by karuka grass, are offered boiled rice, curds, gingelly seeds, and some other things. the elayatu should be paid a rupee for his services, which are considered necessary even when the man under diksha is himself familiar with the required ceremonial. the last day of the diksha is one of festivity. after the bali, the man under diksha is shaved. all this over, the only thing to be done for the deceased is the annual sradh or yearly funeral commemorative rite. rice-balls are made, and given to crows. clapping of hands announces to these birds that the rice is being thrown for them, and, should they not come at once and eat, it is evident that the spirit is displeased, and the taravad had better look out. the spirits of those who have committed suicide, or met death by any violent means, are always particularly vicious and troublesome to the taravad, their spirits possessing and rendering miserable some unfortunate member of it. unless they are pacified, they will ruin the taravad, so brahman priests are called in, and appease them by means of tilahomam, a rite in which sacrificial fire is raised, and ghi, gingelly, and other things are offered through it." "there are," mr. fawcett writes, "many interesting features in the death ceremonies as performed by the kiriattil class. those who carry the corpse to the pyre are dressed as women, their cloths being wet, and each carries a knife on his person. two junior male members of the taravad thrust pieces of mango wood into the southern end of the burning pyre, and, when they are lighted, throw them over their shoulders to the southwards without looking round. close to the northern end of the pyre, two small sticks are fixed in the ground, and tied together with a cloth, over which water is poured thrice. all members of the taravad prostrate to the ground before the pyre. they follow the enangu carrying the pot of water round the pyre, and go home without looking round. they pass to the northern side of the house under an arch made by two men standing east and west, holding at arms length, and touching at the points, the spade that was used to dig the pit under the pyre, and the axe with which the wood for the pyre was cut or felled. after this is done the kodali ceremony, using the spade, axe, and big knife. these are placed on the leaves where the corpse had lain. then follows circumambulation and prostration by all, and the leaves are committed to the burning pyre." in connection with the death ceremonies, it is noted in the cochin census report, , that "the last moments of a dying person are really very trying. all members (male and female), junior to the dying person, pour into his or her mouth drops of ganges or other holy water or conjee (rice) water in token of their last tribute of regard. before the person breathes his last, he or she is removed to the bare floor, as it is considered sacrilegious to allow the last breath to escape while lying on the bed, and in a room with a ceiling, which last is supposed to obstruct the free passage of the breath. the names of gods, or sacred texts are loudly dinned into his or her ears, so that the person may quit this world with the recollections of god serving as a passport to heaven. the forehead, breast, and the joints especially are besmeared with holy ashes, so as to prevent the messengers of death from tightly tying those parts when they carry away the person. soon after the last breath, the dead body is removed to some open place in the house, covered from top to toe with a washed cloth, and deposited on the bare floor with the head towards the south, the region of the god of death. a lighted lamp is placed near the head, and other lights are placed all round the corpse. a mango tree is cut, or other firewood is collected, and a funeral pyre is constructed in the south-eastern corner of a compound or garden known as the corner of agni, which is always reserved as a cemetery for the burning or burial of the dead. all male members, generally junior, bathe, and, without wiping their head or body, they remove the corpse to the yard in front of the house, and place it on a plantain leaf. it is nominally anointed with oil, and bathed in water. ashes and sandal are again smeared on the forehead and joints. the old cloth is removed, and the body is covered with a new unwashed cloth or a piece of silk. a little gold or silver, or small coins are put into the mouth. with the breaking of a cocoanut, and the offering of some powdered rice, betel leaf, areca nut, etc., the body is taken to the pyre. the members junior to the deceased go round the pyre three, five, or seven times, throw paddy and rice over the dead body, put scantlings of sandal wood, prostrate at the feet of the corpse, and then set fire to the pyre. when the body is almost wholly consumed, one of the male members carries a pot of water, and, after making three rounds, the pot is broken and thrown into the pyre. the death of an elderly male member of a family is marked by udakakriya and sanchayanam, and the daily bali performed at the bali kutti (altar) planted in front of the house, or in the courtyard in the centre of the house, where there is one. the ashtikurissi nayar officiates as priest at all such obsequies. on the morning of the fifteenth day, the members of the family wear cloths washed by a velan, and assemble together for purification by the nayar priest, both before and after bathing, who throws on them paddy and rice, and sprinkles the holy mixture. the elayad or family purohit then performs another punnayaham or purification, and on the sixteenth day he takes the place of the priest. on the evening of the fifteenth day, and the morning of the sixteenth day, the purohits and villagers are sumptuously feasted, and presents of cloths and money are made to the elayads. in the chittur taluk, the tamil brahman sometimes performs priestly functions in place of the elayad. diksha is performed for forty-one days, or for a whole year, for the benefit of the departed soul. this last ceremony is invariably performed on the death of the mother, maternal uncle, and elder brother." in connection with the habitations of the nayars, mr. fawcett writes as follows. "a house may face east or west, never north or south; as a rule, it faces the east. every garden is enclosed by a bank, a hedge, or a fencing of some kind, and entrance is to be made at one point only, the east, where there is a gate-house, or, in the case of the poorest houses, a small portico or open doorway roofed over. one never walks straight through this; there is always a kind of stile to surmount. it is the same everywhere in malabar, and not only amongst the nayars. the following is a plan of a nalapura or four-sided house, which may be taken as representative of the houses of the rich:-- numbers and are rooms, which are generally used for storing grain. at a is a staircase leading to the room of the upper storey occupied by the female members of the family. at b is another staircase leading to the rooms of the upper storey occupied by the male members. there is no connection between the portions allotted to the men and women. no. is for the family gods. the karanavans and old women of the family are perpetuated in images of gold or silver, or, more commonly, brass. poor people, who cannot afford to have these images made, substitute a stone. offerings are made to these images, or to the stones at every full moon. the throat of a fowl will be cut outside, and the bird is then taken inside and offered. the entrance is at c. there are windows at * * *. e are rooms occupied by women and children. it may be noticed that the apartment where the men sleep has no windows on the side of the house which is occupied by women. the latter are relatively free from control by the men as to who may visit them. we saw, when speaking of funeral ceremonies, that a house is supposed to have a courtyard, and, of course, it has this only when there are four sides to the house. the nalapura is the proper form of house, for in this alone can all ceremonial be observed in orthodox fashion. but it is not the ordinary nayar's house that one sees all over malabar. the ordinary house is roughly of the shape here indicated. invariably there is an upper storey. there are no doors, and only a few tiny windows opening to the west. men sleep at one end, women at the other, each having their own staircase. around the house there is always shade from the many trees and palms. every house is in its own seclusion." concerning nayar dwellings, mr. n. subramani aiyar writes that "the houses of the nayar, standing in a separate compound, have been by many writers supposed to have been designed with special reference to the requirements of offence and defence, and major welsh states that the saying that every man's house is his castle is well verified here. the higher ambition of the nayar is, as has frequently been said, to possess a garden, wherein he can grow, without trouble or expense, the few necessaries of his existence. the garden surrounding the house is surrounded by a hedge or strong fence. at the entrance is an out-house, or patipura, which must have served as a kind of guardroom in mediæval times. in poorer houses its place is taken by a roofed door, generally provided with a stile to keep out cattle. the courtyard is washed with cow-dung, and diverse figures are drawn with white chalk on the fence. usually there are three out-houses, a vadakkettu on the north side serving as a kitchen, a cattle-shed, and a tekketu on the southern side, where some family spirit is located. these are generally those of maruta, i.e., some member of the family who has died of small-pox. a sword or other weapon, and a seat or other emblem is located within this out-house, which is also known by the names of gurusala (the house of a saint), kalari (military training-ground), and daivappura (house of a deity). the tekketu is lighted up every evening, and periodical offerings are made to propitiate the deities enshrined within. in the south-west corner is the serpent kavu (grove), and by its side a tank for bathing purposes. various useful trees are grown in the garden, such as the jack, areca palm, cocoanut, plantain, tamarind, and mango. the whole house is known as vitu. the houses are built on various models, such as pattayappura, nalukettu, ettukettu, and kuttikettu." concerning the dress of the nayars, mr. n. subramani aiyar writes that "the males dress themselves in a mundu (cloth), a loose lower garment, and a towel. a neriyatu, or light cloth of fine texture with coloured border, is sometimes worn round the mundu on festive occasions. coats and caps are recent introductions, but are eschewed by the orthodox as unnational. it is noted by mr. logan that 'the women clothe themselves in a single white cloth of fine texture, reaching from the waist to the knees, and occasionally, when abroad, they throw over the shoulder and bosom another similar cloth. but by custom the nayar women go uncovered from the waist. upper garments indicate lower caste, or sometimes, by a strange reversal of western notions, immodesty.' edward ives, who came to anjengo about , observes that 'the groves on each bank of the river are chiefly planted with cocoanut trees, and have been inhabited by men and women in almost a pure state of nature, for they go with their breasts and bellies entirely naked. this custom prevails universally throughout every caste from the poorest planter of rice to the daughter or consort of the king upon the throne.'" (according to ancient custom, nayar women in travancore used to remove their body-cloth in the presence of the royal family. but, since , this custom has been abolished, by a proclamation during the reign of h. h. vanchi bala rama varma kulasakhara perumal bhagiodya rama varma. in a critique on the indian census report, . mr. j. d. rees observes [ ] that "if the census commissioner had enjoyed the privilege of living among the nayars, he would not have accused them of an 'excess of females.' the most beautiful women in india, if numerous, could never be excessive." concerning nayar females, pierre loti writes [ ] that "les femmes ont presque toutes les traits d'une finesse particulière. elles se font des bandeaux a la vierge, et, avec le reste de leurs cheveux, très noirs et très lisses, composent une espèce de galette ronde qui se porte au sommet de la tête, en avant et de côté, retombant un peu vers le front comme une petite toque cavalièrement posée, en contraste sur l'ensemble de leur personne qui demeure toujours grave et hiératique."] the nayars are particularly cleanly. buchanan writes that "the higher ranks of the people of malayala use very little clothing, but are remarkably clean in their persons. cutaneous disorders are never observed except among slaves and the lowest orders, and the nayar women are remarkably careful, repeatedly washing with various saponaceous plants to keep their hair and skins from every impurity." the washerman is constantly in requisition. no dirty cloths are ever worn. when going for temple worship, the nayar women dress themselves in the tattu form by drawing the right corner of the hind fold of the cloth between the thighs, and fastening it at the back. the cloth is about ten cubits long and three broad, and worn in two folds. the oldest ornament of the nayar women is the necklace called nagapatam, the pendants of which resemble a cobra's hood. the nayar women wear no ornament on the head, but decorate the hair with flowers. the nagapatam, and several other forms of neck ornament, such as kazhultila, nalupanti, puttali, chelakkamotiram, amatali, arumpumani, and kumilatali are fast vanishing. the kuttu-minnu is worn on the neck for the first time by a girl when her tali-kettu is celebrated. this ornament is also called gnali. prior to the tali-kettu ceremony, the girls wear a kasu or sovereign. the inseparable neck ornament of a nayar woman in modern days is the addiyal, to which a patakkam is attached. the only ornament for the ears is the takka or toda. after the lobes have been dilated at the karnavedha ceremony, and dilated, a big leaden ring is inserted in them. the nose ornament of women is called mukkuthi, from which is suspended a gold wire called gnattu. no ornament is worn in the right nostril. the wearing of gold bangles on the wrists has been long the fashion among south indian hindu females of almost all high castes. round the waist nayar women wear chains of gold and silver, and, by the wealthy, gold belts called kachchapuram are worn. anklets were not worn in former times, but at the present day the kolusu and padasaram of the tamilians have been adopted. so, too, the time-honoured toda is sometimes set aside in favour of the tamil kammal, an ornament of much smaller size. canter visscher (who was chaplain at cochin in the eighteenth century) must have been much struck by the expenditure of the nayar women on their dress, for he wrote [ ] 'there is not one of any fortune who does not own as many as twenty or thirty chests full of robes made of silver and other valuable materials, for it would be a disgrace in their case to wear the same dress two or three days in succession'." it is noted by mr. fawcett that "the venetian sequin, which probably first found its way to malabar in the days of vasco da gama and albuquerque, is one of those coins which, having found favour with a people, is used persistently in ornamentation long after it has passed out of currency. so fond are the malayalis of the sequin that to this day there is quite a large trade in imitations of the coin for purposes of ornament. such is the persistence of its use that the trade extends to brass and even copper imitation of the sequins. the former are often seen to bear the legend 'made in austria.' the nayars wear none but the gold sequins. the brass imitations are worn by the women of the inferior races. if one asks the ordinary malayali, say a nayar, what persons are represented on the sequin, one gets for answer that they are rama and sita; between them a cocoanut tree." in connection with the wearing of charms by nayars mr. fawcett writes as follows. "one individual (a kiriattil nayar) wore two rings made of an amalgamation of gold and copper, called tambak, on the ring finger of the right hand for good luck. tambak rings are lucky rings. it is a good thing to wash the face with the hand, on which is a tambak ring. another wore two rings of the pattern called triloham (lit. metals) on the ring finger of each hand. each of these was made during an eclipse. yet another wore a silver ring as a vow, which was to be given up at the next festival at kottiur, a famous festival in north malabar. the right nostril of a sudra nayar was slit vertically as if for the insertion of a jewel. his mother miscarried in her first pregnancy, so, according to custom, he, the child of her second pregnancy, had his nose slit. another wore a silver bangle. he had a wound in his arm which was long in healing, so he made a vow to the god at tirupati (in the north arcot district), that, if his arm was healed, he would give up the bangle at the tirupati temple. he intended to send the bangle there by a messenger. an akattu charna nayar wore an amulet to keep off the spirit of a brahman who died by drowning. another had a silver ring, on which a piece of a bristle from an elephant's tail was arranged." tattooing is said by mr. subramani aiyar not to be favoured by north travancore nayars, and to be only practiced by nayar women living to the south of quilon. certain accounts trace it to the invasion of travancore by a moghul sirdar in a.d. in modern times it has become rare. the operation is performed by women of the odda or kurava caste before a girl reaches the twelfth year. concerning the religious worship of the nayars, mr. subramani aiyar writes that "buchanan notes that the proper deity of the nayars is vishnu, though they wear the mark of siva on their foreheads. by this is merely meant that they pay equal reverence to both siva and vishnu, being smartas converted to the tenets of sankaracharya. besides worshipping the higher hindu deities, the nayars also manifest their adoration for several minor ones, such as matan, utayam, yakshi, chattan, chantakarnan, murti, maruta, and arukula. most of these have granite representations, or at least such emblems as a sword or a cane, and are provided with a local habitation. besides these, persons who have met with accidental death, and girls who have died before their tali-tying ceremony, are specially worshipped under the designations of kazhichchavu and kannichchavu. magicians are held in some fear, and talismanic amulets are attached to the waist by members of both sexes. kuttichattan, the mischievous imp of malabar, is supposed to cause much misery. various spirits are worshipped on the tiruvonam day in the month of avani (august-september), on the uchcharam or th day of makarom (january-february), and on some tuesdays and fridays. kolam-tullal, velan-pravarti, ayiramaniyam-tullel, chavuttu, tila-homam, and a host of other ceremonies are performed with a view to propitiate spirits, and the assistance of the kaniyans and velans is largely sought. serpents, too, whose images are located on the north-western side of most gardens in central and north travancore, receive a large share of adoration. the sun is an object of universal worship. though the gayatri cannot be studied, or the sandhyavandanam of the brahmans performed, an offering of water to the sun after a bath, to the accompaniment of some hymn, is made by almost every pious nayar. the panchakshara is learnt from an ilayatu, and repeated daily. a large portion of the time of an old nayar is spent in reading the ramayana, bhagavata and mahabharata, rendered into malayalam by tunchattu ezhuttachhan, the greatest poet of the malabar coast. many places in travancore are pointed out as the scene of memorable incidents in the ramayana and mahabharata. there are many temples, tanks, and mountains connected with rama's march to the capital of ravana. equally important are the singular feats said to have been performed by the five pandavas during the time of their wanderings in the jungles before the battle of kurukshetra. bhima especially has built temples, raised up huge mountains, and performed many other gigantic tasks in the country. there are some village temples owned exclusively by the nayars, where all the karakkars (villagers) assemble on special occasions. a very peculiar socio-religious ceremony performed here is the kuttam. this is a village council, held at the beginning of every month for the administration of the communal affairs of the caste, though, at the present day, a sumptuous feast at the cost of each villager in rotation, and partaken of by all assembled, and a small offering to the temple, are all that remains to commemorate it. astrology is believed in, and some of its votaries are spoken of as trikalagnas, or those who know the past, present, and future. it is due to a curse of siva on the science of his son, who made bold by its means to predict even the future of his father, that occasional mistakes are said to occur in astrological calculations. sorcery and witchcraft are believed to be potent powers for evil. to make a person imbecile, to paralyse his limbs, to cause him to lavish all his wealth upon another, to make him deaf and dumb, and, if need be, even to make an end of him, are not supposed to be beyond the powers of the ordinary wizard. next to wizardry and astrology, palmistry, omens, and the lizard science are generally believed in. in the category of good omens are placed the elephant, a pot full of water, sweetmeats, fruit, fish and flesh, images of gods, kings, a cow with its calf, married women, tied bullocks, gold lamps, ghee, milk, and so on. under the head of bad omens come the donkey, a broom, buffalo, untied bullock, barber, widow, patient, cat, washerman, etc. the worst of all omens is beyond question to allow a cat to cross one's path. an odd number of nayars, and an even number of brahmans, are good omens, the reverse being particularly bad. on the vinayaka-chaturthi day in the month of avani, no man is permitted to look at the rising moon under penalty of incurring unmerited obloquy. "the chief religious festival of the nayars is onam, which takes place in the last week of august, or first week of september. it is a time of rejoicing and merriment. father paulinus, writing in the latter half of the eighteenth century, observes that about the tenth september the rain ceases in malabar. all nature seems then as if renovated; the flowers again shoot up, and the trees bloom. in a word, this season is the same as that which europeans call spring. the onam festival is said, therefore, to have been instituted for the purpose of soliciting from the gods a happy and fruitful year. it continues for eight days, and during that time the indians are accustomed to adorn their houses with flowers, and to daub them over with cow-dung, because the cow is a sacred animal, dedicated to the goddess lakshmi, the ceres of india. on this occasion they also put on new clothes, throw away all their old earthenware and replace it by new. onam is, according to some, the annual celebration of the malabar new year, which first began with cheraman perumal's departure for mecca. but, with the majority of orthodox hindus, it is the day of the annual visit of mahabali to his country, which he used to govern so wisely and well before his overthrow. there is also a belief that it is maha-vishnu who, on onam day, pays a visit to this mundane universe, for the just and proper maintenance of which he is specially responsible. in some north malabar title-deeds and horoscopes, mr. logan says, the year is taken as ending with the day previous to onam. this fact, he notes, is quite reconcilable with the other explanation, which alleges that the commencement of the era coincides with perumal's departure for arabia, if it is assumed, as is not improbable, that the day on which he sailed was thiruvonam day, on which acknowledgment of fealty should have been made. onam, it may be observed, is a contraction of thiruvonam which is the asterism of the second day of the festival. throughout the festival, boys from five to fifteen years of age go out early in the morning to gather flowers, of which the kadali is the most important. on their return, they sit in front of the tulasi (sacred basil) mandapam, make a carpet-like bed of the blossoms which they have collected, and place a clay image of ganapati in the centre. a writer in the calcutta review [ ] describes how having set out at dawn to gather blossoms, the children return with their beautiful spoils by or a.m., and then the daily decoration begins. the chief decoration consists of a carpet made out of the gathered blossoms, the smaller ones being used in their entirety, while the large flowers, and one or two varieties of foliage of different tints, are pinched up into little pieces to serve the decorator's purpose. this flower carpet is invariably in the centre of the clean strip of yard in front of the neat house. often it is a beautiful work of art, accomplished with a delicate touch and a highly artistic sense of tone and blending. the carpet completed, a miniature pandal (booth), hung with little festoons, is erected over it, and at all hours of the day neighbours look in, to admire and criticise the beautiful handiwork." "various field sports, of which foot-ball is the chief, are indulged in during the onam festival. to quote paulinus once more, the men, particularly those who are young, form themselves into parties, and shoot at each other with arrows. these arrows are blunted, but exceedingly strong, and are discharged with such force that a considerable number are generally wounded on both sides. these games have a great likeness to the ceralia and juvenalia of the ancient greeks and romans." in connection with bows and arrows, mr. fawcett writes that "i once witnessed a very interesting game called eitu (eiththu), played by the nayars in the southern portion of kurumbranad during the ten days preceding onam. there is a semi-circular stop-butt, about two feet in the highest part, the centre, and sloping to the ground at each side. the players stand to yards before the concave side of it, one side of the players to the right, the other to the left. there is no restriction of numbers as to sides. each player is armed with a little bow made of bamboo, about inches in length, and arrows, or what answer for arrows, these being no more than pieces of the midrib of the cocoanut palm leaf, roughly broken off, leaving a little bit of the end to take the place of the feather. in the centre of the stop-butt, on the ground, is placed the target, a piece of the heart of the plantain tree, about inches in diameter, pointed at the top, in which is stuck a small stick convenient for lifting the cheppu, as the mark which is the immediate objective of the players is called. they shoot indiscriminately at the mark, and he who hits it (the little arrows shoot straight, and stick in readily) carries off all the arrows lying on the ground. each side strives to secure all the arrows, and to deprive the other side of theirs--a sort of 'beggar my neighbour.' he who hits the mark last takes all the arrows; that is, he who hits it, and runs and touches the mark before any one else hits it. as i stood watching, it happened several times that as many as four arrows hit the mark, while the youth who had hit first was running the yards to touch the cheppu. before he could touch it, as many as four other arrows had struck it, and, of course, he who hit it last and touched the mark secured all the arrows for his side. the game is accompanied by much shouting, gesticulation and laughter. those returning, after securing a large number of arrows, turned somersaults, and expressed their joy in saltatory motions." in a note on this game with bows and arrows in kurumbranad, mr. e. f. thomas writes that "the players themselves into two sides, which shoot alternately at the mark. beside the mark stand representatives of the two sides. when the mark is hit by a member of either side, on his representative shouting 'run, man,' he runs up the lists. his object is to seize the mark before it is hit by any one belonging to the other side. if he can do this, his side takes all the arrows which have been shot, and are sticking in the stop-butt. if, on the other hand, the mark is hit by the other side before he reaches it, he may not seize the mark. a member of the other side runs up in his turn to seize the mark if possible before it is hit again by the first side. if he can do this, he takes out, not all the arrows, but only the two which are sticking in the mark. if, while number two is running, the mark is hit a third time, a member of the first side runs up, to seize the mark if possible. the rule is that one or three hits take all the arrows in the stop-butt, two or four only the arrows sticking in the mark. great excitement is shown by all who take part in the game, which attracts a number of spectators. the game is played every fortnight by nayars, tiyans, mappillas, and others. i am told that it is a very old one, and is dying out. i saw it at naduvanur." the onam games in the south-east of malabar, in the neighbourhood of palghat, are said by mr. fawcett to be of a rough character, "the tenants of certain jenmis (landlords) turning out each under their own leader, and engaging in sham fights, in which there is much rough play. here, too, is to be seen a kind of boxing, which would seem to be a relic of the days of the roman pugiles using the cestus in combat. the position taken up by the combatants is much the same as that of the pugiles. the romans were familiar with malabar from about b.c. to the decline of their power. [ ] we may safely assume that the , lbs. of pepper, which alaric demanded as part of the ransom of rome when he besieged the city in the fifth century, came from malabar." swinging on the uzhinjal, and dancing to the accompaniment of merry songs, are said to be characteristic amusements of the womankind during onam festival, and, on the patinaram makam, or sixteenth day after thiruvonam. this amusement is indulged in by both sexes. it is noted by mr. fawcett that "the cloths given as onam presents are yellow, or some part of them, is yellow. there must be at least a yellow stripe or a small patch of yellow in a corner, which suggests a relic of sun-worship in a form more pronounced than that which obtains at present. it is a harvest festival, about the time when the first crop of paddy (rice) is harvested." concerning another important festival in malabar, the thiruvathira, mr. t. k. gopal panikkar writes as follows. [ ] "thiruvathira is one of the three great national occasions of malabar. it generally comes off in the malayalam month of dhanu (december or january) on the day called the thiruvathira day. it is essentially a festival in which females are almost exclusively concerned, and lasts for but a single day. the popular conception of it is that it is in commemoration of the death of kamadevan, the cupid of our national mythology. as recorded in the old puranas, kamadevan was destroyed in the burning fire of the third eye of siva, one of the chief members of our divine trinity. hence he is now supposed to have only an ideal or rather spiritual existence, and thus he exerts a powerful influence upon the lower passions of human nature. the memory of this unhappy tragedy is still kept alive among us, particularly the female section, by means of the annual celebration of this important festival. about a week before the day, the festival practically opens. at about four in the morning, every young female of nair families with pretensions to decency gets out of bed, and takes her bath in a tank. usually a fairly large number of these young ladies collect at the tank for the purpose. then all, or almost all of them, plunge in the water, and begin to take part in the singing that is presently to follow. one of them then leads off by means of a peculiar rhythmic song, chiefly pertaining to cupid. this singing is simultaneously accompanied by a curious sound produced with her hand on the water. the palm of the left hand is closed, and kept immediately underneath the surface of the water. then the palm of the other is forcibly brought down in a slanting direction, and struck against its surface, so that the water is completely ruffled, and is splashed in all directions, producing a loud deep noise. this process is continuously prolonged, together with the singing. one stanza is now over along with the sound, and then the leader stops awhile for the others to follow in her wake. this being likewise over, she caps her first stanza with another, at the same time beating on the water, and so on until the conclusion of the song. all of them make a long pause, and then begin another. the process goes on until the peep of dawn, when they rub themselves dry, and come home to dress themselves in the neatest and grandest possible attire. they also darken the fringes of their eyelids with a sticky preparation of soot mixed up with a little oil or ghee, and sometimes with a superficial coating of antimony powder. they also wear white, black, or red marks down the middle of their foreheads. they also chew betel, and thus redden their mouths and lips. they then proceed to the enjoyment of another prominent item of pleasure, viz., swinging to and fro on what is usually known as an uzhinjal, or swing made of bamboo. on the festival day, after the morning bath is over, they take a light meal, and in the noon the family dinner is voraciously attacked, the essential and almost universal ingredients being ordinary ripe plantain fruits, and a delicious preparation of arrowroot powder purified and mixed with jaggery (crude sugar) or sugar, and also cocoanut. then, till evening, dancing and merry-making are ceaselessly indulged in. the husband population are inexcusably required to be present in the wives' houses before evening, as they are bound to do on the onam and vishu occasions. failure to do this is looked upon as a step, or rather the first step, on the part of the defaulting husband towards a final separation or divorce from the wife. despite the rigour of the bleak december season during which the festival commonly falls, heightened inevitably by the constant blowing of the cold east wind upon their moistened frames, these lusty maidens derive considerable pleasure from their early baths, and their frolics in the water. the biting cold of the season, which makes their persons shiver and quiver, becomes to them in the midst of all their ecstatic frolics an additional source of pleasure. the two items described above, viz., the swinging and beating of the water, have each their own distinctive significance. the former typifies the attempt which these maidens make in order to hang themselves on these instruments, and destroy their lives in consequence of the lamented demise of their sexual deity kamadevan. the beating on the water symbolises their beating their chests in expression of their deep-felt sorrow caused by their cupid's death." yet another important festival, vishu, is thus described by mr. gopal panikkar. "vishu, like the onam and thiruvathira festivals, is a remarkable event among us. its duration is limited to one day. the st of metam (some day in april) is the unchangeable day, on which it falls. it is practically the astronomical new year's day. this was one of the periods when, in olden days, the subjects of ruling princes or authorities in malabar, under whom their lots were cast, were expected to bring their new year's offerings to such princes. failure to comply with the customary and time-consecrated demands was visited with royal displeasure, resulting in manifold varieties of oppression. the british government, finding this was a great burden, pressing rather heavily upon the people, obtained as far back as a binding promise from those native princes that such exactions of presents from the people should be discontinued thereafter. consequently the festival is now shorn of much of its ancient sanctity and splendour. but suggestive survivals of the same are still to be found in the presents, which tenants and dependents bring to leading families on the day previous to the vishu. being the commencement of a new year, native superstition surrounds it with a peculiar solemn importance. it is believed that a man's whole prosperity in life, depends upon the nature, auspicious or otherwise, of the first things that he happens to fix his eyes upon on this particular morning. according to nair, and even general hindu mythology, there are certain objects which possess an inherent inauspicious character. for instance, ashes, firewood, oil, and a lot of similar objects are inauspicious ones, which will render him who chances to notice them first fare badly in life for the whole year, and their obnoxious effects will be removed only on his seeing holy things, such as reigning princes, oxen, cows, gold, and such like, on the morning of the next new year. the effects of the sight of these various materials are said to apply even to the attainment of objects by a man starting on a special errand, who happens for the first time to look at them after starting. however, with this view, almost every family religiously takes care to prepare the most sightworthy objects on the new year morning. therefore, on the previous night they prepare what is known as a kani. a small circular bell-metal vessel is taken, and some holy objects are systematically arranged inside it. a grandha or old book made of palmyra leaves, a gold ornament, a new-washed cloth, some 'unprofitably gay' flowers of the konna tree (cassia fistula), a measure of rice, a so-called looking-glass made of bell-metal, and a few other things, are all tastefully arranged in the vessel, and placed in a prominent room inside the house. on either side of this vessel two brass or bell-metal lamps, filled with cocoanut oil clear as diamond sparks, are kept burning, and a small plank of wood, or some other seat, is placed in front of it. at about o'clock in the morning of the day, some one who has got up first wakes up the inmates, both male and female, of the house, and takes them blindfolded, so that they may not gaze at anything else, to the seat near the kani. the members are seated, one after another, in the seat, and are then, and not till then, asked to open their eyes, and carefully look at the kani. then each is made to look at some venerable member of the house, or sometimes a stranger even. this over, the little playful urchins of the house begin to fire small crackers, which they have bought and stored for the occasion. the kani is then taken round the place from house to house for the benefit of the poor families, which cannot afford to prepare such a costly adornment. with the close of the noise of the crackers, the morning breaks, and preparations are begun for the morning meal. this meal is in some parts confined to rice kanji (gruel) with a grand appendage of other eatable substances, and in others to ordinary rice and its accompaniments, but in either case on a grand scale. immediately the day dawns, the heads of the families give to almost all the junior members and servants of the household, and to wives and children, money presents to serve as their pocket-money. in the more numerically large families, similar presents are also made by the heads of particular branches of the same family to their juniors, children, wives and servants. one other item connected with the festival deserves mention. on the evening of the previous day, about four or five o'clock, most well-to-do families distribute paddy or rice, as the case may be, in varying quantities, and some other accessories to the family workmen, whether they live on the family estates or not. in return for this, these labourers bring with them for presentation the fruits of their own labours, such as vegetables of divers sorts, cocoanut oil, jaggery, plantains, pumpkins, cucumbers, brinjals (fruit of solanum melongena), etc., according as their respective circumstances permit. with the close of the midday meal the festival practically concludes. in some families, after the meal is over, dancing and games of various kinds are carried on, which contribute to the enhancement of the pleasantries incidental to the festival. as on other prominent occasions, card-playing and other games are also resorted to." on the subject of religion, mr. fawcett writes as follows. "no nayar, unless one utterly degraded by the exigencies of a government office, would eat his food without having bathed and changed his cloth. it is a rule seldom broken that every nayar goes to the temple to pray at least once a day after having bathed: generally twice a day. the mere approach anywhere near his vicinity of a cheruman, a pulayan, or any inferior being, even a tiyan, as he walks to his house from the temple, cleansed in body and mind, his marks newly set on his forehead with sandal-wood paste, is pollution, and he must turn and bathe again ere he can enter his house and eat. buchanan tells us that in his time, about a century ago, the man of inferior caste thus approaching a nayar would be cut down instantly with a sword; there would be no words. now that the people of india are inconvenienced with an arms act which inhibits sword play of this kind, and with a law system under which high and low are rated alike, the nayar has to content himself with an imperious grunt-like shout for the way to be cleared for him as he stalks on imperturbed. his arrogance is not diminished, but he cannot now show it in quite the same way. "i will attempt a description of the ceremonial observed at the pishari kavu--the pishari temple near quilandy on the coast miles north of calicut, where bhagavati is supposed in vague legend to have slain an asura or gigantic ogre, in commemoration of which event the festival is held yearly to bhagavati and her followers. the festival lasts for seven days. when i visited it in , the last day was on the st of march. before daybreak of the first day, the ordinary temple priest, a mussad, will leave the temple after having swept it and made it clean; and (also before daybreak) five nambutiris will enter it, bearing with them sudhi kalasam. the kalasam is on this occasion made of the five products of the cow (panchagavyam), together with some water, a few leaves of the banyan tree, and darbha grass, all in one vessel. before being brought to the temple, mantrams or magic verses will have been said over it. the contents of the vessel are sprinkled all about the temple, and a little is put in the well, thus purifying the temple and the well. the nambutiris will then perform the usual morning worship, and, either immediately after it or very soon afterwards, they leave the temple, and the mussad returns and resumes his office. the temple belongs to four taravads, and no sooner has it been purified than the karanavans of these four taravads, virtually the joint-owners of the temple (known as uralas) present to the temple servant (pisharodi) the silver flag of the temple, which has been in the custody of one of them since the last festival. the pisharodi receives it, and hoists it in front of the temple (to the east), thus signifying that the festival has begun. while this is being done, emphasis and grandeur is given to the occasion by the firing off of miniature mortars such as are common at all south indian festivals. after the flag is hoisted, there are hoisted all round the temple small flags of coloured cloth. for the next few days there is nothing particular to be done beyond the procession morning, noon, and night; the image of bhagavati being carried on an elephant to an orchestra of drums, and cannonade of the little mortars. all those who are present are supposed to be fed from the temple. there is a large crowd. on the morning of the fifth day, a man of the washerman (vannan) caste will announce to the neighbours by beat of tom-tom that there will be a procession of bhagavati issuing from the gates of the temple, and passing round about. like all those who are in any way connected with the temple, this man's office is hereditary, and he lives to a small extent on the bounty of the temple, i.e., he holds a little land on nominal terms from the temple property, in consideration for which he must fulfil certain requirements for the temple, as on occasions of festivals. his office also invests him with certain rights in the community. in the afternoon of the fifth day, the vannan and a manutan, the one following the other, bring two umbrellas to the temple; the former bringing one of cloth, and the latter one of cadjan (palm leaves). i am not sure whether the cloth umbrella has been in the possession of the vannan, but think it has. at all events, when he brings it to the temple, it is in thorough repair--a condition for which he is responsible. the cadjan umbrella is a new one. following these two as they walk solemnly, each with his umbrella, is a large crowd. there are processions of bhagavati on the elephant encircling the temple thrice in the morning, at noon, and at night. early on the sixth day, the headman of the mukkuvans (fishermen), who by virtue of his headship is called the arayan, together with the blacksmith and the goldsmith, comes to the temple followed by a crowd, but accompanied by no orchestra of drums. to the arayan is given half a sack of rice for himself and his followers. a silver umbrella belonging to the temple is handed over to him, to be used when he comes to the temple again in the evening. to the blacksmith is given the temple sword. the goldsmith receives the silver umbrella from the arayan, and executes any repairs that may be needful, and, in like manner, the blacksmith looks to the sword. in the afternoon, the headman of the tiyans, called the tandan, comes to the temple followed by two of his castemen carrying slung on a pole over their shoulders three bunches of young cocoanuts--an appropriate offering, the tiyans being those whose ordinary profession is climbing the cocoanut palm, drawing the toddy, securing the cocoanuts, etc. this time there will be loud drumming, and a large crowd with the tandan, and in front of him are men dancing, imitating sword play with sticks and shields, clanging the shields, pulling at bows as if firing off imaginary arrows, the while shouting and yelling madly. then come the blacksmith and the goldsmith with the sword. following comes the arayan with the silver umbrella to the accompaniment of very noisy drumming, in great state under a canopy of red cloth held lengthways by two men, one before, the other behind. the procession of bhagavati continues throughout the night, and ceases at daybreak. these six days of the festival are called vilakku. a word about the drumming. the number of instrumentalists increases as the festival goes on, and on the last day i counted fifty, all nayars. the instruments were the ordinary tom-tom, a skin stretched tight over one side of a circular wooden band, about / feet in diameter and or inches in width, and the common long drum much narrower at the ends than in the middle; and there were (i think) a few of those narrow in the middle, something like an hour-glass cut short at both ends. they are beaten with carved drum-sticks, thicker at the end held in the hand. the accuracy with which they were played on, never a wrong note although the rhythm was changed perpetually, was truly amazing. and the crescendo and diminuendo, from a perfect fury of wildness to the gentlest pianissimo, was equally astonishing, especially when we consider the fact that there was no visible leader of this strange orchestra. early on the seventh and last day, when the morning procession is over, there comes to the temple a man of the panan caste (umbrella-makers and devil-dancers). he carries a small cadjan umbrella which he has made himself, adorned all round the edges with a fringe of the young leaves of the cocoanut palm. his approach is heralded and noised just as in the case of the others on the previous day. the umbrella should have a long handle, and, with it in his hand, he performs a dance before the temple. the temple is situated within a hollow square enclosure, which none in caste below the nayar is permitted to enter. to the north, south, east, and west, there is a level entrance into the hollow square, and beyond this entrance no man of inferior caste may go. the panan receives about lbs. of raw rice for his performance. in the afternoon, a small crowd of vettuvars come to the temple, carrying with them swords, and about ten small baskets made of cocoanut palm leaves, containing salt. these baskets are carried slung on a pole. the use of salt here is obscure. [ ] i remember a case of a nayar's house having been plundered, the idol knocked down, and salt put in the place where it should have stood. the act was looked on as most insulting. the vettuvans dance and shout in much excitement, cutting their heads with their own swords in their frenzy. some of them represent devils or some kind of inferior evil spirits, and dance madly under the influence of the spirits which they represent. then comes the arayan as on the previous day with his little procession, and lastly comes the blacksmith with the sword. the procession in the evening is a great affair. eight elephants, which kept line beautifully, took part in it when i witnessed it. one of them, very handsomely caparisoned, had on its back a priest (mussad) carrying a sword smothered in garlands of red flowers representing the goddess. the elephant bearing the priest is bedizened on the forehead with two golden discs, one on each side of the forehead, and over the centre of the forehead hangs a long golden ornament. these discs on the elephant's forehead are common in malabar in affairs of ceremony. the mappilla poets are very fond of comparing a beautiful girl's breasts to these cup-like discs. the elephant bears other jewels, and over his back is a large canopy-like red cloth richly wrought. before the elephant walked a nayar carrying in his right hand in front of him a sword of the kind called nandakam smeared with white (probably sandal) paste. to its edge, at intervals of a few inches, are fastened tiny bells, so that, when it is shaken, there is a general jingle. just before the procession begins, there is something for the tiyans to do. four men of this caste having with them pukalasams (flower kalasams), and five having jannakalasams, run along the west, north, and east sides of the temple outside the enclosure, shouting and making a noise more like the barking of dogs than anything else. the kalasams contain arrack (liquor), which is given to the temple to be used in the ceremonies. members of certain families only are allowed to perform in this business, and for what they do each man receives five edangalis of rice from the temple, and a small piece of the flesh of the goat which is sacrificed later. these nine men eat only once a day during the festival; they do no work, remaining quietly at home unless when at the temple; they cannot approach any one of caste lower than their own; they cannot cohabit with women; and they cannot see a woman in menstruation during these days. a crowd of tiyans join more or less in this, rushing about and barking like dogs, making a hideous noise. they too have kalasams, and, when they are tired of rushing and barking, they drink the arrack in them. these men are always under a vow. in doing what they do, they fulfil their vow for the benefit they have already received from the goddess--cure from sickness as a rule. to the west of the temple is a circular pit--it was called the fire-pit, but there was no fire in it--and this pit all the tiyan women of the neighbourhood circumambulate, passing from west round by north, three times, holding on the head a pewter plate, on which are a little rice, bits of plantain leaves and cocoanut, and a burning wick. as each woman completes her third round, she stands for a moment at the western side, facing east, and throws the contents of the plate into the pit. she then goes to the western gate of the enclosure, and puts down her plate for an instant while she makes profound salaam to the goddess ere going away. now the procession starts out from the temple, issuing from the northern gate, and for a moment confronts a being so strange that he demands description. of the many familiar demons of the malayalis, the two most intimate are kuttichchattan and gulikan, who are supposed to have assisted kali (who is scarcely the kali of brahmanism) in overcoming the asura, and on the occasion of this festival these demons dance before her. gulikan is represented by the vannan and kuttichchattan by the manutan who have been already mentioned, and who are under like restrictions with the nine tiyans. i saw poor gulikan being made up, the operation occupying five or six hours or more before his appearance. i asked who he was, and was told he was a devil. he looked mild enough, but then his make-up had just begun. he was lying flat on the ground close by the north-east entrance of the enclosure, where presently he was to dance, a man painting his face to make it hideous and frightful. this done, the hair was dressed; large bangles were put on his arms, covering them almost completely from the shoulder to the wrist; and his head and neck were swathed and decorated. a wooden platform arrangement, from which hung a red ornamented skirt, was fastened to his hips. there was fastened to his back an elongated prince of wales' feathers arrangement, the top of which reached five feet above his head, and he was made to look like nothing human. kuttichchattan was treated in much the same manner. as the procession issues from the northern gate of the temple, where it is joined by the elephants, gulikan stands in the northern entrance of the enclosure (which he cannot enter), facing it, and a halt is made for three minutes, while gulikan dances. the poor old man who represented this fearful being, grotesquely terrible in his wonderful metamorphosis, must have been extremely glad when his dance was concluded, for the mere weight and uncomfortable arrangement of his paraphernalia must have been extremely exhausting. it was with difficulty that he could move at all, let alone dance. the. procession passes round by east, where, at the entrance of the enclosure, kuttichchattan gives his dance, round by south to the westward, and, leaving the enclosure, proceeds to a certain banyan tree, under which is a high raised platform built up with earth and stones. preceding the procession at a distance of fifty yards are the nine men of the tiyan caste mentioned already, carrying kalasams on their heads, and a crowd of women of the same caste, each one carrying a pewter plate, larger than the plates used when encircling the fire pit, on which are rice, etc., and the burning wick as before. the plate and its contents are on this occasion, as well as before, called talapoli. i could not make out that anything in particular is done at the banyan tree, and the procession soon returns to the temple, the nine men and the tiyan women following, carrying their kalasams and talapoli. on the way, a number of cocks are given in sacrifice by people under a vow. in the procession are a number of devil-dancers, garlanded with white flowers of the pagoda tree mixed with red, jumping, gesticulating, and shouting, in an avenue of the crowd in front of the elephant bearing the sword. the person under a vow holds the cock towards one of these devil-dancers, who, never ceasing his gyrations and contortions, presently seizes its head, wrings it off, and flings it high in the air. the vows which are fulfilled by this rude decapitation of cocks have been made in order to bring about cure for some ailment. the procession passes through the temple yard from west to east, and proceeds half a mile to a banyan tree, under which, like the other, there is a high raised platform. when passing by the temple, the tiyan women empty the contents of their plates in the fire pit as before, and the nine men hand over the arrack in their kalasams to the temple servants. let me note here the curious distribution of the rice which is heaped in the fire pit. two-thirds of it go to the four tiyans who carried the pukalasams, and one-third to the five who carried the jannakalasams. returning to the procession, we find it at the raised platform to the east of the temple. on this platform have been placed already an ordinary bamboo quart-like measure of paddy (unhusked rice), and one of rice, each covered with a plantain leaf. the principal devil-dancer takes a handful of rice and paddy, and flings it all around. the procession then visits in turn the gates of the gardens of the four owners of the temple. at each is a measure of rice and a measure of paddy covered with plantain leaves, with a small lamp or burning wick beside them, and the devil-dancer throws a handful towards the house. the procession then finds its way to a tree to the west, under which, on the platform, is now a measure of paddy and a lamp. some brahmans repeat mantrams, and the elephant, the priest on his back and the sword in his hand, all three are supposed to tremble violently. up to this time the procession has moved leisurely at a very slow march. now, starting suddenly, it proceeds at a run to the temple, where the priest descends quickly from the elephant, and is taken inside the temple by the mussad priests. he, who has been carrying the sword all this time, places it on the sill of the door of the room in which it is kept for worship, and prostrates before it. the sword then shakes itself for fifteen minutes, until the chief priest stays its agitation by sprinkling on it some tirtam fluid made sacred by having been used for anointing the image of the goddess. this done, the chief amongst the devil-dancers will, with much internal tumult as well as outward convolutions, say in the way of oracle whether the devi has been pleased with the festival in her honour, or not. as he pronounces this oracular utterance, he falls in a sort of swoon, and everyone, excepting only the priests and temple servants, leaves the place as quickly as possible. the sheds which have been erected for temporary habitation around the temple will be quickly demolished, and search will be made round about to make sure that no one remains near while the mystic rite of sacrifice is about to be done. when the whole place has been cleared, the four owners of the temple, who have stayed, hand over each a goat with a rope tied round its neck to the chief priest, and, as soon as they have done so, they depart. there will remain now in the temple three mussads, one drummer (marayar), and two temple servants. the reason for all this secrecy seems to lie in objection to let it be known generally that any sacrifice is done. i was told again and again that there was no such thing. it is a mystic secret. the mussad priests repeat mantrams over the goats for an hour as a preliminary to the sacrifice. then the chief priest dons a red silk cloth, and takes in his hand a chopper-like sword in shape something like a small bill-hook, while the goats are taken to a certain room within the temple. this room is rather a passage than a room, as there are to it but two walls running north and south. the goats are made to stand in turn in the middle of this room, facing to the south. the chief priest stands to the east of the goat, facing west, as he cuts off its head with the chopper. he never ceases his mantrams, and the goats never flinch--the effect of the mantrams. several cocks are then sacrificed in the same place, and over the carcasses of goats and cocks there is sprinkled charcoal powder mixed in water (karutta gurusi) and saffron (turmeric) powder and lime-water (chukanna gurusi), the flow of mantrams never ceasing the while. the mussads only see the sacrifice--a part of the rite which is supremely secret. equally so is that which follows. the carcass of one goat will be taken out of the temple by the northern door to the north side of the temple, and from this place one of the temple servants, who is blindfolded, drags it three times round the temple, the mussads following closely, repeating their mantrams, the drummer in front beating his drum softly with his fingers. the drummer dare not look behind him, and does not know what is being done. after the third round, the drummer and the temple servant go away, and the three mussads cook some of the flesh of the goats and one or two of the cocks (or a part of one) with rice. this rice, when cooked, is taken to the kavu (grove) to the north of the temple, and there the mussads again ply their mantrams. as each mantram is ended, a handful of saffron (turmeric) powder is flung on the rice, and all the time the drummer, who by this time has returned, keeps up an obligato pianissimo with his drum, using his fingers. he faces the north, and the priests face the south. presently the priests run (not walk) once round the temple, carrying the cooked rice, and scattering it wide as they go, repeating mantrams. they enter the temple, and remain within until daybreak. no one can leave the temple until morning comes. before daybreak, the temple is thoroughly swept and cleaned, and then the mussads go out, and the five nambutiris again enter before sunrise, and perform the ordinary worship thrice in the day, for this day only. the next morning, the mussad priests return and resume their duties. beyond noting that the weirdness of the human tumult, busy in its religious effusion, is on the last night enhanced by fireworks, mere description of the scene of the festival will not be attempted, and such charming adjuncts of it as the gallery of pretty nayar women looking on from the garden fence at the seething procession in the lane below must be left to the imagination. it will have been noticed that the nambutiris hold aloof from the festival; they purify the temple before and after, but no more. the importance attached to the various offices of those who are attached to the temple by however slender a thread, was illustrated by a rather amusing squabble between two of the mukkuvans, an uncle and nephew, as to which of them should receive the silver umbrella from the temple, and bear it to the house of the goldsmith to be repaired. during the festival, one of them made a rapid journey to the zamorin (about fifty miles distant), paid some fees, and established himself as the senior who had the right to carry the umbrella. "an important local festival is that held near palghat, in november, in the little suburb kalpati inhabited entirely by pattar brahmans from the east. but it is not a true malayali festival, and it suffices to mention its existence, for it in no way represents the religion of the nayar. the dragging of cars, on which are placed the images of deities, common everywhere from the temple of jagganath at puri in orissa to cape comorin, is quite unknown in malabar, excepting only at kalpati, which is close to the eastern frontier of malabar. "near chowghat (chavagat), about miles to the southward of calicut, on the backwater, at a place called guruvayur, is a very important temple, the property of the zamorin, yielding a very handsome revenue. i visited the festival on one occasion, and purchase was made of a few offerings such as are made to the temple in satisfaction of vows--a very rude representation of an infant in silver, a hand, a leg, an ulcer, a pair of eyes, and, most curious of all, a silver string which represents a man, the giver. symbolization of the offering of self is made by a silver string as long as the giver is tall. goldsmiths working in silver and gold are to be seen just outside the gate of the temple, ready to provide at a moment's notice the object any person intends to offer, in case he is not already in possession of his votive offering. the subject of vows can be touched on but incidentally here. a vow is made by one desiring offspring, to have his hand or leg cured, to have an ulcer cured, to fulfil any desire whatsoever, and he decides in solemn affirmation to himself to give a silver image of a child, a silver leg, and so on, in the event of his having fulfilment of his desire. "a true malayali festival is that held at kottiyur in north malabar, in the forest at the foot of the wynad hills rising , to , feet from the sides of the little glade where it is situated. it is held in july during the height of the monsoon rain. though it is a festival for high and low, these do not mix at kottiyur. the nayars go first, and after a few days, the nayars having done, the tiyans, and so on. a curious feature of it is that the people going to attend it are distinctly rowdy, feeling that they have a right to abuse in the vilest and filthiest terms everyone they see on the way--perhaps a few days' march. and not only do they abuse to their hearts' content in their exuberant excitement, but they use personal violence to person and property all along the road. they return like lambs. at kottiyur one sees a temple of isvara, there called perumal (or perumal isvara) by the people, a low thatched building forming a hollow square, in the centre of which is the shrine, which i was not permitted to see. there were some nambutiri priests, who came out, and entered into conversation. the festival is not held at the temple, but in the forest about a quarter of a mile distant. this spot is deemed extremely sacred and dreadful. there was, however, no objection to myself and my companions visiting it; we were simply begged not to go. there were with us a nayar and a kurichchan, and the faces of these men, when we proceeded to wade through the little river, knee-deep and about thirty yards wide, in order to reach the sacred spot, expressed anxious wonder. they dared not accompany us across. no one (excepting, of course, a muhammadan) would go near the place, unless during the few days of the festival, when it was safe; at all other times any man going to the place is destroyed instantly. nothing on earth would have persuaded the nayar or the kurichchiyan to cross that river. orpheus proceeding to find his eurydice, danté about to enter the inferno, had not embarked on so fearful a journey. about a hundred yards beyond the stream, we came upon the sacred spot, a little glade in the forest. in the centre of the glade is a circle of piled up stones, feet in diameter. in the middle of the pile of stones is a rude lingam. running east from the circle of the lingam is a long shed, in the middle of which is a long raised platform of brick, used apparently as a place for cooking. around the lingam there were also thatched sheds, in which the people had lodged during the festival. pilgrims going to this festival carry with them offerings of some kind. tiyans take young cocoanuts. every one who returns brings with him a swish made of split young leaves of the cocoanut palm." of the kottiyur festival, the following account is given in the gazetteer of malabar. "the nambudiri priests live in a little wayside temple at kottiyur, but the true shrine is a quarter of a mile away in the forest across one of the feeder streams of the valarpattanam river. for eleven months in the year, the scene is inconceivably desolate and dreary; but during the month edavam (may-june) upwards of , nayars and tiyans from all parts of malabar throng the shrine for the twenty-eight days of the annual festival. during the rest of the year, the temple is given up to the revels of siva and parvati, and the impious hindu who dares to intrude is consumed instantly to ashes. the two great ceremonies are the neyyattam and the elanirattam, the pouring of ghee (clarified butter) and the pouring of the milk of the green cocoanut. the former is performed by the nayars, who attend the festival first, and the latter by tiyans. in may, all roads lead to kottiyur, and towards the middle of the month the ghee pourers, as the nayar pilgrims are called, who have spent the previous four weeks in fasting and purificatory rites, assemble in small shrines subordinate to the kottiyur temple. thence, clad in white, and bearing each upon his head a pot of ghee, they set forth in large bodies headed by a leader. at manattana the pilgrims from all parts of malabar meet, and thence to kottiyur the procession is unbroken. however long their journey, the pilgrims must eat only once, and the more filthy their language, the more orthodox is their conduct. as many as five thousand pots of ghee are poured over the lingam every year. after the neyyattam ceremony, the nayars depart, and it is the turn of the tiyans. their preparations are similar to those of the nayars, and their language en route is even more startling. eruvatti near kadirur is the place where most of them assemble for their pilgrimage, and their green cocoanuts are presented gratis by the country people as an offering to the temple. the elanirattam ceremony begins at midnight, and the pilgrims heap up their cocoanuts in front of the shrine continuously till the evening of the same day. each tiyan then marches thrice round the heap, and falls prostrate before the lingam; and a certain nayar sub-caste removes the husks preparatory to the spilling of the milk. the festival finally closes with a mysterious ceremony, in which ghee and mantrams play a great part, performed for two days consecutively by the presiding nambudiri, and kottiyur is then deserted for another year." "a shrine," mr. fawcett continues, "to which the malayalis, nayars included, resort is that of subramania at palni in the north-west corner of the madura district about a week's march from the confines of malabar near palghat. not only are vows paid to this shrine, but men, letting their hair grow for a year after their father's death, proceed to have it cut there. the plate shows an ordinary palni pilgrim. the arrangement which he is carrying is called a kavadi. there are two kinds of kavadi, a milk kavadi containing milk, and a fish kavadi containing fish, in a pot. the vow may be made in respect of either, each being appropriate to certain circumstances. when the time comes near for the pilgrim to start for palni, he dresses in reddish orange cloths, shoulders his kavadi, and starts out. together with a man ringing a bell, and perhaps one with a tom-tom, with ashes on his face, he assumes the rôle of a beggar. the well-to-do are inclined to reduce the beggar period to the minimum; but a beggar every votary must be, and as a beggar he goes to palni in all humbleness and humiliation, and there he fulfils his vow, leaves his kavadi and his hair, and a small sum of money. though the individuals about to be noticed were not nayars, their cases illustrate very well the religious idea of the nayar as expressed under certain circumstances, for between the nayars and these there is in this respect little if any difference. it was at guruvayur in november, . on a high raised platform under a peepul tree were a number of people under vows, bound for palni. a boy of had suffered as a child from epilepsy, and seven years ago his father vowed on his behalf that, if he were cured, he would make the pilgrimage to palni. he wore a string of beads round his neck, and a like string on his right arm. these were in some way connected with the vow. his head was bent, and he sat motionless under his kavadi, leaning on the bar, which, when he carried it, rested on his shoulder. he could not go to palni until it was revealed to him in a dream when he was to start. he had waited for this dream seven years, subsisting on roots (yams, etc.), and milk--no rice. now he had had the long-looked-for dream, and was about to start. another pilgrim was a man wearing an oval band of silver over the lower portion of the forehead, almost covering his eyes; his tongue protruding beyond the teeth, and kept in position by a silver skewer through it. the skewer was put in the day before, and was to be left in for forty days. he had been fasting for two years. he was much under the influence of his god, and whacking incessantly at a drum in delirious excitement. several of the pilgrims had a handkerchief tied over the mouth, they being under a vow of silence. one poor man wore the regular instrument of silence, the mouth-lock--a wide silver band over the mouth, and a skewer piercing both cheeks. he sat patiently in a nice tent-like affair, about three feet high. people fed him with milk, etc., and he made no effort to procure food, relying merely on what was given him. the use of the mouth-lock is common with the nayars when they assume the pilgrim's robes and set out for palni; and i have often seen many of them garbed and mouth-locked, going off on a pilgrimage to that place. pilgrims generally go in crowds under charge of a priestly guide, one who, having made a certain number of journeys to the shrine, wears a peculiar sash and other gear. they call themselves pujaris, and are quite au fait with all the ceremonial prior to the journey, as well as with the exigencies of the road. as i stood there, one of these pujaris stood up amidst the recumbent crowd. he raised his hands towards the temple a little to the west, and then spread out his hands as if invoking a blessing on the people around him. full of religious fervour, he was (apparently at any rate) unconscious of all but the spiritual need of his flock. "brief mention must be made of the festival held at kodungallur near cranganore in the northernmost corner of the cochin state, as it possesses some strange features peculiar to malabar, and is much frequented by the nayars. i have been disappointed in obtaining particulars of the festival, so make the following excerpt from logan's manual of malabar. 'it takes the people in great crowds from their homes. the whole country near the lines of march rings with the shouts "nada-a nada-a" of the pilgrims to the favourite shrine. of what takes place when the pilgrims reach this spot perhaps the less said the better. in their passage up to the shrine, the cry of "nada-a nada-a" (march, march away) is varied by terms of unmeasured abuse levelled at the goddess (a bhagavati) of the shrine. this abusive language is supposed to be acceptable to her. on arrival at the shrine, they desecrate it in every conceivable way, believing that this too is acceptable; they throw stones and filth, howling volleys of opprobrium at her house. the chief of the fisherman caste, styled kuli muttatta arayan, has the privilege of being the first to begin the work of polluting the bhoot or shrine. into other particulars it is unnecessary to enter. cocks are slaughtered and sacrificed. the worshipper gets flowers only, and no holy water after paying his vows. instead of water, he proceeds outside and drinks arrack or toddy, which an attendant nayar serves out. all castes are free to go, including tiyars and low caste people. the temple was originally only a bhoot or holy tree with a platform. the image in the temple is said to have been introduced only of recent years.' it is a pity mr. logan is so reticent. my information is that the headman of the mukkuvans opens the festival by solemnly making a fæcal deposit on the image. here again there is the same strange union of everything that is filthy, abusive, foul and irreverent, with every mode of expressing the deepest religious feeling." of the cock festival at cranganore, the following, account is given by mr. t. k. gopal panikkar [ ] in his interesting little book on malabar and its folk. "in the midst of its native charms is situated a temple dedicated to kali, the goddess who presides over the infectious diseases, cholera and small-pox. she is a virgin goddess, whom no quantity of blood will satisfy. the temple is an old-fashioned one, presenting no striking architectural peculiarities. the priestly classes attached to it are not, as usual, brahmins, but a peculiar sect called adigals, of whom there are but three families in the whole of malabar. the brahmins are purposely excluded from participation in the poojah ceremonies, lest their extreme sanctity might increase the powers of the goddess to a dangerous extent. poojahs are daily offered to her. an annual festival known as bharani, connected with this goddess, plays a most important part in the religious history of malabar. it comes off in the malayalam month of meenam (about march or april). pilgrimages undertaken to the temple on this occasion are potent enough to safeguard the pilgrims, and their friends and relations, from the perilous attacks of cholera and small-pox. hence people resort thither annually by thousands from almost all parts of malabar; and, the more north you go, the stronger will you find the hold which the goddess has upon the popular imagination. the chief propitiatory offering on the occasion is the sacrifice of cocks. in fact, every family makes a point of undertaking this sacred mission. people arrange to start on it at an auspicious moment, on a fixed day in small isolated bodies. preparations are made for the journey. rice, salt, chillies, curry-stuffs, betel leaves and nuts, a little turmeric powder and pepper, and, above all, a number of cocks form an almost complete paraphernalia of the pilgrimage. these are all gathered and preserved in separate bundles inside a large bag. when the appointed hour comes, they throw this bag on their shoulders, conceal their money in their girdles, and, with a native-fashioned umbrella in the one hand and a walking-stick in the other, they start, each from his own house, to meet the brother pilgrims at the rendezvous. here a foreman is selected practically by common consent. then commences the vociferous recitation of that series of obscene songs and ballads, which characterises the pilgrimage all along. the foreman it is that opens the ball. he is caught up by others in equally loud and profuse strains. this is continued right up till the beginning of their homeward journey. nobody whom they come across on the way can successfully escape the coarse billingsgate of these religious zealots. even women are not spared. perhaps it is in their case that the pilgrims wax all the more eloquently vulgar. a number of cock's feathers are stuck or tied upon the tip of a stick, and with this as a wand they begin to dance and pipe in a set style, which is extremely revolting to every sense of decency. some of the pilgrims walk all the distance to the temple, while others go by boat or other conveyance; but in neither case do they spare any passer-by. hundreds of gallons of arrack and toddy are consumed during the festival. the pilgrims reach the temple in their dirty attire. the temple premises are crowded to overflowing. the worship of the goddess is then commenced. the offerings consist of the sacrifice of cocks at the temple altar, turmeric powder, but principally of pepper, as also some other objects of lesser importance. a particular spot inside the temple is set apart for the distribution of what is called manjal prasadam (turmeric powder on which divine blessings have been invoked). the work of doling it out is done by young maidens, who are during the process subjected to ceaseless volleys of vile and vulgar abuse. now, leaving out of account the minor ceremonies, we come to the principal one, viz., the sacrifice of cocks. the popular idea is that the greater the number of cocks sacrificed, the greater is the efficacy of the pilgrimage. hence men vie with one another in the number of cocks that they carry on the journey. the sacrifice is begun, and then there takes place a regular scramble for the sanctified spot reserved for this butchering ceremony. one man holds a cock by the trunk, and another pulls out its neck by the head, and, in the twinkling of an eye, by the intervention of a sharpened knife, the head is severed from the trunk. the blood then gushes forth in forceful and continuous jets, and is poured on a piece of granite specially reserved. then another is similarly slaughtered, and then as many as each of the pilgrims can bring. in no length of time, the whole of the temple yard is converted into one horrible expanse of blood, rendering it too slippery to be safely walked over. the piteous cries and death throes of the poor devoted creatures greatly intensify the horror of the scene. the stench emanating from the blood mixing with the nauseating smell of arrack renders the occasion all the more revolting. one other higher and more acceptable kind of offering requires more than a passing mention. when a man is taken ill of any infectious disease, his relations generally pray to this goddess for his recovery, solemnly covenanting to perform what goes by the name of a thulabharum ceremony. this consists in placing the patient in one of the scale-pans of a huge balance, and weighing him against gold, or more generally pepper (and sometimes other substances as well), deposited in the other scale-pan. then this weight of the substance is offered to the goddess. this is to be performed right in front of the goddess in the temple yard. the usual offerings being over, the homeward journey of the pilgrims is begun. though the festival is called bharani, yet all the pilgrims must vacate the temple on the day previous to the bharani day. for, from that day onwards, the temple doors are all shut up, and, for the next seven days, the whole place is given over to the worst depredations of the countless demons over whom this blood-thirsty goddess holds sway. no human beings can safely remain there, lest they might become prey to these ravenous demons. in short, the bharani day inaugurates a reign of terror in the locality, lasting for these seven days. afterwards, all the dirt is removed. the temple is cleansed and sanctified, and again left open to public worship. the pilgrims return, but not in the same manner in which they repaired thither. during the backward journey, no obscene songs or expressions are indulged in. they are to come back quietly and calmly, without any kind of demonstrations. they get back to their respective homes, and distribute the sandals and other pujah substances to their relations and friends who have elected to remain at home; and the year's pilgrimage is brought to a close." "the month karkkatakam," mr. fawcett writes, "when the malayalis say the body is cool, is the time when, according to custom, the nayar youths practice physical exercises. at payoli in north malabar, when i was there in , the local instructor of athletics was a paravan, a mason by caste. as he had the adjunct kurup to his name, it took some time to discover the fact. teachers of his ilk are invariably of the paravan caste, and, when they are believed to be properly accomplished, they are given the honorific kurup. so carefully are things regulated that no other person was permitted to teach athletics within the amsham (a local area, a small county), and his womenfolk had privileges, they only being the midwives who could attend on the nayar women of the amsham. his fee for a course of exercises for the month was ten rupees. he, and some of his pupils, gave an exhibition of their quality. besides bodily contortions and somersaults, practiced in a long low-roofed shed having a sandy floor, there is play with the following instruments:--watta; cheruvadi, a short stick; and a stick like a quarter-staff called a sariravadi, or stick the length of one's body. the watta is held in the right hand as a dagger; it is used to stab or strike and, in some ingenious way, turn over an opponent. the total length of the watta is two feet, and of the cheruvadi about three feet. the latter is squared at the ends, and is but a short staff. it is held in the right hand a few inches from the end, and is used for striking and guarding only. the sariravadi is held at or near one end by one or by both hands. the distance between the hands is altered constantly, and so is the end of the stick, which is grasped now by one, now by another end by either hand, as occasion may require; sometimes it is grasped in the middle. the performance with these simple things was astonishing. i should say the watta and the cheruvadi represented swords, or rather that they were used for initiation or practice in swordsmanship, when the nayars were the military element in malabar. the opponents, who faced each other with the sariravadi or quarter-staff, stood thirty feet apart, and, as if under the same stimulus, each kicked one leg high in the air, gave several lively bounds in the air, held their staff horizontally in front with out-stretched arms, came down slowly on the haunches, placed the staff on the ground, bent over, and touched it with the forehead. with a sudden bound they were again on their feet, and, after some preliminary pirouetting, went for each other tooth and nail. the sword play, which one sees during festive ceremonies, such as a marriage or the like, is done by the hereditary retainers, who fight imaginary foes, and destroy and vanquish opponents with much contortion of body, and always indulge in much of this preliminary overture to their performance. there is always, by way of preliminary, a high kick in the air, followed by squatting on the haunches, bounding high, turning, twisting, pirouetting, and all the time swinging the sword unceasingly above, below, behind the back, under the arm or legs, in ever so many impossible ways. nayar shields are made of wood, covered with leather, usually coloured bright red. within the boss are some hard seeds, or metal balls loose in a small space, so that there is a jingling sound like that of the small bells on the ankles of the dancer, when the shield is oscillated or shaken in the hand. the swords are those which were used ordinarily for fighting. there are also swords of many patterns for processional and other purposes, more or less ornamented about the handle, and half way up the blade." "the nayars," mr. n. subramani aiyar writes, "have a distinct feudal organisation, and the division of their territories had an unmistakeable reference to it. the territorial unit was the desam, presided over by a dasavazhi. a number of desams adjoining one another constituted a nadu, which was under the jurisdiction of a chieftain called the naduvazhi. above the naduvazhis was the rajah, the highest suzerain in the country. in course of time, each nadu split itself up into a certain number of taras, over the affairs of which a karanavan, or elder, presided. an assembly of these karanavans constituted the six hundred--an old socio-military organisation of the nayars in mediæval times. these six hundred are referred to in two places in the second syrian christian document, which bears the date a.d. in a south travancore inscription, dated m.e., the same organisation is referred to as venattarunuru, or the six hundred of venad, and one of their duties evidently related to the supervision of the working of temples and charitable institutions connected therewith. as venad was divided into eighteen districts in ancient days, there might have been altogether eighteen six hundred in the country. the naduvazhis possessed considerable authority in all social matters and possessed enough lands to be cultivated by their kudiyans. a feudal basis was laid for the whole organisation. large numbers served as soldiers in times of war, and cultivated their lands when the country was quiet. in modern times, none of them take to military service in travancore, except those employed as sepoys in the nayar brigade." concerning the organisation of the nayars, mr. logan writes that they were, "until the british occupied the country, the militia of the district (malabar). this name implies that they were the 'leaders' of the people. originally they seem to have been organised into six hundreds, and each six hundred seems to have had assigned to it the protection of all the people in a nad or country. the nad was in turn split up into taras, a dravidian word signifying originally a foundation, the foundation of a house, hence applied collectively to a street, as in tamil teru, in telugu teruvu, and in canarese and tulu teravu. the tara was the nayar territorial unit of organisation for civil purposes, and was governed by representatives of the caste, who were styled karanavar or elders. the six hundred was probably composed exclusively of those karanavar or elders, who were in some parts called mukhyastans (chief men), or madhyastans (mediators), or pramanis (chief men), and there seem to have been four families of them to each tara, so that the nad must have originally consisted of one hundred and fifty taras. this tara organisation of the protector caste played a most important part in the political history of the country, for it was the great bulwark against the tyranny and oppression of the rajas. the evidence of the honourable east india company's linguist (interpreter, agent) at calicut, which appears in the diary of the tellicherry factory under date th may, , deserves to be here reproduced. he wrote as follows: 'these nayars, being heads of the calicut people, resemble the parliament, and do not obey the king's dictates in all things, but chastise his ministers when they do unwarrantable acts.' the parliament referred to must have been the kuttam (assembly) of the nad. the kuttam answered many purposes when combined action on the part of the community was necessary. the nayars assembled in their kuttams whenever hunting, or war, or arbitration, or what not was in hand, and this organisation does not seem to have been confined to malabar, for the koot organisation of the people of south canara gave the british officers much trouble in - . in so far as malabar was concerned, the system seems to have remained in an efficient state down to the time of the british occupation, and the power of the rajas was strictly limited. mr. murdoch brown, of anjarakandi, who knew the country well, thus wrote to mr. francis buchanan in the earliest years of the present (nineteenth) century regarding the despotic action of the rajas when constituted, after the mysorean conquest the revenue agents of the government of haidar ali. 'by this new order of things, these latter (the rajas) were vested with despotic authority over the other inhabitants, instead of the very limited prerogatives that they had enjoyed by the feudal system, under which they could neither exact revenue from the lands of their vassals, nor exercise any, direct authority in their districts.' and again, 'the raja was no longer what he had been, the head of a feudal aristocracy with limited authority, but the all-powerful deputy of a despotic prince, whose military force was always at his command to curb or chastise any of the chieftains who were inclined to dispute or disobey his mandates.' [ ] from the earliest times, therefore, down to the end of the eighteenth century, the nayar tara and nad organization kept the country from oppression and tyranny on the part of the rulers, and to this fact more than to any other is due the comparative prosperity, which the malayali country so long enjoyed, and which made calicut at one time the great emporium of trade between the east and the west. but, besides protection, the nayars had originally another most important function in the body politic. besides being protectors, they were also supervisors or overseers, a duty which, as a very ancient deed testifies, was styled kanam--a dravidian word derived from the verb kanuka (to see, etc). parasu raman (so the tradition preserved in the keralolpatti runs) separated the nayars into taras, and ordered that to them belonged the duty of supervision (lit. kan = the eye), the executive power (lit. kei = the hand, as the emblem of power), and the giving of orders (lit. kalpana, order, command), so as to prevent the rights from being curtailed, or suffered to fall into disuse. the nayars were originally the overseers or supervisors of the nad, and they seem to have been employed in this capacity as the collectors of the share of produce of the land originally reserved for government purposes. as remuneration for this service, and for their other function as protectors, another share of the produce of the soil seems to have been reserved specially for them. it be well worth the study of persons acquainted with other districts of the presidency to ascertain whether somewhat similar functions to these (protection, and supervision) did not originally appertain to the kavalgars of tamil districts and the kapus in the telugu country, for both of these words seem to have come from the same root as the malayalam kanam. and it is significant that the tamil word now used for proprietorship in the soil is kani-yatchi, to which word the late mr. f. w. ellis in his paper on mirasi rights assigned a similar derivation." the occupation of the nayars is described by mr. n. subramani aiyar as "comprising all kinds of worldly pursuits. so late as the end of the eighteenth century, there were with the then maharaja of travancore a hundred thousand soldiers, consisting of nayars and chovas, armed with arrows, spears, swords and battle-axes. the chief occupation of the nayars is agriculture. cultivation of a slipshod, time-honoured type is the forte of the nayar, for which he has always found time from times of old, though engaged in other occupations as well. in the velakali, a kind of mock fight, which is one of the items of the utasom programme in every important temple in malabar, the dress worn by the nayars is supposed to be their ancient military costume. even now, among the nayars who form the maharaja's own brigade, agriculture, to which they are enabled to attend during all their off-duty days, goes largely to supplement their monthly pay. various other occupations, all equally necessary for society, have been, according to the keralavakasakrama, assigned to the nayars, and would seem to have determined their original sub-divisions. they are domestic servants in brahman and kshatriya houses and temples, and deal in dairy produce, as well as being engaged in copper-sheet roofing, tile-making, pottery, palanquin-bearing, and so on. but these traditional occupations are fast ceasing under the ferment of a new civilisation. in the matter of education, the nayars occupy a prominent position. almost every nayar girl is sent to the village school to learn the three r's, quite as much as a matter of course as the schooling of boys. this constitutes a feature of malabar life that makes it the most literate country in all india, especially in respect of the female sex. after ramanujam ezhuttachchan developed and enriched the malayalam language, numerous asans or village teachers came into existence in different parts of malabar. after a preliminary study of malayalam, such as desired higher, i.e., sanskrit education, got discipled to an ambalavasi or a sastri. even to-day the estimable desire to study sanskrit is seen in some nayar youths, who have readily availed themselves of the benefit of the local sanskrit college. in respect of english education, the nayars occupy a prominent position. the facility afforded by the government of travancore for the study of english is being largely availed of by nayars, and it is a matter deserving to be prominently recorded that, in recent years, several nayar girls have passed the matriculation examination of the university of madras." it is noted, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "the nayars as a class are the best educated and the most advanced of the communities in malabar (excepting perhaps the pattar brahmans, who are not strictly a malayalam class), and are intellectually the equals of the brahmans of the east coast. many of them have risen to the highest posts in government, and the caste has supplied many of the leading members of the learned professions." nayi (dog).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. nayinar.--nayinar, nayanar, or nainar, has been recorded as a section of vellalas, who are thought to be descended from jains who were converted to hinduism, and as a title of jains, kaikolans, pallis, and udaiyans. nayanikulam occurs as a synonym of boya. the word nayinar is the same as nayaka, meaning lord or master, and the saivite saints, being religious teachers, are so called, e.g., sundara murti nayanar. nayinda.--recorded, in the mysore census report, , as the name of a caste, which follows the hereditary occupation of barber, and also of agriculture. "they are," it is there said, "members of the village hierarchy. they are paid, like the agasa (washerman), in kind for their services. they are also fiddlers, and have the exclusive right of wind instruments. they are known as kelasiga or hajam. they are both saivites and vaishnavites. a section of them wear the lingam, and follow lingayetism. they are known as silavanta. these people are largely in requisition at feasts, marriages, etc., when they form the music band." kelasi is the name of a canarese barber caste, and hajam is a hindustani word for barber. nedungadi.--this name, denoting a settlement in nedunganad in the walluvanad taluk of malabar, has been returned as a sub-caste of nayars and samantas. nekkara.--a small class of washermen in south canara. the women only are said to do the washing, while the men are employed as devil-dancers. nellika (phyllanthus emblica).--an illam of tiyan. nellu (paddy, unhusked rice).--a gotra of kurni. nemilli (peacock).--an exogamous sept of boya and balija. nerali (eugenia jambolana).--an exogamous sept of gangadikara holeya. nerati.--nerati or neravati is a sub-division of kapu. nese.--an occupational term, meaning weaver applied to several of the weaving castes, but more especially to the kurnis. it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "in the inscriptions of raja raja the chola king, about the beginning of the eleventh century, the paraiyan caste is called by its present name. it had then two sub-divisions, nesavu (the weavers) and ulavu (the ploughman)." netpanivandlu (neyyuta, to weave).--recorded by the rev. j. cain [ ] as a name for mala weavers. nettikotala.--in a note on the nettikotalas or neththikotalasi, mr. c. hayavadana rao writes that they correspond to the kalladi siddhans of the tamil country. the name means those who cut their foreheads. they are mendicants who beg from gavara komatis, whom they are said to have assisted in days of old by delaying the progress of raja vishnu vardhana. (see komati.) when their dues are not promptly paid, they make cuts in their foreheads and other parts of the body, and make blood flow. neyige.--the silk and cotton hand-loom weavers of the mysore province are, in the census report, , dealt with collectively under the occupational name neyige (weaving), which includes bilimagga, devanga, khatri, patvegar, sale, saurashtra (patnulkaran), seniga and togata. neytikkar.--weavers of coir (cocoanut fibre) mats in malabar. neyyala.--the neyyala are a telugu fishing caste found chiefly in vizagapatam and ganjam, for the following note on whom i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the name is derived from the telugu neyyalu, meaning fried rice or cholam (sorghum vulgare), which is made by female members of the caste, especially during the harvest season, into balls with jaggery (crude sugar). these are carried about the country by the men for sale to those engaged in reaping the crop and others. as payment, they receive from, the reapers a portion of the grain which they are cutting. a further occupation of the caste is fishing with konti vala, or koyyala vala i.e., nets supported on a row of bamboo sticks, which are placed in shallow water, and dragged by two men. the naga (cobra) is reverenced by the caste. a brahman officiates at marriages, during which the sacred thread is worn. the remarriage of widows is permitted, provided that the woman has no children by her first husband. divorce is not allowed. the dead are burnt, and the chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies are observed. as a caste, the neyyalas do not drink intoxicating liquor, and eat only in brahman houses. their usual title is ayya. neyye (clarified butter).--an occupational sub-division of komati. nila (blue).--an exogamous sept of medara. nilagara (indigo people).--the name of a class of dyers, who are, in the mysore census report, , included in the kumbara or potter caste. nili (indigo).--an exogamous sept of padma sale and togata. nirganti.--recorded, in the mysore and coorg gazetteer, as a regulator and distributor of water to irrigated lands. he is usually a holeya by caste. nirpusi (wearers of sacred ashes).--recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of pandya vellalas. nirpusi vellala is described, in the gazetteer of the south arcot district, as a name current in the south arcot district meaning vellalas who put on holy ash, in reference to certain jains, who formerly became saivites taking off their sacred threads, and putting holy ashes on their foreheads. nityadasu.--nityadasu, or nityulu, meaning immortal slaves, is a name by which some mala dasaris style themselves. nodha.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a very small caste of hill cultivators and earth-workers in the oriya country. nokkan.--the nokkans, who often go by the name of jadipillais (children of the caste), are a class of mendicants, who beg from members of the palli caste. the word nokkan is said to mean 'he who looks'. the nokkans make periodical visits to villages where pallis live, and receive from them a small fee in money. they attend at palli marriages, and, during processions, carry flags (palempores) bearing devices of hanuman, tigers, agni, etc., which are made at kalahasti. the nokkans claim fees from the pallis, because one of their ancestors helped them. the legend runs as follows. during the reign of a palli king at conjeeveram, a car, bearing the idol of the god, stood still, and could not be moved. a human sacrifice was considered necessary, but no one would offer himself as a victim. a nokkan came forward, and allowed his only daughter, who was pregnant, to be sacrificed. pleased at his behaviour, the king ordered that the pallis should in future treat the nokkans as their jadipillais. some nokkans say that they were presented with copper-grants, one of which is reputed to be in the possession of one nokka ramaswami of mulavayal village in the ponneri taluk of the chingleput district. in the course of their rounds, the nokkans repeat the story of the origin of the pallis, one version of which runs as follows. two asuras, vathapi and enadhapi, who were ruling at ratnagiripatnam, obtained at the hands of siva, by means of severe tapas (penance), the following boon. no child should die within their dominions, and the asuras should be invincible, and not meet their death at the hands of uterine-born beings. the devatas and others, unable to bear the tyranny of the asuras, prayed to brahma for rescue. he directed them to the rishi jambuvamuni, who was doing penance on the banks of the river jumna. this rishi is said to have married a woman named asendi, who was born from the cheeks of parvati. hearing the request of the devatas, the rishi lighted the sacred fire, and therefrom arose a being called rudra vanniyan, and forty other warriors, including nilakanta, gangabala, and vajrabahu. the pallis are descended from these fire-born heroes. (see palli) nokkans wear the sacred thread, and carry with them a big drum and a gourd pipe like that used by snake-charmers. noliya.--a synonym used by oriya castes for the telugu jalaris. nonaba.--a territorial sub-division of vakkaliga. the name is derived from nonambavadi, one of the former great divisions of the tanjore country. nottakaran.--the office of village nottakaran, or tester, has been abolished in modern times. it was generally held by a goldsmith, whose duty was to test the rupees when the land revenue was being gathered in, and see that they were not counterfeit. nuchchu (broken rice).--a gotra of kurni. nukala (coarse grain powder).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. nulayan.--in the madras census report, , ninety-six individuals are recorded as belonging to a small caste of malayalam fishermen and boatmen. the nulayans are found in travancore, and were returned in the census of malabar, as the two small british settlements of anjengo and tangacheri in travancore are under the jurisdiction of the collector of malabar. nune (oil).--an occupational sub-division of komati. nunia (nuno, salt).--a sub-division of odiya. nurankurup.--an occupational name for paravans settled in malabar, whose employment is that of lime-burners (nuru, lime). nurbash.--recorded, at the census, , as a synonym of dudekula. a corruption of nurbaf (weaving). nuvvala (gingelly: sesamum indicum).--an exogamous sept of kamma and medara. gingelly seeds, from which an oil is extracted, "form an essential article of certain religious ceremonies of the hindus, and have therefore received the names of homa-dhanya or the sacrificial grain, and pitri-tarpana or the grain that is offered as an oblation to deceased ancestors." (u. c. dutt.) during the death ceremonies of some brahmans, libations of water mixed with gingelly seeds, called tilothakam, and a ball of rice, are offered daily to two stones representing the spirit of the deceased. nyayam (justice).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. o occhan.--the occhans are a class of temple priests, usually officiate as pujaris at pidari and other amman (grama devata) temples. they are for the most part saivites, but some belong to the vadagalai or tengalai vaishnava sects. some of the pujaris wear the sacred thread when within the temple. their insignia are the udukkai, or hour-glass shaped drum, and the silambu, or hollow brass ring filled with bits of brass, which rattle when it is shaken. in the chingleput district, some occhans act as dancing-masters to devadasis, and are sometimes called nattuvan. the name occhan is derived from the tamil ochai, meaning sound, in reference to the usual mode of invoking the grama devatas (village deities) by beating on a drum and singing their praises. it has been suggested that occhan is a contracted form of uvacchan, which occurs in certain old inscriptions. [ ] of these, the oldest is dated sakha (a.d. ), and refers to the tax on uvacchas. another inscription, in which the same tax is referred to, is dated sakha (a.d. ). in both these inscriptions, uvacchan has been interpreted as referring to jonakas, who are a class of muhammadans. this is one of the meanings given by winslow, [ ] who also gives "a caste of drummers at temples, occhan." in the northern districts, the occhans are divided into five sections, called marayan, pandi, kandappan, periya or pallavarayan, and pulavan. marayan is also the name of temple priests in travancore, on whom the title occhan is bestowed as a mark of royal favour by the travancore sovereigns. [ ] the occhans have many titles, e.g., archaka or umai archaka, devar, parasaivan, mudaliar, vallabarayan, pusali, pulavar, and kamban. of these, the last two are said to be derived from the tamil epic poet kamban, who is traditionally believed to have belonged to the occhan caste. there is a legend that kamban was on his way to the residence of a king, when he heard an oil-monger, who was driving his bulls, remonstrate with them, saying "should you kick against each other because the poet kamban, like the occhan he is, hums his verse?" on hearing this, kamban approached the oil-monger, and went with him to the king, to whom he reported that he had been insulted. by order of the king, the oil-monger burst forth into verse, and explained how his bulls had taken fright on hearing kamban's impromptu singing. kamban was greatly pleased with the poet oil-monger, and begged the king to let him go with honours heaped on him. in the southern districts, more especially in madura and tinnevelly, it is usual for an occhan to claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. in the northern districts, a man may also marry his maternal uncle's or sister's daughter. brahman gurukkals officiate at marriages. in their puberty, marriage, and death ceremonies, the occhans closely follow the pallis or vanniyans. the dead are burnt, and brahmans officiate at the funeral ceremonies. the caste is an organised one, and there is usually a headman, called periyathanakaran, at places where occhans occur. oda vandlu (boatmen).--a synonym of mila, a fishing caste in ganjam and vizagapatam. some prosperous milas have adopted oda balija as their caste name. (see vada.) odan.--an occupational name of a class of nayars, who are tile-makers. odari.--the odaris or vodaris are tulu-speaking potters in the south canara district. those who have abandoned the profession of potter call themselves mulia, as also do some potters, and those who are employed as pujaris (priests) at bhuthasthanas (devil shrines). in many cases, the headman combines the duties of that office with those of pujari, and is called mulia. otherwise his title is gurikara. the canarese potters in south canara, in making pots, use the ordinary wheel, which is rotated by means of a long stick. the wheel of the odaris is more primitive, consisting of a small disc, concave above, made of unburnt clay, fitting by means of a pebble pivot into a pebble socket, which is rotated by hand. like other tulu castes, the odaris worship bhuthas, but also reverence venkataramana. in their marriage ceremonial, the odaris follow the bant type. at the betrothal, the headmen or fathers of the contracting couple exchange betel, and the party of the future bridegroom give a ring to the people of the bride-elect. the marriage rites are completed in a single day. a bench is placed within the marriage pandal (booth), and covered with clothes brought by the madivali (washerman caste). the bridegroom is conducted thither by the bride's brother, and, after going round three times, takes his seat. he is generally preceded by women carrying lights, rice and fruits before him. the lamp is hung up, and the other articles are deposited on the ground. one by one, the women throw a grain of rice, first over the lamp, and then a few grains over the head of the bridegroom. then the barber comes, and, after throwing rice, shaves the face of the bridegroom, using milk instead of water. the bride is also shaved by a barber woman. the pair are decorated, and brought to the pandal, where those assembled throw rice over their heads, and make presents of money. their hands are then united by the headman, and the dhare water poured over them by the maternal uncle of the bride. an interesting rite in connection with pregnancy is the presentation of a fowl or two to the pregnant woman by her maternal uncle. the fowls are tended with great care, and, if they lay eggs abundantly, it is a sign that the pregnant woman will be prolific. the dead are either buried or cremated. if cremation is resorted to, the final death ceremonies (bojja) must be celebrated on the eleventh or thirteenth day. if the corpse has been buried, these ceremonies must not take place before the lapse of at least a month. odde.--the oddes or voddas, who are commonly called wudders, are summed up by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as being "the navvies of the country, quarrying stone, sinking wells, constructing tank bunds, and executing other kinds of earthwork more rapidly than any other class, so that they have got almost a monopoly of the trade. they are telugu people, who came originally from orissa, whence their name. were they more temperate, they might be in very good circumstances, but, as soon as they have earned a small sum, they strike work and have a merry-making, in which all get much intoxicated, and the carouse continues as long as funds last. they are very ignorant, not being able even to calculate how much work they have done, and trusting altogether to their employer's honesty. they are an open-hearted, good-natured lot, with loose morals, and no restrictions regarding food, but they are proud, and will only eat in the houses of the higher castes, though most sudras look down upon them. polygamy and divorce are freely allowed to men, and women are only restricted from changing partners after having had eighteen. even this limit is not set to the men." women who have had seven husbands are said to be much respected, and their blessing on a bridal pair is greatly praised. there is a common saying that a widow may mount the marriage dais seven times. in the census report, , the oddes are described as being "the tank-diggers, well-sinkers, and road-makers of the country who live in detached settlements, building their huts in conical or bee-hive form, with only a low door of entrance. they work in gangs on contract, and every one, except very old and very young, takes a share in the work. the women carry the earth in baskets, while the men use the pick and spade. the babies are usually tied up in cloths, which are suspended, hammock fashion, from the boughs of trees. they are employed largely in the public works department, and in the construction and maintenance of railways. they are rather a fine-looking race, and all that i have come across are vaishnavites in theory, wearing the trident prominently on their foreheads, arms, and breasts. the women are tall and straight. they eat every description of animal food, and especially pork and field-rats, and all drink spirituous liquors." of the oddes, the following brief accounts are given in the nellore, coimbatore, and madura manuals:-- nellore.--"these people are the tank-diggers. they sometimes engage in the carrying trade, but beyond this, they only move about from place to place as they have work. the word vodde or odde is said to be a corruption of the sanskrit odhra, the name for the country now called orissa, and the people are ordinarily supposed to have emigrated from the uriya country. besides telugu, they are said to speak a peculiar dialect among themselves; and, if this should turn out to be uriya, the question might be regarded as settled. the laborious occupation of the men tends to develop their muscles. i have seen some very fine men among the tribe." coimbatore.--"numerous, owing to the hard nature of the subsoil and the immense and increasing number of irrigation wells, which demand the labour of strong men accustomed to the use of the crowbar, pick-axe, and powder. they are black, strong, and of good physique, highly paid, and live on strong meat and drink." madura.--"an itinerant caste of tank-diggers and earth-workers. they are telugus, and are supposed to have come southward in the time of the nayyakkans. possibly tirumala sent for them to dig out his great teppakulam, and assist in raising gopuras. they are a strong, hard-working class, but also drunken, gluttonous, and vicious. and but little faith can be placed in their most solemn promises. they will take advances from half a dozen employers within a week, and work for none of them, if they can possibly help it." in mysore numbers of oddes are now permanently settled in the outskirts of large towns, where both sexes find employment as sweepers, etc., in connection with sanitation and conservancy. some oddes are, at the present time ( ), employed at the mysore manganese mines. the tribe is often found concerting with the korachas, koramas, and other predatory classes in committing dacoities and robberies, and it has passed into a proverb that they would rather bear any amount of bodily torture than confess or disclose the truth regarding the crimes attributed to them. some oddes have settled down as agriculturists and contractors, and some are very prosperous. for example, there are a few oddes near kuppam in the north arcot district, whose credit is so good that any rich merchant would advance them large sums of money. a wealthy odde, worth nearly a lakh of rupees, worried my assistant for half an anna, wherewith to purchase some betel leaf. it is recorded by bishop whitehead, [ ] in the diary of a tour in the nizam's dominions, that, at khammamett, "the waddas who have become christians have for some time past possessed land and cattle of their own, and are well-to-do people. one of the headmen, who was presented to me after service, said that he had acres of land of his own." some of the timber work in the nallamalai hills, in the kurnool district, is done by oddes, who fell trees, and keep bulls for dragging the timber out of the forests. under the heading "uppara and vadde vandlu," the rev. j. cain gives [ ] the following account of the distribution of wages. "the tank-diggers had been paid for their work, and, in apportioning the share of each labourer, a bitter dispute arose because one of the women had not received what she deemed her fair amount. on enquiry it turned out that she was in an interesting condition, and therefore could claim not only her own, but also a share for the expected child." a legend is current to the effect that, long ago, the oddes were ordered to dig a tank, to enable the devatas and men to obtain water. this was done, and they demanded payment, which was made in the form of a pinch of the sacred ashes of siva to each workman, in lieu of money. when they reached home, the ashes turned into money, but they were not satisfied with the amount, and clamoured for more. the god, growing angry, cursed them thus: "what you obtain in the forests by digging shall be lost as soon as you reach high ground." parvati, taking pity on them, asked siva to give them large sums of money. whereon siva, hollowing out a measuring-rod, filled it with varahans (gold coins), and gave it to the maistry. he also filled a large pumpkin with money, and buried it in a field, where the oddes were working. the measuring-rod was pawned by the maistry for toddy. the oddes, noticing the raised mound caused by the burying of the pumpkin, left it untouched to show the depth that they had dug. a buffalo, which was grazing in a field close by, exposed the pumpkin, which the oddes, not suspecting its contents, sold to a komati. according to another legend, the oddes were employed by god, who had assumed a human form, and was living amongst them. on one occasion, god had to perform a certain ceremony, so he gave the oddes an advance of three days' pay, and ordered them not to worry him. this they failed to do, and were accordingly laid under a curse to remain poor for ever. a further legend is current among the oddes to the effect that, when siva and parvati were walking one sultry day upon the earth, they got very hot and thirsty. the drops of perspiration which fell from siva were changed by him into a man with a pick and crowbar, while those falling from parvati turned into a woman carrying a basket. the man and woman quickly sunk a well, with the cooling waters of which the god and goddess refreshed themselves, and in gratitude promised the labourers certain gifts, the nature of which is not now known, but neither was satisfied, and both grumbled, which so incensed siva that he cursed them, and vowed that they and their descendants should live by the sweat of their brows. among the oddes, the following sayings are current:-- the oddes live with their huts on their heads (i.e., low huts), with light made from gathered sticks, on thin conji (gruel), blessing those who give, and cursing those who do not. cobras have poison in their fangs, and oddes in their tongues. though wealth accumulates like a mountain, it soon disappears like mist. at recent times of census, the following occupational sub-divisions were returned:--kallu or rati (stone-workers) and mannu (earth-workers), manti or bailu (open space), between which there is said to be no intermarriage. the endogamous sub-divisions natapuram and uru (village men), bidaru (wanderers), and konga (territorial) were also returned. beri was given as a sub-caste, and odderazu as a synonym for the caste name. in ganjam, bolasi is said to be a sub-division of the oddes. the caste titles are nayakan and boyan. the similarity of the latter word to boer was fatal, for, at the time of my visit to the oddes, the south african war was just over, and they were afraid that i was going to get them transported, to replace the boers who had been exterminated. being afraid, too, of my evil eye, they refused to fire a new kiln of bricks for the new club chambers at coimbatore until i had taken my departure. it is noted, in the mysore census report, , that "the caste divides itself into two main branches, the kallu and mannu vaddas, between whom there is no social intercourse of any kind, or intermarriage. the former are stone-workers and builders, and more robust than the latter, and are very dexterous in moving large masses of stone by rude and elementary mechanical appliances. they are hardy, and capable of great exertion and endurance. the kallu vaddas consider themselves superior to the mannu vaddas (earth diggers). unlike the kallu vaddas, the mannu vaddas or bailu vaddas are a nomadic tribe, squatting wherever they can find any large earthwork, such as deepening and repairing tanks, throwing up embankments, and the like. they are expert navvies, turning out within a given time more hard work than any other labouring class." the mannu oddes eat rats, porcupines, and scaly ant-eaters or pangolins (manis pentadactyla). of exogamous septs, the following may be cited:-- bandollu, rock. bochchollu, hairs. cheruku, sugarcane. enumala, buffalo. goddali, axe. gampa, basket. idakottu, break-down. jambu (eugenia jambolana). komali, buffoon. santha, a fair. sivaratri, a festival. manchala, cot. sampangi (michelia champaca). thatichettu, palmyra palm. bandari (dodonoea viscosa). devala, belonging to god. donga, thief. malle, jasmine. panthipattu, pig-catcher. panthikottu, pig-killer. upputholuvaru, salt-carrier. pitakala, dais on which a priest sits. thappata, drum. at the mysore census, , a few returned gotras, such as arashina (turmeric), huvvina (flowers), honna (gold), and akshantala (rice grain). "the women of the vaddevandlu section of the tank-digger caste," the rev. j. cain writes, [ ] "only wear the glass bracelets on the left arm, as, in years gone by (according to their own account), a seller of these bracelets was one day persuading them to buy, and, leaving the bracelets on their left arms, went away, promising to return with a fresh supply for their right arms. as yet he has not re-appeared." but an old woman explained that they have to use their right arm when at work, and if they wore bangles on it, they would frequently get broken. in some places, tattooing on the forehead with a central vertical line, dots, etc., is universally practiced, because, according to the odde, they should bear tattoo marks as a proof of their life on earth (bhulokam) when they die. oddes, calling themselves pachcha botlu, are itinerant tattooers in the ganjam, vizagapatam and godavari districts. while engaged in performing the operation, they sing telugu songs, to divert the attention of those who are being operated on. the office of headman, who is known as yejamanadu, samayagadu, or pedda (big) boyadu, is hereditary, and disputes, which cannot be settled at a council meeting, are referred to a balija desai chetti, whose decision is final. in some cases, the headman is assisted by officers called chinna (little) boyadu, sankuthi, and banthari. an odde, coming to a place where people are assembled with shoes on, is fined, and described as gurram ekki vachchinavu (having come on a horse). the oddes are very particular about touching leather, and beating with shoes brings pollution. both the beater and the person beaten have to undergo a purificatory ceremony, and pay a fine. when in camp at dimbhum, in the coimbatore district, i caught hold of a ladle, to show my friend dr. rivers what were the fragrant contents of a pot, in which an odde woman was cooking the evening meal. on returning from a walk, we heard a great noise proceeding from the odde men who had meanwhile returned from work, and found the woman seated apart on a rock and sobbing. she had been excommunicated, not because i touched the ladle, but because she had afterwards touched the pot. after much arbitration, i paid up the necessary fine, and she was received back into her caste. when a girl reaches puberty, she is confined in a special hut, in which a piece of iron, margosa leaves (melia azadirachta), sticks of strychnos nux-vomica, and the arka plant (calotropis gigantea) are placed, to ward off evil spirits. for fear of these spirits she is not allowed to eat meat, though eggs are permitted. on the seventh day, a fowl is killed, waved in front of the girl, and thrown away. at the end of the period of pollution, the hut is burnt down. sometimes, when the girl bathes on the first day, a sieve is held over her head, and water poured through it. in some places, on the eleventh day, chicken broth, mixed with arrack (liquor), is administered, in order to make the girl's back and waist strong. the hen, from which the broth is made, must be a black one, and she must have laid eggs for the first time. the flesh is placed in a mortar, pounded to a pulp, and boiled, with the addition of condiments, and finally the arrack. both infant and adult marriages are practiced. the marriage ceremony, in its simplest form, is, according to mr. f. s. mullaly, [ ] not a tedious one, the bride and bridegroom walking three times round a stake placed in the ground. in the more elaborate ritual, on the betrothal day, the bride-price, etc., are fixed, and an adjournment is made to the toddy shop. the marriage rites are, as a rule, very simple, but, in some places, the oddes have begun to imitate the marriage ceremonies of the balijas. on the third day, the contracting couple go in procession to a tank, where the bridegroom digs up some mud, and the bride carries three basketfuls thereof to a distance. the following story is narrated in connection with their marriage ceremonies. a certain king wanted an odde to dig a tank, which was subsequently called nidimamidi koththacheruvu, and promised to pay him in varahalu (gold coins). when the work was completed, the odde went to the king for his money, but the king had no measure for measuring out the coins. a person was sent to fetch one, and on his way met a shepherd, who had on his shoulders a small bamboo stick, which could easily be converted into a measure. taking this stick, he returned to the king, who measured out the coins, which fell short of the amount expected by the oddes, who could not pay the debts, which they had contracted. so they threw the money into the tank, saying "let the tank leak, and the land lie fallow for ever." all were crying on account of their misery and indebtedness. a balija, coming across them, took pity on them, and gave them half the amount required to discharge their debts. after a time they wanted to marry, and men were sent to bring the bottu (marriage badge), milk-post, musicians, etc. but they did not return, and the balija suggested the employment of a pestle for the milk-post, a string of black beads for the bottu, and betel leaves and areca nuts instead gold coins for the oli (bride-price). the oddes are in some places vaishnavites, in others saivites, but they also worship minor deities, such as ellamma, ankamma, etc., to whom goats and sheep are sacrificed, not with a sword or knife, but by piercing them with a spear or crowbar. writing at the commencement of the nineteenth century, buchanan states [ ] that "although the woddaru pray to vishnu, and offer sacrifices to marima, gungama, durgama, putalima, and mutialima, yet the proper object of worship belonging to the caste is a goddess called yellama, one of the destroying spirits. the image is carried constantly with their baggage; and in her honour there is an annual feast, which lasts three days. on this occasion they build a shed, under which they place the image, and one of the tribe officiates as priest or pujari. for these three days offerings of brandy, palm wine, rice, and flowers are made to the idol, and bloody sacrifices are performed before the shed. the woddas abstain from eating the bodies of the animals sacrificed to their own deity, but eat those which they sacrifice to the other saktis." the dead are generally buried. by some oddes the corpse is carried to the burial-ground wrapped up in a new cloth, and carried in a dhubati (thick coarse cloth) by four men. on the way to the grave, the corpse is laid on the ground, and rice thrown over its eyes. it is then washed, and the namam (vaishnavite sect mark) painted, or vibuthi (sacred ashes) smeared on the forehead of a man, and kunkumam (coloured powder) on that of a female. earth is thrown by those assembled into the grave before it is filled in. on the karmandhiram day, or last day of the death ceremonies, the relations repair to a tank or well outside the village. an effigy is made with mud, to which cooked rice, etc., is offered. some rice is cooked, and placed on an arka (calotropis) leaf as an offering to the crows. if a married woman has died, the widower cuts through his waist thread, whereas a widow is taken to the water's edge, and sits on a winnow. her bangles are broken, and the bottu is snapped by her brother. water is then poured over her head three times through the winnow. after bathing, she goes home, and sits in a room with a lamp, and may see no one till the following morning. she is then taken to one or more temples, and made to pull the tail of a cow three times. the oddes of coimbatore, in the tamil country, have elaborated both the marriage and funeral ceremonies, and copy those of the balijas and vellalas. but they do not call in the assistance of a brahman purohit. a woman, found guilty of immorality, is said to have to carry a basketful of earth from house to house, before she is re-admitted to the caste. the following note on a reputed cure for snake poisoning used by oddes was communicated to me by mr. gustav haller. "a young boy, who belonged to a gang of oddes, was catching rats, and put his hand into a bamboo bush, when a cobra bit him, and clung to his finger when he was drawing his hand out of the bush. i saw the dead snake, which was undoubtedly a cobra. i was told that the boy was in a dying condition, when a man of the same gang said that he would cure him. he applied a brown pill to the wound, to which it stuck without being tied. the man dipped a root into water, and rubbed it on the lad's arm from the shoulder downwards. the arm, which was benumbed, gradually became sensitive, and at last the fingers could move, and the pill dropped off. the moist root was rubbed on to the boy's tongue and into the corner of the eye before commencing operations. the man said that a used pill is quite efficacious, but should be well washed to get rid of the poison. in the manufacture of the pill, five leaves of a creeper are dried, and ground to powder. the pill must be inserted for nine days between the bark and cambium of a margosa tree (melia azadirachta) during the new moon, when the sap ascends." the creeper is tinospora cordifolia (gul bel) and the roots are apparently those of the same climbing shrub. there is a widespread belief that gul bel growing on a margosa tree is more efficacious as a medicine than that which is found on other kinds of trees. the insigne of the caste at conjeeveram is a spade. [ ] "in the ceded districts," mr. f. s. mullaly writes, [ ] "some of the wudders are known as donga wuddiwars, or thieving wudders, from the fact of their having taken to crime as a profession. those of the tribe who have adopted criminal habits are skilful burglars and inveterate robbers. they are chiefly to be found among the stone wudder class, who, besides their occupation of building walls, are also skilful stone-cutters. by going about under the pretence of mending grindstones, they obtain much useful information as to the houses to be looted, or parties of travellers to be attacked. in committing a highway robbery or dacoity, they are always armed with stout sticks. burglary by wudders may usually be traced to them, if careful observations are made of the breach in the wall. the implement is ordinarily the crowbar used by them in their profession as stone-workers, and the blunt marks of the crowbar are, as a rule, noticeable. they will never confess, or implicate another of their fraternity, and, should one of them be accused of a crime, the women are most clamorous, and inflict personal injuries on themselves and their children, to deter the police from doing their duty, and then accuse them of torture. women and children belonging to criminal gangs are experts in committing grain thefts from kalams or threshing-floors, where they are engaged in harvest time, and also in purloining their neighbours' poultry. stolen property is seldom found with wudders. their receivers are legion, but they especially favour liquor shopkeepers in the vicinity of their encampment. instances have been known of valuable jewellery being exchanged for a few drams of arrack. in each wudder community, there is a headman called the ganga raja, and, in the case of criminal gangs of these people, he receives two shares of spoil. identifiable property is altered at once, many of the wudders being themselves able to melt gold and silver jewellery, which they dispose of for about one-tenth of the value." it has been said of the navvies in england that "many persons are quite unaware that the migratory tribe of navvies numbers about , , and moves about from point to point, wherever construction works are going forward, such as railways, harbour, canals, reservoirs and drainage works. generally the existence of these works is unknown to the public until their completion. they then come into use, but the men who risked their lives to make them are gone nobody knows where. they are public servants, upon whose labours the facilities of modern civilised life largely depend, and surely, therefore, their claim on our sympathies is universal." and these remarks apply with equal force to the oddes, who numbered , in the madras presidency at the census, . in the census report, , odderazulu is given as a synonym of odde. one of the sections of the yerukalas is also called odde. vadde (odde) cakali (tsakala) is recorded, in the vizagapatam manual, as the name for those who wash clothes, and carry torches and palanquins. oddilu.--the oddilu are described [ ] by the rev. j. cain as principally raftsmen on the godavari river, who have raised themselves in life, and call themselves sishti karanamalu. he states further that they are kois (or koyis) who are regarded as more honourable than any of the others, and have charge of the principal velpu (tribal gods). odhuvar (reader or reciter).--a name for pandarams, who recite hymns in temples. odisi.--a sub-division of bhondari. odiya.--it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "this is the principal uriya caste of farmers in ganjam. odia and uriya are different forms of one and the same word, and this caste name simply means a native of the odia or uriya country, as telaga means a man of the telugu country. in both cases, therefore, we find a number of persons included, who are in reality members of some other caste. the total number of sub-divisions of odia, according to the census schedules, is , but a number of these are names of various uriya castes, and not true sub-divisions. the largest sub-division is benaito, which is returned by , persons. the nunia sub-division, the next largest, was returned by , individuals." it is further recorded, in the census report, , that odiya, oriya, or uriya "is one of the vaguest terms in the whole of table xiii (caste and tribe). the odiyas are a race by themselves, split up into many castes. 'odiya' also often means merely a man who speaks oriya. the term is, however, so constantly returned by itself without qualification, that odiya has perforce figured in the tables of all the censuses as a caste. the odiyas of the hills differ, however, from the odiyas of the plains, the odiyas of ganjam from those of vizagapatam, and the customs of one muttah (settlement) from those of the next." mr. narasing doss writes to me that "odiya literally means an inhabitant of odissa or orissa. there is a separate caste called odiya, with several sub-divisions. they are cultivators by profession. marriage is infant or adult. they employ brahmans at ceremonials. widows and divorcees are remarried. they eat fish and meat, but not fowls or beef, and do not drink liquor. they burn the dead. members of the nagabonso sept claim to be descendants of nagamuni, the serpent rishi." i gather that there are three main sections among the odiyas, viz., benaito, nuniya, and baraghoria, of which the first-named rank above the others in the social scale. from them oriya brahmans and koronos will accept water. the benaitos and nuniyas are found all over ganjam, whereas the baraghorias are apparently confined to villages round about aska and purushothapur. there are numerous exogamous gotras within the caste, among which are nagasira (cobra), gonda (rhinoceros), kochipo (tortoise), and baraha (boar). the gods of the gotra should be worshipped at the commencement of any auspicious ceremony. the odiyas also worship jagannatha, and takuranis (village deities). a number of titles occur in the caste, e.g., bissoyi, podhano, jenna, bariko, sahu, swayi, gaudo, pulleyi, chando, dolei, and torei. when an unmarried girl is ill, a vow is taken that, if she recovers, she shall be married to the dharma devata (sun), which is represented by a brass vessel. people of mixed origin sometimes call themselves odiyas, and pass as members of this caste. some bhayipuos, for example, who correspond to the telugu adapapas, call themselves odiyas or beniya odiyas. odiya toti.--a tamil synonym for oriya haddis employed as scavengers in municipalities in the tamil country. ojali.--the ojali, vojali, or ozolu are summed up, in the madras census report, , as being "telugu blacksmiths in the vizagapatam agency. they eat beef, but are somewhat superior to the paidis and malas in social position. they are also called mettu kamsali." it is stated in the vizagapatam manual that, during the reign of chola chakravati, the kamsalas (artisans) claimed to be equal to brahmans. this offended the sovereign, and he ordered their destruction. some only escaped death by taking shelter with people of the 'ozu' caste. as an acknowledgment of their gratitude many of the kamsalas have ozu affixed to their house-name, e.g., kattozu, lakkozu. okkiliyan.--okkiliyan is the tamil synonym for vakkaliga, the large caste of canarese cultivators, and the name is derived from okkalu, meaning cultivation or agriculture. in the madras census report, , the vakkaligas or okkiliyans are described as "canarese cultivators, who originally belonged to mysore, and are found mainly in madura and coimbatore. the caste is split up into several sub-divisions, the names of two of which, nonaba and gangadikara, are derived from former divisions of the mysore country. each of these is again split up into totemistic exogamous sections or kulas, some of which are chinnada (gold), belli (silver), khajjaya (cake), yemme (buffalo), alagi (pot), jola (cholum: a millet)." the vakkaligas say they are descendants of the ballal rajah of anegundi, and that they left their homes in pursuit of more suitable occupation, and settled themselves in konganad (coimbatore). the okkiliyans, whom i have investigated, were settled in the tamil country in the coimbatore district, where they were engaged as cultivators, bakers, milk-vendors, bricklayers, merchants, cart-drivers, tailors, cigar manufacturers, and coolies. they returned the following eight endogamous sub-divisions:-- ( ) gangadikara, or those who lived on the banks of the ganges. ( ) gudi, temple. ( ) kire (amarantus), which is largely cultivated by them. ( ) kunchu, a tassel or bunch. ( ) kamati, foolish. said to have abandoned their original occupation of cultivating the land, and adopted the profession of bricklayer. ( ) gauri, siva's consort. ( ) bai. ( ) sanu. like other canarese castes, the okkiliyans have exogamous septs (kuttam or kutta), such as belli (silver), kasturi (musk), pattegara (headman), aruva, hattianna, etc. by religion they are both saivites and vaishnavites. those of the aruva sept are all saivites, and the hatti sept are vaishnavites. intermarriage between saivites and vaishnavites is permitted, even though the former be lingayats. the okkiliyans also worship village deities, and sacrifice goats and fowls to magaliamma and koniamma. the kiraikkarans of coimbatore, whose main occupation is cultivating kirai (amarantus) and other vegetables, are said to be kempati okkiliyans, i.e. okkiliyans who emigrated from kempampatti in mysore. the hereditary headman of the caste, at coimbatore, is called pattakaran, who has under him a chinna (little) pattakaran. the headman presides over the caste council meetings, settles disputes, and inflicts fines and other forms of punishment. if a person is accused of using coarse language, he is slapped on the cheek by the chinna pattakaran. if, during a quarrel, one person beats the other with shoes, he has to purify himself and his house, and feed some of his fellow castemen. the man who has been slippered also has to undergo purificatory ceremony, but has not to stand a feast. in cases of adultery, the guilty persons have to carry a basket of sand on the head round the quarters of the community, accompanied by the chinna pattakaran, who beats them with a tamarind switch. in some places, i am informed, there is a headman for the village, called uru goundan, who is subject to the authority of the nattu goundan. several nadus, each composed of a number of villages, are subject to a pattakar, who is assisted by a bandari. all these offices are hereditary. when a gangadikara girl reaches puberty, her maternal uncle, or his son, constructs a hut of stems of cocoanut leaves, reeds and branches of pongamia glabra. every day her relations bring her a cloth, fruits, and flowers. on alternate days she is bathed, and dressed in a cloth supplied by the washerwoman. the hut is broken up, and a new one constructed on the third, fifth, and seventh days. during the marriage ceremony, the bridegroom carries a dagger (katar) with a lime stuck on its tip, and partly covered with a cloth, when he proceeds to the bride's house with a bamboo, new clothes, the tali (marriage badge), jewels, wrist-thread (kankanam), fruits, cocoanuts, rice, and a new mat, camphor, etc. he must have the dagger with him till the wrist-threads are untied. the barber cuts the nails of the bridegroom. the pattakaran, or a brahman priest, takes round the tali to be blessed by those assembled, and gives it to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride's neck. the ends of the cloths of the contracting couple, with betel leaves and areca nuts in them, are tied together, and they link together the little finger of their right hands. they then look at the sky, to see the pole-star, arundati, who was the wife of the ascetic vasishta, and the emblem of chastity. the marriage booth has four posts, and the milk-post is made of the milk hedge (euphorbia tirucalli), to which are tied mango leaves and a wrist-thread. at some okkiliyan marriages, the caste priest, called kanigara (soothsayer), officiates at the tali-tying ceremony. very great importance is attached to the linking of the fingers of the bridal couple by the kanigara or maternal uncle. the dowry is not given at the time of marriage, but only after the birth of a child. for her first confinement, the woman is taken to her parents' home, and, after delivery, is sent back to her husband with the dowry. this is not given before the birth of a child, as, in the event of failure of issue or death of his wife, the husband might claim the property, which might pass to a new family. among some okkiliyans the custom is maintained by which the father of a young boy married to a grown-up girl cohabits with his daughter-in-law until her husband has reached maturity. a dead person, i was informed at coimbatore, is buried in a sitting posture, or, if young and unmarried, in a recumbent position. as the funeral procession proceeds on its way to the burial-ground, the relations and friends throw coins, fruits, cakes, cooked rice, etc., on the road, to be picked up by poor people. if the funeral is in high life, they may even throw flowers made of gold or silver, but not images, as some of the higher classes do. at the south end of the grave, a hollow is scooped out for the head and back to rest in. a small quantity of salt is placed on the abdomen, and the grave is filled in. leaves of the arka plant (calotropis gigantea), or tangedu (cassia auriculata), are placed in three corners, and a stone is set up over the head. the son, having gone round the grave with a pot of water and a fire-brand, breaks the pot on the stone before he retires. the widow of the deceased breaks her bangles, and throws them on the grave. the son and other mourners bathe, and return home, where they worship a lighted lamp. on the third day, dried twigs of several species of ficus and jak tree (artocarpus integrifolia), milk, a new cloth, plantains, tender cocoanuts, cheroots, raw rice, betel, etc., required for worship, are taken to the grave. the twigs are burnt, and reduced to ashes, with which, mixed with water, the figure of a human being is made. it is covered with a new cloth, and flowers are thrown on it. puja is done to plantains, cocoanut, etc., placed on a plantain leaf, and milk is poured over the figure by relations and friends. the widow breaks her tali string, and throws it on the figure. the son, and the four bearers who carried the corpse to the grave, are shaved. each of the bearers is made to stand up, holding a pestle. the barber touches their shoulders with holy grass dipped in gingelly (sesamum) oil. raw rice, and other eatables, are sent to the houses of the bearers by the son of the deceased. at night the cloths, turban, and other personal effects of the dead man are worshipped. pollution is removed on the eleventh day by a brahman sprinkling holy water, and the caste people are fed. they perform sradh. by some okkiliyans, the corpse is, like that of a lingayat badaga, etc., carried to the burial-ground in a structure called teru kattu, made of a bamboo framework surmounted by a canopy, whereon are placed five brass vessels (kalasam). the structure is decorated with cloths, flags, and plantain trees. the morasu vakkaligas, who sacrifice their fingers, are dealt with separately (see morasu). olai.--a sub-division of palli, the members of which wear an ear ornament called olai. olaro.--a sub-division of gadaba. olekara.--see vilyakara. olikala (pyre and ashes).--an exogamous sept of devanga. omanaito.--the omanaitos or omaitos are an oriya cultivating caste, for the following account of which i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. according to a tradition, the ancestor of the caste was one amatya, a minister of sri rama at ayodhya. after rama had gone to heaven, there was no one to take care of them, and they took to agriculture. the caste is divided into two endogamous sections, called bodo (big) and sanno (little). the latter are regarded as illegitimate children of the former by a bottada, gaudo, or other woman. the bodo section is divided into septs, called sva (parrot), bhag (tiger), kochchimo (tortoise), naga (cobra), sila (stone), dhudho (milk), kumda (cucurbita maxima), and kukru (dog). the caste headman is called bhatha nayak, whose office is hereditary. he arranges council meetings for settling social questions, and takes a leading part in excommunicating members of the caste. like the gonds, the omanaitos cannot tolerate a man suffering from sores, and he is formally excommunicated. to be received back into the caste, he has to give a caste feast, of which the bhatha nayak is the first to partake. girls are married before or after puberty. a man claims his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. as soon as a young man's parents think it is time that he should get married, they set out, with some sweets and jaggery (crude sugar), for the house of the paternal aunt, where the hand of her daughter is asked for. a second visit of a similar nature is made later on, when the marriage is decided on. an auspicious day is fixed by the desari. a messenger is sent to the house of the bride-elect with some rice, three rupees, a sheep, and a new cloth, which are presented to her parents, who invite the bridegroom and his party to come on the appointed day. on that day, the bridegroom is conducted in procession, sometimes on horseback, to the bride's village. there, in front of her hut, a pandal (booth) has been constructed of eight posts of the sal tree (shorea robusta), and a central post of the ippa (bassia) tree, to which seven pieces of turmeric and seven mango leaves are tied. at the auspicious moment, the bridegroom is conducted in procession to the booth, and the messenger says aloud to the paternal aunt "the bridegroom has come. bring the bride quickly." she stands by the side of the bridegroom, and the desari links together their little fingers, while the women throw rice coloured with turmeric over them. water, which has been brought from the village stream at early morn, and coloured with turmeric, is poured over the couple from five pots. they then dress themselves in new cloths presented by their fathers-in-law. a feast is given by the bride's party. on the following day, the bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom, at the entrance to which they are met by the bridegroom's mother, who sprinkles rice coloured with turmeric over them, and washes their feet with turmeric-water. liquor is then distributed, and a meal partaken of. the desari takes seven grains of rice and seven areca nuts and ties them up in the ends of the cloths of the contracting couple. on the following day, a feast is held, and, next day, the parties of the bride and bridegroom throw turmeric-water over each other. all then repair to the stream, and bathe. a feast follows, for which a sheep is killed. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, that in the course of an omanaito wedding there is a free fight, with mud for missiles. the remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. divorce is allowed, and divorcées may marry again. the omanaitos worship takurani and chamariya devata, as priest of whom a member of the caste officiates. an annual festival is held in the month of chaitro. the dead are burnt. pollution on account of a death in a family lasts for ten days, during which the caste occupation is not carried out, and the mourners are fed by people of another sept. on the eleventh day a feast is held, at which liquor is forbidden. the caste title, is usually nayako, but the more prosperous take the title patro. ondipuli.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as telugu-speaking cultivators and cattle-breeders in the salem district. the name is sometimes applied to the beggars attached to the palli caste. onnam parisha (first party).--a section of elayad. onne (pterocarpus marsupium).--an exogamous sept of toreyas, who are not allowed to mark their foreheads with the juice which exudes from the trunk of this tree. onteddu.--onteddu or onti-eddu is the name of a sub-division of ganigas or gandlas, who only use one bullock for their oil-mills. opoto.--opoto or apoto is the name of the palanquin-bearing section of gaudos. oppamtara.--a title conferred by the raja of cochin on some nayars. oppanakkaran (trader).--telugu traders and agriculturists. recorded as a sub-division of balija. oppomarango (achyranthes aspera).--an exogamous sept of bhondari, the members of which may not use the root as a tooth-brush. ore.--an honorific title of nayars. origabhakthudu (saluting devotee).--a class of mendicants, who are said to beg only from perikes. oriya.--oriya, or uriya, is a general term for those who speak the oriya language. at times of census, it has been recorded as a sub-division of various castes, e.g., sondi and dhobi. oruganti.--a sub-division of kapu and mutracha. orunul (one string).--a sub-division of marans, whose widows do not remarry. oshtama.--a corrupt form of the word vaishnava, applied to satanis, who are called by illiterate folk oishnamaru or oshtamaru. osta.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as the name of a caste of barbers for muhammadans. otattu (tile-makers).--an occupational name for nayars, who tile or thatch temples and brahman houses. ottaisekkan.--the name, indicating those who work their oil-mill with a single bullock, of a sub-division of vaniyan. ottikunda (empty pot).--an exogamous sept of kamma. p paccha (green).--an exogamous sept of kamma. the equivalent pacchai is a sub-division of tamil paraiyans, and of malaiyalis who have settled on the pacchaimalais (green hills). pacchi powaku (green tobacco) occurs as an exogamous sept of devanga. pacchai kutti is the name given to koravas who travel about the country as professional tattooers, the operation of tattooing being known as pricking with green. in like manner, pacchai botlu is the name for oddes, who are itinerant tattooers in the ganjam, vizagapatam, and godavari districts. pachilia.--a sub-division of oriya gaudos. pada (fighting).--a sub-division of nayar. padaharu madala (sixteen madalas).--the name, indicating the amount of the bride-price, of a section of upparas. a madala is equal to two rupees. some say that the name has reference to the modas, or heaps of earth, in which salt was formerly made. padaiyachi.--a synonym or title of palli or vanniyan, and savalakkaran. padal.--a title of headmen of the bagatas. padam.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. padamangalum or padamangalakkar is also recorded as a sub-division of nayars, who escort processions in temples. mr. n. subramani aiyar writes that "padamangalam and the tamil padam are recorded as a division of nayars, but they are said to be immigrants to travancore from the tamil country." padam also occurs as an exogamous sept of moosu kamma. padarti.--a title of pujaris (priests) in south canara, and a name by which stanikas are called. padavala (boat).--an exogamous sept of devanga. padiga raju.--recorded, in the madras census report, as the same as bhatrazu. the padiga rajulu are, however, beggars attached to the padma sales, and apparently distinct from bhatrazus. the name is probably derived from padiga, a kind of vessel, and may bear reference to the vessel which they carry with them on their begging expeditions. padma (lotus).--a sub-division of velama. padma sale.--the padma (lotus) sales are a telugu-speaking caste of weavers, who are scattered all over the madras presidency. the majority are engaged in their hereditary occupation, but only the minority possess looms of their own, and they work, for the most part, for the more prosperous owners of hand-looms. as a class they are poor, being addicted to strong drinks, and in the hands of the money-lenders, who take care that their customers always remain in debt to them. like the kaikolans, the padma sales weave the coarser kinds of cotton cloths, and cannot compete with the patnulkarans and khatres in the manufacture of the finer kinds. the padma sales have only one gotra, markandeya. but, like other telugu castes, they have a number of exogamous septs or intiperus, of which the following are examples:-- bandari, treasurer. bomma, an idol. canji, gruel. chinthaginjala, tamarind seeds. gorantla, lawsonia alba. jinka, gazelle. kalava, ditch. kasulu, copper coins. kongara, crane. kadavala, pots. manchi, good. nili, indigo. nukalu, flour of grain or pulse. nyayam, justice. utla, rope for hanging pots. pothu, male. paththi, cotton. putta, ant-hill. thelu, scorpion. tangedla, cassia auriculata. tumma, acacia arabica. avari, indigo plant. chinnam, gold? gurram, horse. geddam, beard. kota, fort. meda, raised mound middala, storeyed house. mamidla, mango. narala, nerves. pula, flowers. sadhu, quiet or meek. the padma sales profess to be vaishnavites, but some are saivites. all the families of the exogamous sept sadhu are said to be lingam-wearing saivites. in addition to their house-god venkateswara, they worship pulikondla rangaswami, maremma, durgamma, narasappa, sunkalamma, urukundhi viranna, gangamma, kinkiniamma, mutyalamma, kalelamma, ankamma, and padvetiamma. their caste deity is bhavana rishi, to whom, in some places, a special temple is dedicated. a festival in honour of this deity is celebrated annually, during which the god and goddess are represented by two decorated pots placed on a model of a tiger (vyagra vahanam), to which, on the last day of the ceremonial, large quantities of rice and vegetables are offered, which are distributed among the loom-owners, pujari, headman, fasting celebrants, etc. the padma sales belong to the right-hand, and the devangas to the left-hand faction, and the latter aver that the padma sales took away the body of the goddess chaudeswari, leaving them the head. three kinds of beggars are attached to the padma sales, viz., sadhana surulu, padiga rajulu or koonapilli vandlu, and inaka-mukku bhatrazus. concerning the sadhana surulu, buchanan writes as follows. [ ] "the vaishnavite section of the samay sale is called padma sale. the whole shalay formerly wore the linga, but, a house having been possessed by a devil, and this sect having been called on to cast him out, all their prayers were of no avail. at length ten persons, having thrown aside their linga, and offered up their supplications to vishnu, they succeeded in expelling the enemy, and ever afterwards they followed the worship of this god, in which they have been initiated by their brethren. the descendants of these men, who are called sadana asholu (sadana surulu), or the celebrated heroes, never work, and, having dedicated themselves to god, live upon the charity of the industrious part of the caste, with whom they disdain to marry." the padiga rajulu are supposed to be the descendants of three persons, adigadu, padigadu and baludu, who sprang from the sweat of bhavana rishi, and the following legend is current concerning the origin of the padma sales and padiga rajulu. at the creation of the world, men were naked, and one markandeya, who was sixteen years old, was asked to weave cloths. to enable him to do so, he did thapas (penance), and from the sacred fire arose bhavana rishi, bearing a bundle of thread obtained from the lotus which sprang from vishnu's navel. bhavana rishi made cloths, and presented them to the devatas, and offered a cloth to bhairava also. this he refused to accept, as it was the last, and not the first, which is usually rolled up, and kept on the loom. finding it unsuitable for wearing, bhairava uttered a curse that the cloths made should wear out in six months. accordingly, siva asked bhavana to procure him a tiger's skin for wearing. narada came to the assistance of bhavana, and told him to go to udayagiri, where bhadravati, the daughter of surya, was doing penance to secure bhavana as her husband. she promised to secure a skin, if he would marry her. to this he consented, and, in due course, received the tiger's skin. making the tiger his vahanam (vehicle), he proceeded to the abode of siva (kailasam), and on his way thither met a rakshasa, whom he killed in a fight, in the course of which he sweated profusely. from the sweat proceeded adigadu, padigadu, and baludu. when he eventually reached siva, the tiger, on the sacred ashes being thrown over it, cast its skin, which siva appropriated. in consequence of this legend, tigers are held in reverence by the padma sales, who believe that they will not molest them. the legendary origin of the padma sales is given as follows in the baramahal records. [ ] "in former days, the other sects of weavers used annually to present a piece of cloth to a rishi or saint, named markandeyulu. one year they omitted to make their offering at the customary period, which neglect enraged the rishi, who performed a yaga or sacrifice of fire, and, by the power of mantras or prayers, he caused a man to spring up out of the fire of the sacrifice, and called him padma saliwarlu, and directed him to weave a piece of cloth for his use. this he did, and presented it to the rishi, saying 'oh! swami, who is thy servant to worship, and how is he to obtain moksham or admittance to the presence of the supreme?' the rishi answered 'pay adoration to me, and thou wilt obtain moksham.'" the office of headman (setti or gaudu) is hereditary. the headman has under him an assistant, called ummidi setti or ganumukhi, who is the caste messenger, and is exempt from the various subscriptions for temple festivals, etc. when a girl reaches puberty, she is forbidden to eat meat or amarantus during the period of ceremonial pollution. in settling the preliminaries of a marriage, a brahman purohit takes part. with some padma sales it is etiquette not to give direct answers when a marriage is being fixed up. for example, those who have come to seek the hand of a girl say "we have come for a sumptuous meal," to which the girl's parents, if consenting to the match, will reply "we are ready to feed you. you are our near relations." the marriage rites are a blend of the canarese and telugu types. in the ceded districts, the bride is conveyed to the house of the bridegroom, seated on a bull, after worship has been done to hanuman. as she enters the house, a cocoanut is waved, and thrown on the ground. she then bathes in an enclosure with four posts, round which cotton thread has been wound nine times. wrist-threads of cotton and wool are tied on the bride and bridegroom. the bottu (marriage badge) is tied round the bride's neck, and she stands on a pile of cholum (sorghum vulgare: millet) on the floor or in a basket. the bridegroom stands on a mill-stone. while the bottu is being tied, a screen is interposed between the contracting couple. the bride's nose-screw ornament is dropped into a plate of milk, from which she has to pick it out five times. towards evening, the bridal couple go in procession through the streets, and to the temple, if there is one. on their return to the house, the bridegroom picks up the bride, and dances for a short time before entering. this ceremony is called dega-ata, and is performed by several telugu castes. some padma sales bury their dead in the usual manner, others, like the lingayats, in a sitting posture. it is customary, in some places, to offer up a fowl to the corpse before it is removed from the house, and, if a death occurs on a saturday or sunday, a fowl is tied to the bier, and burnt with the corpse. this is done in the belief that otherwise another death would very soon take place. the tamilians, in like manner, have a proverb "a saturday corpse will not go alone." on the way to the burial-ground, the corpse is laid down, and water poured into the mouth. the son takes a pot of water round the grave, and holes are made in it by the ummidi setti, through which the water trickles out. on the fifth day, a sheep is killed, and eaten. during the evening the satani comes, and, after doing puja (worship), gives the relatives of the deceased sacred arrack (liquor) in lieu of holy water (thirtham) and meat, for which he receives payment. on the last day of the death ceremonies (karmandiram), the satani again comes with arrack, and, according to a note before me, all get drunk. (see sale.) pagadala (trader in coral).--a sub-division or exogamous sept of balija and kavarai. the pagadala balijas of the vizagapatam district are described as dealing in coral and pearls. pagada mukara (coral nose-ring) has been returned as a sub-division of kamma. pagati vesham.--a class of telugu beggars, who put on disguises (vesham) while begging. [ ] at the annual festival at tirupati in honour of the goddess gangamma, custom requires the people to appear in a different disguise every morning and evening. these disguises include those of a bairagi, serpent, etc. [ ] paguththan.--a title of sembadavan. paida (gold or money).--an exogamous sept of mala. the equivalent paidam occurs as an exogamous sept of devanga. paidi--the paidis are summed up, in the madras census report, , as "a class of agricultural labourers and weavers, found in the vizagapatam district. some of them are employed as servants and village watchmen. they are closely akin to the panos and dombos of the hills, and malas of the plains. they speak a corrupt dialect of uriya." in the census report, , kangara (servant) is recorded as a synonym for paidi. for the following note on the paidis of the vizagapatam district, i am mainly indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. there is a great deal of confusion concerning this caste, and the general impression seems to be that it is the same as domb and pano. i am informed that the same man would be called paidi by telugus, domb by the savaras, and pano by the konds. in the interior of the jeypore agency tracts the dombs and paidis both repudiate the suggestion that they are connected with each other. the paidis, in some places, claim to belong to the valmiki kulam, and to be descended from valmiki, the author of the ramayana. a similar descent, it may be noted, is claimed by the boyas. in the vizagapatam manual, the paidimalalu or paidi malas (hill malas) are described as cultivating land, serving as servants and village watchmen, and spinning cotton. it is said that they will not eat food, which has been seen by komatis. the paidis stoutly deny their connection with the malas. when a paidi girl reaches puberty, she is kept under pollution for a varying number of days, and, on the last day, a madiga is summoned, who cuts her finger and toe nails, after which she bathes. girls are married either before or after puberty. the menarikam custom is in force, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter. if he does so, the bride-price (voli) is fixed at five rupees; otherwise it is ten rupees. the marriage ceremonies last over four days, and are of the low-country telugu type. the remarriage of widows and divorce are permitted. the paidis are vaishnavites, and sing songs in praise of rama during the month karthika (november-december). each family feeds a few of the castemen at least once during that month. they also observe the sankramanam festival, at which they usually wear new clothes. the dead are either burnt or buried, and the chinna (small) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies are observed. some paidis are cultivators, but a large number are prosperous traders, buying up the hill produce, and bringing it to the low-country, where it is sold at markets. their children study english in the hill schools. the caste titles are anna and ayya. some time ago some prisoners, who called themselves billaikavu (cat-eaters), were confined in the vizagapatam jail. i am informed that these people are mala paidis, who eat cat flesh. the following note refers to the paidis who live in the southern part of ganjam. some have settled as watchmen, or in other capacities, among the savaras, whose language they speak in addition to their own. in their marriage ceremonies, they conform to the telugu type, with certain variations adopted from the oriya ceremonial. on the first day, a pandal (booth) is set up, and supported on twelve posts. a feast is given to males during the day, and to females at night. like the oriya dandasis, they bring water from seven houses of members of castes superior to their own. the auspicious time for tying the pushte (gold marriage badge) on the following day is fixed so as to fall during the night. at the appointed time, the bridegroom rushes into the house of the bride, and the contracting couple throw rice over each other. taking the bride by the hand, the bridegroom conducts her to the pandal, wherein they take their seats on the dais. the bride should be seated before the bridegroom, and there is a mock struggle to prevent this, and to secure first place for the bridegroom. he then ties a mokkuto (chaplet) on the bride's forehead, a thread on her wrist, and the pushte on her neck. after this has been done, the couple bathe with the water already referred to, and once more come to the dais, where a small quantity of rice, sufficient to fill a measure called adda, is placed before them. some amusement is derived from the bride abstracting a portion of the rice, so that, when the bridegroom measures it, there is less than there should be. the marriage ceremonies conclude on the third day with offerings to ancestors, and distribution of presents to the newly married couple. the death ceremonies are based on the oriya type. on the day after death, the funeral pyre is extinguished, and the ashes are thrown on to a tree or an ant-hill. as they are being borne thither, the priest asks the man who carries them what has become of the dead person, and he is expected to reply that he has gone to kasi (benares) or jagannatham. a cloth is spread on the spot where the corpse was burnt, and offerings of food are placed on it. on the fourth day, a pig is killed and cooked. before being cooked, one of the legs is hung up near the spot where the deceased breathed his last. death pollution is got rid of by touching oil and turmeric, and the ceremonies conclude with a feast. an annual offering of food is made, in the month of november, to ancestors, unless a death takes place in the family during this month. the ganjam paidis worship the takuranis (village deities), and sacrifice goats and sheep at local temples. as they are a polluting caste, they stand at a distance opposite the entrance to the temple, and, before they retire, take a pinch or two of earth. this, on their return home, they place on a cloth spread on a spot which has been cleansed, and set before it the various articles which have been prepared as offerings to the takurani. when a paidi is seriously ill, a male or female sorcerer (bejjo or bejjano) is consulted. a square, divided into sixteen compartments, is drawn on the floor with rice-flour. in each compartment are placed a leaf, cup of butea frondosa, a quarter-anna piece, and some food. seven small bows and arrows are set up in front thereof in two lines. on one side of the square a big cup, filled with food, is placed. a fowl is sacrificed, and its blood poured thrice round this cup. then, placing water in a vessel near the cup, the sorcerer or sorceress throws into it a grain of rice, giving out at the same time the name of some god or goddess. if the rice sinks, it is believed that the illness is caused by the anger of the deity, whose name has been mentioned. if the rice floats, the names of various deities are called out, until a grain sinks. it is recorded [ ] that, in the parvatipur country of the vizagapatam district, "the paidis (paidi malas) do most of the crime, and often commit dacoities on the roads. like the konda doras, they have induced some of the people to employ watchmen of their caste as the price of immunity from theft. they are connected with the dombus of the rayagada and gunupur taluks, who are even worse." paik.--it is noted by yule and burnell, [ ] under the heading pyke or paik, that "wilson gives only one original of the term so expressed in anglo-indian speech. he writes 'paik or payik, corruptly pyke, hind., etc. (from s. padatika), paik or payak, mar., a footman, an armed attendant, an inferior police and revenue officer, a messenger, a courier, a village watchman. in cuttack the paiks formerly constituted a local militia, holding land of the zamindars or rajas by the tenure of military service.' but it seems clear to us that there are here two terms rolled together: (a) pers. paik, a foot-runner or courier; (b) hind. paik and payik (also mahr.) from skt. padatika, and padika, a foot-soldier." in the madras census report, , paiko is defined as "rather an occupational than a caste name. it means a foot-soldier, and is used to denote the retainers of the uriya chiefs of ganjam and vizagapatam. these men were granted lands on feudal tenure, and belonged to various castes. they are now ordinary agriculturists. some are employed in the police, and as peons in the various public departments." in the records relating to human sacrifice and infanticide, , the paiks are referred to as matchlock men, by whom the konds and gonds are kept in abject servitude. in the vizagapatam manual, , various castes are referred to as being "all paiks or fighting men. formerly they were a very numerous body, but their numbers are much diminished now, that is as fighting men, for the old army used to be paid, some in money, and some in grants of land. now there are very few paiks kept up as fighting men; those discharged from service have taken to trading with the coast, and to cultivating their pieces of land. the fort at kotapad on the bustar frontier always had a standing garrison of several hundred paiks. they are gradually being disbanded since we have put police there. the men are a fine race, brave, and capital shots with the matchlock." paiko has been recorded, at times of census, as a synonym or sub-division of rona. and paikarayi occurs as a title of badhoyis. paiki.--a division of toda. pailman.--pailman or pailwan has been described [ ] as "an occupational term meaning a wrestler, used by all classes following the occupation, whether they are hindus or musalmans. the hindus among them are usually gollas or jettis." in the telugu country, the pailmans wrestle, and perform various mountebank, conjuring, and juggling feats. a wandering troupe of maratha pailwans performed before me various stick-exercises, acrobatic and contortionist feats, and balancing feats on a bamboo pole supported in the kamerband (belly-band) of a veteran member of the troupe. the performance wound up with gymnastics on a lofty pole kept erect by means of ropes tied to casual trees and tent-pegs, and surmounted by a pliant bamboo, on which the performer swung and balanced himself while playing a drum, or supporting a pile of earthen pots surmounted by a brass vessel on his head. the entertainment took place amid the music of drum and clarionet, and the patter of one of the troupe, the performers playing the drum in the waits between their turns. painda.--a synonym of paidi. pakanati (eastern territory).--a sub-division of various telugu classes, e.g., balija, golla, kamsala, kapu, mala, and tsakala. paki.--recorded by the rev. j. cain [ ] as a sweeper caste in the godavari district, members of which have come from the neighbourhood of vizagapatam, and are great sticklers for their caste rules. pakinadu.--a territorial sub-division of kamsalas and other telugu castes, corresponding to pakanati. pakirithi.--pakirithi or parigiri, meaning vaishnavite, is a sub-division of besthas, who, on ceremonial occasions, wear the vaishnava sect mark. pal (milk).--pal or pala has been recorded as a sub-division of idaiyan and kurumba, and an exogamous sept of mala. (see halu.) palakala (planks).--an exogamous sept of kamma. palamala.--palama is recorded as a sub-division of the kanikars of travancore and palamalathillom, said to denote the mountain with trees with milky juice, as an exogamous sept of the same tribe. palavili.--a gotra of gollas, who are not allowed to erect palavili, or small booths inside the house for the purpose of worship. palayakkaran.--see mutracha. paligiri.--a sub-division of mutracha. palissa (shield) kollan.--a class of kollans in malabar, who make leather shields. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that, at the tali-kettu ceremony, "the girl and manavalan (bridegroom) go to the tank on the last day of the ceremony. the girl, standing in the tank, ducks her whole body under water thrice. as she does so for the third time, a pandibali or triangular platter made of cocoanut fronds and pieces of plantain stem and leaf plaited together and adorned with five lighted wicks, is thrown over her into the water, and cut in half as it floats by an enangan, who sings a song called kalikkakam. lastly, the girl chops in two a cocoanut placed on the bank. she aims two blows at it, and failure to sever it with a third is considered inauspicious. among palissa kollans and some other castes, the lucky dip ceremony is performed on the last day (called nalam kalyanam or fourth marriage). an enangan, drawing out the packets at random, distributes them to the manavalan, the girl, and himself in turn. it is lucky for the manavalan to get the gold, and the girl the silver. a significant finish to the ceremony in the form of a symbolical divorce is not infrequent in south malabar at all events. thus, among the palissa kollans the manavalan takes a piece of thread from his mundu (cloth), and gives it, saying 'here is your sister's accharam' to the girl's brother, who breaks it in two and puffs it towards him. in other cases, the manavalan gives the girl a cloth on the first day, and cuts it in two, giving her one half on the last; or the manavalan and an enangan of the girl hold opposite ends of a cloth, which the manavalan cuts and tears in two, and then gives both pieces to the girl." paliyans of madura and tinnevelly. in a note on the malai (hill) paliyans of the madura district, the rev. j. e. tracy writes as follows. "i went to their village at the foot of the periyar hills, and can testify to their being the most abject, hopeless, and unpromising specimens of humanity that i have ever seen. there were about forty of them in the little settlement, which was situated in a lovely spot. a stream of pure water was flowing within a few feet of their huts, and yet they were as foul and filthy in their personal appearance as if they were mere animals, and very unclean ones. rich land that produced a luxuriant crop of rank reeds was all around them, and, with a little exertion on their part, might have been abundantly irrigated, and produced continuous crops of grain. yet they lived entirely on nuts and roots, and various kinds of gum that they gathered in the forest on the slopes of the hills above their settlement. only two of the community had ever been more than seven miles away from their village into the open country below them. their huts were built entirely of grass, and consisted of only one room each, and that open at the ends. the chief man of the community was an old man with white hair. his distinctive privilege was that he was allowed to sleep between two fires at night, while no one else was allowed to have but one--a distinction that they were very complaisant about, perhaps because with the distinction was the accompanying obligation to see that the community's fire never went out. as he was also the only man in the community who was allowed to have two wives, i inferred that he delegated to them the privilege of looking after the fires, while he did the sleeping, whereas, in other families, the man and wife had to take turn and turn about to see that the fire had not to be re-lighted in the morning. they were as ignorant as they were filthy. they had no place of worship, but seemed to agree that the demons of the forest around them were the only beings that they had to fear besides the forest department. they were barely clothed, their rags being held about them, in one or two cases, with girdles of twisted grass. they had much the same appearance that many a famine subject presented in the famine of , but they seemed to have had no better times to look back upon, and hence took their condition as a matter of course. the forest had been their home from time immemorial. yet the forest seemed to have taught them nothing more than it might have been supposed to have taught the prowling jackal or the laughing hyæna. there were no domesticated animals about their place: strange to say, not even a pariah dog. they appeared to have no idea of hunting, any more than they had of agriculture. and, as for any ideas of the beauty or solemnity of the place that they had selected as their village site, they were as innocent of such things as they were of the beauties of robert browning's verse." in a note written in , mr. t. turnbull states that the madura pulliers "are never seen unless when they come down to travellers to crave a piece of tobacco or a rag of cloth, for which they have a great predilection. the women are said to lay their infants on warm ashes after delivery, as a substitute for warm clothing and beds." the palayans, or pulleer, are described by general burton [ ] as "good trackers, and many of them carried bows and arrows, and a few even possessed matchlocks. i met one of these villagers going out on a sporting excursion. he had on his head a great chatty (earthen pot) full of water, and an old brass-bound matchlock. it was the height of the dry season. he was taking water to a hollow in a rock, which he kept carefully replenished, and then ensconced himself in a clump of bushes hard by, and waited all day, if necessary, with true native patience, for hog, deer, or pea-fowl to approach his ambush." in the madura manual, it is noted that "the poleiyans have always been the prædial slaves of the kunuvans. according to the survey account, they are the aborigines of the palni hills. the marriage ceremony consists merely of a declaration of consent made by both parties at a feast, to which all their relatives are invited. as soon as a case of small-pox occurs in one of their villages, a cordon is drawn round it, and access to other villages is denied to all the inhabitants of the infected locality, who at once desert their homes, and camp out for a sufficiently long period. the individual attacked is left to his fate, and no medicine is exhibited to him, as it is supposed that the malady is brought on solely by the just displeasure of the gods. they bury their dead." the paliyans are described, in the gazetteer of the madura district, as a "very backward caste, who reside in small scattered parties amid the jungles of the upper palnis and the varushanad valley. they speak tamil with a peculiar intonation, which renders it scarcely intelligible. they are much less civilised than the pulaiyans, but do not eat beef, and consequently carry no pollution. they sometimes build themselves grass huts, but often they live on platforms up trees, in caves, or under rocks. their clothes are of the scantiest and dirtiest, and are sometimes eked out with grass or leaves. they live upon roots (yams), leaves, and honey. they cook the roots by putting them into a pit in the ground, heaping wood upon them, and lighting it. the fire is usually kept burning all night as a protection against wild beasts, and it is often the only sign of the presence of the paliyans in a jungle, for they are shy folk, who avoid other people. they make fire with quartz and steel, using the floss of the silk-cotton tree as tinder. weddings are conducted without ceremonies, the understanding being that the man shall collect food and the woman cook it. when one of them dies, the rest leave the body as it is, and avoid the spot for some months. a detailed account of the paliyans of the palni hills by the rev. f. dahmen has recently been published, [ ] to which i am indebted for the following information. "the paliyans are a nomadic tribe, who for the most part rove in small parties through the jungle-clad gorges that fringe the upper palnis plateau. there they maintain themselves mostly on the products of the chase and on roots (yams, etc.), leaves and wild fruits (e.g., of the wild date tree), at times also by hiring their labour to the kunnuvan or mannadi villagers. the find of a bee-hive in the hollow of some tree is a veritable feast for them. no sooner have they smoked the bees out than they greedily snatch at the combs, and ravenously devour them on the spot, with wax, grubs, and all. against ailments the paliyans have their own remedies: in fact, some paliyans have made a name for themselves by their knowledge of the medicinal properties of herbs and roots. thus, for instance, they make from certain roots (periya uri katti ver) a white powder known as a very effective purgative. against snake-bite they always carry with them certain leaves (naru valli ver), which they hold to be a very efficient antidote. as soon as one of them is bitten, he chews these, and also applies them to the wound. patience and cunning above all are required in their hunting-methods. one of their devices, used for big game, e.g., against the sambar (deer), or against the boar, consists in digging pitfalls, carefully covered up with twigs and leaves. on the animal being entrapped, it is dispatched with clubs or the aruval (sickle). another means consists in arranging a heap of big stones on a kind of platform, one end of which is made to rest on higher ground, the other skilfully equipoised by a stick resting on a fork, where it remains fixed by means of strong twine so disposed that the least movement makes the lever-like stick on the fork fly off, while the platform and the stones come rapidly down with a crash. the string which secures the lever is so arranged as to unloose itself at the least touch, and the intended victim can hardly taste the food that serves for bait without bringing the platform with all its weight down upon itself. similar traps, but on a smaller scale, are used to catch smaller animals: hares, wild fowl, etc. flying squirrels are smoked out of the hollows of trees, and porcupines out of their burrows, and then captured or clubbed to death on their coming out. the first drops of blood of any animal the paliyans kill are offered to their god. a good catch is a great boon for the famished paliyan. the meat obtained therefrom must be divided between all the families of the settlement. the skins, if valuable, are preserved to barter for the little commodities they may stand in need of, or to give as a tribute to their chief. one of their methods for procuring fish consists in throwing the leaves of a creeper called in tamil karungakodi, after rubbing them, into the water. soon the fish is seen floating on the surface. rough fashioned hooks are also used. when not engaged on some expedition, or not working for hire, the paliyans at times occupy themselves in the fabrication of small bird-cages, or in weaving a rough kind of mat, or in basket-making. the small nicknacks they turn out are made according to rather ingenious patterns, and partly coloured with red and green vegetable dyes. these, with the skins of animals, and the odoriferous resin collected from the dammer tree, are about the only articles which they barter or sell to the inhabitants of the plains, or to the mannadis." concerning the religion and superstitions of the paliyans, the rev. f. dahmen writes as follows. "the principal religious ceremony takes place about the beginning of march. mayandi (the god) is usually represented by a stone, preferably one to which nature has given some curious shape, the serpent form being especially valued. i said 'represented,' for, according to our paliyans, the stone itself is not the god, who is supposed to live somewhere, they do not exactly know where. the stone that represents him has its shrine at the foot of a tree, or is simply sheltered by a small thatched covering. there, on the appointed day, the paliyans gather before sunrise. fire is made in a hole in front of the sacred stone, a fine cock brought in, decapitated amidst the music of horn and drum and the blood made to drip on the fire. the head of the fowl ought to be severed at one blow, as this is a sign of the satisfaction of the god for the past, and of further protection for the future. should the head still hang, this would be held a bad omen, foreboding calamities for the year ensuing. the instrument used in this sacred operation is the aruval, but the sacrificial aruval cannot be used but for this holy purpose. powers of witchcraft and magic are attributed to the paliyans by other castes, and probably believed in by themselves. the following device adopted by them to protect themselves from the attacks of wild animals, the panther in particular, may be given as an illustration. four jackals' tails are planted in four different spots, chosen so as to include the area within which they wish to be safe from the claws of the brute. this is deemed protection enough: though panthers should enter the magic square, they could do the paliyans no harm; their mouths are locked." it is noted by the rev. f. dahmen that paliyans sometimes go on a pilgrimage to the hindu shrine of subrahmaniyam at palni. writing concerning the paliyans who live on the travancore frontier near shenkotta, mr. g. f. d'penha states [ ] that they account for their origin by saying that, at some very remote period, an eluvan took refuge during a famine in the hills, and there took to wife a palliyar woman, and that the palliyars are descended from these two. "the palliyar," he continues, "is just a shade lower than the eluvan. he is permitted to enter the houses of eluvans, elavanians (betel-growers), and even of maravars, and in the hills, where the rigour of the social code is relaxed to suit circumstances, the higher castes mentioned will even drink water given by palliyars, and eat roots cooked by them. the palliyars regard sylvan deities with great veneration. kurupuswami is the tribe's tutelary god, and, when a great haul of wild honey is made, offerings are given at some shrine. they pretend to be followers of siva, and always attend the adi amavasai ceremonies at courtallum. the palliyar cultivates nothing, not even a sweet potato. he keeps no animal, except a stray dog or two. an axe, a knife, and a pot are all the impedimenta he carries. an expert honey-hunter, he will risk his neck climbing lofty precipices or precipitous cliffs. a species of sago-palm furnishes him with a glairy glutinous fluid on which he thrives, and such small animals as the iguana (varanus), the tortoise, and the larvae of hives are never-failing luxuries." the paliyans, whom i investigated in north tinnevelly, were living in the jungles near the base of the mountains, in small isolated communities separated from each other by a distance of several miles. they speak tamil with a peculiar intonation, which recalls to mind the irulas. they are wholly illiterate, and only a few can count up to ten. a woman has been known to forget her own name. at a marriage, the father, taking the hand of the bride, and putting it into that of the bridegroom, says "i give this girl to you. give her roots and leaves, and protect her." the value of a bride or bridegroom depends very much on the quantity of roots, etc., which he or she can collect. when a widow does not remarry, the males of the community supply her with roots and other products of the jungle. marriages are, as a rule, contracted within the settlement, and complications occasionally occur owing to the absence of a girl of suitable age for a young man. indeed, in one settlement i came across two brothers, who had for this reason resorted to the adelphous form of polyandry. it would be interesting to note hereafter if this custom, thus casually introduced, becomes established in the tribe. as an exception to the rule of marriage within the settlement, it was noted that a party of paliyans had wandered from the gandamanaikanur forests to the jungle of ayanarkoil, and there intermarried with the members of the local tribe, with which they became incorporated. the paliyans admit members of other castes into their ranks. a case was narrated to me, in which a maravan cohabited for some time with a paliya woman, who bore children by him. in this way is the purity of type among the jungle tribes lost as the result of civilisation, and their nasal index reduced from platyrhine to mesorhine dimensions. the tinnevelly paliyans say that valli, the wife of the god subramaniya, was a paliyan woman. as they carry no pollution, they are sometimes employed, in return for food, as night watchmen at the vaishnavite temple known as azhagar koil at the base of the hills. they collect for the forest department minor produce in the form of root-bark of ventilago madraspatana and anisochilus carnosus, the fruit of terminalia chebula (myrabolams), honey, bees-wax, etc., which are handed over to a contractor in exchange for rice, tobacco, betel leaves and nuts, chillies, tamarinds and salt. the food thus earned as wages is supplemented by yams (tubers of dioscorea) and roots, which are dug up with a digging-stick, and forest fruits. they implicitly obey the contractor, and it was mainly through his influence that i was enabled to interview them, and measure their bodies, in return for a banquet, whereof they partook seated on the grass in two semicircles, the men in front and women in the rear, and eating off teak leaf plates piled high with rice and vegetables. though the prodigious mass of food provided was greedily devoured till considerable abdominal distension was visible, dissatisfaction was expressed because it included no meat (mutton), and i had not brought new loin-cloths for them. they laughed, however, when i expressed a hope that they would abandon their dirty cloths, turkey-red turbans and european bead necklaces, and revert to the primitive leafy garment of their forbears. a struggle ensued for the limited supply of sandal paste, with which a group of men smeared their bodies, in imitation of the higher classes, before they were photographed. a feast given to the paliyans by some missionaries was marred at the outset by the unfortunate circumstance that betel and tobacco were placed by the side of the food, these articles being of evil omen as they are placed in the grave with the dead. a question whether they eat beef produced marked displeasure, and even roused an apathetic old woman to grunt "your other questions are fair. you have no right to ask that." if a paliyan happens to come across the carcase of a cow or buffalo near a stream, it is abandoned, and not approached for a long time. leather they absolutely refuse to touch, and one of them declined to carry my camera box, because he detected that it had a leather strap. they make fire with a quartz strike-a-light and steel and the floss of the silk-cotton tree (bombax malabaricum). they have no means of catching or killing animals, birds, or fish with nets, traps, or weapons, but, if they come across the carcase of a goat or deer in the forest, they will roast and eat it. they catch "vermin" (presumably field rats) by smoking them out of their holes, or digging them out with their digging-sticks. crabs are caught for eating by children, by letting a string with a piece of cloth tied to the end down the hole, and lifting it out thereof when the crab seizes hold of the cloth with its claws. of wild beasts they are not afraid, and scare them away by screaming, clapping the hands, and rolling down stones into the valleys. i saw one man, who had been badly mauled by a tiger on the buttock and thigh when he was asleep with his wife and child in a cave. during the dry season they live in natural caves and crevices in rocks, but, if these leak during the rains, they erect a rough shed with the floor raised on poles off the ground, and sloping grass roof, beneath which a fire is kept burning at night, not only for warmth, but also to keep off wild beasts. they are expert at making rapidly improvised shelters at the base of hollow trees by cutting away the wood on one side with a bill-hook. thus protected, they were quite snug and happy during a heavy shower, while we were miserable amid the drippings from an umbrella and a mango tree. savari is a common name among the tinnevelly paliyans as among other tamils. it is said to be a corruption of xavier, but savari or sabari are recognised names of siva and parvati. there is a temple called savarimalayan on the travancore boundary, whereat the festival takes place at the same time as the festival in honour of st. xavier among roman catholics. the women are very timid in the presence of europeans, and suffer further from hippophobia; the sight of a horse, which they say is as tall as a mountain, like an elephant, producing a regular stampede into the depths of the jungle. they carry their babies slung in a cloth on the back, and not astride the hips according to the common practice of the plains. the position, in confinement, is to sit on a rock with legs dependent. many of these paliyans suffer from jungle fever, as a protection against which they wear a piece of turmeric tied round the neck. the dead are buried, and a stone is placed on the grave, which is never re-visited. like other primitive tribes, the paliyans are short of stature and dolichocephalic, and the archaic type of nose persists in some individuals. average height . cm. nasal index (max. ). pallan.--the pallans are "a class of agricultural labourers found chiefly in tanjore, trichinopoly, madura and tinnevelly. they are also fairly numerous in parts of salem and coimbatore, but in the remaining tamil districts they are found only in very small numbers." [ ] the name is said to be derived from pallam, a pit, as they were standing on low ground when the castes were originally formed. it is further suggested that the name may be connected with the wet cultivation, at which they are experts, and which is always carried out on low ground. in the manual of the madura district ( ), the pallans are described as "a very numerous, but a most abject and despised race, little, if indeed at all, superior to the paraiyas. their principal occupation is ploughing the lands of more fortunate tamils, and, though nominally free, they are usually slaves in almost every sense of the word, earning by the ceaseless sweat of their brow a bare handful of grain to stay the pangs of hunger, and a rag with which to partly cover their nakedness. they are to be found in almost every village, toiling and moiling for the benefit of vellalans and others, and with the paraiyas doing patiently nearly all the hard and dirty work that has to be done. personal contact with them is avoided by all respectable men, and they are never permitted to dwell within the limits of a village nattam. their huts form a small detached hamlet, the pallacheri, removed from a considerable distance from the houses of the respectable inhabitants, and barely separated from that of the paraiyas, the parei-cheri. the pallans are said by some to have sprung from the intercourse of a sudra and a brahman woman. others say devendra created them for the purpose of labouring in behalf of vellalans. whatever may have been their origin, it seems to be tolerably certain that in ancient times they were the slaves of the vellalans, and regarded by them merely as chattels, and that they were brought by the vellalans into the pandya-mandala." some pallans say that they are, like the kallans, of the lineage of indra, and that their brides wear a wreath of flowers in token thereof. they consider themselves superior to paraiyans and chakkiliyans, as they do not eat beef. it is stated in the manual of tanjore ( ) that the "pallan and paraiya are rival castes, each claiming superiority over the other; and a deadly and never-ending conflict in the matter of caste privileges exists between them. they are prædial labourers, and are employed exclusively in the cultivation of paddy (rice) lands. their women are considered to be particularly skilled in planting and weeding, and, in most parts of the delta, they alone are employed in those operations. the palla women expose their body above the waist--a distinctive mark of their primitive condition of slavery, of which, however, no trace now exists." it is noted by mr. g. t. mackenzie [ ] that "in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, the female converts to christianity in the extreme south ventured, contrary to the old rules for the lower castes, to clothe themselves above the waist. this innovation was made the occasion for threats, violence, and a series of disturbances. similar disturbances arose from the same cause nearly thirty years later, and, in , sir charles trevelyan, governor of madras, interfered, and granted permission to the women of lower caste to wear a cloth over the breasts and shoulders." in connection with disputes between the right-hand and left-hand factions, it is stated [ ] that "whatever the origin of the factions, feeling still runs very high, especially between the pallans and the paraiyans. the violent scenes which occurred in days gone by [ ] no longer occur, but quarrels occur when questions of precedence arise (as when holy food is distributed at festivals to the village goddesses), or if a man of one faction takes a procession down a street inhabited chiefly by members of the other. in former times, members of the opposite faction would not live in the same street, and traces of this feeling are still observable. formerly also the members of one faction would not salute those of the other, however much their superiors in station; and the menials employed at funerals (paraiyans, etc.) would not salute the funeral party if it belonged to the rival faction." in the coimbatore manual it is noted that "the pallan has in all times been a serf, labouring in the low wet lands (pallam) for his masters, the brahmans and goundans. the pallan is a stout, shortish black man, sturdy, a meat-eater, and not over clean in person or habit; very industrious in his favourite wet lands. he is no longer a serf." the occupations of the pallans, whom i examined at coimbatore, were cultivator, gardener, cooly, blacksmith, railway porter, tandal (tax-collector, etc.), and masalchi (office peon, who looks after lamps, ink-bottles, etc.). some pallans are maniyagarans (village munsifs or magistrates). in some places a pallan family is attached to a land-holder, for whom they work, and, under ordinary conditions, they do not change masters. the attachment of the pallan to a particular individual is maintained by the master paying a sum of money as an advance, which the pallan is unable to repay. the pallans are the jati pillais of the pandya kammalans, or kammalans of the madura country. the story goes that a long while ago the headman of the pallans came begging to the kollan section of the pandya kammalans, which was employed in the manufacture of ploughs and other agricultural implements, and said "worshipful sirs, we are destitute to the last degree. if you would but take pity on us, we would become your slaves. give us ploughs and other implements, and we shall ever afterwards obey you." the kollans, taking pity on them, gave them the implements and they commenced an agricultural life. when the harvest was over, they brought the best portion of the crop, and gave it to the kollans. from that time, the pallans became the "sons" of the pandya kammalans, to whom even now they make offerings in gratitude for a bumper crop. at times of census the pallans return a number of sub-divisions, and there is a proverb that one can count the number of varieties of rice, but it is impossible to count the divisions of the pallans. as examples of the sub-divisions, the following may be quoted:-- aiya, father. amma, mother. anja, father. atta, mother. devendra.--the sweat of devendra, the king of gods, is said to have fallen on a plant growing in water from which arose a child, who is said to have been the original ancestor of the pallans. kadaiyan, lowest or last. konga.--the kongas of coimbatore wear a big marriage tali, said to be the emblem of sakti, while the other sections wear a small tali. manganadu, territorial. sozhia, territorial. tondaman, territorial. these sub-divisions are endogamous, and aiya and amma pallans of the sivaganga zemindari and adjacent parts of the madura district possess exogamous septs or kilais, which, like those of the maravans, kallans, and some other castes, run in the female line. children belong to the same kilai as that of their mother and maternal uncle, and not of their father. the headman of the pallans is, in the madura country, called kudumban, and he is assisted by a kaladi, and, in large settlements, by a caste messenger entitled variyan, who summons people to attend council-meetings, festivals, marriages and funerals. the offices of kudumban and kaladi are hereditary. when a family is under a ban of excommunication, pending enquiry, the caste people refuse to give them fire, and otherwise help them, and even the barber and washerman are not permitted to work for them. as a sign of excommunication, a bunch of leafy twigs of margosa (melia azadirachta) is stuck in the roof over the entrance to the house. restoration to caste necessitates a purificatory ceremony, in which cow's urine is sprinkled by the variyan. when a woman is charged with adultery, the offending man is brought into the midst of the assembly, and tied to a harrow or hoeing plank. the woman has to carry a basket of earth or rubbish, with her cloth tied so as to reach above her knees. she is sometimes, in addition, beaten on the back with tamarind switches. if she confesses her guilt, and promises not to misconduct herself again, the variyan cuts the waist-thread of her paramour, who ties it round her neck as if it was a tali (marriage badge). on the following day, the man and woman are taken early in the morning to a tank (pond) or well, near which seven small pits are made, and filled with water. the variyan sprinkles some of the water over their heads, and has subsequently to be fed at their expense. if the pair are in prosperous circumstances, a general feast is insisted on. at coimbatore, the headman is called pattakaran, and he is assisted by various subordinate officers and a caste messenger called odumpillai. in cases of theft, the guilty person has to carry a man on his back round the assembly, while two persons hang on to his back-hair. he is beaten on the cheeks, and the odumpillai may be ordered to spit in his face. a somewhat similar form of punishment is inflicted on a man proved guilty of having intercourse with a married woman. in connection with the caste organisation of the pallans in the trichinopoly district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes as follows. "they generally have three or more headmen for each village, over whom is the nattu muppan. each village also has a peon called odumpillai (the runner). the main body of the caste, when attending council-meetings, is called ilam katchi (the inexperienced). the village councils are attended by the muppans and the nattu muppan. between the nattu muppan and the ordinary muppans, there is, in the karur taluk, a pulli muppan. all these offices are hereditary. in this taluk a rather different organisation is in force, to regulate the supply of labour to the landholders. each of the village muppans has a number of karais or sections of the wet-land of the village under him, and he is bound to supply labourers for all the land in his karai, and is remunerated by the landowner with / marakkals of grain for every kalams harvested. the muppans do not work themselves, but maintain discipline among their men by flogging or expulsion from the caste. in the karur taluk, the ordinary pallans are called manvettaikarans (mamoty or digging-tool men)." the pallans have their own washermen and barbers, who are said to be mainly recruited from the sozhia section, which, in consequence, holds an inferior position; and a pallan belonging to another section would feel insulted if he was called a sozhian. when a pallan girl, at coimbatore, attains puberty, she is bathed, dressed in a cloth brought by a washerwoman, and presented with flowers and fruits by her relations. she occupies a hut constructed of cocoanut leaves, branches of pongamia glabra, and wild sugarcane (saccharum arundinaceum). her dietary includes jaggery (crude sugar) and milk and plantains. on the seventh day she is again bathed, and presented with another cloth. the hut is burnt down, and for three days she occupies a corner of the pial of her home. on the eleventh day she is once more bathed, presented with new cloths by her relations, and permitted to enter the house. it is stated by dr. g. oppert [ ] that "at a pallan wedding, before the wedding is actually performed, the bridegroom suddenly leaves his house and starts for some distant place, as if he had suddenly abandoned his intention of marrying, in spite of the preparations that had been made for the wedding. his intended father-in-law intercepts the young man on his way, and persuades him to return, promising to give his daughter as a wife. to this the bridegroom consents." i have not met with this custom in the localities in which the pallans have been examined. in one form of marriage among the pallans of the madura district, the bridegroom's sister goes to the house of the bride on an auspicious day, taking with her the tali string, a new cloth, betel, fruits and flowers. she ties the tali round the neck of the bride, who, if a milk-post has been set up, goes round it. the bride is then conducted to the house of the bridegroom, where the couple sit together on the marriage dais, and coloured water, or coloured rice balls with lighted wicks, are waved round them. they then go, with linked fingers, thrice round the dais. in a more complicated form of marriage ceremonial, the parents and maternal uncle of the bridegroom, proceed, on the occasion of the betrothal, to the bride's house with rice, fruit, plantains, a cocoanut, sandal paste, and turmeric. these articles are handed over, with the bride's money, to the kudumban or kaladi of her village. early in the morning of the wedding day, a pandal (booth) is erected, and the milk-post, made of thespesia populnea or mimusops hexandra, is set up by the maternal uncles of the contracting couple. the bride and bridegroom bring some earth,with which the marriage dais is made. these preliminaries concluded, they are anointed by their maternal uncles, and, after bathing, the wrist-threads (kankanam) are tied to the bridegroom's wrist by his brother-in-law, and to that of the bride by her sister-in-law. four betel leaves and areca nuts are placed at each corner of the dais, and the pair go round it three times, saluting the betel as they pass. they then take their place on the dais, and two men stretch a cloth over their heads. they hold out their hands, into the palms of which the kudumban or kaladi pours a little water from a vessel, some of which is sprinkled over their heads. the vessel is then waved before them, and they are garlanded by the maternal uncles, headmen, and others. the bride is taken into the house, and her maternal uncle sits at the entrance, and measures a new cloth, which he gives to her. she clads herself in it, and her uncle, lifting her in his arms, carries her to the dais, where she is placed by the side of the bridegroom. the fingers of the contracting couple are linked together beneath a cloth held by the maternal uncles. the tali is taken up by the bridegroom, and placed by him round the bride's neck, to be tightly tied thereon by his sister. just before the tali is tied, the headman bawls out "may i look into the bride's money and presents"? and, on receiving permission to do so, says thrice "seven bags of nuts, seven bags of rice, etc., have been brought." at a marriage among the konga pallans of coimbatore, the bridegroom's wrist-thread is tied on at his home, after a lamp has been worshipped. he and his party proceed to the house of the bride, taking with them a new cloth, a garland of flowers, and the tali. the milk-post of the pandal is made of milk-hedge (euphorbia tirucalli). the bride and bridegroom sit side by side and close together on planks within the pandal. the bridegroom ties the wrist-thread on the bride's wrist, and the caste barber receives betel from their mouths in a metal vessel. in front of them are placed a pillayar (figure of ganesa) made of cow-dung, two plantains, seven cocoanuts, a measure of paddy, a stalk of andropogen sorghum, with a betel leaf stuck on it, and seven sets of betel leaves and areca nuts. camphor is burnt, and two cocoanuts are broken, and placed before the pillayar. the tali is taken round to be blessed in a piece of one of the cocoanuts. the mannadi (assistant headman) hands over the tali to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck. another cocoanut is then broken. three vessels containing, respectively, raw rice, turmeric water and milk, each with pieces of betel leaf, are brought. the hands of the contracting couple are then linked together beneath a cloth, and the fourth cocoanut is broken. the mannadi, taking up a little of the rice, turmeric water, milk, and betel leaves, waves them before the bride and bridegroom, and throws them over their heads. this is likewise done by five other individuals, and the fifth cocoanut is broken. the bride and bridegroom go round the plank, and again seat themselves. their hands are unlinked, the wrist-threads are untied, and thrown into a vessel of milk. the sixth cocoanut is then broken. cooked rice with plantains and ghi (clarified butter) is offered to alli arasani, the wife of arjuna, who was famed for her virtue. the rice is offered three times to the contracting couple, who do not eat it. the caste barber brings water, with which they cleanse their mouths. they exchange garlands, and the seventh cocoanut is broken. they are then taken within the house, and sit on a new mat. the bridegroom is again conducted to the pandal, where cooked rice and other articles are served to him on a tripod stool. they are handed over to the odumpillai as a perquisite, and all the guests are fed. in the evening a single cloth is tied to the newly married couple, who bathe, and pour water over each other's heads. the pillayar, lamp, paddy, andropogon stalk, and two trays with betel, are placed before the guests. the mannadi receives four annas from the bridegroom's father, and, after mentioning the names of the bridegroom, his father and grandfather, places it in one of the trays, which belongs to the bride's party. he then receives four annas from the bride's father, and mentions the names of the bride, her father and grandfather, before placing the money in the tray which belongs to the bridegroom's party. the relations then make presents of money to the bride and bridegroom. when a widow remarries, her new husband gives her a white cloth, and ties a yellow string round her neck in the presence of some of the castemen. at a marriage among the kadaiya pallans of coimbatore, the wrist-thread of the bride is tied on by the mannadi. she goes to a pillayar shrine, and brings back three trays full of sand from the courtyard thereof, which is heaped up in the marriage pandal. three painted earthen pots, and seven small earthen trays, are brought in procession from the mannadi's house by the bridegroom, and placed in the pandal. to each of the two larger pots a piece of turmeric and betel leaf are tied, and nine kinds of grain are placed in them. the bridegroom has brought with him the tali tied to a cocoanut, seven rolls of betel, seven plantains, seven pieces of turmeric, a garland, a new cloth for the bride, etc. the linked fingers of the contracting couple are placed on a tray containing salt and a ring. they go thrice round a lamp and the plank within the pandal, and retire within the house where the bridegroom is served with food on a leaf. what remains after he has partaken thereof is given to the bride on the same leaf. the wrist-threads are untied on the third day, and a pillayar made of cow-dung is carried to a river, whence the bride brings back a pot of water. in some places, the bridegroom is required to steal something from the bride's house when they return home after the marriage, and the other party has to repay the compliment on some future occasion. when a death occurs among the konga pallans of coimbatore, the big toes and thumbs of the corpse are tied together. a lighted lamp, a metal vessel with raw rice, jaggery, and a broken cocoanut are placed near its head. three pieces of firewood, arranged in the form of a triangle, are lighted, and a small pot is placed on them, wherein some rice is cooked in turmeric water. the corpse is bathed, and placed in a pandal made of four plantain trees, and four green leafy branches. the nearest relations place a new cloth over it. if the deceased has left a widow, she is presented with a new cloth by her brother. the corpse is laid on a bier, the widow washes its feet, and drinks some of the water. she then throws her tali-string on the corpse. her face is covered with a cloth, and she is taken into the house. the corpse is then removed to the burial-ground, where the son is shaved, and the relations place rice and water in the mouth of the corpse. it is then laid in the grave, which is filled in, and a stone and some thorny twigs are placed over it. an earthen pot full of water is placed on the right shoulder of the son, who carries it three times round the grave. each time that he reaches the head end thereof, a hole is made in the pot with a knife by one of the elders. the pot is then thrown down, and broken near the spot beneath which the head lies. near this spot the son places a lighted firebrand, and goes away without looking back. he bathes and returns to the house, where he touches a little cow-dung placed at the entrance with his right foot, and worships a lamp. on the third day, three handfuls of rice, a brinjal (solanum melongena) fruit cut into three pieces, and leaves of sesbania grandiflora are cooked in a pot, and carried to the grave together with a tender cocoanut, cigar, betel, and other things. the son places three leaves on the grave, and spreads the various articles thereon. crows are attracted by clapping the hands, and it is considered a good omen if they come and eat. on the fourth day the son bathes, and sits on a mat. he then bites, and spits out some roasted salt fish three times into a pot of water. this is supposed to show that mourning has been cast away, or at the end. he is then presented with new cloths by his uncle and other relations. on the ninth or eleventh day, cooked rice, betel, etc., are placed near a babul (acacia arabica) or other thorny tree, which is made to represent the deceased. seven small stones, representing the seven hindu sages, are set up. a cocoanut is broken, and puja performed. the rice is served on a leaf, and eaten by the son and other near relations. the pallans are nominally saivites, but in reality devil worshippers, and do puja to the grama devata (village deities), especially those whose worship requires the consumption of flesh and liquor. it is recorded, [ ] in connection with a biennial festival in honour of the local goddess at attur in the madura district, that "some time before the feast begins, the pallans of the place go round to the adjoining villages, and collect the many buffaloes, which have been dedicated to the goddess during the last two years, and have been allowed to graze unmolested, and where they willed, in the fields. these are brought in to attur, and one of them is selected, garlanded, and placed in the temple. on the day of the festival, this animal is brought out, led round the village in state, and then, in front of the temple, is given three cuts with a knife by a chakkiliyan, who has fasted that day, to purify himself for the rite. the privilege of actually killing the animal belongs by immemorial usage to the head of the family of the former poligar of nilakkottai, but he deputes certain pallans to take his place, and they fall upon the animal and slay it." it is noted by mr. hemingway [ ] that the valaiyans and the class of pallans known as kaladis who live in the south-western portion of the pudukkottai state are professional cattle-lifters. they occasionally take to burglary for a change. the common titles of the pallans are said [ ] to be "muppan and kudumban, and some style themselves mannadi. kudumban is probably a form of kurumban, and mannadi is a corruption of manradi, a title borne by the pallava (kurumban) people. it thus seems not improbable that the pallas are representatives of the old pallavas or kurumbas." pallavarayan.--the title, meaning chief of the pallavas, of the leader of the krishnavakakkar in travancore. also a sub-division of occhans. palle.--in the telugu country, there are two classes of palles, which are employed respectively in sea-fishing and agriculture. the former, who are the min (fish) palles of previous writers, are also known as palle kariyalu, and do not mingle or intermarry with the latter. they claim for themselves a higher position than that which is accorded to them by other castes, and call themselves agnikula kshatriyas. their title is, in some places, reddi. all belong to one gotra called ravikula. the caste headman is entitled pedda kapu,' and he is assisted by an oomadi. in puberty, marriage, and death ceremonies, the palles follow the telugu form of ceremonial. there is, however, one rite in the marriage ceremonies, which is said to be peculiar to the fishing section. on the fifth day after marriage, a golla perantalu (married woman) is brought to the house in procession, walking on cloths spread on the ground (nadapavada). she anoints the bridal couple with ghi (clarified butter), and after receiving a cloth as a present, goes away. the fishing class worship the akka devatalu (sister gods) periodically by floating on the surface of the water a flat framework made of sticks tied together, on which the various articles used in the worship are placed. notes [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] the rangaris are maratha dyers and tailors. [ ] ind. ant., vii, . [ ] our viceregal life in india, - . [ ] loc. cit. [ ] ind. ant., ii, . [ ] the word genoa occurs on several blades in the madras museum collection. [ ] the bas-relief of the statue of lord cornwallis in the connemara public library, madras, represents him receiving tipu's two youthful sons as hostages. [ ] brahmanism and hinduism. [ ] gazetteer of the bellary district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras review, . [ ] f. fawcett. journ. anthrop. inst., xxxiii, . [ ] f. fawcett, loc. cit. [ ] madras journ. lit. science, . [ ] sketch of the dynasties of south india. [ ] numismata orient. ancient coins and measures of ceylon. [ ] kalith-thokai. [ ] kanakasabhai pillai. the tamils eighteen hundred years ago. . [ ] manual of the tinnevelly district, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency. [ ] tinnevelly, being an account of the district, the people, and the missions. mission field, . [ ] madras journ. lit. science, iv, . [ ] journ. anthrop. inst., xxxiii, . [ ] f. fawcett, loc. cit. [ ] madras journ. lit. science, iv, . [ ] madras journ. lit. science, iv, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] madras journ. lit, science, xxv. [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] g. richter. manual of coorg. [ ] madras museum bull., v, , . [ ] for portions of this article i am indebted to a note by mr. j. d. samuel. [ ] hobson-jobson. [ ] gazetteer of the tanjore district. [ ] malabar law and custom. [ ] madras museum bull. iii, , . [ ] hobson-jobson. [ ] sea fisheries of india. [ ] journey from madras through mysore, canara, and malabar, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] section iii, inhabitants, government press, madras, . [ ] east india gazette. [ ] hindu manners, customs, and ceremonies ed., . [ ] history of mysore. [ ] ind. antiquary, ii, . [ ] mysore. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] journey through mysore, etc. [ ] monograph of tanning and working in leather, madras, . [ ] g. d. iyah pillay, madras, . [ ] notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] manual of the coimbatore district. [ ] madras journ. lit. science, i, . [ ] agricult: ledger series, calcutta, no. , . [ ] journey through mysore, canara, and malabar, . [ ] a new account of the east indies, . [ ] i am informed that the mukkuvans claim to be a caste distinct from the arayans. [ ] for further details concerning the fisheries and fish-curing operations of the west coast, see thurston, madras museum bull. iii, , . [ ] spelt pusler in a recent educational report. [ ] madras museum bull., iii, , . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] mysore census reports, , . [ ] mysore and coorg gazetteer. [ ] hobson-jobson. [ ] wigram : malabar law and customs. [ ] ibid., rd ed., . [ ] a forgotten empire, vijayanagar. [ ] fifth report of the committee on the affairs of the east india company. reprint, higginbotham, madras. [ ] college history of india, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] ibid. [ ] m.j. walhouse. journ. anthrop. inst., v, . [ ] devil worship of the tuluvas, ind. ant., xxiii, . [ ] devil worship of the tuluvas. ind. ant., xxiii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, - . [ ] with the exception of the notes by mr. subramani aiyar, this article is a reproduction, with very slight changes, of an account of the nambutiris by mr. f. fawcett, which has already been published in the madras bulletin series (iii, i, ). [ ] n. subramani aiyar, malabar quart. review, vii, i, . [ ] a new account of the east indies, . [ ] the nambutiris everywhere believe that europeans have tails. [ ] the todas, . [ ] taravad or tarwad: a marumakkatayam family, consisting of all the descendants in the female line of one common female ancestor. [ ] the lusiad. [ ] chela, the cloth worn by muppillas (muhammadans in malabar). there are also chela nayars. the word is said to mean the rite of circumcision. [ ] malabar quart. review, i, , . [ ] in all ceremonies, and indeed in all arrangements connected with labour in rural malabar, it is the rule to reckon in the old, and not in the existing, currency. [ ] brahmanism and hinduism. [ ] op. cit. [ ] ibid. [ ] the nambutiris take objection to a statement of mr. logan, in the manual of malabar, that the vadhyar shuts the door, and locks it. [ ] orissa. annals of rural bengal. [ ] by keeping a lamp lighted at the fire perpetually alight, or by heating a piece of plasu or darbha grass in the fire, and putting it away carefully. [ ] an amana palaga or ama palaga, literally tortoise plank, is a low wooden seat of chamatha wood, supposed to be shaped like a tortoise in outline. [ ] the accounts of marriage and death ceremonies in the gazetteer of malabar are from a grandhavari. [ ] ind. law reports, madras series, xii, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] the proverb chetti chidambaram is well known. [ ] malabar quart: review, . [ ] c. hayavadana rao, indian review, viii, , . [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] indian review, viii, , . [ ] indian law reports, madras series, xxix, . [ ] c. hayavadana rao, loc. cit. [ ] c. hayavadana rao. loc. cit. [ ] historical sketches of the south of india, . [ ] malabar and its folk. [ ] malabar and its folk. [ ] this note is based mainly on articles by mr. s. appadorai aiyar and mr. l. k. anantha krishna aiyar. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] manual of the malabar district. [ ] the author of tahafat-ul-mujahidin or hints for persons seeking the way to god, as it is frequently translated, or more literally an offering to warriors who shall fight in defence of religion against infidels. translated by rowlandson. london, . [ ] see manual of the malabar district, , sq., and fawcett, madras museum bull., iii, , . [ ] e. hultzsch, south-indian inscriptions, iii, , . [ ] description of the coasts of east africa and malabar. translation. hakluyt society, . [ ] new account of the east indies, . [ ] voyage to the east indies, and . [ ] journey through mysore, canara, and malabar, . [ ] malabar law and custom, rd ed., . [ ] vide r. sewell. a forgotten empire (vijayanagar), . [ ] father coleridge's life and letters of st. francis xavier. [ ] history of tinnevelly. [ ] coleridge's xavier. [ ] burnell. translation of the daya vibhaga, introduction. vide also elements of south indian palæography ( nd ed., p. ), where dr. burnell says that it is certain that the vijayanagar kings were men of low caste. [ ] vide glossary, report of the malabar marriage commission, p. , and day's land of the permauls, p. . [ ] fifth report of the committee on the affairs of the east india company, ii, , . reprint by higginbotham, madras. [ ] lives of the lindsays. by lord lindsay, . [ ] madras museum bull., iii, , . [ ] a manchil is a conveyance carried on men's shoulders, and more like a hammock slung on a pole, with a flat covering over it, than a palanquin. [ ] tarwad or taravad, a marumakkathayam family, consisting of all the descendants in the female line of one common female ancestor. [ ] the voyage and travell of m. cæsar fredericke, merchant of venice, into the east indies and beyond the indies ( ). translation. hakluyt voyages, v, . [ ] travels to the east indies. [ ] voyage to the east indies, and . [ ] r. kerr. general history and collection of voyages and travels, , history of the discovery and conquest of india by the portuguese between the years and , from the original portuguese of herman lopes de castaneda. [ ] wigram, malabar law and custom, ed. . [ ] t. a. kalyanakrishna aiyar, malabar quart. review, ii, . [ ] op cit. [ ] malabar and its folk, . [ ] malabar law and custom, . [ ] report of the malabar marriage commission, . [ ] the rights and obligations of karanavans are fully dealt with by moore, malabar law and custom, rd edition, . [ ] journ. anthrop. inst., xii, . [ ] op. cit. [ ] malabar quart. review, vii, , . [ ] op. cit. [ ] gazetteer of malabar. [ ] an enangan or inangan is a man of the same caste and sub-division or marriage group. it is usually translated "kinsman," but is at once wider and narrower in its connotation. my enangans are all who can marry the same people that i can. an enangatti is a female member of an enangan's family. [ ] the aimpuli or "five tamarinds" are tamarindus indica, garcinia cambogia, spondias mangifera, bauhinia racemosa, and hibiscus hirtus. [ ] the eldest male member of the taravad is called the karanavan. all male members, brothers, nephews, and so on, who are junior to him, are called anandravans of the taravad. [ ] all caste hindus who perform the sradh ceremonies calculate the day of death, not by the day of the month, but by the thithis (day after full or new moon). [ ] nineteenth century, . [ ] l'inde (sans les anglais). [ ] letters from malabar. [ ] january, . [ ] see thurston. catalogue of roman, etc., coins, madras government museum, nd ed., . [ ] malabar and its folk, . [ ] the vettuvans were once salt-makers. [ ] malabar and its folk, madras, . [ ] buchanan, mysore, canara and malabar. [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] e. hultzsch. south indian inscriptions, i. , , . [ ] comprehensive tamil and english dictionary. [ ] travancore census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras dioc. magazine, april, . [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] ind. ant., v, . [ ] notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency. [ ] journey through mysore, canara, and malabar. [ ] j. s. f. mackenzie. ind. ant., iv, . [ ] op. cit. [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] journey through mysore, canara and malabar, . [ ] section iii. inhabitants. madras government press, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] see manual of the north arcot district, , . [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] hobson-jobson. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] an indian olio. [ ] anthropos, iii, . [ ] ind. ant., xxx, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] christianity in travancore, . [ ] gazetteer of the trichinopoly district. [ ] see nelson, the madura country, ii, -- , and coimbatore district manual, . [ ] original inhabitants of bharatavarsa or india. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] op cit. [ ] madras census report, . glinda of oz by l. frank baum in which are related the exciting experiences of princess ozma of oz, and dorothy, in their hazardous journey to the home of the flatheads, and to the magic isle of the skeezers, and how they were rescued from dire peril by the sorcery of glinda the good by l. frank baum "royal historian of oz" this book is dedicated to my son robert stanton baum list of chapters the call to duty ozma and dorothy the mist maidens the magic tent the magic stairway flathead mountain the magic isle queen coo-ee-oh lady aurex under water the conquest of the skeezers the diamond swan the alarm bell ozma's counsellors the great sorceress the enchanted fishes under the great dome the cleverness of ervic red reera, the yookoohoo a puzzling problem the three adepts the sunken island the magic words glinda's triumph chapter one the call to duty glinda, the good sorceress of oz, sat in the grand court of her palace, surrounded by her maids of honor--a hundred of the most beautiful girls of the fairyland of oz. the palace court was built of rare marbles, exquisitely polished. fountains tinkled musically here and there; the vast colonnade, open to the south, allowed the maidens, as they raised their heads from their embroideries, to gaze upon a vista of rose-hued fields and groves of trees bearing fruits or laden with sweet-scented flowers. at times one of the girls would start a song, the others joining in the chorus, or one would rise and dance, gracefully swaying to the music of a harp played by a companion. and then glinda smiled, glad to see her maids mixing play with work. presently among the fields an object was seen moving, threading the broad path that led to the castle gate. some of the girls looked upon this object enviously; the sorceress merely gave it a glance and nodded her stately head as if pleased, for it meant the coming of her friend and mistress--the only one in all the land that glinda bowed to. then up the path trotted a wooden animal attached to a red wagon, and as the quaint steed halted at the gate there descended from the wagon two young girls, ozma, ruler of oz, and her companion, princess dorothy. both were dressed in simple white muslin gowns, and as they ran up the marble steps of the palace they laughed and chatted as gaily as if they were not the most important persons in the world's loveliest fairyland. the maids of honor had risen and stood with bowed heads to greet the royal ozma, while glinda came forward with outstretched arms to greet her guests. "we've just come on a visit, you know," said ozma. "both dorothy and i were wondering how we should pass the day when we happened to think we'd not been to your quadling country for weeks, so we took the sawhorse and rode straight here." "and we came so fast," added dorothy, "that our hair is blown all fuzzy, for the sawhorse makes a wind of his own. usually it's a day's journey from the em'rald city, but i don't s'pose we were two hours on the way." "you are most welcome," said glinda the sorceress, and led them through the court to her magnificent reception hall. ozma took the arm of her hostess, but dorothy lagged behind, kissing some of the maids she knew best, talking with others, and making them all feel that she was their friend. when at last she joined glinda and ozma in the reception hall, she found them talking earnestly about the condition of the people, and how to make them more happy and contented--although they were already the happiest and most contented folks in all the world. this interested ozma, of course, but it didn't interest dorothy very much, so the little girl ran over to a big table on which was lying open glinda's great book of records. this book is one of the greatest treasures in oz, and the sorceress prizes it more highly than any of her magical possessions. that is the reason it is firmly attached to the big marble table by means of golden chains, and whenever glinda leaves home she locks the great book together with five jeweled padlocks, and carries the keys safely hidden in her bosom. i do not suppose there is any magical thing in any fairyland to compare with the record book, on the pages of which are constantly being printed a record of every event that happens in any part of the world, at exactly the moment it happens. and the records are always truthful, although sometimes they do not give as many details as one could wish. but then, lots of things happen, and so the records have to be brief or even glinda's great book could not hold them all. glinda looked at the records several times each day, and dorothy, whenever she visited the sorceress, loved to look in the book and see what was happening everywhere. not much was recorded about the land of oz, which is usually peaceful and uneventful, but today dorothy found something which interested her. indeed, the printed letters were appearing on the page even while she looked. "this is funny!" she exclaimed. "did you know, ozma, that there were people in your land of oz called skeezers?" "yes," replied ozma, coming to her side, "i know that on professor wogglebug's map of the land of oz there is a place marked 'skeezer,' but what the skeezers are like i do not know. no one i know has ever seen them or heard of them. the skeezer country is 'way at the upper edge of the gillikin country, with the sandy, impassable desert on one side and the mountains of oogaboo on another side. that is a part of the land of oz of which i know very little." "i guess no one else knows much about it either, unless it's the skeezers themselves," remarked dorothy. "but the book says: 'the skeezers of oz have declared war on the flatheads of oz, and there is likely to be fighting and much trouble as the result.'" "is that all the book says?" asked ozma. "every word," said dorothy, and ozma and glinda both looked at the record and seemed surprised and perplexed. "tell me, glinda," said ozma, "who are the flatheads?" "i cannot, your majesty," confessed the sorceress. "until now i never have heard of them, nor have i ever heard the skeezers mentioned. in the faraway corners of oz are hidden many curious tribes of people, and those who never leave their own countries and never are visited by those from our favored part of oz, naturally are unknown to me. however, if you so desire, i can learn through my arts of sorcery something of the skeezers and the flatheads." "i wish you would," answered ozma seriously. "you see, glinda, if these are oz people they are my subjects and i cannot allow any wars or troubles in the land i rule, if i can possibly help it." "very well, your majesty," said the sorceress, "i will try to get some information to guide you. please excuse me for a time, while i retire to my room of magic and sorcery." "may i go with you?" asked dorothy, eagerly. "no, princess," was the reply. "it would spoil the charm to have anyone present." so glinda locked herself in her own room of magic and dorothy and ozma waited patiently for her to come out again. in about an hour glinda appeared, looking grave and thoughtful. "your majesty," she said to ozma, "the skeezers live on a magic isle in a great lake. for that reason--because the skeezers deal in magic--i can learn little about them." "why, i didn't know there was a lake in that part of oz," exclaimed ozma. "the map shows a river running through the skeezer country, but no lake." "that is because the person who made the map never had visited that part of the country," explained the sorceress. "the lake surely is there, and in the lake is an island--a magic isle--and on that island live the people called the skeezers." "what are they like?" inquired the ruler of oz. "my magic cannot tell me that," confessed glinda, "for the magic of the skeezers prevents anyone outside of their domain knowing anything about them." "the flatheads must know, if they're going to fight the skeezers," suggested dorothy. "perhaps so," glinda replied, "but i can get little information concerning the flatheads, either. they are people who inhabit a mountain just south of the lake of the skeezers. the mountain has steep sides and a broad, hollow top, like a basin, and in this basin the flatheads have their dwellings. they also are magic-workers and usually keep to themselves and allow no one from outside to visit them. i have learned that the flatheads number about one hundred people--men, women and children--while the skeezers number just one hundred and one." "what did they quarrel about, and why do they wish to fight one another?" was ozma's next question. "i cannot tell your majesty that," said glinda. "but see here!" cried dorothy, "it's against the law for anyone but glinda and the wizard to work magic in the land of oz, so if these two strange people are magic-makers they are breaking the law and ought to be punished!" ozma smiled upon her little friend. "those who do not know me or my laws," she said, "cannot be expected to obey my laws. if we know nothing of the skeezers or the flatheads, it is likely that they know nothing of us." "but they ought to know, ozma, and we ought to know. who's going to tell them, and how are we going to make them behave?" "that," returned ozma, "is what i am now considering. what would you advise, glinda?" the sorceress took a little time to consider this question, before she made reply. then she said: "had you not learned of the existence of the flatheads and the skeezers, through my book of records, you would never have worried about them or their quarrels. so, if you pay no attention to these peoples, you may never hear of them again." "but that wouldn't be right," declared ozma. "i am ruler of all the land of oz, which includes the gillikin country, the quadling country, the winkie country and the munchkin country, as well as the emerald city, and being the princess of this fairyland it is my duty to make all my people--wherever they may be--happy and content and to settle their disputes and keep them from quarreling. so, while the skeezers and flatheads may not know me or that i am their lawful ruler, i now know that they inhabit my kingdom and are my subjects, so i would not be doing my duty if i kept away from them and allowed them to fight." "that's a fact, ozma," commented dorothy. "you've got to go up to the gillikin country and make these people behave themselves and make up their quarrels. but how are you going to do it?" "that is what is puzzling me also, your majesty," said the sorceress. "it may be dangerous for you to go into those strange countries, where the people are possibly fierce and warlike." "i am not afraid," said ozma, with a smile. "'tisn't a question of being 'fraid," argued dorothy. "of course we know you're a fairy, and can't be killed or hurt, and we know you've a lot of magic of your own to help you. but, ozma dear, in spite of all this you've been in trouble before, on account of wicked enemies, and it isn't right for the ruler of all oz to put herself in danger." "perhaps i shall be in no danger at all," returned ozma, with a little laugh. "you mustn't imagine danger, dorothy, for one should only imagine nice things, and we do not know that the skeezers and flatheads are wicked people or my enemies. perhaps they would be good and listen to reason." "dorothy is right, your majesty," asserted the sorceress. "it is true we know nothing of these faraway subjects, except that they intend to fight one another, and have a certain amount of magic power at their command. such folks do not like to submit to interference and they are more likely to resent your coming among them than to receive you kindly and graciously, as is your due." "if you had an army to take with you," added dorothy, "it wouldn't be so bad; but there isn't such a thing as an army in all oz." "i have one soldier," said ozma. "yes, the soldier with the green whiskers; but he's dreadful 'fraid of his gun and never loads it. i'm sure he'd run rather than fight. and one soldier, even if he were brave, couldn't do much against two hundred and one flatheads and skeezers." "what then, my friends, would you suggest?" inquired ozma. "i advise you to send the wizard of oz to them, and let him inform them that it is against the laws of oz to fight, and that you command them to settle their differences and become friends," proposed glinda. "let the wizard tell them they will be punished if they refuse to obey the commands of the princess of all the land of oz." ozma shook her head, to indicate that the advice was not to her satisfaction. "if they refuse, what then?" she asked. "i should be obliged to carry out my threat and punish them, and that would be an unpleasant and difficult thing to do. i am sure it would be better for me to go peacefully, without an army and armed only with my authority as ruler, and plead with them to obey me. then, if they prove obstinate i could resort to other means to win their obedience." "it's a ticklish thing, anyhow you look at it," sighed dorothy. "i'm sorry now that i noticed the record in the great book." "but can't you realize, my dear, that i must do my duty, now that i am aware of this trouble?" asked ozma. "i am fully determined to go at once to the magic isle of the skeezers and to the enchanted mountain of the flatheads, and prevent war and strife between their inhabitants. the only question to decide is whether it is better for me to go alone, or to assemble a party of my friends and loyal supporters to accompany me." "if you go i want to go, too," declared dorothy. "whatever happens it's going to be fun--'cause all excitement is fun--and i wouldn't miss it for the world!" neither ozma nor glinda paid any attention to this statement, for they were gravely considering the serious aspect of this proposed adventure. "there are plenty of friends who would like to go with you," said the sorceress, "but none of them would afford your majesty any protection in case you were in danger. you are yourself the most powerful fairy in oz, although both i and the wizard have more varied arts of magic at our command. however, you have one art that no other in all the world can equal--the art of winning hearts and making people love to bow to your gracious presence. for that reason i believe you can accomplish more good alone than with a large number of subjects in your train." "i believe that also," agreed the princess. "i shall be quite able to take care of myself, you know, but might not be able to protect others so well. i do not look for opposition, however. i shall speak to these people in kindly words and settle their dispute--whatever it may be--in a just manner." "aren't you going to take me?" pleaded dorothy. "you'll need some companion, ozma." the princess smiled upon her little friend. "i see no reason why you should not accompany me," was her reply. "two girls are not very warlike and they will not suspect us of being on any errand but a kindly and peaceful one. but, in order to prevent war and strife between these angry peoples, we must go to them at once. let us return immediately to the emerald city and prepare to start on our journey early tomorrow morning." glinda was not quite satisfied with this plan, but could not think of any better way to meet the problem. she knew that ozma, with all her gentleness and sweet disposition, was accustomed to abide by any decision she had made and could not easily be turned from her purpose. moreover she could see no great danger to the fairy ruler of oz in the undertaking, even though the unknown people she was to visit proved obstinate. but dorothy was not a fairy; she was a little girl who had come from kansas to live in the land of oz. dorothy might encounter dangers that to ozma would be as nothing but to an "earth child" would be very serious. the very fact that dorothy lived in oz, and had been made a princess by her friend ozma, prevented her from being killed or suffering any great bodily pain as long as she lived in that fairyland. she could not grow big, either, and would always remain the same little girl who had come to oz, unless in some way she left that fairyland or was spirited away from it. but dorothy was a mortal, nevertheless, and might possibly be destroyed, or hidden where none of her friends could ever find her. she could, for instance be cut into pieces, and the pieces, while still alive and free from pain, could be widely scattered; or she might be buried deep underground or "destroyed" in other ways by evil magicians, were she not properly protected. these facts glinda was considering while she paced with stately tread her marble hall. finally the good sorceress paused and drew a ring from her finger, handing it to dorothy. "wear this ring constantly until your return," she said to the girl. "if serious danger threatens you, turn the ring around on your finger once to the right and another turn to the left. that will ring the alarm bell in my palace and i will at once come to your rescue. but do not use the ring unless you are actually in danger of destruction. while you remain with princess ozma i believe she will be able to protect you from all lesser ills." "thank you, glinda," responded dorothy gratefully, as she placed the ring on her finger. "i'm going to wear my magic belt which i took from the nome king, too, so i guess i'll be safe from anything the skeezers and flatheads try to do to me." ozma had many arrangements to make before she could leave her throne and her palace in the emerald city, even for a trip of a few days, so she bade goodbye to glinda and with dorothy climbed into the red wagon. a word to the wooden sawhorse started that astonishing creature on the return journey, and so swiftly did he run that dorothy was unable to talk or do anything but hold tight to her seat all the way back to the emerald city. chapter two ozma and dorothy residing in ozma's palace at this time was a live scarecrow, a most remarkable and intelligent creature who had once ruled the land of oz for a brief period and was much loved and respected by all the people. once a munchkin farmer had stuffed an old suit of clothes with straw and put stuffed boots on the feet and used a pair of stuffed cotton gloves for hands. the head of the scarecrow was a stuffed sack fastened to the body, with eyes, nose, mouth and ears painted on the sack. when a hat had been put on the head, the thing was a good imitation of a man. the farmer placed the scarecrow on a pole in his cornfield and it came to life in a curious manner. dorothy, who was passing by the field, was hailed by the live scarecrow and lifted him off his pole. he then went with her to the emerald city, where the wizard of oz gave him some excellent brains, and the scarecrow soon became an important personage. ozma considered the scarecrow one of her best friends and most loyal subjects, so the morning after her visit to glinda she asked him to take her place as ruler of the land of oz while she was absent on a journey, and the scarecrow at once consented without asking any questions. ozma had warned dorothy to keep their journey a secret and say nothing to anyone about the skeezers and flatheads until their return, and dorothy promised to obey. she longed to tell her girl friends, tiny trot and betsy bobbin, of the adventure they were undertaking, but refrained from saying a word on the subject although both these girls lived with her in ozma's palace. indeed, only glinda the sorceress knew they were going, until after they had gone, and even the sorceress didn't know what their errand might be. princess ozma took the sawhorse and the red wagon, although she was not sure there was a wagon road all the way to the lake of the skeezers. the land of oz is a pretty big place, surrounded on all sides by a deadly desert which it is impossible to cross, and the skeezer country, according to the map, was in the farthest northwestern part of oz, bordering on the north desert. as the emerald city was exactly in the center of oz, it was no small journey from there to the skeezers. around the emerald city the country is thickly settled in every direction, but the farther away you get from the city the fewer people there are, until those parts that border on the desert have small populations. also those faraway sections are little known to the oz people, except in the south, where glinda lives and where dorothy has often wandered on trips of exploration. the least known of all is the gillikin country, which harbors many strange bands of people among its mountains and valleys and forests and streams, and ozma was now bound for the most distant part of the gillikin country. "i am really sorry," said ozma to dorothy, as they rode away in the red wagon, "not to know more about the wonderful land i rule. it is my duty to be acquainted with every tribe of people and every strange and hidden country in all oz, but i am kept so busy at my palace making laws and planning for the comforts of those who live near the emerald city, that i do not often find time to make long journeys." "well," replied dorothy, "we'll prob'bly find out a lot on this trip, and we'll learn all about the skeezers and flatheads, anyhow. time doesn't make much diff'rence in the land of oz, 'cause we don't grow up, or get old, or become sick and die, as they do other places; so, if we explore one place at a time, we'll by-an'-by know all about every nook and corner in oz." dorothy wore around her waist the nome king's magic belt, which protected her from harm, and the magic ring which glinda had given her was on her finger. ozma had merely slipped a small silver wand into the bosom of her gown, for fairies do not use chemicals and herbs and the tools of wizards and sorcerers to perform their magic. the silver wand was ozma's one weapon of offense and defense and by its use she could accomplish many things. they had left the emerald city just at sunrise and the sawhorse traveled very swiftly over the roads towards the north, but in a few hours the wooden animal had to slacken his pace because the farm houses had become few and far between and often there were no paths at all in the direction they wished to follow. at such times they crossed the fields, avoiding groups of trees and fording the streams and rivulets whenever they came to them. but finally they reached a broad hillside closely covered with scrubby brush, through which the wagon could not pass. "it will be difficult even for you and me to get through without tearing our dresses," said ozma, "so we must leave the sawhorse and the wagon here until our return." "that's all right," dorothy replied, "i'm tired riding, anyhow. do you s'pose, ozma, we're anywhere near the skeezer country?" "i cannot tell, dorothy dear, but i know we've been going in the right direction, so we are sure to find it in time." the scrubby brush was almost like a grove of small trees, for it reached as high as the heads of the two girls, neither of whom was very tall. they were obliged to thread their way in and out, until dorothy was afraid they would get lost, and finally they were halted by a curious thing that barred their further progress. it was a huge web--as if woven by gigantic spiders--and the delicate, lacy film was fastened stoutly to the branches of the bushes and continued to the right and left in the form of a half circle. the threads of this web were of a brilliant purple color and woven into numerous artistic patterns, but it reached from the ground to branches above the heads of the girls and formed a sort of fence that hedged them in. "it doesn't look very strong, though," said dorothy. "i wonder if we couldn't break through." she tried but found the web stronger than it seemed. all her efforts could not break a single thread. "we must go back, i think, and try to get around this peculiar web," ozma decided. so they turned to the right and, following the web found that it seemed to spread in a regular circle. on and on they went until finally ozma said they had returned to the exact spot from which they had started. "here is a handkerchief you dropped when we were here before," she said to dorothy. "in that case, they must have built the web behind us, after we walked into the trap," exclaimed the little girl. "true," agreed ozma, "an enemy has tried to imprison us." "and they did it, too," said dorothy. "i wonder who it was." "it's a spider-web, i'm quite sure," returned ozma, "but it must be the work of enormous spiders." "quite right!" cried a voice behind them. turning quickly around they beheld a huge purple spider sitting not two yards away and regarding them with its small bright eyes. then there crawled from the bushes a dozen more great purple spiders, which saluted the first one and said: "the web is finished, o king, and the strangers are our prisoners." dorothy did not like the looks of these spiders at all. they had big heads, sharp claws, small eyes and fuzzy hair all over their purple bodies. "they look wicked," she whispered to ozma. "what shall we do?" ozma gazed upon the spiders with a serious face. "what is your object in making us prisoners?" she inquired. "we need someone to keep house for us," answered the spider king. "there is sweeping and dusting to be done, and polishing and washing of dishes, and that is work my people dislike to do. so we decided that if any strangers came our way we would capture them and make them our servants." "i am princess ozma, ruler of all oz," said the girl with dignity. "well, i am king of all spiders," was the reply, "and that makes me your master. come with me to my palace and i will instruct you in your work." "i won't," said dorothy indignantly. "we won't have anything to do with you." "we'll see about that," returned the spider in a severe tone, and the next instant he made a dive straight at dorothy, opening the claws in his legs as if to grab and pinch her with the sharp points. but the girl was wearing her magic belt and was not harmed. the spider king could not even touch her. he turned swiftly and made a dash at ozma, but she held her magic wand over his head and the monster recoiled as if it had been struck. "you'd better let us go," dorothy advised him, "for you see you can't hurt us." "so i see," returned the spider king angrily. "your magic is greater than mine. but i'll not help you to escape. if you can break the magic web my people have woven you may go; if not you must stay here and starve." with that the spider king uttered a peculiar whistle and all the spiders disappeared. "there is more magic in my fairyland than i dreamed of," remarked the beautiful ozma, with a sigh of regret. "it seems that my laws have not been obeyed, for even these monstrous spiders defy me by means of magic." "never mind that now," said dorothy; "let's see what we can do to get out of this trap." they now examined the web with great care and were amazed at its strength. although finer than the finest silken hairs, it resisted all their efforts to work through, even though both girls threw all their weight against it. "we must find some instrument which will cut the threads of the web," said ozma, finally. "let us look about for such a tool." so they wandered among the bushes and finally came to a shallow pool of water, formed by a small bubbling spring. dorothy stooped to get a drink and discovered in the water a green crab, about as big as her hand. the crab had two big, sharp claws, and as soon as dorothy saw them she had an idea that those claws could save them. "come out of the water," she called to the crab; "i want to talk to you." rather lazily the crab rose to the surface and caught hold of a bit of rock. with his head above the water he said in a cross voice: "what do you want?" "we want you to cut the web of the purple spiders with your claws, so we can get through it," answered dorothy. "you can do that, can't you?" "i suppose so," replied the crab. "but if i do what will you give me?" "what do you wish?" ozma inquired. "i wish to be white, instead of green," said the crab. "green crabs are very common, and white ones are rare; besides the purple spiders, which infest this hillside, are afraid of white crabs. could you make me white if i should agree to cut the web for you?" "yes," said ozma, "i can do that easily. and, so you may know i am speaking the truth, i will change your color now." she waved her silver wand over the pool and the crab instantly became snow-white--all except his eyes, which remained black. the creature saw his reflection in the water and was so delighted that he at once climbed out of the pool and began moving slowly toward the web, by backing away from the pool. he moved so very slowly that dorothy cried out impatiently: "dear me, this will never do!" caching the crab in her hands she ran with him to the web. she had to hold him up even then, so he could reach with his claws strand after strand of the filmy purple web, which he was able to sever with one nip. when enough of the web had been cut to allow them to pass, dorothy ran back to the pool and placed the white crab in the water, after which she rejoined ozma. they were just in time to escape through the web, for several of the purple spiders now appeared, having discovered that their web had been cut, and had the girls not rushed through the opening the spiders would have quickly repaired the cuts and again imprisoned them. ozma and dorothy ran as fast as they could and although the angry spiders threw a number of strands of web after them, hoping to lasso them or entangle them in the coils, they managed to escape and clamber to the top of the hill. chapter three the mist maidens from the top of the hill ozma and dorothy looked down into the valley beyond and were surprised to find it filled with a floating mist that was as dense as smoke. nothing in the valley was visible except these rolling waves of mist, but beyond, on the other side, rose a grassy hill that appeared quite beautiful. "well," said dorothy, "what are we to do, ozma? walk down into that thick fog, an' prob'bly get lost in it, or wait till it clears away?" "i'm not sure it will clear away, however long we wait," replied ozma, doubtfully. "if we wish to get on, i think we must venture into the mist." "but we can't see where we're going, or what we're stepping on," protested dorothy. "there may be dreadful things mixed up in that fog, an' i'm scared just to think of wading into it." even ozma seemed to hesitate. she was silent and thoughtful for a little while, looking at the rolling drifts that were so gray and forbidding. finally she said: "i believe this is a mist valley, where these moist clouds always remain, for even the sunshine above does not drive them away. therefore the mist maids must live here, and they are fairies and should answer my call." she placed her two hands before her mouth, forming a hollow with them, and uttered a clear, thrilling, bird-like cry. it floated far out over the mist waves and presently was answered by a similar sound, as of a far-off echo. dorothy was much impressed. she had seen many strange things since coming to this fairy country, but here was a new experience. at ordinary times ozma was just like any little girl one might chance to meet--simple, merry, lovable as could be--yet with a certain reserve that lent her dignity in her most joyous moods. there were times, however, when seated on her throne and commanding her subjects, or when her fairy powers were called into use, when dorothy and all others about her stood in awe of their lovely girl ruler and realized her superiority. ozma waited. presently out from the billows rose beautiful forms, clothed in fleecy, trailing garments of gray that could scarcely be distinguished from the mist. their hair was mist-color, too; only their gleaming arms and sweet, pallid faces proved they were living, intelligent creatures answering the call of a sister fairy. like sea nymphs they rested on the bosom of the clouds, their eyes turned questioningly upon the two girls who stood upon the bank. one came quite near and to her ozma said: "will you please take us to the opposite hillside? we are afraid to venture into the mist. i am princess ozma of oz, and this is my friend dorothy, a princess of oz." the mist maids came nearer, holding out their arms. without hesitation ozma advanced and allowed them to embrace her and dorothy plucked up courage to follow. very gently the mist maids held them. dorothy thought the arms were cold and misty--they didn't seem real at all--yet they supported the two girls above the surface of the billows and floated with them so swiftly to the green hillside opposite that the girls were astonished to find themselves set upon the grass before they realized they had fairly started. "thank you!" said ozma gratefully, and dorothy also added her thanks for the service. the mist maids made no answer, but they smiled and waved their hands in good-bye as again they floated out into the mist and disappeared from view. chapter four the magic tent "well," said dorothy with a laugh, "that was easier than i expected. it's worth while, sometimes, to be a real fairy. but i wouldn't like to be that kind, and live in a dreadful fog all the time." they now climbed the bank and found before them a delightful plain that spread for miles in all directions. fragrant wild flowers were scattered throughout the grass; there were bushes bearing lovely blossoms and luscious fruits; now and then a group of stately trees added to the beauty of the landscape. but there were no dwellings or signs of life. the farther side of the plain was bordered by a row of palms, and just in front of the palms rose a queerly shaped hill that towered above the plain like a mountain. the sides of this hill were straight up and down; it was oblong in shape and the top seemed flat and level. "oh, ho!" cried dorothy; "i'll bet that's the mountain glinda told us of, where the flatheads live." "if it is," replied ozma, "the lake of the skeezers must be just beyond the line of palm trees. can you walk that far, dorothy?" "of course, in time," was the prompt answer. "i'm sorry we had to leave the sawhorse and the red wagon behind us, for they'd come in handy just now; but with the end of our journey in sight a tramp across these pretty green fields won't tire us a bit." it was a longer tramp than they suspected, however, and night overtook them before they could reach the flat mountain. so ozma proposed they camp for the night and dorothy was quite ready to approve. she didn't like to admit to her friend she was tired, but she told herself that her legs "had prickers in 'em," meaning they had begun to ache. usually when dorothy started on a journey of exploration or adventure, she carried with her a basket of food, and other things that a traveler in a strange country might require, but to go away with ozma was quite a different thing, as experience had taught her. the fairy ruler of oz only needed her silver wand--tipped at one end with a great sparkling emerald--to provide through its magic all that they might need. therefore ozma, having halted with her companion and selected a smooth, grassy spot on the plain, waved her wand in graceful curves and chanted some mystic words in her sweet voice, and in an instant a handsome tent appeared before them. the canvas was striped purple and white, and from the center pole fluttered the royal banner of oz. "come, dear," said ozma, taking dorothy's hand, "i am hungry and i'm sure you must be also; so let us go in and have our feast." on entering the tent they found a table set for two, with snowy linen, bright silver and sparkling glassware, a vase of roses in the center and many dishes of delicious food, some smoking hot, waiting to satisfy their hunger. also, on either side of the tent were beds, with satin sheets, warm blankets and pillows filled with swansdown. there were chairs, too, and tall lamps that lighted the interior of the tent with a soft, rosy glow. dorothy, resting herself at her fairy friend's command, and eating her dinner with unusual enjoyment, thought of the wonders of magic. if one were a fairy and knew the secret laws of nature and the mystic words and ceremonies that commanded those laws, then a simple wave of a silver wand would produce instantly all that men work hard and anxiously for through weary years. and dorothy wished in her kindly, innocent heart, that all men and women could be fairies with silver wands, and satisfy all their needs without so much work and worry, for then, she imagined, they would have all their working hours to be happy in. but ozma, looking into her friend's face and reading those thoughts, gave a laugh and said: "no, no, dorothy, that wouldn't do at all. instead of happiness your plan would bring weariness to the world. if every one could wave a wand and have his wants fulfilled there would be little to wish for. there would be no eager striving to obtain the difficult, for nothing would then be difficult, and the pleasure of earning something longed for, and only to be secured by hard work and careful thought, would be utterly lost. there would be nothing to do you see, and no interest in life and in our fellow creatures. that is all that makes life worth our while--to do good deeds and to help those less fortunate than ourselves." "well, you're a fairy, ozma. aren't you happy?" asked dorothy. "yes, dear, because i can use my fairy powers to make others happy. had i no kingdom to rule, and no subjects to look after, i would be miserable. also, you must realize that while i am a more powerful fairy than any other inhabitant of oz, i am not as powerful as glinda the sorceress, who has studied many arts of magic that i know nothing of. even the little wizard of oz can do some things i am unable to accomplish, while i can accomplish things unknown to the wizard. this is to explain that i'm not all-powerful, by any means. my magic is simply fairy magic, and not sorcery or wizardry." "all the same," said dorothy, "i'm mighty glad you could make this tent appear, with our dinners and beds all ready for us." ozma smiled. "yes, it is indeed wonderful," she agreed. "not all fairies know that sort of magic, but some fairies can do magic that fills me with astonishment. i think that is what makes us modest and unassuming--the fact that our magic arts are divided, some being given each of us. i'm glad i don't know everything, dorothy, and that there still are things in both nature and in wit for me to marvel at." dorothy couldn't quite understand this, so she said nothing more on the subject and presently had a new reason to marvel. for when they had quite finished their meal table and contents disappeared in a flash. "no dishes to wash, ozma!" she said with a laugh. "i guess you'd make a lot of folks happy if you could teach 'em just that one trick." for an hour ozma told stories, and talked with dorothy about various people in whom they were interested. and then it was bedtime, and they undressed and crept into their soft beds and fell asleep almost as soon as their heads touched their pillows. chapter five the magic stairway the flat mountain looked much nearer in the clear light of the morning sun, but dorothy and ozma knew there was a long tramp before them, even yet. they finished dressing only to find a warm, delicious breakfast awaiting them, and having eaten they left the tent and started toward the mountain which was their first goal. after going a little way dorothy looked back and found that the fairy tent had entirely disappeared. she was not surprised, for she knew this would happen. "can't your magic give us a horse an' wagon, or an automobile?" inquired dorothy. "no, dear; i'm sorry that such magic is beyond my power," confessed her fairy friend. "perhaps glinda could," said dorothy thoughtfully. "glinda has a stork chariot that carries her through the air," said ozma, "but even our great sorceress cannot conjure up other modes of travel. don't forget what i told you last night, that no one is powerful enough to do everything." "well, i s'pose i ought to know that, having lived so long in the land of oz," replied dorothy; "but i can't do any magic at all, an' so i can't figure out e'zactly how you an' glinda an' the wizard do it." "don't try," laughed ozma. "but you have at least one magical art, dorothy: you know the trick of winning all hearts." "no, i don't," said dorothy earnestly. "if i really can do it, ozma, i am sure i don't know how i do it." it took them a good two hours to reach the foot of the round, flat mountain, and then they found the sides so steep that they were like the wall of a house. "even my purple kitten couldn't climb 'em," remarked dorothy, gazing upward. "but there is some way for the flatheads to get down and up again," declared ozma; "otherwise they couldn't make war with the skeezers, or even meet them and quarrel with them." "that's so, ozma. let's walk around a ways; perhaps we'll find a ladder or something." they walked quite a distance, for it was a big mountain, and as they circled around it and came to the side that faced the palm trees, they suddenly discovered an entrance way cut out of the rock wall. this entrance was arched overhead and not very deep because it merely led to a short flight of stone stairs. "oh, we've found a way to the top at last," announced ozma, and the two girls turned and walked straight toward the entrance. suddenly they bumped against something and stood still, unable to proceed farther. "dear me!" exclaimed dorothy, rubbing her nose, which had struck something hard, although she could not see what it was; "this isn't as easy as it looks. what has stopped us, ozma? is it magic of some sort?" ozma was feeling around, her bands outstretched before her. "yes, dear, it is magic," she replied. "the flatheads had to have a way from their mountain top from the plain below, but to prevent enemies from rushing up the stairs to conquer them, they have built, at a small distance before the entrance a wall of solid stone, the stones being held in place by cement, and then they made the wall invisible." "i wonder why they did that?" mused dorothy. "a wall would keep folks out anyhow, whether it could be seen or not, so there wasn't any use making it invisible. seems to me it would have been better to have left it solid, for then no one would have seen the entrance behind it. now anybody can see the entrance, as we did. and prob'bly anybody that tries to go up the stairs gets bumped, as we did." ozma made no reply at once. her face was grave and thoughtful. "i think i know the reason for making the wall invisible," she said after a while. "the flatheads use the stairs for coming down and going up. if there was a solid stone wall to keep them from reaching the plain they would themselves be imprisoned by the wall. so they had to leave some place to get around the wall, and, if the wall was visible, all strangers or enemies would find the place to go around it and then the wall would be useless. so the flatheads cunningly made their wall invisible, believing that everyone who saw the entrance to the mountain would walk straight toward it, as we did, and find it impossible to go any farther. i suppose the wall is really high and thick, and can't be broken through, so those who find it in their way are obliged to go away again." "well," said dorothy, "if there's a way around the wall, where is it?" "we must find it," returned ozma, and began feeling her way along the wall. dorothy followed and began to get discouraged when ozma had walked nearly a quarter of a mile away from the entrance. but now the invisible wall curved in toward the side of the mountain and suddenly ended, leaving just space enough between the wall and the mountain for an ordinary person to pass through. the girls went in, single file, and ozma explained that they were now behind the barrier and could go back to the entrance. they met no further obstructions. "most people, ozma, wouldn't have figured this thing out the way you did," remarked dorothy. "if i'd been alone the invisible wall surely would have stumped me." reaching the entrance they began to mount the stone stairs. they went up ten stairs and then down five stairs, following a passage cut from the rock. the stairs were just wide enough for the two girls to walk abreast, arm in arm. at the bottom of the five stairs the passage turned to the right, and they ascended ten more stairs, only to find at the top of the flight five stairs leading straight down again. again the passage turned abruptly, this time to the left, and ten more stairs led upward. the passage was now quite dark, for they were in the heart of the mountain and all daylight had been shut out by the turns of the passage. however, ozma drew her silver wand from her bosom and the great jewel at its end gave out a lustrous, green-tinted light which lighted the place well enough for them to see their way plainly. ten steps up, five steps down, and a turn, this way or that. that was the program, and dorothy figured that they were only gaining five stairs upward each trip that they made. "those flatheads must be funny people," she said to ozma. "they don't seem to do anything in a bold straightforward manner. in making this passage they forced everyone to walk three times as far as is necessary. and of course this trip is just as tiresome to the flatheads as it is to other folks." "that is true," answered ozma; "yet it is a clever arrangement to prevent their being surprised by intruders. every time we reach the tenth step of a flight, the pressure of our feet on the stone makes a bell ring on top of the mountain, to warn the flatheads of our coming." "how do you know that?" demanded dorothy, astonished. "i've heard the bell ever since we started," ozma told her. "you could not hear it, i know, but when i am holding my wand in my hand i can hear sounds a great distance off." "do you hear anything on top of the mountain 'cept the bell?" inquired dorothy. "yes. the people are calling to one another in alarm and many footsteps are approaching the place where we will reach the flat top of the mountain." this made dorothy feel somewhat anxious. "i'd thought we were going to visit just common, ordinary people," she remarked, "but they're pretty clever, it seems, and they know some kinds of magic, too. they may be dangerous, ozma. p'raps we'd better stayed at home." finally the upstairs-and-downstairs passage seemed coming to an end, for daylight again appeared ahead of the two girls and ozma replaced her wand in the bosom of her gown. the last ten steps brought them to the surface, where they found themselves surrounded by such a throng of queer people that for a time they halted, speechless, and stared into the faces that confronted them. dorothy knew at once why these mountain people were called flatheads. their heads were really flat on top, as if they had been cut off just above the eyes and ears. also the heads were bald, with no hair on top at all, and the ears were big and stuck straight out, and the noses were small and stubby, while the mouths of the flatheads were well shaped and not unusual. their eyes were perhaps their best feature, being large and bright and a deep violet in color. the costumes of the flatheads were all made of metals dug from their mountain. small gold, silver, tin and iron discs, about the size of pennies, and very thin, were cleverly wired together and made to form knee trousers and jackets for the men and skirts and waists for the women. the colored metals were skillfully mixed to form stripes and checks of various sorts, so that the costumes were quite gorgeous and reminded dorothy of pictures she had seen of knights of old clothed armor. aside from their flat heads, these people were not really bad looking. the men were armed with bows and arrows and had small axes of steel stuck in their metal belts. they wore no hats nor ornaments. chapter six flathead mountain when they saw that the intruders on their mountain were only two little girls, the flatheads grunted with satisfaction and drew back, permitting them to see what the mountain top looked like. it was shaped like a saucer, so that the houses and other buildings--all made of rocks--could not be seen over the edge by anyone standing in the plain below. but now a big fat flathead stood before the girls and in a gruff voice demanded: "what are you doing here? have the skeezers sent you to spy upon us?" "i am princess ozma, ruler of all the land of oz." "well, i've never heard of the land of oz, so you may be what you claim," returned the flathead. "this is the land of oz--part of it, anyway," exclaimed dorothy. "so princess ozma rules you flathead people, as well as all the other people in oz." the man laughed, and all the others who stood around laughed, too. some one in the crowd called: "she'd better not tell the supreme dictator about ruling the flatheads. eh, friends?" "no, indeed!" they all answered in positive tones. "who is your supreme dictator?" answered ozma. "i think i'll let him tell you that himself," answered the man who had first spoken. "you have broken our laws by coming here; and whoever you are the supreme dictator must fix your punishment. come along with me." he started down a path and ozma and dorothy followed him without protest, as they wanted to see the most important person in this queer country. the houses they passed seemed pleasant enough and each had a little yard in which were flowers and vegetables. walls of rock separated the dwellings, and all the paths were paved with smooth slabs of rock. this seemed their only building material and they utilized it cleverly for every purpose. directly in the center of the great saucer stood a larger building which the flathead informed the girls was the palace of the supreme dictator. he led them through an entrance hall into a big reception room, where they sat upon stone benches and awaited the coming of the dictator. pretty soon he entered from another room--a rather lean and rather old flathead, dressed much like the others of this strange race, and only distinguished from them by the sly and cunning expression of his face. he kept his eyes half closed and looked through the slits of them at ozma and dorothy, who rose to receive him. "are you the supreme dictator of the flatheads?" inquired ozma. "yes, that's me," he said, rubbing his hands slowly together. "my word is law. i'm the head of the flatheads on this flat headland." "i am princess ozma of oz, and i have come from the emerald city to--" "stop a minute," interrupted the dictator, and turned to the man who had brought the girls there. "go away, dictator felo flathead!" he commanded. "return to your duty and guard the stairway. i will look after these strangers." the man bowed and departed, and dorothy asked wonderingly: "is he a dictator, too?" "of course," was the answer. "everybody here is a dictator of something or other. they're all office holders. that's what keeps them contented. but i'm the supreme dictator of all, and i'm elected once a year. this is a democracy, you know, where the people are allowed to vote for their rulers. a good many others would like to be supreme dictator, but as i made a law that i am always to count the votes myself, i am always elected." "what is your name?" asked ozma. "i am called the su-dic, which is short for supreme dictator. i sent that man away because the moment you mentioned ozma of oz, and the emerald city, i knew who you are. i suppose i'm the only flathead that ever heard of you, but that's because i have more brains than the rest." dorothy was staring hard at the su-dic. "i don't see how you can have any brains at all," she remarked, "because the part of your head is gone where brains are kept." "i don't blame you for thinking that," he said. "once the flatheads had no brains because, as you say, there is no upper part to their heads, to hold brains. but long, long ago a band of fairies flew over this country and made it all a fairyland, and when they came to the flatheads the fairies were sorry to find them all very stupid and quite unable to think. so, as there was no good place in their bodies in which to put brains the fairy queen gave each one of us a nice can of brains to carry in his pocket and that made us just as intelligent as other people. see," he continued, "here is one of the cans of brains the fairies gave us." he took from a pocket a bright tin can having a pretty red label on it which said: "concentrated brains, extra quality." "and does every flathead have the same kind of brains?" asked dorothy. "yes, they're all alike. here's another can." from another pocket he produced a second can of brains. "did the fairies give you a double supply?" inquired dorothy. "no, but one of the flatheads thought he wanted to be the su-dic and tried to get my people to rebel against me, so i punished him by taking away his brains. one day my wife scolded me severely, so i took away her can of brains. she didn't like that and went out and robbed several women of their brains. then i made a law that if anyone stole another's brains, or even tried to borrow them, he would forfeit his own brains to the su-dic. so each one is content with his own canned brains and my wife and i are the only ones on the mountain with more than one can. i have three cans and that makes me very clever--so clever that i'm a good sorcerer, if i do say it myself. my poor wife had four cans of brains and became a remarkable witch, but alas! that was before those terrible enemies, the skeezers, transformed her into a golden pig." "good gracious!" cried dorothy; "is your wife really a golden pig?" "she is. the skeezers did it and so i have declared war on them. in revenge for making my wife a pig i intend to ruin their magic island and make the skeezers the slaves of the flatheads!" the su-dic was very angry now; his eyes flashed and his face took on a wicked and fierce expression. but ozma said to him, very sweetly and in a friendly voice: "i am sorry to hear this. will you please tell me more about your troubles with the skeezers? then perhaps i can help you." she was only a girl, but there was dignity in her pose and speech which impressed the su-dic. "if you are really princess ozma of oz," the flathead said, "you are one of that band of fairies who, under queen lurline, made all oz a fairyland. i have heard that lurline left one of her own fairies to rule oz, and gave the fairy the name of ozma." "if you knew this why did you not come to me at the emerald city and tender me your loyalty and obedience?" asked the ruler of oz. "well, i only learned the fact lately, and i've been too busy to leave home," he explained, looking at the floor instead of into ozma's eyes. she knew he had spoken a falsehood, but only said: "why did you quarrel with the skeezers?" "it was this way," began the su-dic, glad to change the subject. "we flatheads love fish, and as we have no fish on this mountain we would sometimes go to the lake of the skeezers to catch fish. this made the skeezers angry, for they declared the fish in their lake belonged to them and were under their protection and they forbade us to catch them. that was very mean and unfriendly in the skeezers, you must admit, and when we paid no attention to their orders they set a guard on the shore of the lake to prevent our fishing. "now, my wife, rora flathead, having four cans of brains, had become a wonderful witch, and fish being brain food, she loved to eat fish better than any one of us. so she vowed she would destroy every fish in the lake, unless the skeezers let us catch what we wanted. they defied us, so rora prepared a kettleful of magic poison and went down to the lake one night to dump it all in the water and poison the fish. it was a clever idea, quite worthy of my dear wife, but the skeezer queen--a young lady named coo-ee-oh--hid on the bank of the lake and taking rora unawares, transformed her into a golden pig. the poison was spilled on the ground and wicked queen coo-ee-oh, not content with her cruel transformation, even took away my wife's four cans of brains, so she is now a common grunting pig without even brains enough to know her own name." "then," said ozma thoughtfully, "the queen of the skeezers must be a sorceress." "yes," said the su-dic, "but she doesn't know much magic, after all. she is not as powerful as rora flathead was, nor half as powerful as i am now, as queen coo-ee-oh will discover when we fight our great battle and destroy her." "the golden pig can't be a witch any more, of course," observed dorothy. "no; even had queen coo-ee-oh left her the four cans of brains, poor rora, in a pig's shape, couldn't do any witchcraft. a witch has to use her fingers, and a pig has only cloven hoofs." "it seems a sad story," was ozma's comment, "and all the trouble arose because the flatheads wanted fish that did not belong to them." "as for that," said the su-dic, again angry, "i made a law that any of my people could catch fish in the lake of the skeezers, whenever they wanted to. so the trouble was through the skeezers defying my law." "you can only make laws to govern your own people," asserted ozma sternly. "i, alone, am empowered to make laws that must be obeyed by all the peoples of oz." "pooh!" cried the su-dic scornfully. "you can't make me obey your laws, i assure you. i know the extent of your powers, princess ozma of oz, and i know that i am more powerful than you are. to prove it i shall keep you and your companion prisoners in this mountain until after we have fought and conquered the skeezers. then, if you promise to be good, i may let you go home again." dorothy was amazed by this effrontery and defiance of the beautiful girl ruler of oz, whom all until now had obeyed without question. but ozma, still unruffled and dignified, looked at the su-dic and said: "you did not mean that. you are angry and speak unwisely, without reflection. i came here from my palace in the emerald city to prevent war and to make peace between you and the skeezers. i do not approve of queen coo-ee-oh's action in transforming your wife rora into a pig, nor do i approve of rora's cruel attempt to poison the fishes in the lake. no one has the right to work magic in my dominions without my consent, so the flatheads and the skeezers have both broken my laws--which must be obeyed." "if you want to make peace," said the su-dic, "make the skeezers restore my wife to her proper form and give back her four cans of brains. also make them agree to allow us to catch fish in their lake." "no," returned ozma, "i will not do that, for it would be unjust. i will have the golden pig again transformed into your wife rora, and give her one can of brains, but the other three cans must be restored to those she robbed. neither may you catch fish in the lake of the skeezers, for it is their lake and the fish belong to them. this arrangement is just and honorable, and you must agree to it." "never!" cried the su-dic. just then a pig came running into the room, uttering dismal grunts. it was made of solid gold, with joints at the bends of the legs and in the neck and jaws. the golden pig's eyes were rubies, and its teeth were polished ivory. "there!" said the su-dic, "gaze on the evil work of queen coo-ee-oh, and then say if you can prevent my making war on the skeezers. that grunting beast was once my wife--the most beautiful flathead on our mountain and a skillful witch. now look at her!" "fight the skeezers, fight the skeezers, fight the skeezers!" grunted the golden pig. "i will fight the skeezers," exclaimed the flathead chief, "and if a dozen ozmas of oz forbade me i would fight just the same." "not if i can prevent it!" asserted ozma. "you can't prevent it. but since you threaten me, i'll have you confined in the bronze prison until the war is over," said the su-dic. he whistled and four stout flatheads, armed with axes and spears, entered the room and saluted him. turning to the men he said: "take these two girls, bind them with wire ropes and cast them into the bronze prison." the four men bowed low and one of them asked: "where are the two girls, most noble su-dic?" the su-dic turned to where ozma and dorothy had stood but they had vanished! chapter seven the magic isle ozma, seeing it was useless to argue with the supreme dictator of the flatheads, had been considering how best to escape from his power. she realized that his sorcery might be difficult to overcome, and when he threatened to cast dorothy and her into a bronze prison she slipped her hand into her bosom and grasped her silver wand. with the other hand she grasped the hand of dorothy, but these motions were so natural that the su-dic did not notice them. then when he turned to meet his four soldiers, ozma instantly rendered both herself and dorothy invisible and swiftly led her companion around the group of flatheads and out of the room. as they reached the entry and descended the stone steps, ozma whispered: "let us run, dear! we are invisible, so no one will see us." dorothy understood and she was a good runner. ozma had marked the place where the grand stairway that led to the plain was located, so they made directly for it. some people were in the paths but these they dodged around. one or two flatheads heard the pattering of footsteps of the girls on the stone pavement and stopped with bewildered looks to gaze around them, but no one interfered with the invisible fugitives. the su-dic had lost no time in starting the chase. he and his men ran so fast that they might have overtaken the girls before they reached the stairway had not the golden pig suddenly run across their path. the su-dic tripped over the pig and fell flat, and his four men tripped over him and tumbled in a heap. before they could scramble up and reach the mouth of the passage it was too late to stop the two girls. there was a guard on each side of the stairway, but of course they did not see ozma and dorothy as they sped past and descended the steps. then they had to go up five steps and down another ten, and so on, in the same manner in which they had climbed to the top of the mountain. ozma lighted their way with her wand and they kept on without relaxing their speed until they reached the bottom. then they ran to the right and turned the corner of the invisible wall just as the su-dic and his followers rushed out of the arched entrance and looked around in an attempt to discover the fugitives. ozma now knew they were safe, so she told dorothy to stop and both of them sat down on the grass until they could breathe freely and become rested from their mad flight. as for the su-dic, he realized he was foiled and soon turned and climbed his stairs again. he was very angry--angry with ozma and angry with himself--because, now that he took time to think, he remembered that he knew very well the art of making people invisible, and visible again, and if he had only thought of it in time he could have used his magic knowledge to make the girls visible and so have captured them easily. however, it was now too late for regrets and he determined to make preparations at once to march all his forces against the skeezers. "what shall we do next?" asked dorothy, when they were rested. "let us find the lake of the skeezers," replied ozma. "from what that dreadful su-dic said i imagine the skeezers are good people and worthy of our friendship, and if we go to them we may help them to defeat the flatheads." "i s'pose we can't stop the war now," remarked dorothy reflectively, as they walked toward the row of palm trees. "no; the su-dic is determined to fight the skeezers, so all we can do is to warn them of their danger and help them as much as possible." "of course you'll punish the flatheads," said dorothy. "well, i do not think the flathead people are as much to blame as their supreme dictator," was the answer. "if he is removed from power and his unlawful magic taken from him, the people will probably be good and respect the laws of the land of oz, and live at peace with all their neighbors in the future." "i hope so," said dorothy with a sigh of doubt the palms were not far from the mountain and the girls reached them after a brisk walk. the huge trees were set close together, in three rows, and had been planted so as to keep people from passing them, but the flatheads had cut a passage through this barrier and ozma found the path and led dorothy to the other side. beyond the palms they discovered a very beautiful scene. bordered by a green lawn was a great lake fully a mile from shore to shore, the waters of which were exquisitely blue and sparkling, with little wavelets breaking its smooth surface where the breezes touched it. in the center of this lake appeared a lovely island, not of great extent but almost entirely covered by a huge round building with glass walls and a high glass dome which glittered brilliantly in the sunshine. between the glass building and the edge of the island was no grass, flowers or shrubbery, but only an expanse of highly polished white marble. there were no boats on either shore and no signs of life could be seen anywhere on the island. "well," said dorothy, gazing wistfully at the island, "we've found the lake of the skeezers and their magic isle. i guess the skeezers are in that big glass palace, but we can't get at 'em." chapter eight queen coo-ee-oh princess ozma considered the situation gravely. then she tied her handkerchief to her wand and, standing at the water's edge, waved the handkerchief like a flag, as a signal. for a time they could observe no response. "i don't see what good that will do," said dorothy. "even if the skeezers are on that island and see us, and know we're friends, they haven't any boats to come and get us." but the skeezers didn't need boats, as the girls soon discovered. for on a sudden an opening appeared at the base of the palace and from the opening came a slender shaft of steel, reaching out slowly but steadily across the water in the direction of the place where they stood. to the girls this steel arrangement looked like a triangle, with the base nearest the water. it came toward them in the form of an arch, stretching out from the palace wall until its end reached the bank and rested there, while the other end still remained on the island. then they saw that it was a bridge, consisting of a steel footway just broad enough to walk on, and two slender guide rails, one on either side, which were connected with the footway by steel bars. the bridge looked rather frail and dorothy feared it would not bear their weight, but ozma at once called, "come on!" and started to walk across, holding fast to the rail on either side. so dorothy summoned her courage and followed after. before ozma had taken three steps she halted and so forced dorothy to halt, for the bridge was again moving and returning to the island. "we need not walk after all," said ozma. so they stood still in their places and let the steel bridge draw them onward. indeed, the bridge drew them well into the glass-domed building which covered the island, and soon they found themselves standing in a marble room where two handsomely dressed young men stood on a platform to receive them. ozma at once stepped from the end of the bridge to the marble platform, followed by dorothy, and then the bridge disappeared with a slight clang of steel and a marble slab covered the opening from which it had emerged. the two young men bowed profoundly to ozma, and one of them said: "queen coo-ee-oh bids you welcome, o strangers. her majesty is waiting to receive you in her palace." "lead on," replied ozma with dignity. but instead of "leading on," the platform of marble began to rise, carrying them upward through a square hole above which just fitted it. a moment later they found themselves within the great glass dome that covered almost all of the island. within this dome was a little village, with houses, streets, gardens and parks. the houses were of colored marbles, prettily designed, with many stained-glass windows, and the streets and gardens seemed well cared for. exactly under the center of the lofty dome was a small park filled with brilliant flowers, with an elaborate fountain, and facing this park stood a building larger and more imposing than the others. toward this building the young men escorted ozma and dorothy. on the streets and in the doorways or open windows of the houses were men, women and children, all richly dressed. these were much like other people in different parts of the land of oz, except that instead of seeming merry and contented they all wore expressions of much solemnity or of nervous irritation. they had beautiful homes, splendid clothes, and ample food, but dorothy at once decided something was wrong with their lives and that they were not happy. she said nothing, however, but looked curiously at the skeezers. at the entrance of the palace ozma and dorothy were met by two other young men, in uniform and armed with queer weapons that seemed about halfway between pistols and guns, but were like neither. their conductors bowed and left them, and the two in uniforms led the girls into the palace. in a beautiful throne room, surrounded by a dozen or more young men and women, sat the queen of the skeezers, coo-ee-oh. she was a girl who looked older than ozma or dorothy--fifteen or sixteen, at least--and although she was elaborately dressed as if she were going to a ball she was too thin and plain of feature to be pretty. but evidently queen coo-ee-oh did not realize this fact, for her air and manner betrayed her as proud and haughty and with a high regard for her own importance. dorothy at once decided she was "snippy" and that she would not like queen coo-ee-oh as a companion. the queen's hair was as black as her skin was white and her eyes were black, too. the eyes, as she calmly examined ozma and dorothy, had a suspicious and unfriendly look in them, but she said quietly: "i know who you are, for i have consulted my magic oracle, which told me that one calls herself princess ozma, the ruler of all the land of oz, and the other is princess dorothy of oz, who came from a country called kansas. i know nothing of the land of oz, and i know nothing of kansas." "why, this is the land of oz!" cried dorothy. "it's a part of the land of oz, anyhow, whether you know it or not." "oh, in-deed!" answered queen coo-ee-oh, scornfully. "i suppose you will claim next that this princess ozma, ruling the land of oz, rules me!" "of course," returned dorothy. "there's no doubt of it." the queen turned to ozma. "do you dare make such a claim?" she asked. by this time ozma had made up her mind as to the character of this haughty and disdainful creature, whose self-pride evidently led her to believe herself superior to all others. "i did not come here to quarrel with your majesty," said the girl ruler of oz, quietly. "what and who i am is well established, and my authority comes from the fairy queen lurline, of whose band i was a member when lurline made all oz a fairyland. there are several countries and several different peoples in this broad land, each of which has its separate rulers, kings, emperors and queens. but all these render obedience to my laws and acknowledge me as the supreme ruler." "if other kings and queens are fools that does not interest me in the least," replied coo-ee-oh, disdainfully. "in the land of the skeezers i alone am supreme. you are impudent to think i would defer to you--or to anyone else." "let us not speak of this now, please," answered ozma. "your island is in danger, for a powerful foe is preparing to destroy it." "pah! the flatheads. i do not fear them." "their supreme dictator is a sorcerer." "my magic is greater than his. let the flatheads come! they will never return to their barren mountain-top. i will see to that." ozma did not like this attitude, for it meant that the skeezers were eager to fight the flatheads, and ozma's object in coming here was to prevent fighting and induce the two quarrelsome neighbors to make peace. she was also greatly disappointed in coo-ee-oh, for the reports of su-dic had led her to imagine the queen more just and honorable than were the flatheads. indeed ozma reflected that the girl might be better at heart than her self-pride and overbearing manner indicated, and in any event it would be wise not to antagonize her but to try to win her friendship. "i do not like wars, your majesty," said ozma. "in the emerald city, where i rule thousands of people, and in the countries near to the emerald city, where thousands more acknowledge my rule, there is no army at all, because there is no quarreling and no need to fight. if differences arise between my people, they come to me and i judge the cases and award justice to all. so, when i learned there might be war between two faraway people of oz, i came here to settle the dispute and adjust the quarrel." "no one asked you to come," declared queen coo-ee-oh. "it is my business to settle this dispute, not yours. you say my island is a part of the land of oz, which you rule, but that is all nonsense, for i've never heard of the land of oz, nor of you. you say you are a fairy, and that fairies gave you command over me. i don't believe it! what i do believe is that you are an impostor and have come here to stir up trouble among my people, who are already becoming difficult to manage. you two girls may even be spies of the vile flatheads, for all i know, and may be trying to trick me. but understand this," she added, proudly rising from her jeweled throne to confront them, "i have magic powers greater than any fairy possesses, and greater than any flathead possesses. i am a krumbic witch--the only krumbic witch in the world--and i fear the magic of no other creature that exists! you say you rule thousands. i rule one hundred and one skeezers. but every one of them trembles at my word. now that ozma of oz and princess dorothy are here, i shall rule one hundred and three subjects, for you also shall bow before my power. more than that, in ruling you i also rule the thousands you say you rule." dorothy was very indignant at this speech. "i've got a pink kitten that sometimes talks like that," she said, "but after i give her a good whipping she doesn't think she's so high and mighty after all. if you only knew who ozma is you'd be scared to death to talk to her like that!" queen coo-ee-oh gave the girl a supercilious look. then she turned again to ozma. "i happen to know," said she, "that the flatheads intend to attack us tomorrow, but we are ready for them. until the battle is over, i shall keep you two strangers prisoners on my island, from which there is no chance for you to escape." she turned and looked around the band of courtiers who stood silently around her throne. "lady aurex," she continued, singling out one of the young women, "take these children to your house and care for them, giving them food and lodging. you may allow them to wander anywhere under the great dome, for they are harmless. after i have attended to the flatheads i will consider what next to do with these foolish girls." she resumed her seat and the lady aurex bowed low and said in a humble manner: "i obey your majesty's commands." then to ozma and dorothy she added, "follow me," and turned to leave the throne room. dorothy looked to see what ozma would do. to her surprise and a little to her disappointment ozma turned and followed lady aurex. so dorothy trailed after them, but not without giving a parting, haughty look toward queen coo-ee-oh, who had her face turned the other way and did not see the disapproving look. chapter nine lady aurex lady aurex led ozma and dorothy along a street to a pretty marble house near to one edge of the great glass dome that covered the village. she did not speak to the girls until she had ushered them into a pleasant room, comfortably furnished, nor did any of the solemn people they met on the street venture to speak. when they were seated lady aurex asked if they were hungry, and finding they were summoned a maid and ordered food to be brought. this lady aurex looked to be about twenty years old, although in the land of oz where people have never changed in appearance since the fairies made it a fairyland--where no one grows old or dies--it is always difficult to say how many years anyone has lived. she had a pleasant, attractive face, even though it was solemn and sad as the faces of all skeezers seemed to be, and her costume was rich and elaborate, as became a lady in waiting upon the queen. ozma had observed lady aurex closely and now asked her in a gentle tone: "do you, also, believe me to be an impostor?" "i dare not say," replied lady aurex in a low tone. "why are you afraid to speak freely?" inquired ozma. "the queen punishes us if we make remarks that she does not like." "are we not alone then, in this house?" "the queen can hear everything that is spoken on this island--even the slightest whisper," declared lady aurex. "she is a wonderful witch, as she has told you, and it is folly to criticise her or disobey her commands." ozma looked into her eyes and saw that she would like to say more if she dared. so she drew from her bosom her silver wand, and having muttered a magic phrase in a strange tongue, she left the room and walked slowly around the outside of the house, making a complete circle and waving her wand in mystic curves as she walked. lady aurex watched her curiously and, when ozma had again entered the room and seated herself, she asked: "what have you done?" "i've enchanted this house in such a manner that queen coo-ee-oh, with all her witchcraft, cannot hear one word we speak within the magic circle i have made," replied ozma. "we may now speak freely and as loudly as we wish, without fear of the queen's anger." lady aurex brightened at this. "can i trust you?" she asked. "ev'rybody trusts ozma," exclaimed dorothy. "she is true and honest, and your wicked queen will be sorry she insulted the powerful ruler of all the land of oz." "the queen does not know me yet," said ozma, "but i want you to know me, lady aurex, and i want you to tell me why you, and all the skeezers, are unhappy. do not fear coo-ee-oh's anger, for she cannot hear a word we say, i assure you." lady aurex was thoughtful a moment; then she said: "i shall trust you, princess ozma, for i believe you are what you say you are--our supreme ruler. if you knew the dreadful punishments our queen inflicts upon us, you would not wonder we are so unhappy. the skeezers are not bad people; they do not care to quarrel and fight, even with their enemies the flatheads; but they are so cowed and fearful of coo-ee-oh that they obey her slightest word, rather than suffer her anger." "hasn't she any heart, then?" asked dorothy. "she never displays mercy. she loves no one but herself," asserted lady aurex, but she trembled as she said it, as if afraid even yet of her terrible queen. "that's pretty bad," said dorothy, shaking her head gravely. "i see you've a lot to do here, ozma, in this forsaken corner of the land of oz. first place, you've got to take the magic away from queen coo-ee-oh, and from that awful su-dic, too. my idea is that neither of them is fit to rule anybody, 'cause they're cruel and hateful. so you'll have to give the skeezers and flatheads new rulers and teach all their people that they're part of the land of oz and must obey, above all, the lawful ruler, ozma of oz. then, when you've done that, we can go back home again." ozma smiled at her little friend's earnest counsel, but lady aurex said in an anxious tone: "i am surprised that you suggest these reforms while you are yet prisoners on this island and in coo-ee-oh's power. that these things should be done, there is no doubt, but just now a dreadful war is likely to break out, and frightful things may happen to us all. our queen has such conceit that she thinks she can overcome the su-dic and his people, but it is said su-dic's magic is very powerful, although not as great as that possessed by his wife rora, before coo-ee-oh transformed her into a golden pig." "i don't blame her very much for doing that," remarked dorothy, "for the flatheads were wicked to try to catch your beautiful fish and the witch rora wanted to poison all the fishes in the lake." "do you know the reason?" asked the lady aurex. "i don't s'pose there was any reason, 'cept just wickedness," replied dorothy. "tell us the reason," said ozma earnestly. "well, your majesty, once--a long time ago--the flatheads and the skeezers were friendly. they visited our island and we visited their mountain, and everything was pleasant between the two peoples. at that time the flatheads were ruled by three adepts in sorcery, beautiful girls who were not flatheads, but had wandered to the flat mountain and made their home there. these three adepts used their magic only for good, and the mountain people gladly made them their rulers. they taught the flatheads how to use their canned brains and how to work metals into clothing that would never wear out, and many other things that added to their happiness and content. "coo-ee-oh was our queen then, as now, but she knew no magic and so had nothing to be proud of. but the three adepts were very kind to coo-ee-oh. they built for us this wonderful dome of glass and our houses of marble and taught us to make beautiful clothing and many other things. coo-ee-oh pretended to be very grateful for these favors, but it seems that all the time she was jealous of the three adepts and secretly tried to discover their arts of magic. in this she was more clever than anyone suspected. she invited the three adepts to a banquet one day, and while they were feasting coo-ee-oh stole their charms and magical instruments and transformed them into three fishes--a gold fish, a silver fish and a bronze fish. while the poor fishes were gasping and flopping helplessly on the floor of the banquet room one of them said reproachfully: 'you will be punished for this, coo-ee-oh, for if one of us dies or is destroyed, you will become shrivelled and helpless, and all your stolen magic will depart from you.' frightened by this threat, coo-ee-oh at once caught up the three fish and ran with them to the shore of the lake, where she cast them into the water. this revived the three adepts and they swam away and disappeared. "i, myself, witnessed this shocking scene," continued lady aurex, "and so did many other skeezers. the news was carried to the flatheads, who then turned from friends to enemies. the su-dic and his wife rora were the only ones on the mountain who were glad the three adepts had been lost to them, and they at once became rulers of the flatheads and stole their canned brains from others to make themselves the more powerful. some of the adepts' magic tools had been left on the mountain, and these rora seized and by the use of them she became a witch. "the result of coo-ee-oh's treachery was to make both the skeezers and the flatheads miserable instead of happy. not only were the su-dic and his wife cruel to their people, but our queen at once became proud and arrogant and treated us very unkindly. all the skeezers knew she had stolen her magic powers and so she hated us and made us humble ourselves before her and obey her slightest word. if we disobeyed, or did not please her, or if we talked about her when we were in our own homes she would have us dragged to the whipping post in her palace and lashed with knotted cords. that is why we fear her so greatly." this story filled ozma's heart with sorrow and dorothy's heart with indignation. "i now understand," said ozma, "why the fishes in the lake have brought about war between the skeezers and the flatheads." "yes," lady aurex answered, "now that you know the story it is easy to understand. the su-dic and his wife came to our lake hoping to catch the silver fish, or gold fish, or bronze fish--any one of them would do--and by destroying it deprive coo-ee-oh of her magic. then they could easily conquer her. also they had another reason for wanting to catch the fish--they feared that in some way the three adepts might regain their proper forms and then they would be sure to return to the mountain and punish rora and the su-dic. that was why rora finally tried to poison all the fishes in the lake, at the time coo-ee-oh transformed her into a golden pig. of course this attempt to destroy the fishes frightened the queen, for her safety lies in keeping the three fishes alive." "i s'pose coo-ee-oh will fight the flatheads with all her might," observed dorothy. "and with all her magic," added ozma, thoughtfully. "i do not see how the flatheads can get to this island to hurt us," said lady aurex. "they have bows and arrows, and i guess they mean to shoot the arrows at your big dome, and break all the glass in it," suggested dorothy. but lady aurex shook her head with a smile. "they cannot do that," she replied. "why not?" "i dare not tell you why, but if the flatheads come to-morrow morning you will yourselves see the reason." "i do not think they will attempt to harm the island," ozma declared. "i believe they will first attempt to destroy the fishes, by poison or some other means. if they succeed in that, the conquest of the island will not be difficult." "they have no boats," said lady aurex, "and coo-ee-oh, who has long expected this war, has been preparing for it in many astonishing ways. i almost wish the flatheads would conquer us, for then we would be free from our dreadful queen; but i do not wish to see the three transformed fishes destroyed, for in them lies our only hope of future happiness." "ozma will take care of you, whatever happens," dorothy assured her. but the lady aurex, not knowing the extent of ozma's power--which was, in fact, not so great as dorothy imagined--could not take much comfort in this promise. it was evident there would be exciting times on the morrow, if the flatheads really attacked the skeezers of the magic isle. chapter ten under water when night fell all the interior of the great dome, streets and houses, became lighted with brilliant incandescent lamps, which rendered it bright as day. dorothy thought the island must look beautiful by night from the outer shore of the lake. there was revelry and feasting in the queen's palace, and the music of the royal band could be plainly heard in lady aurex's house, where ozma and dorothy remained with their hostess and keeper. they were prisoners, but treated with much consideration. lady aurex gave them a nice supper and when they wished to retire showed them to a pretty room with comfortable beds and wished them a good night and pleasant dreams. "what do you think of all this, ozma?" dorothy anxiously inquired when they were alone. "i am glad we came," was the reply, "for although there may be mischief done to-morrow, it was necessary i should know about these people, whose leaders are wild and lawless and oppress their subjects with injustice and cruelties. my task, therefore, is to liberate the skeezers and the flatheads and secure for them freedom and happiness. i have no doubt i can accomplish this in time." "just now, though, we're in a bad fix," asserted dorothy. "if queen coo-ee-oh conquers to-morrow, she won't be nice to us, and if the su-dic conquers, he'll be worse." "do not worry, dear," said ozma, "i do not think we are in danger, whatever happens, and the result of our adventure is sure to be good." dorothy was not worrying, especially. she had confidence in her friend, the fairy princess of oz, and she enjoyed the excitement of the events in which she was taking part. so she crept into bed and fell asleep as easily as if she had been in her own cosy room in ozma's palace. a sort of grating, grinding sound awakened her. the whole island seemed to tremble and sway, as it might do in an earthquake. dorothy sat up in bed, rubbing her eyes to get the sleep out of them, and then found it was daybreak. ozma was hurriedly dressing herself. "what is it?" asked dorothy, jumping out of bed. "i'm not sure," answered ozma "but it feels as if the island is sinking." as soon as possible they finished dressing, while the creaking and swaying continued. then they rushed into the living room of the house and found lady aurex, fully dressed, awaiting them. "do not be alarmed," said their hostess. "coo-ee-oh has decided to submerge the island, that is all. but it proves the flatheads are coming to attack us." "what do you mean by sub-sub-merging the island?" asked dorothy. "come here and see," was the reply. lady aurex led them to a window which faced the side of the great dome which covered all the village, and they could see that the island was indeed sinking, for the water of the lake was already half way up the side of the dome. through the glass could be seen swimming fishes, and tall stalks of swaying seaweeds, for the water was clear as crystal and through it they could distinguish even the farther shore of the lake. "the flatheads are not here yet," said lady aurex. "they will come soon, but not until all of this dome is under the surface of the water." "won't the dome leak?" dorothy inquired anxiously. "no, indeed." "was the island ever sub-sub-sunk before?" "oh, yes; on several occasions. but coo-ee-oh doesn't care to do that often, for it requires a lot of hard work to operate the machinery. the dome was built so that the island could disappear. i think," she continued, "that our queen fears the flatheads will attack the island and try to break the glass of the dome." "well, if we're under water, they can't fight us, and we can't fight them," asserted dorothy. "they could kill the fishes, however," said ozma gravely. "we have ways to fight, also, even though our island is under water," claimed lady aurex. "i cannot tell you all our secrets, but this island is full of surprises. also our queen's magic is astonishing." "did she steal it all from the three adepts in sorcery that are now fishes?" "she stole the knowledge and the magic tools, but she has used them as the three adepts never would have done." by this time the top of the dome was quite under water and suddenly the island stopped sinking and became stationary. "see!" cried lady aurex, pointing to the shore. "the flatheads have come." on the bank, which was now far above their heads, a crowd of dark figures could be seen. "now let us see what coo-ee-oh will do to oppose them," continued lady aurex, in a voice that betrayed her excitement. * * * * * the flatheads, pushing their way through the line of palm trees, had reached the shore of the lake just as the top of the island's dome disappeared beneath the surface. the water now flowed from shore to shore, but through the clear water the dome was still visible and the houses of the skeezers could be dimly seen through the panes of glass. "good!" exclaimed the su-dic, who had armed all his followers and had brought with him two copper vessels, which he carefully set down upon the ground beside him. "if coo-ee-oh wants to hide instead of fighting our job will be easy, for in one of these copper vessels i have enough poison to kill every fish in the lake." "kill them, then, while we have time, and then we can go home again," advised one of the chief officers. "not yet," objected the su-dic. "the queen of the skeezers has defied me, and i want to get her into my power, as well as to destroy her magic. she transformed my poor wife into a golden pig, and i must have revenge for that, whatever else we do." "look out!" suddenly exclaimed the officers, pointing into the lake; "something's going to happen." from the submerged dome a door opened and something black shot swiftly out into the water. the door instantly closed behind it and the dark object cleaved its way through the water, without rising to the surface, directly toward the place where the flatheads were standing. "what is that?" dorothy asked the lady aurex. "that is one of the queen's submarines," was the reply. "it is all enclosed, and can move under water. coo-ee-oh has several of these boats which are kept in little rooms in the basement under our village. when the island is submerged, the queen uses these boats to reach the shore, and i believe she now intends to fight the flatheads with them." the su-dic and his people knew nothing of coo-ee-oh's submarines, so they watched with surprise as the under-water boat approached them. when it was quite near the shore it rose to the surface and the top parted and fell back, disclosing a boat full of armed skeezers. at the head was the queen, standing up in the bow and holding in one hand a coil of magic rope that gleamed like silver. the boat halted and coo-ee-oh drew back her arm to throw the silver rope toward the su-dic, who was now but a few feet from her. but the wily flathead leader quickly realized his danger and before the queen could throw the rope he caught up one of the copper vessels and dashed its contents full in her face! chapter eleven the conquest of the skeezers queen coo-ee-oh dropped the rope, tottered and fell headlong into the water, sinking beneath the surface, while the skeezers in the submarine were too bewildered toassist her and only stared at the ripples in the water where she had disappeared. a moment later there arose to the surface a beautiful white swan. this swan was of large size, very gracefully formed, and scattered all over its white feathers were tiny diamonds, so thickly placed that as the rays of the morning sun fell upon them the entire body of the swan glistened like one brilliant diamond. the head of the diamond swan had a bill of polished gold and its eyes were two sparkling amethysts. "hooray!" cried the su-dic, dancing up and down with wicked glee. "my poor wife, rora, is avenged at last. you made her a golden pig, coo-ee-oh, and now i have made you a diamond swan. float on your lake forever, if you like, for your web feet can do no more magic and you are as powerless as the pig you made of my wife! "villain! scoundrel!" croaked the diamond swan. "you will be punished for this. oh, what a fool i was to let you enchant me! "a fool you were, and a fool you are!" laughed the su-dic, dancing madly in his delight. and then he carelessly tipped over the other copper vessel with his heel and its contents spilled on the sands and were lost to the last drop. the su-dic stopped short and looked at the overturned vessel with a rueful countenance. "that's too bad--too bad!" he exclaimed sorrowfully. "i've lost all the poison i had to kill the fishes with, and i can't make any more because only my wife knew the secret of it, and she is now a foolish pig and has forgotten all her magic." "very well," said the diamond swan scornfully, as she floated upon the water and swam gracefully here and there. "i'm glad to see you are foiled. your punishment is just beginning, for although you have enchanted me and taken away my powers of sorcery you have still the three magic fishes to deal with, and they'll destroy you in time, mark my words." the su-dic stared at the swan a moment. then he yelled to his men: "shoot her! shoot the saucy bird!" they let fly some arrows at the diamond swan, but she dove under the water and the missiles fell harmless. when coo-ce-oh rose to the surface she was far from the shore and she swiftly swam across the lake to where no arrows or spears could reach her. the su-dic rubbed his chin and thought what to do next. near by floated the submarine in which the queen had come, but the skeezers who were in it were puzzled what to do with themselves. perhaps they were not sorry their cruel mistress had been transformed into a diamond swan, but the transformation had left them quite helpless. the under-water boat was not operated by machinery, but by certain mystic words uttered by coo-ee-oh. they didn't know how to submerge it, or how to make the water-tight shield cover them again, or how to make the boat go back to the castle, or make it enter the little basement room where it was usually kept. as a matter of fact, they were now shut out of their village under the great dome and could not get back again. so one of the men called to the supreme dictator of the flatheads, saying: "please make us prisoners and take us to your mountain, and feed and keep us, for we have nowhere to go." then the su-dic laughed and answered: "not so. i can't be bothered by caring for a lot of stupid skeezers. stay where you are, or go wherever you please, so long as you keep away from our mountain." he turned to his men and added: "we have conquered queen coo-ee-oh and made her a helpless swan. the skeezers are under water and may stay there. so, having won the war, let us go home again and make merry and feast, having after many years proved the flatheads to be greater and more powerful than the skeezers." so the flatheads marched away and passed through the row of palms and went back to their mountain, where the su-dic and a few of his officers feasted and all the others were forced to wait on them. "i'm sorry we couldn't have roast pig," said the su-dic, "but as the only pig we have is made of gold, we can't eat her. also the golden pig happens to be my wife, and even were she not gold i am sure she would be too tough to eat." chapter twelve the diamond swan when the flatheads had gone away the diamond swan swam back to the boat and one of the young skeezers named ervic said to her eagerly: "how can we get back to the island, your majesty?" "am i not beautiful?" asked coo-ee-oh, arching her neck gracefully and spreading her diamond-sprinkled wings. "i can see my reflection in the water, and i'm sure there is no bird nor beast, nor human as magnificent as i am!" "how shall we get back to the island, your majesty?" pleaded ervic. "when my fame spreads throughout the land, people will travel from all parts of this lake to look upon my loveliness," said coo-ee-oh, shaking her feathers to make the diamonds glitter more brilliantly. "but, your majesty, we must go home and we do not know how to get there," ervic persisted. "my eyes," remarked the diamond swan, "are wonderfully blue and bright and will charm all beholders." "tell us how to make the boat go--how to get back into the island," begged ervic and the others cried just as earnestly: "tell us, coo-ee-oh; tell us!" "i don't know," replied the queen in a careless tone. "you are a magic-worker, a sorceress, a witch!" "i was, of course, when i was a girl," she said, bending her head over the clear water to catch her reflection in it; "but now i've forgotten all such foolish things as magic. swans are lovelier than girls, especially when they're sprinkled with diamonds. don't you think so?" and she gracefully swam away, without seeming to care whether they answered or not. ervic and his companions were in despair. they saw plainly that coo-ee-oh could not or would not help them. the former queen had no further thought for her island, her people, or her wonderful magic; she was only intent on admiring her own beauty. "truly," said ervic, in a gloomy voice, "the flatheads have conquered us!" * * * * * some of these events had been witnessed by ozma and dorothy and lady aurex, who had left the house and gone close to the glass of the dome, in order to see what was going on. many of the skeezers had also crowded against the dome, wondering what would happen next. although their vision was to an extent blurred by the water and the necessity of looking upward at an angle, they had observed the main points of the drama enacted above. they saw queen coo-ee-oh's submarine come to the surface and open; they saw the queen standing erect to throw her magic rope; they saw her sudden transformation into a diamond swan, and a cry of amazement went up from the skeezers inside the dome. "good!" exclaimed dorothy. "i hate that old su-dic, but i'm glad coo-ee-oh is punished." "this is a dreadful misfortune!" cried lady aurex, pressing her hands upon her heart. "yes," agreed ozma, nodding her head thoughtfully; "coo-ee-oh's misfortune will prove a terrible blow to her people." "what do you mean by that?" asked dorothy in surprise. "seems to me the skeezers are in luck to lose their cruel queen." "if that were all you would be right," responded lady aurex; "and if the island were above water it would not be so serious. but here we all are, at the bottom of the lake, and fast prisoners in this dome." "can't you raise the island?" inquired dorothy. "no. only coo-ee-oh knew how to do that," was the answer. "we can try," insisted dorothy. "if it can be made to go down, it can be made to come up. the machinery is still here, i suppose. "yes; but the machinery works by magic, and coo-ee-oh would never share her secret power with any one of us." dorothy's face grew grave; but she was thinking. "ozma knows a lot of magic," she said. "but not that kind of magic," ozma replied. "can't you learn how, by looking at the machinery?" "i'm afraid not, my dear. it isn't fairy magic at all; it is witchcraft." "well," said dorothy, turning to lady aurex, "you say there are other sub-sub-sinking boats. we can get in one of those, and shoot out to the top of the water, like coo-ee-oh did, and so escape. and then we can help to rescue all the skeezers down here." "no one knows how to work the under-water boats but the queen," declared lady aurex. "isn't there any door or window in this dome that we could open?" "no; and, if there were, the water would rush in to flood the dome, and we could not get out." "the skeezers," said ozma, "could not drown; they only get wet and soggy and in that condition they would be very uncomfortable and unhappy. but you are a mortal girl, dorothy, and if your magic belt protected you from death you would have to lie forever at the bottom of the lake." "no, i'd rather die quickly," asserted the little girl. "but there are doors in the basement that open--to let out the bridges and the boats--and that would not flood the dome, you know." "those doors open by a magic word, and only coo-ee-oh knows the word that must be uttered," said lady aurex. "dear me!" exclaimed dorothy, "that dreadful queen's witchcraft upsets all my plans to escape. i guess i'll give it up, ozma, and let you save us." ozma smiled, but her smile was not so cheerful as usual. the princess of oz found herself confronted with a serious problem, and although she had no thought of despairing she realized that the skeezers and their island, as well as dorothy and herself, were in grave trouble and that unless she could find a means to save them they would be lost to the land of oz for all future time. "in such a dilemma," said she, musingly, "nothing is gained by haste. careful thought may aid us, and so may the course of events. the unexpected is always likely to happen, and cheerful patience is better than reckless action." "all right," returned dorothy; "take your time, ozma; there's no hurry. how about some breakfast, lady aurex?" their hostess led them back to the house, where she ordered her trembling servants to prepare and serve breakfast. all the skeezers were frightened and anxious over the transformation of their queen into a swan. coo-ee-oh was feared and hated, but they had depended on her magic to conquer the flatheads and she was the only one who could raise their island to the surface of the lake again. before breakfast was over several of the leading skeezers came to aurex to ask her advice and to question princess ozma, of whom they knew nothing except that she claimed to be a fairy and the ruler of all the land, including the lake of the skeezers. "if what you told queen coo-ee-oh was the truth," they said to her, "you are our lawful mistress, and we may depend on you to get us out of our difficulties." "i will try to do that," ozma graciously assured them, "but you must remember that the powers of fairies are granted them to bring comfort and happiness to all who appeal to them. on the contrary, such magic as coo-ee-oh knew and practiced is unlawful witchcraft and her arts are such as no fairy would condescend to use. however, it is sometimes necessary to consider evil in order to accomplish good, and perhaps by studying coo-ee-oh's tools and charms of witchcraft i may be able to save us. do you promise to accept me as your ruler and to obey my commands?" they promised willingly. "then," continued ozma, "i will go to coo-ee-oh's palace and take possession of it. perhaps what i find there will be of use to me. in the meantime tell all the skeezers to fear nothing, but have patience. let them return to their homes and perform their daily tasks as usual. coo-ee-oh's loss may not prove a misfortune, but rather a blessing." this speech cheered the skeezers amazingly. really, they had no one now to depend upon but ozma, and in spite of their dangerous position their hearts were lightened by the transformation and absence of their cruel queen. they got out their brass band and a grand procession escorted ozma and dorothy to the palace, where all of coo-ee-oh's former servants were eager to wait upon them. ozma invited lady aurex to stay at the palace also, for she knew all about the skeezers and their island and had also been a favorite of the former queen, so her advice and information were sure to prove valuable. ozma was somewhat disappointed in what she found in the palace. one room of coo-ee-oh's private suite was entirely devoted to the practice of witchcraft, and here were countless queer instruments and jars of ointments and bottles of potions labeled with queer names, and strange machines that ozma could not guess the use of, and pickled toads and snails and lizards, and a shelf of books that were written in blood, but in a language which the ruler of oz did not know. "i do not see," said ozma to dorothy, who accompanied her in her search, "how coo-ee-oh knew the use of the magic tools she stole from the three adept witches. moreover, from all reports these adepts practiced only good witchcraft, such as would be helpful to their people, while coo-ee-oh performed only evil." "perhaps she turned the good things to evil uses?" suggested dorothy. "yes, and with the knowledge she gained coo-ee-oh doubtless invented many evil things quite unknown to the good adepts, who are now fishes," added ozma. "it is unfortunate for us that the queen kept her secrets so closely guarded, for no one but herself could use any of these strange things gathered in this room." "couldn't we capture the diamond swan and make her tell the secrets?" asked dorothy. "no; even were we able to capture her, coo-ee-oh now has forgotten all the magic she ever knew. but until we ourselves escape from this dome we could not capture the swan, and were we to escape we would have no use for coo-ee-oh's magic." "that's a fact," admitted dorothy. "but--say, ozma, here's a good idea! couldn't we capture the three fishes--the gold and silver and bronze ones, and couldn't you transform 'em back to their own shapes, and then couldn't the three adepts get us out of here?" "you are not very practical, dorothy dear. it would be as hard for us to capture the three fishes, from among all the other fishes in the lake, as to capture the swan." "but if we could, it would be more help to us," persisted the little girl. "that is true," answered ozma, smiling at her friend's eagerness. "you find a way to catch the fish, and i'll promise when they are caught to restore them to their proper forms." "i know you think i can't do it," replied dorothy, "but i'm going to try." she left the palace and went to a place where she could look through a clear pane of the glass dome into the surrounding water. immediately she became interested in the queer sights that met her view. the lake of the skeezers was inhabited by fishes of many kinds and many sizes. the water was so transparent that the girl could see for a long distance and the fishes came so close to the glass of the dome that sometimes they actually touched it. on the white sands at the bottom of the lake were star-fish, lobsters, crabs and many shell fish of strange shapes and with shells of gorgeous hues. the water foliage was of brilliant colors and to dorothy it resembled a splendid garden. but the fishes were the most interesting of all. some were big and lazy, floating slowly along or lying at rest with just their fins waving. many with big round eyes looked full at the girl as she watched them and dorothy wondered if they could hear her through the glass if she spoke to them. in oz, where all the animals and birds can talk, many fishes are able to talk also, but usually they are more stupid than birds and animals because they think slowly and haven't much to talk about. in the lake of the skeezers the fish of smaller size were more active than the big ones and darted quickly in and out among the swaying weeds, as if they had important business and were in a hurry. it was among the smaller varieties that dorothy hoped to spy the gold and silver and bronze fishes. she had an idea the three would keep together, being companions now as they were in their natural forms, but such a multitude of fishes constantly passed, the scene shifting every moment, that she was not sure she would notice them even if they appeared in view. her eyes couldn't look in all directions and the fishes she sought might be on the other side of the dome, or far away in the lake. "p'raps, because they were afraid of coo-ee-oh, they've hid themselves somewhere, and don't know their enemy has been transformed," she reflected. she watched the fishes for a long time, until she became hungry and went back to the palace for lunch. but she was not discouraged. "anything new, ozma?" she asked. "no, dear. did you discover the three fishes?" "not yet. but there isn't anything better for me to do, ozma, so i guess i'll go back and watch again." chapter thirteen the alarm bell glinda, the good, in her palace in the quadling country, had many things to occupy her mind, for not only did she look after the weaving and embroidery of her bevy of maids, and assist all those who came to her to implore her help--beasts and birds as well as people--but she was a close student of the arts of sorcery and spent much time in her magical laboratory, where she strove to find a remedy for every evil and to perfect her skill in magic. nevertheless, she did not forget to look in the great book of records each day to see if any mention was made of the visit of ozma and dorothy to the enchanted mountain of the flatheads and the magic isle of the skeezers. the records told her that ozma had arrived at the mountain, that she had escaped, with her companion, and gone to the island of the skeezers, and that queen coo-ee-oh had submerged the island so that it was entirely under water. then came the statement that the flatheads had come to the lake to poison the fishes and that their supreme dictator had transformed queen coo-ee-oh into a swan. no other details were given in the great book and so glinda did not know that since coo-ee-oh had forgotten her magic none of the skeezers knew how to raise the island to the surface again. so glinda was not worried about ozma and dorothy until one morning, while she sat with her maids, there came a sudden clang of the great alarm bell. this was so unusual that every maid gave a start and even the sorceress for a moment could not think what the alarm meant. then she remembered the ring she had given dorothy when she left the palace to start on her venture. in giving the ring glinda had warned the little girl not to use its magic powers unless she and ozma were in real danger, but then she was to turn it on her finger once to the right and once to the left and glinda's alarm bell would ring. so the sorceress now knew that danger threatened her beloved ruler and princess dorothy, and she hurried to her magic room to seek information as to what sort of danger it was. the answer to her question was not very satisfactory, for it was only: "ozma and dorothy are prisoners in the great dome of the isle of the skeezers, and the dome is under the water of the lake." "hasn't ozma the power to raise the island to the surface?" inquired glinda. "no," was the reply, and the record refused to say more except that queen coo-ee-oh, who alone could command the island to rise, had been transformed by the flathead su-dic into a diamond swan. then glinda consulted the past records of the skeezers in the great book. after diligent search she discovered that coo-ee-oh was a powerful sorceress who had gained most of her power by treacherously transforming the adepts of magic, who were visiting her, into three fishes--gold, silver and bronze--after which she had them cast into the lake. glinda reflected earnestly on this information and decided that someone must go to ozma's assistance. while there was no great need of haste, because ozma and dorothy could live in a submerged dome a long time, it was evident they could not get out until someone was able to raise the island. the sorceress looked through all her recipes and books of sorcery, but could find no magic that would raise a sunken island. such a thing had never before been required in sorcery. then glinda made a little island, covered by a glass dome, and sunk it in a pond near her castle, and experimented in magical ways to bring it to the surface. she made several such experiments, but all were failures. it seemed a simple thing to do, yet she could not do it. nevertheless, the wise sorceress did not despair of finding a way to liberate her friends. finally she concluded that the best thing to do was to go to the skeezer country and examine the lake. while there she was more likely to discover a solution to the problem that bothered her, and to work out a plan for the rescue of ozma and dorothy. so glinda summoned her storks and her aerial chariot, and telling her maids she was going on a journey and might not soon return, she entered the chariot and was carried swiftly to the emerald city. in princess ozma's palace the scarecrow was now acting as ruler of the land of oz. there wasn't much for him to do, because all the affairs of state moved so smoothly, but he was there in case anything unforeseen should happen. glinda found the scarecrow playing croquet with trot and betsy bobbin, two little girls who lived at the palace under ozma's protection and were great friends of dorothy and much loved by all the oz people. "something's happened!" cried trot, as the chariot of the sorceress descended near them. "glinda never comes here 'cept something's gone wrong." "i hope no harm has come to ozma, or dorothy," said betsy anxiously, as the lovely sorceress stepped down from her chariot. glinda approached the scarecrow and told him of the dilemma of ozma and dorothy and she added: "we must save them, somehow, scarecrow." "of course," replied the scarecrow, stumbling over a wicket and falling flat on his painted face. the girls picked him up and patted his straw stuffing into shape, and he continued, as if nothing had occurred: "but you'll have to tell me what to do, for i never have raised a sunken island in all my life." "we must have a council of state as soon as possible," proposed the sorceress. "please send messengers to summon all of ozma's counsellors to this palace. then we can decide what is best to be done." the scarecrow lost no time in doing this. fortunately most of the royal counsellors were in the emerald city or near to it, so they all met in the throne room of the palace that same evening. chapter fourteen ozma's counsellors no ruler ever had such a queer assortment of advisers as the princess ozma had gathered about her throne. indeed, in no other country could such amazing people exist. but ozma loved them for their peculiarities and could trust every one of them. first there was the tin woodman. every bit of him was tin, brightly polished. all his joints were kept well oiled and moved smoothly. he carried a gleaming axe to prove he was a woodman, but seldom had cause to use it because he lived in a magnificent tin castle in the winkie country of oz and was the emperor of all the winkies. the tin woodman's name was nick chopper. he had a very good mind, but his heart was not of much account, so he was very careful to do nothing unkind or to hurt anyone's feelings. another counsellor was scraps, the patchwork girl of oz, who was made of a gaudy patchwork quilt, cut into shape and stuffed with cotton. this patchwork girl was very intelligent, but so full of fun and mad pranks that a lot of more stupid folks thought she must be crazy. scraps was jolly under all conditions, however grave they might be, but her laughter and good spirits were of value in cheering others and in her seemingly careless remarks much wisdom could often be found. then there was the shaggy man--shaggy from head to foot, hair and whiskers, clothes and shoes--but very kind and gentle and one of ozma's most loyal supporters. tik-tok was there, a copper man with machinery inside him, so cleverly constructed that he moved, spoke and thought by three separate clock-works. tik-tok was very reliable because he always did exactly what he was wound up to do, but his machinery was liable to run down at times and then he was quite helpless until wound up again. a different sort of person was jack pumpkinhead, one of ozma's oldest friends and her companion on many adventures. jack's body was very crude and awkward, being formed of limbs of trees of different sizes, jointed with wooden pegs. but it was a substantial body and not likely to break or wear out, and when it was dressed the clothes covered much of its roughness. the head of jack pumpkinhead was, as you have guessed, a ripe pumpkin, with the eyes, nose and mouth carved upon one side. the pumpkin was stuck on jack's wooden neck and was liable to get turned sidewise or backward and then he would have to straighten it with his wooden hands. the worst thing about this sort of a head was that it did not keep well and was sure to spoil sooner or later. so jack's main business was to grow a field of fine pumpkins each year, and always before his old head spoiled he would select a fresh pumpkin from the field and carve the features on it very neatly, and have it ready to replace the old head whenever it became necessary. he didn't always carve it the same way, so his friends never knew exactly what sort of an expression they would find on his face. but there was no mistaking him, because he was the only pumpkin-headed man alive in the land of oz. a one-legged sailor-man was a member of ozma's council. his name was cap'n bill and he had come to the land of oz with trot, and had been made welcome on account of his cleverness, honesty and good nature. he wore a wooden leg to replace the one he had lost and was a great friend of all the children in oz because he could whittle all sorts of toys out of wood with his big jack-knife. professor h. m. wogglebug, t. e., was another member of the council. the "h. m." meant highly magnified, for the professor was once a little bug, who became magnified to the size of a man and always remained so. the "t. e." meant that he was thoroughly educated. he was at the head of princess ozma's royal athletic college, and so that the students would not have to study and so lose much time that could be devoted to athletic sports, such as football, baseball and the like, professor wogglebug had invented the famous educational pills. if one of the college students took a geography pill after breakfast, he knew his geography lesson in an instant; if he took a spelling pill he at once knew his spelling lesson, and an arithmetic pill enabled the student to do any kind of sum without having to think about it. these useful pills made the college very popular and taught the boys and girls of oz their lessons in the easiest possible way. in spite of this, professor wogglebug was not a favorite outside his college, for he was very conceited and admired himself so much and displayed his cleverness and learning so constantly, that no one cared to associate with him. ozma found him of value in her councils, nevertheless. perhaps the most splendidly dressed of all those present was a great frog as large as a man, called the frogman, who was noted for his wise sayings. he had come to the emerald city from the yip country of oz and was a guest of honor. his long-tailed coat was of velvet, his vest of satin and his trousers of finest silk. there were diamond buckles on his shoes and he carried a gold-headed cane and a high silk hat. all of the bright colors were represented in his rich attire, so it tired one's eyes to look at him for long, until one became used to his splendor. the best farmer in all oz was uncle henry, who was dorothy's own uncle, and who now lived near the emerald city with his wife aunt em. uncle henry taught the oz people how to grow the finest vegetables and fruits and grains and was of much use to ozma in keeping the royal storehouses well filled. he, too, was a counsellor. the reason i mention the little wizard of oz last is because he was the most important man in the land of oz. he wasn't a big man in size but he was a man in power and intelligence and second only to glinda the good in all the mystic arts of magic. glinda had taught him, and the wizard and the sorceress were the only ones in oz permitted by law to practice wizardry and sorcery, which they applied only to good uses and for the benefit of the people. the wizard wasn't exactly handsome but he was pleasant to look at. his bald head was as shiny as if it had been varnished; there was always a merry twinkle in his eyes and he was as spry as a schoolboy. dorothy says the reason the wizard is not as powerful as glinda is because glinda didn't teach him all she knows, but what the wizard knows he knows very well and so he performs some very remarkable magic. the ten i have mentioned assembled, with the scarecrow and glinda, in ozma's throne room, right after dinner that evening, and the sorceress told them all she knew of the plight of ozma and dorothy. "of course we must rescue them," she continued, "and the sooner they are rescued the better pleased they will be; but what we must now determine is how they can be saved. that is why i have called you together in council." "the easiest way," remarked the shaggy man, "is to raise the sunken island of the skeezers to the top of the water again." "tell me how?" said glinda. "i don't know how, your highness, for i have never raised a sunken island." "we might all get under it and lift," suggested professor wogglebug. "how can we get under it when it rests on the bottom of the lake?" asked the sorceress. "couldn't we throw a rope around it and pull it ashore?" inquired jack pumpkinhead. "why not pump the water out of the lake?" suggested the patchwork girl with a laugh. "do be sensible!" pleaded glinda. "this is a serious matter, and we must give it serious thought." "how big is the lake and how big is the island?" was the frogman's question. "none of us can tell, for we have not been there." "in that case," said the scarecrow, "it appears to me we ought to go to the skeezer country and examine it carefully." "quite right," agreed the tin woodman. "we-will-have-to-go-there-any-how," remarked tik-tok in his jerky machine voice. "the question is which of us shall go, and how many of us?" said the wizard. "i shall go of course," declared the scarecrow. "and i," said scraps. "it is my duty to ozma to go," asserted the tin woodman. "i could not stay away, knowing our loved princess is in danger," said the wizard. "we all feel like that," uncle henry said. finally one and all present decided to go to the skeezer country, with glinda and the little wizard to lead them. magic must meet magic in order to conquer it, so these two skillful magic-workers were necessary to insure the success of the expedition. they were all ready to start at a moment's notice, for none had any affairs of importance to attend to. jack was wearing a newly made pumpkin-head and the scarecrow had recently been stuffed with fresh straw. tik-tok's machinery was in good running order and the tin woodman always was well oiled. "it is quite a long journey," said glinda, "and while i might travel quickly to the skeezer country by means of my stork chariot the rest of you will be obliged to walk. so, as we must keep together, i will send my chariot back to my castle and we will plan to leave the emerald city at sunrise to-morrow." chapter fifteen the great sorceress betsy and trot, when they heard of the rescue expedition, begged the wizard to permit them to join it and he consented. the glass cat, overhearing the conversation, wanted to go also and to this the wizard made no objection. this glass cat was one of the real curiosities of oz. it had been made and brought to life by a clever magician named dr. pipt, who was not now permitted to work magic and was an ordinary citizen of the emerald city. the cat was of transparent glass, through which one could plainly see its ruby heart beating and its pink brains whirling around in the top of the head. the glass cat's eyes were emeralds; its fluffy tail was of spun glass and very beautiful. the ruby heart, while pretty to look at, was hard and cold and the glass cat's disposition was not pleasant at all times. it scorned to catch mice, did not eat, and was extremely lazy. if you complimented the remarkable cat on her beauty, she would be very friendly, for she loved admiration above everything. the pink brains were always working and their owner was indeed more intelligent than most common cats. three other additions to the rescue party were made the next morning, just as they were setting out upon their journey. the first was a little boy called button bright, because he had no other name that anyone could remember. he was a fine, manly little fellow, well mannered and good humored, who had only one bad fault. he was continually getting lost. to be sure, button bright got found as often as he got lost, but when he was missing his friends could not help being anxious about him. "some day," predicted the patchwork girl, "he won't be found, and that will be the last of him." but that didn't worry button bright, who was so careless that he did not seem to be able to break the habit of getting lost. the second addition to the party was a munchkin boy of about button bright's age, named ojo. he was often called "ojo the lucky," because good fortune followed him wherever he went. he and button bright were close friends, although of such different natures, and trot and betsy were fond of both. the third and last to join the expedition was an enormous lion, one of ozma's regular guardians and the most important and intelligent beast in all oz. he called himself the cowardly lion, saying that every little danger scared him so badly that his heart thumped against his ribs, but all who knew him knew that the cowardly lion's fears were coupled with bravery and that however much he might be frightened he summoned courage to meet every danger he encountered. often he had saved dorothy and ozma in times of peril, but afterward he moaned and trembled and wept because he had been so scared. "if ozma needs help, i'm going to help her," said the great beast. "also, i suspect the rest of you may need me on the journey--especially trot and betsy--for you may pass through a dangerous part of the country. i know that wild gillikin country pretty well. its forests harbor many ferocious beasts." they were glad the cowardly lion was to join them, and in good spirits the entire party formed a procession and marched out of the emerald city amid the shouts of the people, who wished them success and a safe return with their beloved ruler. they followed a different route from that taken by ozma and dorothy, for they went through the winkie country and up north toward oogaboo. but before they got there they swerved to the left and entered the great gillikin forest, the nearest thing to a wilderness in all oz. even the cowardly lion had to admit that certain parts of this forest were unknown to him, although he had often wandered among the trees, and the scarecrow and tin woodman, who were great travelers, never had been there at all. the forest was only reached after a tedious tramp, for some of the rescue expedition were quite awkward on their feet. the patchwork girl was as light as a feather and very spry; the tin woodman covered the ground as easily as uncle henry and the wizard; but tik-tok moved slowly and the slightest obstruction in the road would halt him until the others cleared it away. then, too, tik-tok's machinery kept running down, so betsy and trot took turns in winding it up. the scarecrow was more clumsy but less bother, for although he often stumbled and fell he could scramble up again and a little patting of his straw-stuffed body would put him in good shape again. another awkward one was jack pumpkinhead, for walking would jar his head around on his neck and then he would be likely to go in the wrong direction. but the frogman took jack's arm and then he followed the path more easily. cap'n bill's wooden leg didn't prevent him from keeping up with the others and the old sailor could walk as far as any of them. when they entered the forest the cowardly lion took the lead. there was no path here for men, but many beasts had made paths of their own which only the eyes of the lion, practiced in woodcraft, could discern. so he stalked ahead and wound his way in and out, the others following in single file, glinda being next to the lion. there are dangers in the forest, of course, but as the huge lion headed the party he kept the wild denizens of the wilderness from bothering the travelers. once, to be sure, an enormous leopard sprang upon the glass cat and caught her in his powerful jaws, but he broke several of his teeth and with howls of pain and dismay dropped his prey and vanished among the trees. "are you hurt?" trot anxiously inquired of the glass cat. "how silly!" exclaimed the creature in an irritated tone of voice; "nothing can hurt glass, and i'm too solid to break easily. but i'm annoyed at that leopard's impudence. he has no respect for beauty or intelligence. if he had noticed my pink brains work, i'm sure he would have realized i'm too important to be grabbed in a wild beast's jaws." "never mind," said trot consolingly; "i'm sure he won't do it again." they were almost in the center of the forest when ojo, the munchkin boy, suddenly said: "why, where's button bright?" they halted and looked around them. button bright was not with the party. "dear me," remarked betsy, "i expect he's lost again!" "when did you see him last, ojo?" inquired glinda. "it was some time ago," replied ojo. "he was trailing along at the end and throwing twigs at the squirrels in the trees. then i went to talk to betsy and trot, and just now i noticed he was gone." "this is too bad," declared the wizard, "for it is sure to delay our journey. we must find button bright before we go any farther, for this forest is full of ferocious beasts that would not hesitate to tear the boy to pieces." "but what shall we do?" asked the scarecrow. "if any of us leaves the party to search for button bright he or she might fall a victim to the beasts, and if the lion leaves us we will have no protector. "the glass cat could go," suggested the frogman. "the beasts can do her no harm, as we have discovered." the wizard turned to glinda. "cannot your sorcery discover where button bright is?" he asked. "i think so," replied the sorceress. she called to uncle henry, who had been carrying her wicker box, to bring it to her, and when he obeyed she opened it and drew out a small round mirror. on the surface of the glass she dusted a white powder and then wiped it away with her handkerchief and looked in the mirror. it reflected a part of the forest, and there, beneath a wide-spreading tree, button bright was lying asleep. on one side of him crouched a tiger, ready to spring; on the other side was a big gray wolf, its bared fangs glistening in a wicked way. "goodness me!" cried trot, looking over glinda's shoulder. "they'll catch and kill him sure." everyone crowded around for a glimpse at the magic mirror. "pretty bad--pretty bad!" said the scarecrow sorrowfully. "comes of getting lost!" said cap'n bill, sighing. "guess he's a goner!" said the frogman, wiping his eyes on his purple silk handkerchief. "but where is he? can't we save him?" asked ojo the lucky. "if we knew where he is we could probably save him," replied the little wizard, "but that tree looks so much like all the other trees, that we can't tell whether it's far away or near by." "look at glinda!" exclaimed betsy glinda, having handed the mirror to the wizard, had stepped aside and was making strange passes with her outstretched arms and reciting in low, sweet tones a mystical incantation. most of them watched the sorceress with anxious eyes, despair giving way to the hope that she might be able to save their friend. the wizard, however, watched the scene in the mirror, while over his shoulders peered trot, the scarecrow and the shaggy man. what they saw was more strange than glinda's actions. the tiger started to spring on the sleeping boy, but suddenly lost its power to move and lay flat upon the ground. the gray wolf seemed unable to lift its feet from the ground. it pulled first at one leg and then at another, and finding itself strangely confined to the spot began to back and snarl angrily. they couldn't hear the barkings and snarls, but they could see the creature's mouth open and its thick lips move. button bright, however, being but a few feet away from the wolf, heard its cries of rage, which wakened him from his untroubled sleep. the boy sat up and looked first at the tiger and then at the wolf. his face showed that for a moment he was quite frightened, but he soon saw that the beasts were unable to approach him and so he got upon his feet and examined them curiously, with a mischievous smile upon his face. then he deliberately kicked the tiger's head with his foot and catching up a fallen branch of a tree he went to the wolf and gave it a good whacking. both the beasts were furious at such treatment but could not resent it. button bright now threw down the stick and with his hands in his pockets wandered carelessly away. "now," said glinda, "let the glass cat run and find him. he is in that direction," pointing the way, "but how far off i do not know. make haste and lead him back to us as quickly as you can." the glass cat did not obey everyone's orders, but she really feared the great sorceress, so as soon as the words were spoken the crystal animal darted away and was quickly lost to sight. the wizard handed the mirror back to glinda, for the woodland scene had now faded from the glass. then those who cared to rest sat down to await button bright's coming. it was not long before hye appeared through the trees and as he rejoined his friends he said in a peevish tone: "don't ever send that glass cat to find me again. she was very impolite and, if we didn't all know that she had no manners, i'd say she insulted me." glinda turned upon the boy sternly. "you have caused all of us much anxiety and annoyance," said she. "only my magic saved you from destruction. i forbid you to get lost again." "of course," he answered. "it won't be my fault if i get lost again; but it wasn't my fault this time." chapter sixteen the enchanted fishes i must now tell you what happened to ervic and the three other skeezers who were left floating in the iron boat after queen coo-ee-oh had been transformed into a diamond swan by the magic of the flathead su-dic. the four skeezers were all young men and their leader was ervic. coo-ee-oh had taken them with her in the boat to assist her if she captured the flathead chief, as she hoped to do by means of her silver rope. they knew nothing about the witchcraft that moved the submarine and so, when left floating upon the lake, were at a loss what to do. the submarine could not be submerged by them or made to return to the sunken island. there were neither oars nor sails in the boat, which was not anchored but drifted quietly upon the surface of the lake. the diamond swan had no further thought or care for her people. she had sailed over to the other side of the lake and all the calls and pleadings of ervic and his companions were unheeded by the vain bird. as there was nothing else for them to do, they sat quietly in their boat and waited as patiently as they could for someone to come to their aid. the flatheads had refused to help them and had gone back to their mountain. all the skeezers were imprisoned in the great dome and could not help even themselves. when evening came, they saw the diamond swan, still keeping to the opposite shore of the lake, walk out of the water to the sands, shake her diamond-sprinkled feathers, and then disappear among the bushes to seek a resting place for the night. "i'm hungry," said ervic. "i'm cold," said another skeezer. "i'm tired," said a third. "i'm afraid," said the last one of them. but it did them no good to complain. night fell and the moon rose and cast a silvery sheen over the surface of the water. "go to sleep," said ervic to his companions. "i'll stay awake and watch, for we may be rescued in some unexpected way." so the other three laid themselves down in the bottom of the boat and were soon fast asleep. ervic watched. he rested himself by leaning over the bow of the boat, his face near to the moonlit water, and thought dreamily of the day's surprising events and wondered what would happen to the prisoners in the great dome. suddenly a tiny goldfish popped its head above the surface of the lake, not more than a foot from his eyes. a silverfish then raised its head beside that of the goldfish, and a moment later a bronzefish lifted its head beside the others. the three fish, all in a row, looked earnestly with their round, bright eyes into the astonished eyes of ervic the skeezer. "we are the three adepts whom queen coo-ee-oh betrayed and wickedly transformed," said the goldfish, its voice low and soft but distinctly heard in the stillness of the night. "i know of our queen's treacherous deed," replied ervic, "and i am sorry for your misfortune. have you been in the lake ever since?" "yes," was the reply. "i--i hope you are well--and comfortable," stammered ervic, not knowing what else to say. "we knew that some day coo-ee-oh would meet with the fate she so richly deserves," declared the bronzefish. "we have waited and watched for this time. now if you will promise to help us and will be faithful and true, you can aid us in regaining our natural forms, and save yourself and all your people from the dangers that now threaten you." "well," said ervic, "you can depend on my doing the best i can. but i'm no witch, nor magician, you must know." "all we ask is that you obey our instructions," returned the silverfish. "we know that you are honest and that you served coo-ee-oh only because you were obliged to in order to escape her anger. do as we command and all will be well." "i promise!" exclaimed the young man. "tell me what i am to do first." "you will find in the bottom of your boat the silver cord which dropped from coo-ee-oh's hand when she was transformed," said the goldfish. "tie one end of that cord to the bow of your boat and drop the other end to us in the water. together we will pull your boat to the shore." ervic much doubted that the three small fishes could move so heavy a boat, but he did as he was told and the fishes all seized their end of the silver cord in their mouths and headed toward the nearest shore, which was the very place where the flatheads had stood when they conquered queen coo-ee-oh. at first the boat did not move at all, although the fishes pulled with all their strength. but presently the strain began to tell. very slowly the boat crept toward the shore, gaining more speed at every moment. a couple of yards away from the sandy beach the fishes dropped the cord from their mouths and swam to one side, while the iron boat, being now under way, continued to move until its prow grated upon the sands. ervic leaned over the side and said to the fishes: "what next?" "you will find upon the sand," said the silverfish, "a copper kettle, which the su-dic forgot when he went away. cleanse it thoroughly in the water of the lake, for it has had poison in it. when it is cleaned, fill it with fresh water and hold it over the side of the boat, so that we three may swim into the kettle. we will then instruct you further." "do you wish me to catch you, then?" asked ervic in surprise. "yes," was the reply. so ervic jumped out of the boat and found the copper kettle. carrying it a little way down the beach, he washed it well, scrubbing away every drop of the poison it had contained with sand from the shore. then he went back to the boat. ervic's comrades were still sound asleep and knew nothing of the three fishes or what strange happenings were taking place about them. ervic dipped the kettle in the lake, holding fast to the handle until it was under water. the gold and silver and bronze fishes promptly swam into the kettle. the young skeezer then lifted it, poured out a little of the water so it would not spill over the edge, and said to the fishes: "what next?" "carry the kettle to the shore. take one hundred steps to the east, along the edge of the lake, and then you will see a path leading through the meadows, up hill and down dale. follow the path until you come to a cottage which is painted a purple color with white trimmings. when you stop at the gate of this cottage we will tell you what to do next. be careful, above all, not to stumble and spill the water from the kettle, or you would destroy us and all you have done would be in vain." the goldfish issued these commands and ervic promised to be careful and started to obey. he left his sleeping comrades in the boat, stepping cautiously over their bodies, and on reaching the shore took exactly one hundred steps to the east. then he looked for the path and the moonlight was so bright that he easily discovered it, although it was hidden from view by tall weeds until one came full upon it. this path was very narrow and did not seem to be much used, but it was quite distinct and ervic had no difficulty in following it. he walked through a broad meadow, covered with tall grass and weeds, up a hill and down into a valley and then up another hill and down again. it seemed to ervic that he had walked miles and miles. indeed the moon sank low and day was beginning to dawn when finally he discovered by the roadside a pretty little cottage, painted purple with white trimmings. it was a lonely place--no other buildings were anywhere about and the ground was not tilled at all. no farmer lived here, that was certain. who would care to dwell in such an isolated place? but ervic did not bother his head long with such questions. he went up to the gate that led to the cottage, set the copper kettle carefully down and bending over it asked: "what next?" chapter seventeen under the great dome when glinda the good and her followers of the rescue expedition came in sight of the enchanted mountain of the flatheads, it was away to the left of them, for the route they had taken through the great forest was some distance from that followed by ozma and dorothy. they halted awhile to decide whether they should call upon the supreme dictator first, or go on to the lake of the skeezers. "if we go to the mountain," said the wizard, "we may get into trouble with that wicked su-dic, and then we would be delayed in rescuing ozma and dorothy. so i think our best plan will be to go to the skeezer country, raise the sunken island and save our friends and the imprisoned skeezers. afterward we can visit the mountain and punish the cruel magician of the flatheads." "that is sensible," approved the shaggy man. "i quite agree with you." the others, too, seemed to think the wizard's plan the best, and glinda herself commended it, so on they marched toward the line of palm trees that hid the skeezers' lake from view. pretty soon they came to the palms. these were set closely together, the branches, which came quite to the ground, being so tightly interlaced that even the glass cat could scarcely find a place to squeeze through. the path which the flatheads used was some distance away. "here's a job for the tin woodman," said the scarecrow. so the tin woodman, who was always glad to be of use, set to work with his sharp, gleaming axe, which he always carried, and in a surprisingly short time had chopped away enough branches to permit them all to pass easily through the trees. now the clear waters of the beautiful lake were before them and by looking closely they could see the outlines of the great dome of the sunken island, far from shore and directly in the center of the lake. of course every eye was at first fixed upon this dome, where ozma and dorothy and the skeezers were still fast prisoners. but soon their attention was caught by a more brilliant sight, for here was the diamond swan swimming just before them, its long neck arched proudly, the amethyst eyes gleaming and all the diamond-sprinkled feathers glistening splendidly under the rays of the sun. "that," said glinda, "is the transformation of queen coo-ce-oh, the haughty and wicked witch who betrayed the three adepts at magic and treated her people like slaves." "she's wonderfully beautiful now," remarked the frogman. "it doesn't seem like much of a punishment," said trot. "the flathead su-dic ought to have made her a toad." "i am sure coo-ee-oh is punished," said glinda, "for she has lost all her magic power and her grand palace and can no longer misrule the poor skeezers." "let us call to her, and hear what she has to say," proposed the wizard. so glinda beckoned the diamond swan, which swam gracefully to a position near them. before anyone could speak coo-ee-oh called to them in a rasping voice--for the voice of a swan is always harsh and unpleasant--and said with much pride: "admire me, strangers! admire the lovely coo-ee-oh, the handsomest creature in all oz. admire me!" "handsome is as handsome does," replied the scarecrow. "are your deeds lovely, coo-ce-oh?" "deeds? what deeds can a swan do but swim around and give pleasure to all beholders?" said the sparkling bird. "have you forgotten your former life? have you forgotten your magic and witchcraft?" inquired the wizard. "magic--witchcraft? pshaw, who cares for such silly things?" retorted coo-ee-oh. "as for my past life, it seems like an unpleasant dream. i wouldn't go back to it if i could. don't you admire my beauty, strangers?" "tell us, coo-ee-oh," said glinda earnestly, "if you can recall enough of your witchcraft to enable us to raise the sunken island to the surface of the lake. tell us that and i'll give you a string of pearls to wear around your neck and add to your beauty." "nothing can add to my beauty, for i'm the most beautiful creature anywhere in the whole world." "but how can we raise the island?" "i don't know and i don't care. if ever i knew i've forgotten, and i'm glad of it," was the response. "just watch me circle around and see me glitter! "it's no use," said button bright; "the old swan is too much in love with herself to think of anything else." "that's a fact," agreed betsy with a sigh; "but we've got to get ozma and dorothy out of that lake, somehow or other." "and we must do it in our own way," added the scarecrow. "but how?" asked uncle henry in a grave voice, for he could not bear to think of his dear niece dorothy being out there under water; "how shall we do it?" "leave that to glinda," advised the wizard, realizing he was helpless to do it himself. "if it were just an ordinary sunken island," said the powerful sorceress, "there would be several ways by which i might bring it to the surface again. but this is a magic isle, and by some curious art of witchcraft, unknown to any but queen coo-ce-oh, it obeys certain commands of magic and will not respond to any other. i do not despair in the least, but it will require some deep study to solve this difficult problem. if the swan could only remember the witchcraft that she invented and knew as a woman, i could force her to tell me the secret, but all her former knowledge is now forgotten." "it seems to me," said the wizard after a brief silence had followed glinda's speech, "that there are three fishes in this lake that used to be adepts at magic and from whom coo-ee-oh stole much of her knowledge. if we could find those fishes and return them to their former shapes, they could doubtless tell us what to do to bring the sunken island to the surface." "i have thought of those fishes," replied glinda, "but among so many fishes as this lake contains how are we to single them out?" you will understand, of course, that had glinda been at home in her castle, where the great book of records was, she would have known that ervic the skeezer already had taken the gold and silver and bronze fishes from the lake. but that act had been recorded in the book after glinda had set out on this journey, so it was all unknown to her. "i think i see a boat yonder on the shore," said ojo the munchkin boy, pointing to a place around the edge of the lake. "if we could get that boat and row all over the lake, calling to the magic fishes, we might be able to find them." "let us go to the boat," said the wizard. they walked around the lake to where the boat was stranded upon the beach, but found it empty. it was a mere shell of blackened steel, with a collapsible roof that, when in position, made the submarine watertight, but at present the roof rested in slots on either side of the magic craft. there were no oars or sails, no machinery to make the boat go, and although glinda promptly realized it was meant to be operated by witchcraft, she was not acquainted with that sort of magic. "however," said she, "the boat is merely a boat, and i believe i can make it obey a command of sorcery, as well as it did the command of witchcraft. after i have given a little thought to the matter, the boat will take us wherever we desire to go." "not all of us," returned the wizard, "for it won't hold so many. but, most noble sorceress, provided you can make the boat go, of what use will it be to us?" "can't we use it to catch the three fishes?" asked button bright. "it will not be necessary to use the boat for that purpose," replied glinda. "wherever in the lake the enchanted fishes may be, they will answer to my call. what i am trying to discover is how the boat came to be on this shore, while the island on which it belongs is under water yonder. did coo-ee-oh come here in the boat to meet the flatheads before the island was sunk, or afterward?" no one could answer that question, of course; but while they pondered the matter three young men advanced from the line of trees, and rather timidly bowed to the strangers. "who are you, and where did you come from?" inquired the wizard. "we are skeezers," answered one of them, "and our home is on the magic isle of the lake. we ran away when we saw you coming, and hid behind the trees, but as you are strangers and seem to be friendly we decided to meet you, for we are in great trouble and need assistance." "if you belong on the island, why are you here?" demanded glinda. so they told her all the story: how the queen had defied the flatheads and submerged the whole island so that her enemies could not get to it or destroy it; how, when the flatheads came to the shore, coo-ee-oh had commanded them, together with their friend ervic, to go with her in the submarine to conquer the su-dic, and how the boat had shot out from the basement of the sunken isle, obeying a magic word, and risen to the surface, where it opened and floated upon the water. then followed the account of how the su-dic had transformed coo-ee-oh into a swan, after which she had forgotten all the witchcraft she ever knew. the young men told how, in the night when they were asleep, their comrade ervic had mysteriously disappeared, while the boat in some strange manner had floated to the shore and stranded upon the beach. that was all they knew. they had searched in vain for three days for ervic. as their island was under water and they could not get back to it, the three skeezers had no place to go, and so had waited patiently beside their boat for something to happen. being questioned by glinda and the wizard, they told all they knew about ozma and dorothy and declared the two girls were still in the village under the great dome. they were quite safe and would be well cared for by lady aurex, now that the queen who opposed them was out of the way. when they had gleaned all the information they could from these skeezers, the wizard said to glinda: "if you find you can make this boat obey your sorcery, you could have it return to the island, submerge itself, and enter the door in the basement from which it came. but i cannot see that our going to the sunken island would enable our friends to escape. we would only join them as prisoners." "not so, friend wizard," replied glinda. "if the boat would obey my commands to enter the basement door, it would also obey my commands to come out again, and i could bring ozma and dorothy back with me." "and leave all of our people still imprisoned?" asked one of the skeezers reproachfully. "by making several trips in the boat, glinda could fetch all your people to the shore," replied the wizard. "but what could they do then?" inquired another skeezer. "they would have no homes and no place to go, and would be at the mercy of their enemies, the flatheads." "that is true," said glinda the good. "and as these people are ozma's subjects, i think she would refuse to escape with dorothy and leave the others behind, or to abandon the island which is the lawful home of the skeezers. i believe the best plan will be to summon the three fishes and learn from them how to raise the island." the little wizard seemed to think that this was rather a forlorn hope. "how will you summon them," he asked the lovely sorceress, "and how can they hear you?" "that is something we must consider carefully," responded stately glinda, with a serene smile. "i think i can find a way." all of ozma's counsellors applauded this sentiment, for they knew well the powers of the sorceress. "very well," agreed the wizard. "summon them, most noble glinda." chapter eighteen the cleverness of ervic we must now return to ervic the skeezer, who, when he had set down the copper kettle containing the three fishes at the gate of the lonely cottage, had asked, "what next?" the goldfish stuck its head above the water in the kettle and said in its small but distinct voice: "you are to lift the latch, open the door, and walk boldly into the cottage. do not be afraid of anything you see, for however you seem to be threatened with dangers, nothing can harm you. the cottage is the home of a powerful yookoohoo, named reera the red, who assumes all sorts of forms, sometimes changing her form several times in a day, according to her fancy. what her real form may be we do not know. this strange creature cannot be bribed with treasure, or coaxed through friendship, or won by pity. she has never assisted anyone, or done wrong to anyone, that we know of. all her wonderful powers are used for her own selfish amusement. she will order you out of the house but you must refuse to go. remain and watch reera closely and try to see what she uses to accomplish her transformations. if you can discover the secret whisper it to us and we will then tell you what to do next." "that sounds easy," returned ervic, who had listened carefully. "but are you sure she will not hurt me, or try to transform me?" "she may change your form," replied the goldfish, "but do not worry if that happens, for we can break that enchantment easily. you may be sure that nothing will harm you, so you must not be frightened at anything you see or hear." now ervic was as brave as any ordinary young man, and he knew the fishes who spoke to him were truthful and to be relied upon, nevertheless he experienced a strange sinking of the heart as he picked up the kettle and approached the door of the cottage. his hand trembled as he raised the latch, but he was resolved to obey his instructions. he pushed the door open, took three strides into the middle of the one room the cottage contained, and then stood still and looked around him. the sights that met his gaze were enough to frighten anyone who had not been properly warned. on the floor just before ervic lay a great crocodile, its red eyes gleaming wickedly and its wide open mouth displaying rows of sharp teeth. horned toads hopped about; each of the four upper corners of the room was festooned with a thick cobweb, in the center of which sat a spider as big around as a washbasin, and armed with pincher-like claws; a red-and-green lizard was stretched at full length on the window-sill and black rats darted in and out of the holes they had gnawed in the floor of the cottage. but the most startling thing was a huge gray ape which sat upon a bench and knitted. it wore a lace cap, such as old ladies wear, and a little apron of lace, but no other clothing. its eyes were bright and looked as if coals were burning in them. the ape moved as naturally as an ordinary person might, and on ervic's entrance stopped knitting and raised its head to look at him. "get out!" cried a sharp voice, seeming to come from the ape's mouth. ervic saw another bench, empty, just beyond him, so he stepped over the crocodile, sat down upon the bench and carefully placed the kettle beside him. "get out!" again cried the voice. ervic shook his head. "no," said he, "i'm going to stay." the spiders left their four corners, dropped to the floor and made a rush toward the young skeezer, circling around his legs with their pinchers extended. ervic paid no attention to them. an enormous black rat ran up ervic's body, passed around his shoulders and uttered piercing squeals in his ears, but he did not wince. the green-and-red lizard, coming from the window-sill, approached ervic and began spitting a flaming fluid at him, but ervic merely stared at the creature and its flame did not touch him. the crocodile raised its tail and, swinging around, swept ervic off the bench with a powerful blow. but the skeezer managed to save the kettle from upsetting and he got up, shook off the horned toads that were crawling over him and resumed his seat on the bench. all the creatures, after this first attack, remained motionless, as if awaiting orders. the old gray ape knitted on, not looking toward ervic now, and the young skeezer stolidly kept his seat. he expected something else to happen, but nothing did. a full hour passed and ervic was growing nervous. "what do you want?" the ape asked at last. "nothing," said ervic. "you may have that!" retorted the ape, and at this all the strange creatures in the room broke into a chorus of cackling laughter. another long wait. "do you know who i am?" questioned the ape. "you must be reera the red--the yookoohoo," ervic answered. "knowing so much, you must also know that i do not like strangers. your presence here in my home annoys me. do you not fear my anger?" "no," said the young man. "do you intend to obey me, and leave this house?" "no," replied ervic, just as quietly as the yookoohoo had spoken. the ape knitted for a long time before resuming the conversation. "curiosity," it said, "has led to many a man's undoing. i suppose in some way you have learned that i do tricks of magic, and so through curiosity you have come here. you may have been told that i do not injure anyone, so you are bold enough to disobey my commands to go away. you imagine that you may witness some of the rites of witchcraft, and that they may amuse you. have i spoken truly?" "well," remarked ervic, who had been pondering on the strange circumstances of his coming here, "you are right in some ways, but not in others. i am told that you work magic only for your own amusement. that seems to me very selfish. few people understand magic. i'm told that you are the only real yookoohoo in all oz. why don't you amuse others as well as yourself?" "what right have you to question my actions?" "none at all." "and you say you are not here to demand any favors of me?" "for myself i want nothing from you." "you are wise in that. i never grant favors." "that doesn't worry me," declared ervic. "but you are curious? you hope to witness some of my magic transformations?" "if you wish to perform any magic, go ahead," said ervic. "it may interest me and it may not. if you'd rather go on with your knitting, it's all the same to me. i am in no hurry at all." this may have puzzled red reera, but the face beneath the lace cap could show no expression, being covered with hair. perhaps in all her career the yookoohoo had never been visited by anyone who, like this young man, asked for nothing, expected nothing, and had no reason for coming except curiosity. this attitude practically disarmed the witch and she began to regard the skeezer in a more friendly way. she knitted for some time, seemingly in deep thought, and then she arose and walked to a big cupboard that stood against the wall of the room. when the cupboard door was opened ervic could see a lot of drawers inside, and into one of these drawers--the second from the bottom--reera thrust a hairy hand. until now ervic could see over the bent form of the ape, but suddenly the form, with its back to him, seemed to straighten up and blot out the cupboard of drawers. the ape had changed to the form of a woman, dressed in the pretty gillikin costume, and when she turned around he saw that it was a young woman, whose face was quite attractive. "do you like me better this way?" reera inquired with a smile. "you look better," he said calmly, "but i'm not sure i like you any better." she laughed, saying: "during the heat of the day i like to be an ape, for an ape doesn't wear any clothes to speak of. but if one has gentlemen callers it is proper to dress up." ervic noticed her right hand was closed, as if she held something in it. she shut the cupboard door, bent over the crocodile and in a moment the creature had changed to a red wolf. it was not pretty even now, and the wolf crouched beside its mistress as a dog might have done. its teeth looked as dangerous as had those of the crocodile. next the yookoohoo went about touching all the lizards and toads, and at her touch they became kittens. the rats she changed into chipmunks. now the only horrid creatures remaining were the four great spiders, which hid themselves behind their thick webs. "there!" reera cried, "now my cottage presents a more comfortable appearance. i love the toads and lizards and rats, because most people hate them, but i would tire of them if they always remained the same. sometimes i change their forms a dozen times a day." "you are clever," said ervic. "i did not hear you utter any incantations or magic words. all you did was to touch the creatures." "oh, do you think so?" she replied. "well, touch them yourself, if you like, and see if you can change their forms." "no," said the skeezer, "i don't understand magic and if i did i would not try to imitate your skill. you are a wonderful yookoohoo, while i am only a common skeezer." this confession seemed to please reera, who liked to have her witchcraft appreciated. "will you go away now?" she asked. "i prefer to be alone." "i prefer to stay here," said ervic. "in another person's home, where you are not wanted?" "yes." "is not your curiosity yet satisfied?" demanded reera, with a smile. "i don't know. is there anything else you can do?" "many things. but why should i exhibit my powers to a stranger?" "i can think of no reason at all," he replied. she looked at him curiously. "you want no power for yourself, you say, and you're too stupid to be able to steal my secrets. this isn't a pretty cottage, while outside are sunshine, broad prairies and beautiful wildflowers. yet you insist on sitting on that bench and annoying me with your unwelcome presence. what have you in that kettle?" "three fishes," he answered readily. "where did you get them?" "i caught them in the lake of the skeezers." "what do you intend to do with the fishes?" "i shall carry them to the home of a friend of mine who has three children. the children will love to have the fishes for pets." she came over to the bench and looked into the kettle, where the three fishes were swimming quietly in the water. "they're pretty," said reera. "let me transform them into something else." "no," objected the skeezer. "i love to transform things; it's so interesting. and i've never transformed any fishes in all my life." "let them alone," said ervic. "what shapes would you prefer them to have? i can make them turtles, or cute little sea-horses; or i could make them piglets, or rabbits, or guinea-pigs; or, if you like i can make chickens of them, or eagles, or bluejays." "let them alone!" repeated ervic. "you're not a very pleasant visitor," laughed red reera. "people accuse me of being cross and crabbed and unsociable, and they are quite right. if you had come here pleading and begging for favors, and half afraid of my yookoohoo magic, i'd have abused you until you ran away; but you're quite different from that. you're the unsociable and crabbed and disagreeable one, and so i like you, and bear with your grumpiness. it's time for my midday meal; are you hungry?" "no," said ervic, although he really desired food. "well, i am," reera declared and clapped her hands together. instantly a table appeared, spread with linen and bearing dishes of various foods, some smoking hot. there were two plates laid, one at each end of the table, and as soon as reera seated herself all her creatures gathered around her, as if they were accustomed to be fed when she ate. the wolf squatted at her right hand and the kittens and chipmunks gathered at her left. "come, stranger, sit down and eat," she called cheerfully, "and while we're eating let us decide into what forms we shall change your fishes." "they're all right as they are," asserted ervic, drawing up his bench to the table. "the fishes are beauties--one gold, one silver and one bronze. nothing that has life is more lovely than a beautiful fish." "what! am i not more lovely?" reera asked, smiling at his serious face. "i don't object to you--for a yookoohoo, you know," he said, helping himself to the food and eating with good appetite. "and don't you consider a beautiful girl more lovely than a fish, however pretty the fish may be?" "well," replied ervic, after a period of thought, "that might be. if you transformed my three fish into three girls--girls who would be adepts at magic, you know they might please me as well as the fish do. you won't do that of course, because you can't, with all your skill. and, should you be able to do so, i fear my troubles would be more than i could bear. they would not consent to be my slaves--especially if they were adepts at magic--and so they would command me to obey them. no, mistress reera, let us not transform the fishes at all." the skeezer had put his case with remarkable cleverness. he realized that if he appeared anxious for such a transformation the yookoohoo would not perform it, yet he had skillfully suggested that they be made adepts at magic. chapter nineteen red reera, the yookoohoo after the meal was over and reera had fed her pets, including the four monster spiders which had come down from their webs to secure their share, she made the table disappear from the floor of the cottage. "i wish you'd consent to my transforming your fishes," she said, as she took up her knitting again. the skeezer made no reply. he thought it unwise to hurry matters. all during the afternoon they sat silent. once reera went to her cupboard and after thrusting her hand into the same drawer as before, touched the wolf and transformed it into a bird with gorgeous colored feathers. this bird was larger than a parrot and of a somewhat different form, but ervic had never seen one like it before. "sing!" said reera to the bird, which had perched itself on a big wooden peg--as if it had been in the cottage before and knew just what to do. and the bird sang jolly, rollicking songs with words to them--just as a person who had been carefully trained might do. the songs were entertaining and ervic enjoyed listening to them. in an hour or so the bird stopped singing, tucked its head under its wing and went to sleep. reera continued knitting but seemed thoughtful. now ervic had marked this cupboard drawer well and had concluded that reera took something from it which enabled her to perform her transformations. he thought that if he managed to remain in the cottage, and reera fell asleep, he could slyly open the cupboard, take a portion of whatever was in the drawer, and by dropping it into the copper kettle transform the three fishes into their natural shapes. indeed, he had firmly resolved to carry out this plan when the yookoohoo put down her knitting and walked toward the door. "i'm going out for a few minutes," said she; "do you wish to go with me, or will you remain here?" ervic did not answer but sat quietly on his bench. so reera went out and closed the cottage door. as soon as she was gone, ervic rose and tiptoed to the cupboard. "take care! take care!" cried several voices, coming from the kittens and chipmunks. "if you touch anything we'll tell the yookoohoo!" ervic hesitated a moment but, remembering that he need not consider reera's anger if he succeeded in transforming the fishes, he was about to open the cupboard when he was arrested by the voices of the fishes, which stuck their heads above the water in the kettle and called out: "come here, ervic!" so he went back to the kettle and bent over it "let the cupboard alone," said the goldfish to him earnestly. "you could not succeed by getting that magic powder, for only the yookoohoo knows how to use it. the best way is to allow her to transform us into three girls, for then we will have our natural shapes and be able to perform all the arts of magic we have learned and well understand. you are acting wisely and in the most effective manner. we did not know you were so intelligent, or that reera could be so easily deceived by you. continue as you have begun and try to persuade her to transform us. but insist that we be given the forms of girls." the goldfish ducked its head down just as reera re-entered the cottage. she saw ervic bent over the kettle, so she came and joined him. "can your fishes talk?" she asked. "sometimes," he replied, "for all fishes in the land of oz know how to speak. just now they were asking me for some bread. they are hungry." "well, they can have some bread," said reera. "but it is nearly supper-time, and if you would allow me to transform your fishes into girls they could join us at the table and have plenty of food much nicer than crumbs. why not let me transform them?" "well," said ervic, as if hesitating, "ask the fishes. if they consent, why--why, then, i'll think it over." reera bent over the kettle and asked: "can you hear me, little fishes?" all three popped their heads above water. "we can hear you," said the bronzefish. "i want to give you other forms, such as rabbits, or turtles or girls, or something; but your master, the surly skeezer, does not wish me to. however, he has agreed to the plan if you will consent." "we'd like to be girls," said the silverfish. "no, no!" exclaimed ervic. "if you promise to make us three beautiful girls, we will consent," said the goldfish. "no, no!" exclaimed ervic again. "also make us adepts at magic," added the bronzefish. "i don't know exactly what that means," replied reera musingly, "but as no adept at magic is as powerful as yookoohoo, i'll add that to the transformation." "we won't try to harm you, or to interfere with your magic in any way," promised the goldfish. "on the contrary, we will be your friends." "will you agree to go away and leave me alone in my cottage, whenever i command you to do so?" asked reera. "we promise that," cried the three fishes. "don't do it! don't consent to the transformation," urged ervic. "they have already consented," said the yookoohoo, laughing in his face, "and you have promised me to abide by their decision. so, friend skeezer, i shall perform the transformation whether you like it or not." ervic seated himself on the bench again, a deep scowl on his face but joy in his heart. reera moved over to the cupboard, took something from the drawer and returned to the copper kettle. she was clutching something tightly in her right hand, but with her left she reached within the kettle, took out the three fishes and laid them carefully on the floor, where they gasped in distress at being out of water. reera did not keep them in misery more than a few seconds, for she touched each one with her right hand and instantly the fishes were transformed into three tall and slender young women, with fine, intelligent faces and clothed in handsome, clinging gowns. the one who had been a goldfish had beautiful golden hair and blue eyes and was exceedingly fair of skin; the one who had been a bronzefish had dark brown hair and clear gray eyes and her complexion matched these lovely features. the one who had been a silverfish had snow-white hair of the finest texture and deep brown eyes. the hair contrasted exquisitely with her pink cheeks and ruby-red lips, nor did it make her look a day older than her two companions. as soon as they secured these girlish shapes, all three bowed low to the yookoohoo and said: "we thank you, reera." then they bowed to the skeezer and said: "we thank you, ervic." "very good!" cried the yookoohoo, examining her work with critical approval. "you are much better and more interesting than fishes, and this ungracious skeezer would scarcely allow me to do the transformations. you surely have nothing to thank him for. but now let us dine in honor of the occasion." she clapped her hands together and again a table loaded with food appeared in the cottage. it was a longer table, this time, and places were set for the three adepts as well as for reera and ervic. "sit down, friends, and eat your fill," said the yookoohoo, but instead of seating herself at the head of the table she went to the cupboard, saying to the adepts: "your beauty and grace, my fair friends, quite outshine my own. so that i may appear properly at the banquet table i intend, in honor of this occasion, to take upon myself my natural shape." scarcely had she finished this speech when reera transformed herself into a young woman fully as lovely as the three adepts. she was not quite so tall as they, but her form was more rounded and more handsomely clothed, with a wonderful jeweled girdle and a necklace of shining pearls. her hair was a bright auburn red, and her eyes large and dark. "do you claim this is your natural form?" asked ervic of the yookoohoo. "yes," she replied. "this is the only form i am really entitled to wear. but i seldom assume it because there is no one here to admire or appreciate it and i get tired admiring it myself." "i see now why you are named reera the red," remarked ervic. "it is on account of my red hair," she explained smiling. "i do not care for red hair myself, which is one reason i usually wear other forms." "it is beautiful," asserted the young man; and then remembering the other women present he added: "but, of course, all women should not have red hair, because that would make it too common. gold and silver and brown hair are equally handsome." the smiles that he saw interchanged between the four filled the poor skeezer with embarrassment, so he fell silent and attended to eating his supper, leaving the others to do the talking. the three adepts frankly told reera who they were, how they became fishes and how they had planned secretly to induce the yookoohoo to transform them. they admitted that they had feared, had they asked her to help, that she would have refused them. "you were quite right," returned the yookoohoo. "i make it my rule never to perform magic to assist others, for if i did there would always be crowd at my cottage demanding help and i hate crowds and want to be left alone." "however, now that you are restored to your proper shapes, i do not regret my action and i hope you will be of use in saving the skeezer people by raising their island to the surface of the lake, where it really belongs. but you must promise me that after you go away you will never come here again, nor tell anyone what i have done for you." the three adepts and ervic thanked the yookoohoo warmly. they promised to remember her wish that they should not come to her cottage again and so, with a good-bye, took their departure. chapter twenty a puzzling problem glinda the good, having decided to try her sorcery upon the abandoned submarine, so that it would obey her commands, asked all of her party, including the skeezers, to withdraw from the shore of the lake to the line of palm trees. she kept with her only the little wizard of oz, who was her pupil and knew how to assist her in her magic rites. when they two were alone beside the stranded boat, glinda said to the wizard: "i shall first try my magic recipe no. , which is intended to make inanimate objects move at my command. have you a skeropythrope with you?" "yes, i always carry one in my bag," replied the wizard. he opened his black bag of magic tools and took out a brightly polished skeropythrope, which he handed to the sorceress. glinda had also brought a small wicker bag, containing various requirements of sorcery, and from this she took a parcel of powder and a vial of liquid. she poured the liquid into the skeropythrope and added the powder. at once the skeropythrope began to sputter and emit sparks of a violet color, which spread in all directions. the sorceress instantly stepped into the middle of the boat and held the instrument so that the sparks fell all around her and covered every bit of the blackened steel boat. at the same time glinda crooned a weird incantation in the language of sorcery, her voice sounding low and musical. after a little the violet sparks ceased, and those that had fallen upon the boat had disappeared and left no mark upon its surface. the ceremony was ended and glinda returned the skeropythrope to the wizard, who put it away in his black bag. "that ought to do the business all right," he said confidently. "let us make a trial and see," she replied. so they both entered the boat and seated themselves. speaking in a tone of command the sorceress said to the boat: "carry us across the lake, to the farther shore." at once the boat backed off the sandy beach, turned its prow and moved swiftly over the water. "very good--very good indeed!" cried the wizard, when the boat slowed up at the shore opposite from that whence they had departed. "even coo-ee-oh, with all her witchcraft, could do no better." the sorceress now said to the boat: "close up, submerge and carry us to the basement door of the sunken island--the door from which you emerged at the command of queen coo-ee-oh." the boat obeyed. as it sank into the water the top sections rose from the sides and joined together over the heads of glinda and the wizard, who were thus enclosed in a water-proof chamber. there were four glass windows in this covering, one on each side and one on either end, so that the passengers could see exactly where they were going. moving under water more slowly than on the surface, the submarine gradually approached the island and halted with its bow pressed against the huge marble door in the basement under the dome. this door was tightly closed and it was evident to both glinda and the wizard that it would not open to admit the underwater boat unless a magic word was spoken by them or someone from within the basement of the island. but what was this magic word? neither of them knew. "i'm afraid," said the wizard regretfully, "that we can't get in, after all. unless your sorcery can discover the word to open the marble door." "that is probably some word only known to coo-ce-oh," replied the sorceress. "i may be able to discover what it is, but that will require time. let us go back again to our companions." "it seems a shame, after we have made the boat obey us, to be balked by just a marble door," grumbled the wizard. at glinda's command the boat rose until it was on a level with the glass dome that covered the skeezer village, when the sorceress made it slowly circle all around the great dome. many faces were pressed against the glass from the inside, eagerly watching the submarine, and in one place were dorothy and ozma, who quickly recognized glinda and the wizard through the glass windows of the boat. glinda saw them, too, and held the boat close to the dome while the friends exchanged greetings in pantomime. their voices, unfortunately, could not be heard through the dome and the water and the side of the boat. the wizard tried to make the girls understand, through signs, that he and glinda had come to their rescue, and ozma and dorothy understood this from the very fact that the sorceress and the wizard had appeared. the two girl prisoners were smiling and in safety, and knowing this glinda felt she could take all the time necessary in order to effect their final rescue. as nothing more could be done just then, glinda ordered the boat to return to shore and it obeyed readily. first it ascended to the surface of the water, then the roof parted and fell into the slots at the side of the boat, and then the magic craft quickly made the shore and beached itself on the sands at the very spot from which it had departed at glinda's command. all the oz people and the skeezers at once ran to the boat to ask if they had reached the island, and whether they had seen ozma and dorothy. the wizard told them of the obstacle they had met in the way of a marble door, and how glinda would now undertake to find a magic way to conquer the door. realizing that it would require several days to succeed in reaching the island raising it and liberating their friends and the skeezer people, glinda now prepared a camp half way between the lake shore and the palm trees. the wizard's wizardry made a number of tents appear and the sorcery of the sorceress furnished these tents all complete, with beds, chairs, tables, flags, lamps and even books with which to pass idle hours. all the tents had the royal banner of oz flying from the centerpoles and one big tent, not now occupied, had ozma's own banner moving in the breeze. betsy and trot had a tent to themselves, and button bright and ojo had another. the scarecrow and the tin woodman paired together in one tent and so did jack pumpkinhead and the shaggy man, cap'n bill and uncle henry, tik-tok and professor wogglebug. glinda had the most splendid tent of all, except that reserved for ozma, while the wizard had a little one of his own. whenever it was meal time, tables loaded with food magically appeared in the tents of those who were in the habit of eating, and these complete arrangements made the rescue party just comfortable as they would have been in their own homes. far into the night glinda sat in her tent studying a roll of mystic scrolls in search of a word that would open the basement door of the island and admit her to the great dome. she also made many magical experiments, hoping to discover something that would aid her. yet the morning found the powerful sorceress still unsuccessful. glinda's art could have opened any ordinary door, you may be sure, but you must realize that this marble door of the island had been commanded not to open save in obedience to one magic word, and therefore all other magic words could have no effect upon it. the magic word that guarded the door had probably been invented by coo-ee-oh, who had now forgotten it. the only way, then, to gain entrance to the sunken island was to break the charm that held the door fast shut. if this could be done no magic would be required to open it. the next day the sorceress and the wizard again entered the boat and made it submerge and go to the marble door, which they tried in various ways to open, but without success. "we shall have to abandon this attempt, i think," said glinda. "the easiest way to raise the island would be for us to gain admittance to the dome and then descend to the basement and see in what manner coo-ee-oh made the entire island sink or rise at her command. it naturally occurred to me that the easiest way to gain admittance would be by having the boat take us into the basement through the marble door from which coo-ee-oh launched it. but there must be other ways to get inside the dome and join ozma and dorothy, and such ways we must find by study and the proper use of our powers of magic." "it won't be easy," declared the wizard, "for we must not forget that ozma herself understands considerable magic, and has doubtless tried to raise the island or find other means of escape from it and failed." "that is true," returned glinda, "but ozma's magic is fairy magic, while you are a wizard and i am a sorceress. in this way the three of us have a great variety of magic to work with, and if we should all fail it will be because the island is raised and lowered by a magic power none of us is acquainted with. my idea therefore is to seek--by such magic as we possess--to accomplish our object in another way." they made the circle of the dome again in their boat, and once more saw ozma and dorothy through their windows and exchanged signals with the two imprisoned girls. ozma realized that her friends were doing all in their power to rescue her and smiled an encouragement to their efforts. dorothy seemed a little anxious but was trying to be as brave as her companion. after the boat had returned to the camp and glinda was seated in her tent, working out various ways by which ozma and dorothy could be rescued, the wizard stood on the shore dreamily eying the outlines of the great dome which showed beneath the clear water, when he raised his eyes and saw a group of strange people approaching from around the lake. three were young women of stately presence, very beautifully dressed, who moved with remarkable grace. they were followed at a little distance by a good-looking young skeezer. the wizard saw at a glance that these people might be very important, so he advanced to meet them. the three maidens received him graciously and the one with the golden hair said: "i believe you are the famous wizard of oz, of whom i have often heard. we are seeking glinda, the sorceress, and perhaps you can lead us to her." "i can, and will, right gladly," answered the wizard. "follow me, please." the little wizard was puzzled as to the identity of the three lovely visitors but he gave no sign that might embarrass them. he understood they did not wish to be questioned, and so he made no remarks as he led the way to glinda's tent. with a courtly bow the wizard ushered the three visitors into the gracious presence of glinda, the good. chapter twenty-one the three adepts the sorceress looked up from her work as the three maidens entered, and something in their appearance and manner led her to rise and bow to them in her most dignified manner. the three knelt an instant before the great sorceress and then stood upright and waited for her to speak. "whoever you may be," said glinda, "i bid you welcome." "my name is audah," said one. "my name is aurah," said another. "my name is aujah," said the third. glinda had never heard these names before, but looking closely at the three she asked: "are you witches or workers in magic?" "some of the secret arts we have gleaned from nature," replied the brownhaired maiden modestly, "but we do not place our skill beside that of the great sorceress, glinda the good." "i suppose you are aware it is unlawful to practice magic in the land of oz, without the permission of our ruler, princess ozma?" "no, we were not aware of that," was the reply. "we have heard of ozma, who is the appointed ruler of all this great fairyland, but her laws have not reached us, as yet." glinda studied the strange maidens thoughtfully; then she said to them: "princess ozma is even now imprisoned in the skeezer village, for the whole island with its great dome, was sunk to the bottom of the lake by the witchcraft of coo-ee-oh, whom the flathead su-dic transformed into a silly swan. i am seeking some way to overcome coo-ee-oh's magic and raise the isle to the surface again. can you help me do this?" the maidens exchanged glances, and the white-haired one replied: "we do not know; but we will try to assist you." "it seems," continued glinda musingly, "that coo-ee-oh derived most of her witchcraft from three adepts at magic, who at one time ruled the flatheads. while the adepts were being entertained by coo-ee-oh at a banquet in her palace, she cruelly betrayed them and after transforming them into fishes cast them into the lake. "if i could find these three fishes and return them to their natural shapes--they might know what magic coo-ee-oh used to sink the island. i was about to go to the shore and call these fishes to me when you arrived. so, if you will join me, we will try to find them." the maidens exchanged smiles now, and the golden-haired one, audah, said to glinda: "it will not be necessary to go to the lake. we are the three fishes." "indeed!" cried glinda. "then you are the three adepts at magic, restored to your proper forms?" "we are the three adepts," admitted aujah. "then," said glinda, "my task is half accomplished. but who destroyed the transformation that made you fishes?" "we have promised not to tell," answered aurah; "but this young skeezer was largely responsible for our release; he is brave and clever, and we owe him our gratitude." glinda looked at ervic, who stood modestly behind the adepts, hat in hand. "he shall be properly rewarded," she declared, "for in helping you he has helped us all, and perhaps saved his people from being imprisoned forever in the sunken isle." the sorceress now asked her guests to seat themselves and a long talk followed, in which the wizard of oz shared. "we are quite certain," said aurah, "that if we could get inside the dome we could discover coo-ee-oh's secrets, for in all her work, after we became fishes, she used the formulas and incantations and arts that she stole from us. she may have added to these things, but they were the foundation of all her work." "what means do you suggest for our getting into the dome?" inquired glinda. the three adepts hesitated to reply, for they had not yet considered what could be done to reach the inside of the great dome. while they were in deep thought, and glinda and the wizard were quietly awaiting their suggestions, into the tent rushed trot and betsy, dragging between them the patchwork girl. "oh, glinda," cried trot, "scraps has thought of a way to rescue ozma and dorothy and all of the skeezers." the three adepts could not avoid laughing merrily, for not only were they amused by the queer form of the patchwork girl, but trot's enthusiastic speech struck them as really funny. if the great sorceress and the famous wizard and the three talented adepts at magic were unable as yet to solve the important problem of the sunken isle, there was little chance for a patched girl stuffed with cotton to succeed. but glinda, smiling indulgently at the earnest faces turned toward her, patted the children's heads and said: "scraps is very clever. tell us what she has thought of, my dear." "well," said trot, "scraps says that if you could dry up all the water in the lake the island would be on dry land, an' everyone could come and go whenever they liked." glinda smiled again, but the wizard said to the girls: "if we should dry up the lake, what would become of all the beautiful fishes that now live in the water?" "dear me! that's so," admitted betsy, crestfallen; "we never thought of that, did we trot?" "couldn't you transform 'em into polliwogs?" asked scraps, turning a somersault and then standing on one leg. "you could give them a little, teeny pond to swim in, and they'd be just as happy as they are as fishes." "no indeed!" replied the wizard, severely. "it is wicked to transform any living creatures without their consent, and the lake is the home of the fishes and belongs to them." "all right," said scraps, making a face at him; "i don't care." "it's too bad," sighed trot, "for i thought we'd struck a splendid idea." "so you did," declared glinda, her face now grave and thoughtful. "there is something in the patchwork girl's idea that may be of real value to us." "i think so, too," agreed the golden-haired adept. "the top of the great dome is only a few feet below the surface of the water. if we could reduce the level of the lake until the dome sticks a little above the water, we could remove some of the glass and let ourselves down into the village by means of ropes." "and there would be plenty of water left for the fishes to swim in," added the white-haired maiden. "if we succeed in raising the island we could fill up the lake again," suggested the brown-haired adept. "i believe," said the wizard, rubbing his hands together in delight, "that the patchwork girl has shown us the way to success." the girls were looking curiously at the three beautiful adepts, wondering who they were, so glinda introduced them to trot and betsy and scraps, and then sent the children away while she considered how to carry the new idea into effect. not much could be done that night, so the wizard prepared another tent for the adepts, and in the evening glinda held a reception and invited all her followers to meet the new arrivals. the adepts were greatly astonished at the extraordinary personages presented to them, and marveled that jack pumpkinhead and the scarecrow and the tin woodman and tik-tok could really live and think and talk just like other people. they were especially pleased with the lively patchwork girl and loved to watch her antics. it was quite a pleasant party, for glinda served some dainty refreshments to those who could eat, and the scarecrow recited some poems, and the cowardly lion sang a song in his deep bass voice. the only thing that marred their joy was the thought that their beloved ozma and dear little dorothy were yet confined in the great dome of the sunken island. chapter twenty-two the sunken island as soon as they had breakfasted the next morning, glinda and the wizard and the three adepts went down to the shore of the lake and formed a line with their faces toward the submerged island. all the others came to watch them, but stood at a respectful distance in the background. at the right of the sorceress stood audah and aurah, while at the left stood the wizard and aujah. together they stretched their arms over the water's edge and in unison the five chanted a rhythmic incantation. this chant they repeated again and again, swaying their arms gently from side to side, and in a few minutes the watchers behind them noticed that the lake had begun to recede from the shore. before long the highest point of the dome appeared above the water. gradually the water fell, making the dome appear to rise. when it was three or four feet above the surface glinda gave the signal to stop, for their work had been accomplished. the blackened submarine was now entirely out of water, but uncle henry and cap'n bill managed to push it into the lake. glinda, the wizard, ervic and the adepts got into the boat, taking with them a coil of strong rope, and at the command of the sorceress the craft cleaved its way through the water toward the part of the dome which was now visible. "there's still plenty of water for the fish to swim in," observed the wizard as they rode along. "they might like more but i'm sure they can get along until we have raised the island and can fill up the lake again." the boat touched gently on the sloping glass of the dome, and the wizard took some tools from his black bag and quickly removed one large pane of glass, thus making a hole large enough for their bodies to pass through. stout frames of steel supported the glass of the dome, and around one of these frames the wizard tied the end of a rope. "i'll go down first," said he, "for while i'm not as spry as cap'n bill i'm sure i can manage it easily. are you sure the rope is long enough to reach the bottom?" "quite sure," replied the sorceress. so the wizard let down the rope and climbing through the opening lowered himself down, hand over hand, clinging to the rope with his legs and feet. below in the streets of the village were gathered all the skeezers, men, women and children, and you may be sure that ozma and dorothy, with lady aurex, were filled with joy that their friends were at last coming to their rescue. the queen's palace, now occupied by ozma, was directly in the center of the dome, so that when the rope was let down the end of it came just in front of the palace entrance. several skeezers held fast to the rope's end to steady it and the wizard reached the ground in safety. he hugged first ozma and then dorothy, while all the skeezers cheered as loud as they could. the wizard now discovered that the rope was long enough to reach from the top of the dome to the ground when doubled, so he tied a chair to one end of the rope and called to glinda to sit in the chair while he and some of the skeezers lowered her to the pavement. in this way the sorceress reached the ground quite comfortably and the three adepts and ervic soon followed her. the skeezers quickly recognized the three adepts at magic, whom they had learned to respect before their wicked queen betrayed them, and welcomed them as friends. all the inhabitants of the village had been greatly frightened by their imprisonment under water, but now realized that an attempt was to be made to rescue them. glinda, the wizard and the adepts followed ozma and dorothy into the palace, and they asked lady aurex and ervic to join them. after ozma had told of her adventures in trying to prevent war between the flatheads and the skeezers, and glinda had told all about the rescue expedition and the restoration of the three adepts by the help of ervic, a serious consultation was held as to how the island could be made to rise. "i've tried every way in my power," said ozma, "but coo-ee-oh used a very unusual sort of magic which i do not understand. she seems to have prepared her witchcraft in such a way that a spoken word is necessary to accomplish her designs, and these spoken words are known only to herself." "that is a method we taught her," declared aurah the adept. "i can do no more, glinda," continued ozma, "so i wish you would try what your sorcery can accomplish." "first, then," said glinda, "let us visit the basement of the island, which i am told is underneath the village." a flight of marble stairs led from one of coo-ee-oh's private rooms down to the basement, but when the party arrived all were puzzled by what they saw. in the center of a broad, low room, stood a mass of great cog-wheels, chains and pulleys, all interlocked and seeming to form a huge machine; but there was no engine or other motive power to make the wheels turn. "this, i suppose, is the means by which the island is lowered or raised," said ozma, "but the magic word which is needed to move the machinery is unknown to us." the three adepts were carefully examining the mass of wheels, and soon the golden-haired one said: "these wheels do not control the island at all. on the contrary, one set of them is used to open the doors of the little rooms where the submarines are kept, as may be seen from the chains and pulleys used. each boat is kept in a little room with two doors, one to the basement room where we are now and the other letting into the lake. "when coo-ee-oh used the boat in which she attacked the flatheads, she first commanded the basement door to open and with her followers she got into the boat and made the top close over them. then the basement door being closed, the outer door was slowly opened, letting the water fill the room to float the boat, which then left the island, keeping under water." "but how could she expect to get back again?" asked the wizard. "why the boat would enter the room filled with water and after the outer door was closed a word of command started a pump which pumped all the water from the room. then the boat would open and coo-ee-oh could enter the basement." "i see," said the wizard. "it is a clever contrivance, but won't work unless one knows the magic words." "another part of this machinery," explained the white-haired adept, "is used to extend the bridge from the island to the mainland. the steel bridge is in a room much like that in which the boats are kept, and at coo-ce-oh's command it would reach out, joint by joint, until its far end touched the shore of the lake. the same magic command would make the bridge return to its former position. of course the bridge could not be used unless the island was on the surface of the water." "but how do you suppose coo-ee-oh managed to sink the island, and make it rise again?" inquired glinda. this the adepts could not yet explain. as nothing more could be learned from the basement they mounted the steps to the queen's private suite again, and ozma showed them to a special room where coo-ee-oh kept her magical instruments and performed all her arts of witchcraft. chapter twenty-three the magic words many interesting things were to be seen in the room of magic, including much that had been stolen from the adepts when they were transformed to fishes, but they had to admit that coo-ee-oh had a rare genius for mechanics, and had used her knowledge in inventing a lot of mechanical apparatus that ordinary witches, wizards and sorcerers could not understand. they all carefully inspected this room, taking care to examine every article they came across. "the island," said glinda thoughtfully, "rests on a base of solid marble. when it is submerged, as it is now, the base of the island is upon the bottom of the lake. what puzzles me is how such a great weight can be lifted and suspended in the water, even by magic." "i now remember," returned aujah, "that one of the arts we taught coo-ee-oh was the way to expand steel, and i think that explains how the island is raised and lowered. i noticed in the basement a big steel pillar that passed through the floor and extended upward to this palace. perhaps the end of it is concealed in this very room. if the lower end of the steel pillar is firmly embedded in the bottom of the lake, coo-ee-oh could utter a magic word that would make the pillar expand, and so lift the entire island to the level of the water." "i've found the end of the steel pillar. it's just here," announced the wizard, pointing to one side of the room where a great basin of polished steel seemed to have been set upon the floor. they all gathered around, and ozma said: "yes, i am quite sure that is the upper end of the pillar that supports the island. i noticed it when i first came here. it has been hollowed out, you see, and something has been burned in the basin, for the fire has left its marks. i wondered what was under the great basin and got several of the skeezers to come up here and try to lift it for me. they were strong men, but could not move it at all." "it seems to me," said audah the adept, "that we have discovered the manner in which coo-ee-oh raised the island. she would burn some sort of magic powder in the basin, utter the magic word, and the pillar would lengthen out and lift the island with it." "what's this?" asked dorothy, who had been searching around with the others, and now noticed a slight hollow in the wall, near to where the steel basin stood. as she spoke dorothy pushed her thumb into the hollow and instantly a small drawer popped out from the wall. the three adepts, glinda and the wizard sprang forward and peered into the drawer. it was half filled with a grayish powder, the tiny grains of which constantly moved as if impelled by some living force. "it may be some kind of radium," said the wizard. "no," replied glinda, "it is more wonderful than even radium, for i recognize it as a rare mineral powder called gaulau by the sorcerers. i wonder how coo-ee-oh discovered it and where she obtained it." "there is no doubt," said aujah the adept, "that this is the magic powder coo-ee-oh burned in the basin. if only we knew the magic word, i am quite sure we could raise the island." "how can we discover the magic word?" asked ozma, turning to glinda as she spoke. "that we must now seriously consider," answered the sorceress. so all of them sat down in the room of magic and began to think. it was so still that after a while dorothy grew nervous. the little girl never could keep silent for long, and at the risk of displeasing her magic-working friends she suddenly said: "well, coo-ee-oh used just three magic words, one to make the bridge work, and one to make the submarines go out of their holes, and one to raise and lower the island. three words. and coo-ee-oh's name is made up of just three words. one is 'coo,' and one is 'ee,' and one is 'oh.'" the wizard frowned but glinda looked wonderingly at the young girl and ozma cried out: "a good thought, dorothy dear! you may have solved our problem." "i believe it is worth a trial," agreed glinda. "it would be quite natural for coo-ee-oh to divide her name into three magic syllables, and dorothy's suggestion seems like an inspiration." the three adepts also approved the trial but the brown-haired one said: "we must be careful not to use the wrong word, and send the bridge out under water. the main thing, if dorothy's idea is correct, is to hit upon the one word that moves the island." "let us experiment," suggested the wizard. in the drawer with the moving gray powder was a tiny golden cup, which they thought was used for measuring. glinda filled this cup with the powder and carefully poured it into the shallow basin, which was the top of the great steel pillar supporting the island. then aurah the adept lighted a taper and touched it to the powder, which instantly glowed fiery red and tumbled about the basin with astonishing energy. while the grains of powder still glowed red the sorceress bent over it and said in a voice of command: "coo!" they waited motionless to see what would happen. there was a grating noise and a whirl of machinery, but the island did not move a particle. dorothy rushed to the window, which overlooked the glass side of the dome. "the boats!" she exclaimed. "the boats are all loose an' sailing under water." "we've made a mistake," said the wizard gloomily. "but it's one which shows we are on the right track," declared aujah the adept. "we know now that coo-ee-oh used the syllables of her name for the magic words." "if 'coo' sends out the boats, it is probable that ee' works the bridge," suggested ozma. "so the last part of the name may raise the island." "let us try that next then," proposed the wizard. he scraped the embers of the burned powder out of the basin and glinda again filled the golden cup from the drawer and placed it on top the steel pillar. aurah lighted it with her taper and ozma bent over the basin and murmured the long drawn syllable: "oh-h-h!" instantly the island trembled and with a weird groaning noise it moved upward--slowly, very slowly, but with a steady motion, while all the company stood by in awed silence. it was a wonderful thing, even to those skilled in the arts of magic, wizardry and sorcery, to realize that a single word could raise that great, heavy island, with its immense glass dome. "why, we're way above the lake now!" exclaimed dorothy from the window, when at last the island ceased to move. "that is because we lowered the level of the water," explained glinda. they could hear the skeezers cheering lustily in the streets of the village as they realized that they were saved. "come," said ozma eagerly, "let us go down and join the people." "not just yet," returned glinda, a happy smile upon her lovely face, for she was overjoyed at their success. "first let us extend the bridge to the mainland, where our friends from the emerald city are waiting." it didn't take long to put more powder in the basin, light it and utter the syllable "ee!" the result was that a door in the basement opened and the steel bridge moved out, extended itself joint by joint, and finally rested its far end on the shore of the lake just in front of the encampment. "now," said glinda, "we can go up and receive the congratulations of the skeezers and of our friends of the rescue expedition." across the water, on the shore of the lake, the patchwork girl was waving them a welcome. chapter twenty-four glinda's triumph of course all those who had joined glinda's expedition at once crossed the bridge to the island, where they were warmly welcomed by the skeezers. before all the concourse of people princess ozma made a speech from a porch of the palace and demanded that they recognize her as their lawful ruler and promise to obey the laws of the land of oz. in return she agreed to protect them from all future harm and declared they would no longer be subjected to cruelty and abuse. this pleased the skeezers greatly, and when ozma told them they might elect a queen to rule over them, who in turn would be subject to ozma of oz, they voted for lady aurex, and that same day the ceremony of crowning the new queen was held and aurex was installed as mistress of the palace. for her prime minister the queen selected ervic, for the three adepts had told of his good judgment, faithfulness and cleverness, and all the skeezers approved the appointment. glinda, the wizard and the adepts stood on the bridge and recited an incantation that quite filled the lake with water again, and the scarecrow and the patchwork girl climbed to the top of the great dome and replaced the pane of glass that had been removed to allow glinda and her followers to enter. when evening came ozma ordered a great feast prepared, to which every skeezer was invited. the village was beautifully decorated and brilliantly lighted and there was music and dancing until a late hour to celebrate the liberation of the people. for the skeezers had been freed, not only from the water of the lake but from the cruelty of their former queen. as the people from the emerald city prepared the next morning to depart queen aurex said to ozma: "there is only one thing i now fear for my people, and that is the enmity of the terrible su-dic of the flatheads. he is liable to come here at any time and try to annoy us, and my skeezers are peaceful folks and unable to fight the wild and wilful flatheads." "do not worry," returned ozma, reassuringly. "we intend to stop on our way at the flatheads' enchanted mountain and punish the su-dic for his misdeeds." that satisfied aurex and when ozma and her followers trooped over the bridge to the shore, having taken leave of their friends, all the skeezers cheered them and waved their hats and handkerchiefs, and the band played and the departure was indeed a ceremony long to be remembered. the three adepts at magic, who had formerly ruled the flatheads wisely and considerately, went with princess ozma and her people, for they had promised ozma to stay on the mountain and again see that the laws were enforced. glinda had been told all about the curious flatheads and she had consulted with the wizard and formed a plan to render them more intelligent and agreeable. when the party reached the mountain ozma and dorothy showed them how to pass around the invisible wall--which had been built by the flatheads after the adepts were transformed--and how to gain the up-and-down stairway that led to the mountain top. the su-dic had watched the approach of the party from the edge of the mountain and was frightened when he saw that the three adepts had recovered their natural forms and were coming back to their former home. he realized that his power would soon be gone and yet he determined to fight to the last. he called all the flatheads together and armed them, and told them to arrest all who came up the stairway and hurl them over the edge of the mountain to the plain below. but although they feared the supreme dictator, who had threatened to punish them if they did not obey his commands, as soon as they saw the three adepts they threw down their arms and begged their former rulers to protect them. the three adepts assured the excited flatheads that they had nothing to fear. seeing that his people had rebelled the su-dic ran away and tried to hide, but the adepts found him and had him cast into a prison, all his cans of brains being taken away from him. after this easy conquest of the su-dic, glinda told the adepts of her plan, which had already been approved by ozma of oz, and they joyfully agreed to it. so, during the next few days, the great sorceress transformed, in a way, every flathead on the mountain. taking them one at a time, she had the can of brains that belonged to each one opened and the contents spread on the flat head, after which, by means of her arts of sorcery, she caused the head to grow over the brains--in the manner most people wear them--and they were thus rendered as intelligent and good looking as any of the other inhabitants of the land of oz. when all had been treated in this manner there were no more flatheads at all, and the adepts decided to name their people mountaineers. one good result of glinda's sorcery was that no one could now be deprived of the brains that belonged to him and each person had exactly the share he was entitled to. even the su-dic was given his portion of brains and his flat head made round, like the others, but he was deprived of all power to work further mischief, and with the adepts constantly watching him he would be forced to become obedient and humble. the golden pig, which ran grunting about the streets, with no brains at all, was disenchanted by glinda, and in her woman's form was given brains and a round head. this wife of the su-dic had once been even more wicked than her evil husband, but she had now forgotten all her wickedness and was likely to be a good woman thereafter. these things being accomplished in a satisfactory manner, princess ozma and her people bade farewell to the three adepts and departed for the emerald city, well pleased with their interesting adventures. they returned by the road over which ozma and dorothy had come, stopping to get the sawhorse and the red wagon where they had left them. "i'm very glad i went to see these peoples," said princess ozma, "for i not only prevented any further warfare between them, but they have been freed from the rule of the su-dic and coo-ee-oh and are now happy and loyal subjects of the land of oz. which proves that it is always wise to do one's duty, however unpleasant that duty may seem to be." the wonderful oz books by l. frank baum: the wizard of oz the land of oz ozma of oz dorothy and the wizard in oz the road to oz the emerald city of oz the patchwork girl of oz tik-tok of oz the scarecrow of oz rinkitink in oz the lost princess of oz the tin woodman of oz the magic of oz glinda of oz gutenberg. castes and tribes of southern india by edgar thurston, c.i.e., superintendent, madras government museum; correspondant Étranger, société d'anthropologie de paris; socio corrispondante, societa, romana di anthropologia. assisted by k. rangachari, m.a., of the madras government museum. volume iv--k to m government press, madras . castes and tribes of southern india. volume iv. kori (blanket).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. koriannayya (fowl sept).--an exogamous sept of bant. korono.--karnam, mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "includes both karnam proper, and also korono, the accountant caste of ganjam and orissa. the following remarks relate solely to the uriya koronos. the word korono is said to be derived from kirani, which means a writer or clerk. the origin of the koronos is uncertain. one writer says that they are kayasts of northern india, who are of kshatriya origin. mr. r. c. dutt says, in his history of ancient india, that, according to manu, the koronos belong to the kshatriya vratyas, who do not perform the religious rites. and, in the raghuvamsa, the poet kalidasa describes koronos as the offspring of a vaisya and a sudra woman, and he is supported by the lexicographer amara sinha. it is said that the ancestors of the koronos were brought from northern india by yayatikesari, king of orissa ( -- a.d.), to supply the want of writers and clerks in certain parts of orissa. the koronos are worshippers of vishnu. their ceremonies are performed with the aid of brahman priests. the remarriage of widows is not permitted. they eat fish, and the flesh of goats and deer. the uriya koronos observe the gosha system, and carry it to such an extent that, after a girl attains puberty, she is not allowed to appear before her elder brother. their titles are patnaik and mahanti." the heads of the ganjam villages are, mr. s. p. rice informs us, "called korono, the doer, and karji, the manager. the korono, who is really only the accountant, but who, by reason of his higher education, is generally the ultimate authority in the village, appropriates to himself the title potonaiko, as his caste distinction. the word signifies the naik or head of the town." it has been noted that "in the telugu districts, the karnam is usually a brahman. being in some respects the most intelligent, and the most unpopular man in the village, he is both feared and hated. murders of accountants, though infrequent, are not unknown." of proverbs relating to karnams, the following may be quoted:-- even if a thousand pagodas are levied from a village, not even a cash will be levied from the karnam (a pagoda is a gold, and a cash a copper coin). the karnam is the cause of the kapu's (cultivator caste) death. the hungry karnam looks into his old accounts (to worry his creditors). the co-operation of the karnam is as necessary as the axles to the wheels of a cart. one karnam to one village. a quiet karnam is as little cared for as a tame elephant. if a karnam trusts another, his end is near. if an enemy is his neighbour; if another karnam is his superior; if the kapu bears complaints against him, a karnam cannot live on. the koronos are divided into various sections, e.g., sishta or srishti, vaisya, majjula, and matihansa, some of which wear the sacred thread. the vaisyas are not allowed to marry their girls after puberty, whereas the others may marry them before or after this event. a woman of the bhondari caste is employed on the occasion of marriage and other ceremonies, to perform certain duties, for which her services are indispensable. korra (millet: setaria italica).--an exogamous sept of gudala. korti.--an occupational name, derived from korto, a saw, of woodsawyers in ganjam. kosalya.--a sub-division of mali, named after kosala, the modern oudh. koshti.--koshti or koshta is the name of a weaving and cultivating caste of chota nagpur, a few members of which have settled in the madras presidency (see risley, tribes and castes of bengal). koshta is also the name by which the khatris of conjeeveram call the patnulkaran silk weavers. kota.--according to dr. oppert [ ] "it seems probable that the todas and kotas lived near each other before the settlement of the latter on the nilagiri. their dialects betray a great resemblance. according to a tradition of theirs (the kotas), they lived formerly on kollimallai, a mountain in mysore. it is wrong to connect the name of the kotas with cow-slaying, and to derive it from the sanskrit go-hatya (cow-killer). the derivation of the term kota is, as clearly indicated, from the gauda-dravidian word ko (ku) mountain, and the kotas belong to the gandian branch." there is a tradition that the kotas were formerly one with the todas, with whom they tended the herds of buffaloes in common. but, on one occasion, they were found to be eating the flesh of a buffalo which had died, and the todas drove them out as being eaters of carrion. a native report before me suggests that "it is probable that, after the migration of the kotas to the hills, anthropology was at work, and they got into them an admixture of toda blood." the kotas inhabit seven villages (kotagiri or kokal), of which six--kotagiri, kil kotagiri, todanad, sholur, kethi and kunda--are on the nilgiri plateau, and one is at gudalur at the north-west base of these hills. they form compact communities, and, at kotagiri, their village consists of detached huts, and rows of huts arranged in streets. the huts are built of mud, brick, or stone, roofed with thatch or tiles, and divided into living and sleeping apartments. the floor is raised above the ground, and there is a verandah in front with a seat on each side whereon the kota loves to "take his siesta, and smoke his cheroot in the shade," or sleep off the effects of a drinking bout. the door-posts of some of the huts are ornamented with carving executed by wood-carvers in the plains. a few of the huts, and one of the forges at kotagiri, have stone pillars sculptured with fishes, lotuses, and floral embellishments by stone-carvers from the low country. it is noted by breeks [ ] that kurguli (sholur) is the oldest of the kota villages, and that the badagas believe that the kotas of this village were made by the todas. at kurguli there is a temple of the same form as the toda dairy, and this is said to be the only temple of the kind at any kota village. the kotas speak a mixture of tamil and kanarese, and speak tamil without the foreign accent which is noticeable in the case of the badagas and todas. according to orthodox kota views, a settlement should consist of three streets or keris, in one of which the terkaran or devadi, and in the other two the munthakannans or pujaris live. at kotagiri the three streets are named kilkeri, nadukeri, and melkeri, or lower, central, and upper street. people belonging to the same keri may not intermarry, as they are supposed to belong to the same family, and intermarriage would be distasteful. the following examples of marriage between members of different keris are recorded in my notes:-- husband. wife. kilkeri. nadukeri. kilkeri. melkeri. nadukeri. melkeri. melkeri. nadukeri. nadukeri. first wife kilkeri, second wife melkeri. the kota settlement at sholur is divided into four keris, viz.:--amreri, kikeri, korakeri, and akkeri, or near street, lower street, other street, and that street, which resolve themselves into two exogamous groups. of these, amreri and kikeri constitute one group, and korakeri and akkeri the other. on the day following my arrival at kotagiri, a deputation of kotas waited on me, which included a very old man bearing a certificate appointing him headman of the community in recognition of his services and good character, and a confirmed drunkard with a grog-blossom nose, who attributed the inordinate size thereof to the acrid juice of a tree, which he was felling, dropping on it. the besetting vice of the kotas of kotagiri is a partiality for drink, and they congregate together towards dusk in the arrack shop and beer tavern in the bazar, whence they stagger or are helped home in a state of noisy and turbulent intoxication. it has been said [ ] that the kotas "actually court venereal disease, and a young man who has not suffered from this before he is of a certain age is looked upon as a disgrace." the kotas are looked down on as being unclean feeders, and eaters of carrion; a custom which is to them no more filthy than that of eating game when it is high, or using the same tooth-brush week after week, is to a european. they have been described as a very carnivorous race, who "have a great craving for flesh, and will devour animal food of every kind without any squeamish scruples as to how the animal came by its death. the carcase of a bullock which has died of disease, or the remains of a deer half devoured by a tiger, are equally acceptable to him." an unappetising sight, which may be witnessed on roads leading to a kota village, is that of a kota carrying the flesh of a dead buffalo, often in an advanced stage of putridity, slung on a stick across his shoulders, with the entrails trailing on the ground. colonel ross king narrates [ ] how he once saw a kota carrying home a dead rat, thrown out of a stable a day or two previously. when i repeated this story to my kota informant, he glared at me, and bluntly remarked in tamil "the book tells lies." despite its unpleasant nature, the carrion diet evidently agrees with the kotas, who are a sturdy set of people, flourishing, it is said, most exceedingly when the hill cattle are dying of epidemic disease, and the supply of meat is consequently abundant. the missionary metz narrates [ ] that "some years ago the kotas were anxious to keep buffaloes, but the headmen of the other tribes immediately put their veto upon it, declaring that it was a great presumption on the part of such unclean creatures to wish to have anything to do with the holy occupation of milking buffaloes." the kotas are blacksmiths, goldsmiths, silversmiths, carpenters, tanners, rope-makers, potters, washermen, and cultivators. they are the musicians at toda and badaga funerals. it is noted by dr. w. h. r. rivers [ ] that "in addition they provide for the first toda funeral the cloak (putkuli) in which the body is wrapped, and grain (patm or s(=a)mai) to the amount of five to ten kwa. they give one or two rupees towards the expenses, and, if they should have no grain, their contribution of money is increased. at the marvainolkedr (second funeral ceremony) their contributions are more extensive. they provide the putkuli, together with a sum of eight annas, for the decoration of the cloak by the toda women. they give two to five rupees towards the general expenses, and provide the bow and arrow, basket (tek), knife (kafkati), and the sieve called kudshmurn. the kotas receive at each funeral the bodies of the slaughtered buffaloes, and are also usually given food." though all classes look down on the kotas, all are agreed that they are excellent artisans, whose services as smiths, rope and umbrella makers, etc., are indispensable to the other hill tribes. the strong, durable ropes, made out of buffalo hide, are much sought after by badagas for fastening their cattle. the kotas at gudalur have the reputation of being excellent thatchers. the todas claim that the kotas are a class of artisans specially brought up from the plains to work for them. each toda, badaga, irula, and kurumba settlement has its muttu kotas, who work for the inhabitants thereof, and supply them with sundry articles, called muttu, in return for the carcasses of buffaloes and cattle, ney (clarified butter), grain, plantain, etc. the kotas eat the flesh of the animals which they receive, and sell the horns to labbai (muhammadan) merchants from the plains. chakkiliyans (leather-workers) from the plains collect the bones, and purchase the hides, which are roughly cured by the kotas with chunam (lime) and avaram (cassia auriculata) bark, and pegged out on the ground to dry. the kota blacksmiths make hatches, bill-hooks, knives, and other implements for the various hill tribes, especially the badagas, and also for european planters. within the memory of men still living, they used to work with iron ore brought up from the low country, but now depend on scrap iron, which they purchase locally in the bazar. the most flourishing smithy in the kotagiri village is made of bricks of local manufacture, roofed with zinc sheets, and fitted with anvil pincers, etc., of european manufacture. as agriculturists the kotas are said to be quite on a par with the badagas, and they raise on the land adjacent to their villages crops of potatoes, bearded wheat (akki or rice ganji), barley (beer ganji), kirai (amarantus), samai (panicum miliare), korali (setaria italica), mustard, onions, etc. at the revenue settlement, , the kotas were treated in the same way as the badagas and other tribes of the nilgiris, except the todas, and the lands in their occupation were assigned to them at rates varying from ten to twenty annas per acre. the bhurty or shifting system of cultivation, under which the kotas held their lands, was formally, but nominally, abolished in - ; but it was practically and finally done away with at the revenue settlement of the nilgiri plateau. the kota lands are now held on puttas under the ordinary ryotwari tenure. in former days, opium of good quality was cultivated by the badagas, from whom the kotas got poppy-heads, which their herbalists used for medicinal purposes. at the present time, the kotas purchase opium in the bazar, and use it as an intoxicant. the kota women have none of the fearlessness and friendliness of the todas, and, on the approach of a european to their domain, bolt out of sight, like frighted rabbits in a warren, and hide within the inmost recesses of their huts. as a rule they are clad in filthily dirty clothes, all tattered and torn, and frequently not reaching as low as the knees. in addition to domestic duties, the women have to do work in the fields, fetch water and collect firewood, with loads of which, supported on the head by a pad of bracken fern (pteris aquilina) leaves, and bill-hook slung on the shoulder, old and young women, girls and boys, may continually be seen returning to the kotagiri village. the women also make baskets, and rude earthen pots from a black clay found in swamps on a potter's wheel. this consists of a disc made of dry mud, with an iron spike, by means of which it is made to revolve in a socket in a stone fixed in the space in front of the houses, which also acts as a threshing-floor. the earthenware vessels used by the todas for cooking purposes, and those used in dairy work, except those of the inner room of the ti (sacred dairy), are said by dr. rivers to be made by the kotas. the kota priesthood is represented by two classes, munthakannan or pujari, and terkaran or devadi, of whom the former rank higher than the latter. there may be more than two terkarans in a village, but the munthakannans never exceed this number, and they should belong to different keris. these representatives of the priesthood must not be widowers, and, if they lose their wives while holding office, their appointment lapses. they may eat the flesh of buffaloes, but not drink their milk. cow's flesh, but not its milk, is tabu. the kotas may not milk cows, or, under ordinary conditions, drink the milk thereof in their own village, but are permitted to do so if it is given to them by a pujari, or in a village other than their own. the duties of the munthakannan include milking the cows of the village, service to the god, and participation in the seed-sowing and reaping ceremonial. they must use fire obtained by friction, and should keep a fire constantly burning in a broken pot. in like manner, the terkarans must not use matches, but take fire from the house of the munthakannan. the members of the priesthood are not allowed to work for others, but may do so on their own account in the fields or at the forge. they should avoid pollution, and may not attend a toda or badaga funeral, or approach the seclusion hut set apart for kota women. when a vacancy in the office of munthakannan occurs, the kotas of the village gather together, and seek the guidance of the terkaran, who becomes inspired by the deity, and announces the name of the successor. the selected individual has to be fed at the expense of the community for three months, during which time he may not speak to his wife or other woman direct, but only through the medium of a boy, who acts as his assistant. further, during this period of probation, he may not sleep on a mat or use a blanket, but must lie on the ground or on a plank, and use a dhupati (coarse cloth) as a covering. at the time of the annual temple festival, neither the munthakannans nor the terkarans may live or hold communion with their wives for fear of pollution, and they have to cook their food themselves. the seed-sowing ceremony is celebrated in the month of kumbam (february-march) on a tuesday or friday. for eight days the pujari abstains from meat and lives on vegetable dietary, and may not communicate directly with his wife, a boy acting as spokesman. on the sunday before the ceremony, a number of cows are penned in a kraal, and milked by the pujari. the milk is preserved, and, if the omens are favourable, is said not to turn sour. if it does, this is attributed to the pujari being under pollution from some cause or other. on the day of the ceremony, the pujari bathes in a stream, and proceeds, accompanied by a boy, to a field or the forest. after worshipping the gods, he makes a small seed-pan in the ground, and sows therein a small quantity of ragi (elusine coracana). meanwhile, the kotas of the village go to the temple, and clean it. thither the pujari and the boy proceed, and the deity is worshipped with offerings of cocoanuts, betel, flowers, etc. sometimes the terkaran becomes inspired, and gives expression to oracular utterances. from the temple all go to the house of the pujari, who gives them a small quantity of milk and food. three months later, on an auspicious day, the reaping of the crop is commenced with a very similar form of ceremonial. during the seed-sowing festival, mr. harkness, writing in , [ ] informs us, "offerings are made in the temples, and, on the day of the full moon, after the whole have partaken of a feast, the blacksmith and the gold and silversmith, constructing separately a forge and furnace within the temple, each makes something in the way of has avocation, the blacksmith a chopper or axe, the silversmith a ring or other kind of ornament." "some rude image," dr. shortt writes, [ ] "of wood or stone, a rock or tree in a secluded locality, frequently forms the kota's object of worship, to which sacrificial offerings are made; but the recognised place of worship in each village consists of a large square of ground, walled round with loose stones, three feet high, and containing in its centre two [ ] pent-shaped sheds of thatch, open before and behind, and on the posts (of stone) that support them some rude circles and other figures are drawn. no image of any sort is visible here." these sheds, which at kotagiri are a very short distance apart, are dedicated to siva and his consort parvati under the names of kamataraya and kalikai. though no representation thereof is exhibited in the temples at ordinary times, their spirits are believed to pervade the buildings, and at the annual ceremony they are represented by two thin plates of silver, which are attached to the upright posts of the temples. the stones surrounding the temples at kotagiri are scratched with various quaint devices, and lines for the games of kote and hulikote. the kotas go, i was told, to the temple once a month, at full moon, and worship the gods. their belief is that kamataraya created the kotas, todas, and kurumbas, but not the irulas. "tradition says of kamataraya that, perspiring profusely, he wiped from his forehead three drops of perspiration, and out of them formed the three most ancient of the hill tribes--the todas, kurumbas, and kotas. the todas were told to live principally upon milk, the kurumbas were permitted to eat the flesh of buffalo calves, and the kotas were allowed perfect liberty in the choice of food, being informed that they might eat carrion if they could get nothing better." according to another version of this legend given by dr. rivers, kamataraya "gave to each people a pot. in the toda pot was calf-flesh, and so the todas eat the flesh of calves at the erkumptthpimi ceremony; the kurumba pot contained the flesh of a male buffalo, so this is eaten by the kurumbas. the pot of the kotas contained the flesh of a cow-buffalo, which may, therefore, be eaten by this people." in addition to kamataraya and mangkali, the kotas at gudalur, which is near the malabar frontier, worship vettakaraswami, adiral and udiral, and observe the malabar onam festival. the kotas worship further magali, to whose influence outbreaks of cholera are attributed, and mariamma, who is held responsible for smallpox. when cholera breaks out among the kota community, special sacrifices are performed with a view to propitiating the wrath of the goddess. magali is represented by an upright stone in a rude temple at a little distance from kotagiri, where an annual ceremony takes place, at which some man becomes possessed, and announces to the people that magali has come. the pujari offers up plantains and cocoanuts, and sacrifices a sheep and fowls. my informant was, or pretended to be ignorant of the following legend recorded by breeks as to the origin of the worship of the smallpox goddess. "a virulent disease carried off a number of kotas of peranganoda, and the village was abandoned by the survivors. a badaga named munda jogi, who was bringing his tools to the kotagiri to be sharpened, saw near a tree something in the form of a tiger, which spoke to him, and told him to summon the run-away kotas. he obeyed, whereupon the tiger form addressed the kotas in an unknown tongue, and vanished. for some time, the purport of this communication remained a mystery. at last, however, a kota came forward to interpret, and declared that the god ordered the kotas to return to the village on pain of a recurrence of the pestilence. the command was obeyed, and a swami house (shrine) was built on the spot where the form appeared to the badaga (who doubtless felt keenly the inconvenience of having no kotas at hand to sharpen his tools)." the kotas are not allowed to approach toda or badaga temples. it was noted by lieutenant r. f. burton [ ] that, in some hamlets, the kotas have set up curiously carved stones, which they consider sacred, and attribute to them the power of curing diseases, if the member affected be only rubbed against the talisman. a great annual festival is held in honour of kamataraya with the ostensible object of propitiating him with a view to his giving the kotas an abundant harvest and general prosperity. the feast commences on the first monday after the january new moon, and lasts over many days, which are observed as a general holiday. the festival is said to be a continuous scene of licentiousness and debauchery, much indecent dancing taking place between men and women. according to metz, [ ] the chief men among the badagas must attend, otherwise their absence would be regarded as a breach of friendship and etiquette, and the kotas would avenge themselves by refusing to make ploughs or earthen vessels for the badagas. the programme, when the festival is carried out in full detail, is, as far as i have been able to gather, as follows:-- first day. a fire is kindled by one of the priests in the temple, and carried to the nadukeri section of the village, where it is kept burning throughout the festival. around the fire men, women, adolescent boys and girls, dance to the weird music of the kota band, whose instruments consist of clarionet, drum, tambourine, brass horn and flute (buguri). [**todo: verify table] second day dance at night. third day fourth day fifth day sixth day. the villagers go to the jungle and collect bamboos and rattans, with which to re-roof the temple. dance at night. the seventh day is busily spent in re-roofing and decorating the temples, and it is said to be essential that the work should be concluded before nightfall. dance at night. eighth day. in the morning the kotas go to badaga villages, and cadge for presents of grain and ghi (clarified butter), which they subsequently cook, place in front of the temple as an offering to the god, and, after the priests have eaten, partake of, seated round the temple. ninth day. kotas, todas, badagas, kurumbas, irulas, and 'hindus' come to the kota village, where an elaborate nautch is performed, in which men are the principal actors, dressed up in gaudy attire consisting of skirt, petticoat, trousers, turban and scarves, and freely decorated with jewelry, which is either their own property, or borrowed from badagas for the occasion. women merely dressed in clean cloths also take part in a dance called kumi, which consists of a walk round to time beaten with the hands. i was present at a private performance of the male nautch, which was as dreary as such entertainments usually are, but it lacked the go which is doubtless put into it when it is performed under natural conditions away from the restraining influence of the european. the nautch is apparently repeated daily until the conclusion of the festival. eleventh and twelfth days. a burlesque representation of a toda funeral is given, at which the part of the sacrificial buffaloes is played by men with buffalo horns fixed on the head, and body covered with a black cloth. at the close of the festival, the kota priests and leading members of the community go out hunting with bows and arrows, leaving the village at a.m., and returning at a.m. they are said to have formerly shot 'bison' (bos gaurus) at this nocturnal expedition, but what takes place at the present day is said to be unknown to the villagers, who are forbidden to leave their houses during the absence of the hunting party. on their return to the village, a fire is lighted by friction. into the fire a piece of iron is put by one of the priests, made red hot with the assistance of the bellows, and hammered. the priests then offer up a parting prayer to the god, and the festival is at an end. the following is a translation of a description by dr. emil schmidt [ ] of the dancing at the kota annual festival, at which he had the good fortune to be present as an eye-witness:-- "during my stay at kotagiri the kotas were celebrating the big festival in honour of their chief god. the feast lasted over twelve days, during which homage was offered to the god every evening, and a dance performed round a fire kept burning near the temple throughout the feast. on the last evening but one, females, as well as males, took part in the dance. as darkness set in, the shrill music, which penetrated to my hotel, attracted me to the kota village. at the end of the street, which adjoins the back of the temple, a big fire was kept up by continually putting on large long bundles of brushwood. on one side of the fire, close to the flames, stood the musicians with their musical instruments, two hand-drums, a tambourine, beaten by blows on the back, a brass cymbal beaten with a stick, and two pipes resembling oboes. over and over again the same monotonous tune was repeated by the two latter in quick four-eight time to the accompaniment of the other instruments. on my arrival, about forty male kotas, young and old, were dancing round the fire, describing a semicircle, first to one side, then the other, raising the hands, bending the knees, and executing fantastic steps with the feet. the entire circle moved thus slowly forwards, one or the other from time to time giving vent to a shout that sounded like hau! and, at the conclusion of the dance, there was a general shout all round. around the circle, partly on the piles of stone near the temple, were seated a number of kotas of both sexes. a number of badagas of good position, who had been specially invited to the feast, sat round a small fire on a raised place, which abuts on the back wall of the temple. the dance over, the circle of dancers broke up. the drummers held their instruments, rendered damp and lax by the moist evening breeze, so close to the flames that i thought they would get burnt. soon the music began again to a new tune; first the oboes, and then, as soon as they had got into the proper swing, the other instruments. the melody was not the same as before, but its two movements were repeated without intercession or change. in this dance females, as well as males, took part, grouped in a semicircle, while the men completed the circle. the men danced boisterously and irregularly. moving slowly forwards with the entire circle, each dancer turned right round from right to left and from left to right, so that, after every turn, they were facing the fire. the women danced with more precision and more artistically than the men. when they set out on the dance, they first bowed themselves before the fire, and then made left and right half turns with artistic regular steps. their countenances expressed a mixture of pleasure and embarrassment. none of the dancers wore any special costume, but the women, who were nearly all old and ugly, had, for the most part, a quantity of ornaments in the ears and nose and on the neck, arms and legs. in the third dance, played once more in four-eight times, only females took part. it was the most artistic of all, and the slow movements had evidently been well rehearsed beforehand. the various figures consisted of stepping radially to and fro, turning, stepping forwards and backwards, etc., with measured seriousness and solemn dignity. it was for the women, who, at other times, get very little enjoyment, the most important and happiest day in the whole year." in connection with kota ceremonials, dr. rivers notes that "once a year there is a definite ceremony, in which the todas go to the kota village with which they are connected, taking an offering of clarified butter, and receiving in return an offering of grain from the kotas. i only obtained an account of this ceremony as performed between the people of kars and the kota village of tizgudr, and i do not know whether the details would be the same in other cases. in the kars ceremony, the todas go on the appointed day to the kota village, headed by a man carrying the clarified butter. outside the village they are met by two kota priests whom the todas call teupuli, who bring with them a dairy vessel of the kind the todas call mu, which is filled with patm grain. other kotas follow with music. all stand outside the village, and one of the kotas puts ten measures (kwa) of patm into the pocket of the cloak of the leading toda, and the teupuli give the mu filled with the same grain. the teupuli then go to their temple and return, each bringing a mu, and the clarified butter brought by the todas is divided into two equal parts, and half is poured into each mu. the leading toda then takes some of the butter, and rubs it on the heads of the two kota priests, who prostrate themselves, one at each foot of the toda, and the toda prays as follows:-- may it be well; kotas two, may it be well; fields flourish may; rain may; buffalo milk may; disease go may. "the todas then give the two mu containing the clarified butter to the kota priests, and he and his companions return home. this ceremony is obviously one in which the todas are believed to promote the prosperity of the kotas, their crops, and their buffaloes. "in another ceremonial relation between todas and kotas, the kwòdrdoni ti (sacred dairy) is especially concerned. the chief annual ceremony of the kotas is held about january in honour of the kota god kambataraya. in order that this ceremony may take place, it is essential that there should be a palol (dairy man) at the kwòdrdoni ti, and at the present time it is only occupied every year shortly before and during the ceremony. the palol gives clarified butter to the kotas, which should be made from the milk of the arsaiir, the buffaloes of the ti. some kotas of kotagiri whom i interviewed claimed that these buffaloes belonged to them, and that something was done by the palol at the kwòdrdoni ti in connection with the kambataraya ceremony, but they could not, or would not, tell me what it was." in making fire by friction (nejkol), the kotas employ three forms of apparatus:--( ) a vertical stick, and horizontal stick with sockets and grooves, both made of twigs of rhodomyrtus tomentosus; ( ) a small piece of the root of salix tetrasperma is spliced into a stick, which is rotated in a socket in a piece of the root of the same tree; ( ) a small piece of the root of this tree, made tapering at each end with a knife or fragment of bottle glass, is firmly fixed in the wooden handle of a drill. a shallow cavity and groove are made in a block of the same wood, and a few crystalline particles from the ground are dropped into the cavity. the block is placed on several layers of cotton cloth, on which chips of wood, broken up small by crushing them in the palm of the hand, are piled up round the block in the vicinity of the grove. the handle is, by means of a half cocoanut shell, pressed firmly down, and twisted between the palms, or rotated by means of a cord. the incandescent particles, falling on to the chips, ignite them. in a report by lieutenant evans, written in , it is stated that "the marriages of this caste (the kothewars) remind one of what is called bundling in wales. the bride and bridegroom being together for the night, in the morning the bride is questioned by her relatives whether she is pleased with her husband-elect. if she answers in the affirmative, it is a marriage; if not, the bridegroom is immediately discharged, and the lady does not suffer in reputation if she thus discards half a dozen suitors." the recital of this account, translated into tamil, raised a smile on the face of my kota informant, who volunteered the following information relating to the betrothal and marriage ceremonies at the present day. girls as a rule marry when they are from twelve to sixteen years old, between which years they reach the age of puberty. a wife is selected for a lad by his parents, subject to the consent of the girl's parents; or, if a lad has no near relatives, the selection is made for him by the villagers. betrothal takes place when the girl is a child (eight to ten). the boy goes, accompanied by his father and mother, to the house where the girl lives, prostrates himself at the feet of her parents, and, if he is accepted, presents his future father-in-law with a four-anna piece, which is understood to represent a larger sum, and seals the contract. according to breeks, the boy also makes a present of a birianhana of gold, and the betrothal ceremony is called balimeddeni (bali, bracelet, meddeni, i have made). both betrothal and marriage ceremonies take place on tuesday, wednesday, or friday, which are regarded as auspicious days. the ceremonial in connection with marriage is of a very simple nature. the bridegroom, accompanied by his relatives, attends a feast at the house of the bride, and the wedding day is fixed. on the appointed day the bridegroom pays a dowry, ranging from ten to fifty rupees, to the bride's father, and takes the girl to his house, where the wedding guests, who have accompanied them, are feasted. the kotas as a rule have only one wife, and polyandry is unknown among them. but polygamy is sometimes practiced. my informant, for example, had two wives, of whom the first had only presented him with a daughter, and, as he was anxious to have a son, he had taken to himself a second wife. if a woman bears no children, her husband may marry a second, or even a third wife; and, if they can get on together without fighting, all the wives may live under the same roof. divorce may, i was told, be obtained for incompatibility of temper, drunkenness, or immorality; and a man can get rid of his wife 'if she is of no use to him', i.e., if she does not feed him well, or assist him in the cultivation of his land. divorce is decided by a panchayat (council) of representative villagers, and judgment given, after the evidence has been taken, by an elder of the community. cases of theft, assault, or other mild offence, are also settled by a panchayat, and, in the event of a case arising which cannot be settled by the members of council representing a single village, delegates from all the kota villages meet together. if then a decision cannot be arrived at, recourse is had to the district court, of which the kotas steer clear if possible. at a big panchayat the headman (pittakar) of the kotas gives the decision, referring, if necessary, to some 'sensible member' of the council for a second opinion. when a married woman is known to be pregnant with her first child, her husband allows the hair on the head and face to grow long, and leaves the finger nails uncut. on the birth of the child, he is under pollution until he sees the next crescent moon, and should cook his own food and remain at home. at the time of delivery a woman is removed to a hut (a permanent structure), which is divided into two rooms called dodda (big) telullu and eda (the other) telullu, which serve as a lying-in chamber and as a retreat for women at their menstrual periods. the dodda telullu is exclusively used for confinements. menstruating women may occupy either room, if the dodda telullu is not occupied for the former purpose. they remain in seclusion for three days, and then pass another day in the raised verandah of the house, or two days if the husband is a pujari. a woman, after her first confinement, lives for three months in the dodda telullu, and, on subsequent occasions, until the appearance of the crescent moon. she is attended during her confinement and stay in the hut by an elderly kota woman. the actual confinement takes place outside the hut, and, after the child is born, the woman is bathed, and taken inside. her husband brings five leafy twigs of five different thorny plants, and places them separately in a row in front of the telullu. with each twig a stick of dodonæa viscosa, set alight with fire made by friction, must be placed. the woman, carrying the baby, has to enter the hut by walking backwards between the thorny twigs. a common name for females at kotagiri is madi, one of the synonyms of the goddess kalikai, and, at that village, the first male child is always called komuttan (kamataraya). at sholur and gudalur this name is scrupulously avoided, as the name of the god should not be taken by mortal man. as examples of nicknames, the following may be cited. small mouth. head. slit nose. burnt-legged. monkey. dung or rubbish. deaf. tobacco. hunchback. crooked-bodied. long-striding. dwarf. opium eater. irritable. bad-eyed. curly-haired. cat-eyed. left-handed. stone. stammerer. short. knee. chank-blower. chinaman. the nickname chinaman was due to the resemblance of a kota to the chinese, of whom a small colony has squatted on the slopes of the hills between naduvatam and gudalur. a few days after my arrival at kotagiri, the dismal sound of mourning, to the weird strains of the kota band, announced that death reigned in the kota village. the dead man was a venerable carpenter, of high position in the community. soon after daybreak, a detachment of villagers hastened to convey the tidings of the death to the kotas of the neighbouring villages, who arrived on the scene later in the day in indian file, men in front and women in the rear. as they drew near the place of mourning, they all, of one accord, commenced the orthodox manifestations of grief, and were met by a deputation of villagers accompanied by the band. meanwhile a red flag, tied to the top of a bamboo pole, was hoisted as a signal of death in the village, and a party had gone off to a glade, some two miles distant, to obtain wood for the construction of the funeral car (teru). the car, when completed, was an elaborate structure, about eighteen feet in height, made of wood and bamboo, in four tiers, each with a canopy of turkey red and yellow cloth, and an upper canopy of white cloth trimmed with red, surmounted by a black umbrella of european manufacture, decorated with red ribbands. the car was profusely adorned with red flags and long white streamers, and with young plantain trees at the base. tied to the car were a calabash and a bell. during the construction of the car the corpse remained within the house of the deceased man, outside which the villagers continued mourning to the dirge-like music of the band, which plays so prominent a part at the death ceremonies of both todas and kotas. on the completion of the car, late in the afternoon, it was deposited in front of the house. the corpse, dressed up in a coloured turban and gaudy coat, with a garland of flowers round the neck, and two rupees, a half-rupee, and sovereign gummed on to the forehead, was brought from within the house, lying face upwards on a cot, and placed beneath the lowest canopy of the car. near the head were placed iron implements and a bag of rice, at the feet a bag of tobacco, and beneath the cot baskets of grain, rice, cakes, etc. the corpse was covered with cloths offered to it as presents, and before it those kotas who were younger than the dead man prostrated themselves, while those who were older touched the head of the corpse and bowed to it. around the car the male members of the community executed a wild step-dance, keeping time with the music in the execution of various fantastic movements of the arms and legs. during the long hours of the night mourning was kept up to the almost incessant music of the band, and the early morn discovered many of the villagers in an advanced stage of intoxication. throughout the morning, dancing round the car was continued by men, sober and inebriated, with brief intervals of rest, and a young buffalo was slaughtered as a matter of routine form, with no special ceremonial, in a pen outside the village, by blows on the back and neck administered with the keen edge of an adze. towards midday presents of rice from the relatives of the dead man arrived on the back of a pony, which was paraded round the car. from a vessel containing rice and rice water, water was crammed into the mouths of the near relatives, some of the water poured over their heads, and the remainder offered to the corpse. at intervals a musket, charged with gunpowder, which proved later on a dangerous weapon in the hands of an intoxicated kota, was let off, and the bell on the car rung. about p.m., the time announced for the funeral, the cot bearing the corpse, from the forehead of which the coins had been removed, was carried to a spot outside the village called the thavachivadam, followed by the widow and a throng of kotas of both sexes, young and old. the cot was then set down, and, seated at some distance from it, the women continued to mourn until the funeral procession was out of sight, those who could not cry spontaneously mimicking the expression of woe by contortion of the grief muscles. the most poignant sorrow was displayed by a man in a state of extreme intoxication, who sat apart by himself, howling and sobbing, and wound up by creating considerable disturbance at the burning-ground. three young bulls were brought from the village, and led round the corpse. of these, two were permitted to escape for the time being, while a vain attempt, which would have excited the derision of the expert toda buffalo-catchers, was made by three men, hanging on to the head and tail, to steer the third bull up to the head of the corpse. the animal, however, proving refractory, it was deemed discreet to put an end to its existence by a blow on the poll with the butt-end of an adze, at some distance from the corpse, which was carried up to it, and made to salute the dead beast's head with the right hand, in feeble imitation of the impressive toda ceremonial. the carcase of the bull was saluted by a few of the kota men, and subsequently carried off by pariahs. supported by females, the exhausted widow of the dead man was dragged up to the corpse, and, lying back beside it, had to submit to the ordeal of removal of all her jewellery, the heavy brass bangle being hammered off the wrist, supported on a wooden roller, by oft-repeated blows with mallet and chisel delivered by a village blacksmith assisted by a besotten individual noted as a consumer of twelve grains of opium daily. the ornaments, as removed, were collected in a basket, to be worn again by the widow after several months. this revolting ceremony concluded, and a last salutation given by the widow to her dead husband, arches of bamboo were attached to the cot, which was covered over with a coloured table-cloth hiding the corpse from sight. a procession was then formed, composed of the corpse on the cot, preceded by the car and musicians, and followed by male kotas and badagas, kota women carrying the baskets of grain, cakes, etc., a vessel containing fire, and burning camphor. quickly the procession marched to the burning-ground beyond the bazar, situated in a valley by the side of a stream running through a glade in a dense undergrowth of bracken fern and trailing passion-flower. on arrival at the selected spot, a number of agile kotas swarmed up the sides of the car, and stripped it of its adornments including the umbrella, and a free fight for the possession of the cloths and flags ensued. the denuded car was then placed over the corpse, which, deprived of all valuable ornaments and still lying on the cot, had been meanwhile placed, amid a noisy scene of brawling, on the rapidly constructed funeral pyre. around the car faggots of wood, supplied in lieu of wreaths by different families in the dead man's village as a tribute of respect, were piled up, and the pyre was lighted with torches kindled at a fire which was burning on the ground close by. as soon as the pyre was in a blaze, tobacco, cigars, cloths, and grain were distributed among those present, and the funeral party dispersed, leaving a few men behind in charge of the burning corpse, and peace reigned once more in the kota village. a few days later, the funeral of an elderly woman took place with a very similar ceremonial. but, suspended from the handle of the umbrella on the top of the car, was a rag doll, which in appearance resembled an aunt sally. i was told that, on the day following the funeral, the smouldering ashes are extinguished with water, and the ashes, collected together, and buried in a pit, the situation of which is marked by a heap of stones. a piece of the skull, wrapped in bracken fronds, is placed between two fragments of an earthen pot, and deposited in the crevice of a rock or in a chink in a stone wall. the kotas celebrate annually a second funeral ceremony in imitation of the todas. for eight days before the day appointed for its observance, a dance takes place in front of the houses of those kotas whose memorial rites are to be celebrated, and three days before they are performed invitations are issued to the different kota villages. on a sunday night, fire is lighted by friction, and the time is spent in dancing. on the following day, the relatives of the departed who have to perform the ceremony purify the open space in front of their houses with cow-dung. they bring three basketfuls of paddy (unhusked rice), which are saluted and set down on the cleansed space. the pujari and the rest of the community, in like manner, salute the paddy, which is taken inside the house. on the monday, cots corresponding in number to that of the deceased whose dry funeral is being held, are taken to the thavachivadam, and the fragments of skulls are laid thereon. buffaloes (one or more for each skull) are killed, and a cow is brought near the cots, and, after a piece of skull has been placed on its horns, sacrificed. a dance takes place around the cots, which are removed to the burning-ground, and set on fire. the kotas spend the night near the thavachivadam. on the following day a feast is held, and they return to their homes towards evening, those who have performed the ceremony breaking a small pot full of water in front of their houses. like the todas, the kotas indulge in trials of strength with heavy spherical stones, which they raise, or attempt to raise, from the ground to the shoulders, and in a game resembling tip-cat. in another game, sides are chosen, of about ten on each side. one side takes shots with a ball made of cloth at a brick propped up against a wall, near which the other side stands. each man is allowed three shots at the brick. if it is hit and falls over, one of the 'out-side' picks up the ball, and throws it at the other side, who run away, and try to avoid being hit. if the ball touches one of them, the side is put out, and the other side goes in. a game, called hulikote, which bears a resemblance to the english child's game of fox and geese, is played on a stone chiselled with lines, which forms a rude game-board. in one form of the game, two tigers and twenty-five bulls, and in another three tigers and fifteen bulls engage, and the object is for the tigers to take, or, as the kotas express it, kill all the bulls. in a further game, called kote, a labyrinthiform pattern, or maze, is chiselled on a stone, to get to the centre of which is the problem. the following notes are taken from my case-book:-- man--blacksmith and carpenter. silver bangle on right wrist; two silver rings on right little finger; silver ring on each first toe. gold ear-rings. languti (cloth) tied to silver chain round loins. man--light blue eyes, inherited from his mother. his children have eyes of the same colour. lobes of ears pendulous from heavy gold ear-rings set with pearls. another man with light blue eyes was noticed by me. man--branded with cicatrix of a burn made with a burning cloth across lower end of back of forearm. this is a distinguishing mark of the kotas, and is made on boys when they are more than eight years old. woman--divorced for being a confirmed opium-eater, and living with her father. woman--dirty cotton cloth, with blue and red stripes, covering body and reaching below the knees. woman--two glass bead necklets, and bead necklet ornamented with silver rings. four brass rings, and one steel ring on left forearm. two massive brass bangles, weighing two pounds each, and separated by cloth ring, on right wrist. brass bangle with brass and steel pendants, and shell bangle on left wrist. two steel rings, and one copper ring on right ring-finger; brass rings on left first, ring, and little fingers. two brass rings on first toe of each foot. tattooed lines uniting eyebrows. tattooed on outer side of both upper arms with rings, dots, and lines; rows of dots on back of right forearm; circle on back of each wrist; rows of dots on left ankle. as with the todas, the tattooed devices are far less elaborate than those of the women in the plains. woman--glass necklet ornamented with cowry shells, and charm pendant from it, consisting of a fragment of the root of some tree rolled up in a ball of cloth. she put it on when her baby was quite young, to protect it against devils. the baby had a similar charm round its neck. in the course of his investigation of the todas, dr. rivers found that of males or . per cent. and of females only two or . per cent. were typical examples of red-green colour-blindness. the percentage in the males is quite remarkable. the result of examination of badaga and kota males by myself with holmgren's wools was that red-green colour-blindness was found to be present in out of badagas, or · per cent. and there was no suspicion of such colour-blindness in kotas. kota (a fort).--a sub-division of balija, and an exogamous sept of padma sale. the equivalent kotala occurs as an exogamous sept of boya. there are, in mysore, a few kotas, who are said to be immigrants from south canara, and to be confined to the kadur district. according to a current legend, they were originally of the kota community, but their ancestors committed perjury in a land-case, and were cursed to lose their rank as brahmans for seven hundred years. [ ] kota is also the name of a section of brahmans. kotari.--a class of domestic servants in south canara, who claim to be an independent caste, though some regard them as a sub-caste of bant. [ ] kotegara or koteyava.--see servegara. koti (monkey).--the name for koravas, who travel about the country exhibiting monkeys. kotippattan.--the kotippattans are described, in the travancore census report, , as "a class of tamil brahmans, who, at a very early age in malabar history, were declared by society to have lost the original brahmanical status. the offence was, it is said, their having taken to the cultivation of the betel-vine as their chief occupation. the ordinances of caste had prescribed other duties for the brahmans, and it is not unlikely that sankaracharya, to whose curse the present position of the kotippattan is traced, disapproved of the change. in general appearance as regards thread, position of hair-tuft, and dress of men as well as women, and in ceremonials, the kotippattans cannot be easily distinguished from the brahman class. sad instances have occurred of brahman girls having been decoyed into matrimonial alliances with kotippattans. they form a small community, and the state of social isolation into which they have been thrown has greatly checked their increase, as in the case of many other malabar castes. their priests are at present tamil brahmans. they do not study the vedas, and the gayatri hymn is recited with the first syllable known as the pranavam. in the matter of funeral ceremonies, a kotippattan is treated as a person excommunicated. the cremation is a mere mechanical process, unaccompanied by any mantras (sacred formulæ) or by any rites, anantarasamskara (deferred funeral rites) being done after the lapse of ten days. they have their annual sraddhas, but no offerings of water (tarpanam) on the new-moon day. their household deity is sasta. their inheritance is from father to son. their household language is malayalam. their chief seat is vamanapuram, twenty miles from trivandrum." kotlu (cow-shed).--an exogamous sept of yanadi. kottaipaththu.--a sub-division of agamudaiyans, who believe that they are the same as the kottai (fort) vellalas of tinnevelly. kottai vellala.--"the kottai vellalas," mr. j. a. boyle writes, [ ] have been "shut up within narrow walls, the others between two rivers. the result of insulation has been the same, and they have developed from small families into small, but perfectly distinct, castes. in the centre of the town of srivaiguntam, in the tinnevelly district, is a small fort, composed of a mud enclosure, containing the houses of a number of families known as kottai (fort) vellalas, who are separated from social intercourse and intermarriage with other families of the great vellala caste. the traditional origin of this settlement is dated nearly a thousand years ago, when their ancestors were driven by a political revolution from their home in the valley of the veigay (the river which flows past madura). under the pandya dynasty of madura, these vellalas were, they allege, the chamberlains or treasurers, to whom belonged the hereditary dignity of crowning the newly-succeeded kings. and this is still commemorated by an annual ceremony, performed in one of the tinnevelly temples, whither the heads of families still repair, and crown the head of the swami (god). their women never leave the precincts of the mud enclosure. after seven years of age, no girl is allowed to pass the gates, and the restriction is supported by the tradition of a disobedient little girl, who was murdered for a thoughtless breach of this law. into the fort no male stranger may enter, though there is no hindrance to women of other castes to enter. after marriage, no woman of the caste may be seen by man's eyes, except those of her husband, father, brothers, and maternal uncles. when the census was taken, they refused to say how many women there were inside the fort, and infanticide is not only possible, but most probable; for there is a suspicious absence of increase in the colony, which suggests some mode of disposing of the 'useless mouths,' unknown to health officers and policemen. until recent times, housed within the fort, were certain prædial slaves (kottar, smiths) of inferior social status, who worked for their masters, and lived in the same rigid seclusion as regards their women. they have been turned out, to live beyond the enclosure, but work for their masters." it is said that, during the days of oppression at the hands of muhammadan and poligar rulers, the kottai vellalas had to pay considerable sums of money to secure immunity from molestation. the kottai pillai, or headman of the community, is reported to possess the grants made from time to time by the rulers of the country, guaranteeing them the enjoyment of their customs and privileges. the fort, in which the kottai vellalas live, is kept in good preservation by government. there are four entrances, of which one is kept closed, because, it is said, on one occasion, a child who went out by it to witness the procession of a god was killed. brahmans who are attached to the fort, male members of various castes who work for the inmates thereof, and pallans may freely enter it. but, if any one wishes to speak to a man living in the fort, the paraiyan gatekeeper announces the presence of the visitor. females of all castes may go into the fort, and into the houses within it. on marriage and other festive occasions, it is customary for the kottai vellalas to give raw rations to those invited, instead of, as among other castes, a dinner. the kottans eat and drink at the expense of their masters, and dance. like the nangudi vellalas (savalai pillais), the kottai vellalas have kilais (septs) running in the female line, and they closely follow them in their marriage customs. it is usual for a man to marry his paternal aunt's daughter. the bridegroom goes in state, with his and the bride's relations and their respective kottans, to the bride's house. arrived at the marriage pandal (booth), they are welcomed by the bride's party. the homam (sacrificial fire) is then raised by the officiating brahman priest, who blesses the tali (marriage badge), and hands it to a kottan female, who passes it on to the elder sister of the bridegroom, or, if he has no such sister, to a female who takes her place. she takes it inside the house, and ties it on the neck of the bride, who has remained within during the ceremony. the contracting couple are then man and wife. the husband goes to live with his wife, who, after marriage, continues to live in her father's house. on the death of her father, she receives half of a brother's share of the property. if she has no brothers, she inherits the whole property. [ ] kottai vellala women wear ordinary jewels up to middle life, when they replace them by a jewel called nagapadam, which is a gold plate with the representation of a five-headed cobra. this is said to be worn in memory of the occasion when a pandyan king, named thennavarayan, overlooking the claims of his legitimate son, gave the kingdom to an illegitimate son. the fort vellalas living at sezhuvaimanagaram refused to place the crown on the bastard's head. they were consequently persecuted, and had to leave the country. they decided to throw themselves into a fire-pit, and so meet their death in a body. but, just as they were about to do so, they were prevented by a huge five-headed cobra. hearing of this marvellous occurrence, the pandyan king who was ruling in tinnevelly invited them to settle at srivaiguntam. the fort vellalas claim that one of the pandyan kings gave them extensive lands on the bank of the vaigai river when they lived at sezhuvaimanagaram. they claim further that the ministers and treasurers of the pandyan kings were selected from among them. the dead are usually cremated. the corpses are borne by kottans, who carry out various details in connection with the death ceremonies. the corpses of women are placed in a bag, which is carefully sewn up. i am informed that, owing to the scarcity of females, men are at the present day obliged to recruit wives from outside. the kottaipaththu agamudaiyans believe that they are the same as the kottai vellalas. kottakunda (new pot).--an exogamous sept of medara. kottan.--an occupational name, meaning bricklayer, returned, at times of census, by some pallis in coimbatore. some pallis are also employed as bricklayers in the city of madras. kottan is also recorded as a title of katasan. kottha.--a sub-division of kurubas, the members of which tie a woollen thread round the wrist at marriages. kottiya paiko.--a sub-division of rona. kove (ant-hill).--an exogamous sept of gangadikara vakkaliga. kovila (indian cuckoo, eudynamis honorata).--a gotra of medara. kovilar (temple people).--the name adopted by a section of pallis or vanniyans, who wear the sacred thread, and have temples of their own, in which they worship. koil adiyan (temple servant) has been returned by some balijas at times of census. kovilammamar or koilpat, denoting ladies of, or those who live in palaces, is a title of some samanta ladies. kovilagam is the usual term for the house of a raja or tirumalpad, and koilpantala is recorded, from travancore, as a synonym for koil tamburan. the nattukottai chettis have exogamous septs, or koils, named after temples, e.g., mathur koil. koya.--the land and boat-owning class of muhammadans in the laccadive islands. the name is said to be a corrupt form of khoja, meaning a man of distinction. mappillas use koya as a suffix to their names, e.g., hassan koya, mahomed koya (see mappilla). koyappan.--koyappan or koyavappan are corrupt forms of kusavan (malabar potters). koyi.--the koyis, kois, or koyas, are a tribe inhabiting the hills in the north of the godavari district, and are also found in the malkangiri taluk of the jeypore zamindari. they are said to belong to the great gond family, and, when a man of another caste wishes to be abusive to a koyi, he calls him a gondia. the koyi language is said by grierson to be a dialect of gondi. writing concerning the koyis of the godavari district, the rev. j. cain states [ ] that "in these parts the kois use a great many telugu words, and cannot always understand the kois who come from the plateau in bustar. a few years ago, when colonel haig travelled as far as jagdalpuram, the kois from the neighbourhood of dummagudem who accompanied him were frequently unable to carry on any conversation with many of the kois on this plateau. there are often slight differences in the phraseology of the inhabitants of two villages within a mile of each other. when two of my teachers, living not more than a mile apart, were collecting vocabularies in the villages in which they lived, they complained that their vocabularies often differed in points where they expected to find no variety whatever." a partial vocabulary of the koyi language is given by the rev. j. cain, who notes that all the words borrowed from telugu take purely koi terminations in the plural. "its connection," he writes, "with the gond language is very apparent, and also the influence of its neighbour telugu. this latter will account for many of the irregularities, which would probably disappear in the language spoken by the kois living further away from the telugu country." mr. g. f. paddison informs me that all the gonds whom he met with in the vizagapatam district were bholo loko (good caste), and would not touch pork or mutton, whereas the koyi shares with the dombs the distinction of eating anything he can get in the way of meat, from a rat to a cow. it is noted by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] that "the khonds call themselves kui, a name identical with koi or koya." and, in , an introduction to the grammar of the kui or kandh language was produced by lingum letchmajee. [ ] it is recorded by the rev. j. cain that "until the talukas were handed over to british rule, the bhadrachallam zamindar always kept up a troop of rohillas, who received very little pay for their services, and lived chiefly by looting the country around. in attendance upon them were one hundred kois, and one hundred madigas. twenty-five koi villages form a samutu, and, in the bhadrachallam taluka, there are ten samutus. in the territory on the opposite side of the river, which also belonged to the ashwa rau family, there were ten samutus. each samutu was bound in turn to furnish for a month a hundred kois to carry burdens, fetch supplies, etc., for the above-mentioned rohillas. during the month thus employed they had to provide their own batta (subsistence money). the petty zamindars of albaka, cherla, nagar, bejji and chintalanada, likewise had their forces of nayaks and kois, and were continually robbing and plundering. all was grist which came to their mill, even the clothes of the poor koi women, who were frequently stripped, and then regarded as objects of ridicule. the kois have frequently told me that they could never lie down to rest without feeling that before morning their slumbers might be rudely disturbed, their houses burnt, and their property all carried off. as a rule, they hid their grain in caves and holes of large trees." it is recorded, in the vizagapatam manual, that, in , the headman of koraturu, a village on the godavari river, was anxious to obtain a certain rich widow in marriage for his son. hearing, however, that she had become the concubine of a village munsiff or magistrate of buttayagudem, he attempted, with a large body of his koi followers, to carry her off by force. failing in the immediate object of his raid, he plundered the village, and retreated with a quantity of booty and cattle. those koyis, the rev. j. cain writes, who live in the plains "have a tradition that, about two hundred years ago, they were driven from the plateau in the bustar country by famine and disputes, and this relationship is also acknowledged by the gutta kois, i.e., the hill kois, who live in the highlands of bustar. these call the kois who live near the godavari gommu kois and mayalotilu. the word gommu is used to denote the banks and neighbourhood of the godavari. thus, for instance, all the villages on the banks of the godavari are called gommu ullu. mayalotilu means rascal. the gutta kois say the lowland kois formerly dwelt on the plateau, but on one occasion some of them started out on a journey to see a zamindar in the plains, promising to return before very long. they did not fulfil their promise, but settled in the plains, and gradually persuaded others to join them, and at times have secretly visited the plateau on marauding expeditions.... the kois regard themselves as being divided into five classes, perumboyudu, madogutta, peregatta, matamuppayo, and vidogutta." the rev. j. cain states further that "the lowland kois say that they are divided into five tribes, but they do not know the first of these. the only names they can give are paredugatta, mundegutta, peramboyina, and wikaloru, and these tribes are again sub-divided into many families. the members of the different tribes may intermarry, but not members of the same tribe." it is recorded by mr. f. r. hemingway [ ] that "exogamous septs, called gattas, occur in the tribe. among them are mudo (third), nalo (fourth) or paredi, aido (fifth) or rayibanda, aro (sixth), nutomuppayo ( th), and peramboya. in some places, the members of the mudo, nalo, and aido gattas are said to be recognisable by the difference in the marks they occasionally wear on their foreheads, a spot, a horizontal, and a perpendicular line respectively being used by them. the aro gatta, however, also uses the perpendicular line." it is further noted by mr. hemingway that the racha or dora koyas consider themselves superior to all other sub-divisions, except the oddis (superior priests). it is noted by the rev. j. cain that at gangolu, a village about three miles from dummagudem, "live several families who call themselves basava gollavandlu, but on enquiry i found that they are really kois, whose grandfathers had a quarrel with some of their neighbours, and separated themselves from their old friends. some of the present members of the families are anxious to be re-admitted to the society and privileges of the neighbouring kois. the word basava is commonly said to be derived from bhasha, a language, and the gollas of that class are said to have been so called in consequence of their speaking a different language from the rest of the gollas. a small but well-known family, the matta people, are all said to have been originally erra gollas, but six generations ago they were received into the koi people. another well-known family, the kaka people, have the following tradition of their arrival in the koi districts. seven men of the are kapulu caste of hindus once set out on a journey from the neighbourhood of warangal. their way led through dense jungle, and for a very long time they could find no village, where they and their horses could obtain food and shelter. at length they espied a small hut belonging to a poor widow, and, riding up to it, they entered into conversation with her, when they learned that the whole country was being devastated by a nilghai (blue bull: boselaphus tragocamelus), which defied all attempts to capture it. in despair, the king of the country, who was a koi of the emu family, had promised his youngest daughter in marriage to any man who would rid the country of the pest. before very long, the youngest of the kapus was out wandering in the neighbouring jungle, and had an encounter with the formidable beast, which ran at him very fiercely, and attempted to knock him down. the young man raised a small brass pot, which he was carrying, and struck the animal so forcible a blow on the head that it fell dead on the spot. he then cut off its tail, nose, and one ear, and carried them away as trophies of his victory; and, having hidden his ring in the mutilated head of the animal, he buried the body in a potter's pit close to the scene of the encounter. he and his elder brothers then resumed their journey, but they had not gone far before they received news from the widow that the potter, hearing of the death of the animal, had gone to the king with the tidings, and asserted that he himself was the victor, and was therefore entitled to the promised reward. the king, however, declined to comply with his request, unless he produced satisfactory evidence of the truth of the story. the real victor, hearing all this, bent his steps to the king's court and asserted his claim, showing his trophies in proof of his statements, and requesting the king to send and dig up the carcase of the animal, and see whether the ring was there or not. the king did so, and, finding everything as the claimant had asserted, he bestowed his daughter on him, and assigned to the newly married couple suitable quarters in his own house. before very long, the next elder brother of the bridegroom came to pay him a visit, riding in a kachadala, i.e., a small cart on solid wooden wheels. he found all the city in great trouble in consequence of the ravages of a crow with an iron beak, with which it attacked young children, and pecked out their brains. the king, deeply grieved at his subjects' distress, had it proclaimed far and wide that the slayer of this crow should receive in reward the hand of his youngest remaining daughter. the young man had with him a new bamboo bow, and so he fitted an arrow to the string, and let fly at the crow. his aim was so good that the crow fell dead at once, but the force of the blow was so great that one of the wings was driven as far south as the present village of rekapalli (wing village), its back fell down on the spot now occupied by nadampalli (loin or back village), its legs at kalsaram (leg village), and its head at tirusapuram (head village), whilst the remainder fell into the cart, and was carried into the presence of the king. the king was delighted to see such clear proofs of the young man's bravery, and immediately had the marriage celebrated, and gave the new son-in-law half the town. he then made an agreement with his sons-in-law and their friends, according to which they were in future to give him as many marriageable girls as could be enclosed and tied up by seven lengths of ropes used for tying up cattle, and he was to bestow upon them as many as could be tied up by three lengths. in other words, he was to receive seventy children, and to give thirty, but this promise has never been fulfilled. the victor received the name of kaka (crow), and his descendants are called the kaka people." the koyis of the godavari district are described in the manual as being "a simple-minded people. they look poor and untidy. the jungles in which they reside are very unhealthy, and the kois seem almost to a man to suffer from chronic fever. they lead an unsophisticated, savage life, and have few ideas, and no knowledge beyond the daily events of their own little villages; but this withdrawal from civilised existence is favourable to the growth of those virtues which are peculiar to a savage life. like the khonds, they are noted for truthfulness, and are quite an example in this respect to the civilised and more cultivated inhabitants of the plains. they call themselves koitors, the latter part of which appellation has been very easily and naturally changed by the telugu people, and by the kois who come most closely into contact with them, into dorala, which means lords; and they are always honoured by this title in the godavari district. [the rev. j. cain expresses doubts as to the title dora being a corruption of tor, and points out that it is a common title in the telugu country. some koyis on the bastar plateau call themselves bhumi razulu, or kings of the earth.] the villages are small, but very picturesque. they are built in groups of five or six houses, in some places even a smaller number, and there are very rarely so many as ten or fifteen. a clearing is made in the jungle, and a few acres for cultivation are left vacant round the houses. in clearing away the wood, every tree is removed except the ippa (bassia latifolia) and tamarind trees, which are of the greatest service to the people on account of their fruit and shade. the kois do not remain long in the same place. they are a restless race. four years suffice to exhaust the soil in one locality, and they do not take the trouble to plough deeper, but migrate to another spot, where they make a fresh clearing, and erect a new village. their huts are generally covered with melons and gourds, the flowing tendrils of which give them a very graceful appearance, but the surrounding jungle makes them damp and unhealthy. when the cultivation season is over, and the time of harvest draws on, the whole of the village turns out by families, and lives on the small wooden scaffoldings erected in the fields, for the purpose of scaring away the wild animals and birds, which come to feed on the ripening grain. deer and wild pigs come by night to steal it, and herds of goats by day. tigers and cheetas (leopards) often resort to the fields of indian corn, and conceal themselves among the lofty plants. poorer kinds of grain are also grown, such as millet and maize, out of which the people make a kind of porridge, called java. they likewise grow a little cotton, from which they make some coarse cloth, and tobacco. the ippa tree is much prized. the koyis eat the flowers of this tree, which are round and fleshy. they eat them either dried in the sun, or fried with a little oil. oil both for lights and for cooking is obtained from the nut, from which also an intoxicating spirit is extracted." i gather that the koyis further use the oil for anointing the hair, whereas, in kurnool, the forest officers barter with the chenchus for the fruits, which they will part with, as they do not require them for the toilette or other purpose. the cultivation of the koyis has been described as "of the simplest, most unprofitable kind. a piece of jungle is selected, and all the trees, except the fruit-bearing ones, are cut down and burned, the ashes being used for manure. then, without removing the stumps or further clearing, the land is scratched along the top, and the seed sown. for three or four years the natural fertility of the soil yields them a crop, but then, when the undergrowth begins to appear and the soil to be impoverished, being too lazy to plough and clean it properly or to give it manure, they abandon it, and the land again becomes scrub jungle." in a note on cultivation in the agency tracts of the godavari district, f. r. hemingway writes as follows. [ ] "the majority of the hill reddis and the koyas in the agency carry on shifting cultivation, called podu, by burning clearings in the forests. two methods prevail: the ordinary (or chalaka) podu, and the hill (or konda) podu. the former consists in cultivating certain recognised clearings for a year or two at a time, allowing the forest to grow again for a few years, and then again burning and cultivating them; while, under the latter, the clearing is not returned to for a much longer period, and is sometimes deserted for ever. the latter is in fashion in the more hilly and wilder parts, while the former is a step towards civilisation. in february or march, the jungle trees and bushes are cut down, and spread evenly over the portion to be cultivated; and, when the hot weather comes on, they are burnt. the ashes act as a manure, and the cultivators think that the mere heat of the burning makes the ground productive. the land is ploughed once or twice in chalaka podus before and after sowing, but not at all in konda podus. the seed is sown in june. hill cholam and samai are the commonest crops. the former is dibbled into the ground. grain is usually stored in regular granaries (kottu), or in thatched bamboo receptacles built on a raised foundation, and called gadi. these are not found in bhadrachalam or the central delta, where a high, round receptacle made of twisted straw (puri) is used. grain is also stored, as elsewhere, in pits." it is noted by mr. hemingway that the houses of the koyis "are made of bamboo, with a thatch of grass or palmyra. they are very restless, and families change frequently from one village to another. before morning, they consult the omens, to see whether the change will be auspicious or not. sometimes the hatching of a clutch of eggs provides the answer, or four grains of four kinds of seed, representing the prosperity of men, cattle, sheep, and land, are put on a heap of ashes under a man's bed. any movement among them during the night is a bad omen. the koyas proper are chiefly engaged in agriculture. their character is a curious medley. they excite admiration by their truthfulness and simplicity; contempt by their drunkenness, listlessness, and want of thrift; amusement by their stupidity and their combination of timidity and self-importance; and disgust by their uncanny superstitions and thinly veiled blood-thirstiness. their truthfulness is proverbial, though it is said to be less characteristic than of yore, and they never break their word. their drunkenness is largely due to the commonness of the ippa tree (bassia latifolia), from the flowers of which strong spirit is distilled, and is most noticeable when this is blossoming. their laziness is notorious, and their stupidity is attested by numerous stories. one, vouched for by the rev. j. cain, relates how some of them, being despatched with a basket of fruit and a note describing its contents, and being warned that the note would betray any pilfering, first buried the note so that it could not see, then abstracted some of the fruit, afterwards disinterred the note and delivered it and the basket, and were quite at a loss, when charged with the theft, to know how the note could have learnt about it. they are terribly victimised by traders and money-lenders from the low country, who take advantage of their stupidity to cheat them in every conceivable way. their timidity has on occasions driven them to seek refuge in the jungle on the appearance of a hindu in clean clothes, but, on the other hand, they insist upon, and receive a considerable measure of respect from lowlanders whom they encounter. they are perfectly aware that their title dora means lord, and they insist upon being given it. they tolerate the address 'uncle' (mama) from their neighbours of other castes, but they are greatly insulted if called koyas. when so addressed, they have sometimes replied 'whose throat have i cut?' playing on the word koya, which means to slice, or cut the throat. when driven to extremes, they are capable of much courage. blood feuds have only recently become uncommon in british territory, and in flourished greatly in the bastar state." concerning the marriage custom of the koyis the rev. j. cain writes that "the koyis generally marry when of fair age, but infant marriage is unknown. the maternal uncle of a girl has always the right to dispose of her hand, which he frequently bestows upon one of his own sons. if the would-be bridegroom is comparatively wealthy, he can easily secure a bride by a peaceable arrangement with her parents; but, if too poor to do this, he consults with his parents and friends, and, having fixed upon a suitable young girl, he sends his father and friends to take counsel with the headman of the village where his future partner resides. a judicious and liberal bestowal of a few rupees and arak (liquor) obtain the consent of the guardian of the village to the proposed marriage. this done, the party watch for a favourable opportunity to carry off the bride, which is sure to occur when she comes outside her village to fetch water or wood, or, it may be, when her parents and friends are away, and she is left alone in the house. the bridegroom generally anxiously awaits the return home of his friends with their captive, and the ceremony is proceeded with that evening, due notice having been sent to the bereaved parents. some of the koyis are polygamists, and it not unfrequently happens that a widow is chosen and carried off, it may be a day or two after the death of her husband, whilst she is still grieving on account of her loss. the bride and bridegroom are not always married in the same way. the more simple ceremony is that of causing the woman to bend her head down, and then, having made the man lean over her, the friends pour water on his head, and, when the water has run off his head to that of the woman, they are regarded as man and wife. the water is generally poured out of a bottle-gourd. (these gourds are used by the koyis as bottles, in which they carry drinking water when on a journey. very few koyis stir far from their homes without one of these filled with water.) generally, on this all-important occasion, the two are brought together, and, having promised to be faithful to each other, drink some milk. some rice is then placed before them, and, having again renewed their promises, they eat the rice. they then go outside the house, and march round a low heap of earth which has been thrown up under a small pandal (booth) erected for the occasion, singing a simple love song as they proceed. afterwards they pay their respects to the elders present, and beg for their blessing, which is generally bestowed in the form of 'may you be happy! may you not fight and quarrel!' etc. this over, all present fall to the task of devouring the quantity of provisions provided for the occasion, and, having well eaten and drunk, the ceremony is concluded. if the happy couple and their friends are comparatively wealthy, the festivities last several days. dancing and singing are kept up every evening, and, when the fun waxes fast and furious, the mother-in-law takes up her new son-in-law on her shoulders, and his mother her new daughter-in-law, and dance round as vigorously as age and strength permit. if the mothers-in-law are not able, it is the duty of the respective maternal aunts to perform this ludicrous office. when the bridegroom is a fine strapping young man, this is a duty rather than a pleasure. some do not object to run away with the wife of another man, and, in former years, a husband has been known to have been murdered for the sake of his wife. even at present, more disputes arise from bride-stealing than from any other cause, especially as up to the present time ( ) the government officials have not been able to stop this practice. in the case of a man running away with another man's wife, the samatu dora (headman), on its being reported to him, goes to the village where the culprit lives, assembles the headman, and calls the offender before him. he then fines the man twelve rupees, and orders him to give another twelve to the husband of the woman whom he has stolen, and then demands two rupees' worth of liquor, a goat, and grain for a feast. on these being brought, the night is spent in feasting and drinking, and the fault is forgiven. in cases of breach of the seventh commandment, the offender is often placed between two logs of wood, upon which as many men sit as can be accommodated, and press it down as long as they can without endangering the unfortunate man's life. in all the koi villages there is a large house, where the young unmarried men have to sleep, and another which the young unmarried girls have to occupy at night." it is noted by mr. hemingway that, "if a koya youth is refused by the maiden of his choice, he generally carries her off by force. but a boy can reserve a girl baby for himself by giving the mother a pot, and a cloth for the baby to lie upon, and then she may not be carried off. girls who consort with a man of low caste are purified by having their tongues branded with a hot golden needle, and by being made to pass through seven arches of palmyra leaves which are afterwards burnt." (cf. koraga.) according to mr. r. e. enthoven, [ ] "the suggestion seems to be a rapid representation of seven existences, the outcast regaining his (or her) status after seven generations have passed without further transgression. the parallel suggested is the law of manu that seven generations are necessary to efface a lapse from the law of endogamous marriage." in a note on marriage among the koyis of vizagapatam, mr. c. hayavadana rao writes that the parents and other relations of the bridegroom go to the bride's home with a present (voli) of three or four head-loads of fermented liquor made from ragi (eleusine coracana) seeds, a pair of new cloths for the girl's father and mother, and a pig. a feast is held, and, on the following day, the bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom. the marriage ceremony is then conducted on lines similar to those already described. in connection with birth ceremonies, the rev. j. cain writes that "the koi women are very hardy, and careless about themselves. after the birth of a child, they do not indulge in the luxury of a cot, but, according to their usual custom, continue to lie upon the ground, bathe in cold water, and eat their accustomed food. directly the child is born, it is placed upon a cot, and the mother resumes her ordinary work of fetching water, wood, leaves, etc., cooking for the family, and so on. on the seventh day the child is well washed, and all the neighbours and near relatives assemble together to name the child. having placed the child on a cot, they put a leaf of the mohwa tree (bassia) in the child's hand, and pronounce some name which they think suitable. if the child closes its hand over the leaf, it is regarded as a sign that the child acquiesces, but, if the child rejects the leaf or cries, they take it as a sign that they must choose another name, and so they throw away the leaf, and substitute another leaf and another name, until the child shows its approbation. if the name chosen is that of any person present, the owner of that name generally expresses his appreciation of the honour thus conferred by placing a small coin in the hand of the child, otherwise the father is bound to do so. this ceremony is followed by a night of dancing and singing, and the next day the father gives a feast to his neighbours and friends, or, if too poor for that, treats the male friends to liquor. most kois now name their children without all the elaborate ceremonial mentioned above." "the bodies of children," the rev. j. cain writes, "and of young men and young women are buried. if a child dies within a month of its birth, it is usually buried close to the house, so that the rain dropping from the eaves may fall upon the grave, and thereby cause the parents to be blessed with another child in due course of time. with the exception of the above mentioned, corpses are usually burnt. a cow or bullock is slain, and the tail cut off and put in the dead person's hand, after the cot on which the corpse is carried has been placed upon the funeral pile. if a pujari, or koi priest, is present, he not unfrequently claims a cloth or two belonging to the dead person. the cot is then removed, and the body burnt. mr. vanstavern reports having seen part of the liver of the slain animal placed in the mouth of the corpse. the friends of the deceased retire, and proceed to feast upon the animal slain for the occasion. three days afterwards they generally return, bringing contributions of cholam (grain), and, having slain one or more animals, have a second feast. in some parts, immediately after the corpse is consumed, the ashes are wetted, rolled into balls, and deposited in a hole about two feet deep, dug on the roadside just outside their village. over the hole is placed a slab of stone, and at the head an upright stone, and, whenever friends pass by these monuments, they endeavour to place a few leaves of tobacco on the slabs, remarking at the same time how fond the deceased were of tobacco in their lifetime. the hill kois have erected very large slabs in days gone by, and it is not uncommon to see rows of ten to fifteen outside the villages close to well-frequented roads, but at present they seldom take the trouble to put up any monuments. in the malkanagiri taluk, the kois every now and then erect these stones, and, when encamped in a village, we were struck by the height of one, from the top of which was suspended an ox tail. on enquiry we found that it was the tomb of the late headman, who had been enterprising enough to build some large bunds (embankments), and thus improve his rice fields. success attended his efforts, and five crops rewarded him. but, alas, envious persons plotted his downfall, he became ill, and called in the diviner, who soon discovered the cause of the fatal illness in the shape of balls of mud, which had been surreptitiously introduced into his stomach by some demoness at the instigation of some foes. three days after the funeral feast, a second one is frequently held, and, if means are forthcoming, another on the seventh and fifteenth days. the nights are always spent in dancing to the beating of the tom-tom or drum. all believe that these feasts are necessary for the repose of the spirits of the deceased, and that, if these are not thus duly honoured, they will wander about the jungle in the form of pisachas (devils) ready to avenge their friends' neglect of their comfort by bringing evil upon their children or cattle. if they are not satisfied as to the cause of the death of any of their friends, they continue to meet at intervals for a whole year, offer the sacrificial feasts, and inquire of the diviner whether he thinks that the spirit of the deceased has been able to associate with spirits or its predeceased friends, and, when they obtain an answer in the affirmative, then and then only do they discontinue these feasts." in connection with death ceremonies, mr. hemingway notes that "when a koya dies, a cow or bullock is slaughtered, and the tail is cut off, and put in the dead man's hand. the liver is said to be sometimes put in his mouth. his widow's tali (marriage badge) is always placed there, and, when a married woman dies, her tali is put in her mouth. the pyre of a man is lighted by his nephew, and of a woman by her son. no pollution is observed by those attending the funeral. the beef of the slain animal provides a feast, and the whole party returns home and makes merry. on the eighth day, a pot of water is placed in the dead man's house for him to drink, and is watched by his nephew. next morning another cow is slaughtered, and the tail and a ball of cooked rice are offered to the soul at the burning ground." concerning the death ceremonies in the vizagapatam district, mr. c. hayavadana rao writes that the corpses of young children are buried far away from the home of their parents. it is customary, among the more prosperous families, to put a few rupees into the mouth of a corpse before the funeral pyre is lighted. the money is made to represent the value of the animal sacrificed in the godavari district. death pollution is not observed, but on the eighth day the relations kill a fowl, and burn it at the spot where the body was cremated. the ashes of a dead person are carried to a spot set apart close to the highway. water is poured over them, and they are made into small balls. a hole, two or three feet deep, is dug, into which the balls, a few of the pots belonging to the deceased, and some money are put. they are covered over with a stone slab, at one end of which an upright slab is set up. a cow is killed, and its tail cut off, and tied to the upright slab, to appease the ghost of the dead person. the remainder of the animal is carried off, and used for a feast. ghasias are notorious for opening up these koyi sepulchres, and stealing the money buried in them. mr. h. tyler informs me that he came across the burning funeral pyre of a koyi girl, who had died of syphilis. across a neighbouring path leading to the koyi village, were a basket fish-trap containing grass, and on each side thorny twigs, which were intended to catch the malign spirit of the dead girl, and prevent it from entering the village. the twigs and trap, containing the captured spirit, were to be burnt by the koyis on the following day. it is noted by mr. hemingway that "people who are neither good enough for heaven, nor bad enough for hell, are born again in their former family. children with hare-lip, moles, etc., are often identified as re-incarnations of deceased relations. tattooing is common. it is, for various reasons, considered very important for the soul in the next world that the body should have been adequately tattooed." concerning the religion of the koyis, the rev. j. cain writes that they say "that the following gods and goddesses were appointed to be worshipped by sudras:--muttelamma, maridimahalakshmi, poturazu and korrazulu; and the following were to receive adoration from the koyis:--kommalamma, katurudu, adamarazu. the goddess mamili or pele must be propitiated early in the year, or else the crops will undoubtedly fail; and she is said to be very partial to human victims. there is strong reason to think that two men were murdered in near a village not far from dummagudem, as offerings to this devata, and there is no reason to doubt that every year strangers are quietly put out of the way in the bastar country, to ensure the favour of this blood-thirsty goddess. all the koyis seem to hold in great respect the pandava brothers, especially arjuna and bhima. the wild dogs or dhols are regarded as the dutas or messengers of these brothers, and the long black beetles which appear in large numbers at the beginning of the hot weather are called the pandava flock of goats. of course they would on no account attempt to kill a dhol, even though it should happen to attack their favourite calf, and they even regard it as imprudent to interfere with these dutas, when they wish to feast upon their cattle." the tradition among the koyis is that, when the pandava brothers were in exile, bhima, whom they call bhimador, went hunting in the jungle, and met a wild woman of the woods, whom he fell in love with and married. the fruit of this union was the koyi people. the tradition further states that this wild woman was not a human being. [ ] "a koi," the rev. j. cain continues, "whom mr. alexander met in a village about two miles from dummagudem, caused him to infer that the kois think heaven to be a great fort, and in it plenty of rice to eat for those who enter it; that hell is a dismal place, where a crow, made of iron, continually gnaws off the flesh of the wicked. this must have been that particular koi's own peculiar belief, for it certainly is not that of any of the kois with whom i so frequently come in contact. the mention of the iron crow reminds me that, about two years ago, a rumour rapidly spread in some of the villages that an iron cock was abroad very early in the morning, and upon the first village in which it heard one or more cocks begin to crow it would send a grievous pestilence, and at least decimate the village. in one instance at least, this led to immediate extermination of all the unfortunate cocks in that village. last year ( ) the inhabitants of a village on the left bank of the godavari were startled by the tallaris (village peons) of the neighbouring village bringing about twenty fowls, and ordering them to be sent on the next village south of dummagudem. on being asked the reason of this order, they replied that the cholera goddess was selecting her victims in the villages further north, and that, to induce her to leave their parts, some of these villages had sent these fowls as offerings to her, but they were to be passed on as far as possible before they were slain, for then she would follow in anticipation of the feast, and so might be tempted quite out of these regions. the police, however, interfered, and they were passed back into the upper godavari district." writing further concerning the religion of the koyis, the rev. j. cain adds that "one sunday afternoon, some kois came to us from a village nine miles away, and begged for medicine for a man, whose right cheek, they said, had been torn away by a tiger, just as if it had been cut out by a knife. a few days afterwards we heard a story, which was far more credible. the people of the village were very anxious for good crops, and resolved to return to the practice of offering a stranger passing by to the goddess mamili, and so two of them were on the look-out for a victim. they soon saw one, and began to pursue him, but he, a koi, knowing the former evil repute of the village, suspected their design and fled, and at last took refuge up a manchan. they began to ascend too, when he took out of his belt a knife, and struck at his assailants, and cut away his right cheek. this caused the two assailants to retreat, and the man escaped. as human sacrifices are now illegal, a langur monkey is frequently substituted, and called for occasion ekuromma potu, i.e., a male with small breasts. this name is given in the hope of persuading the goddess that she is receiving a human sacrifice. mutyalamma is the goddess, who is supposed to preside over small-pox and cholera. when the villages have determined to appease this dread goddess, they erect a pandal (booth) outside their village under a nim (melia azadirachta) tree, search all round for the soft earth of a white-ant heap, and proceed at once to mould this earth into the form of an image of a woman, tie a cloth or two round her, hang a few peacock's feathers around her neck, and place her under the pandal on a three-legged stool, which has been made of the wood of cochlospermum gossypium (silk-cotton tree) for the occasion. they then bring forward a chicken and try to persuade it to eat some of the grains they have thrown down before the image, requesting the goddess to inform them whether she will leave their village or not. if the chicken picks up some of the grains, they regard it as a most favourable omen, but, if not, their hearts are immediately filled with dread of the continued anger of the goddess. they then bring forward two sheep or goats, and then present to them a dish of toddy, and, if the toddy is drunk by the animals, they are quite assured of the speedy departure of the plague which is devastating their village. the sheep are then tied up till the next morning. in the meantime a sorcerer is brought to the front, and they enquire of him the determination of the goddess. after this they return to the village, and they all drink well, and the night is spent in dancing, in which the women join. the next morning the pandal and its inmate are removed to a site still farther away from the village, after which the fowl is killed over the image, on which some drops of blood are allowed to fall. the sheep then have garlands hung round their necks, and their heads are adorned with turmeric, and pots of cold water are poured over them. the deity is at the same time again asked whether she intends to leave them alone, and, if she is disposed to be favourable towards them, she replies by causing the sheep to shiver. the animals are immediately killed, the left ear and left leg being cut off and placed in the mouth, and the head cut off and left as an offering before the image. the rest of the sacrifice is then carried away, to be cooked and enjoyed by all the worshippers before they reach home, as their wives are not allowed to partake of the sacrificial feast. "another goddess or demoness, of which many stand in dread, is called a pida, and her they propitiate in the month of december. all the men of the village gather together and collect from each house a handful of cholam, which they give to the wife of the pujari, directing her to make bread with it for her husband. after he has partaken of it, they bring pots of warm water and pour it over his head, and then all in the village spend some time in dancing. a chatty (pot) is brought after a time, in which are placed leaves of the diospyros embryopteris, and two young men carry it between them, suspended from a pole cut from the same tree, all around the village. the pujari, carrying a cock, accompanies them, and also the rest of the men of the village, each one carrying a staff cut from the above mentioned tree, with which he strikes the eaves of each house passed in their perambulations. when they have been all around the village, they all march off some little distance, and tie up the stick on which the pot is suspended to two neighbouring trees, and place their staves close by. the pujari sets to work to kill the cock, and they all beg the demoness, whom they suppose to have entered the pot, not to come to their village again. the pujari then cooks and eats the cock with food which has been supplied him, and the other worshippers also satisfy the cravings of hunger with food they have brought with them. on no account do they return home until after dark, lest the demoness should see the road to their village, and follow in their wake. very frequently on these occasions, votive offerings, promised long before, are sacrificed and eaten by the pujari. it is not at all uncommon for a koi to promise the pida a seven-horned male (i.e., a cock) as a bribe to be let alone, a two-horned male (i.e., a goat) being set apart by more wealthy or more fervent suppliants. "the kois acknowledge that they worship the devatalu or the dayyamulu (demons of the mountains). the korra razu is supposed to be the deity who has supreme control over tigers, and a friend of mine once saw a small temple devoted to his worship a few miles from the large village of gollapalli, bastar, but it did not seem to be held in very great respect. there is no koi temple in any village near dummagudem, and the kois are seldom, if ever, to be found near a hindu temple. some time ago there was a small mud temple to the goddesses sarlamma and kommalamma at pedda nallapalli, and the head koi of the village was the pujari, but he became a christian, and the temple fell into ruins, and soon melted away. a few families have added to their own faith the worship of siva, and many of them are proud of the appellation of linga kois." "in times of drought," mr. hemingway writes, "a festival to bhima, which lasts five days, is held. when rain appears, the koyis sacrifice a cow or pig to their patron. dancing plays an important part at all these feasts, and also at marriages. the men put on head-dresses of straw, into which buffalo horns are stuck, and accompany themselves with a kind of chant." "there is," the rev. j. cain writes, "generally one velpu for each gens, and in a certain village there is the chief velpu for the whole tribe of kois. when any of the inferior velpus are carried about, contributions in kind or cash are collected by its guardians almost exclusively from the members of the gens to which the velpu belongs. when the superior velpu is taken to any village, all the inferior velpus are brought, and, with the exception of two, are planted some little distance in front of their lord. there are two, however, which are regarded as lieutenants of the paramount power, and these are planted one on each side of their superior. as it was expressed to me, the chief velpu is like the raja of bastar, these two are like his ministers of state, and the rest are like the petty zamindars (land-owners) under him. the largest share of the offerings goes to the chief, the two supporters then claim a fair amount, and the remainder is equally divided amongst those of the third rank.... ancestral worship prevails among the kois, especially on the occasions when the velpu of the family is carried round. the velpu is a large three-cornered red cloth, with a number of figures of various ancestors roughly cut out of different coloured cloth, white, green, blue, or yellow, and stitched to the main cloth. whenever any important male member of the family dies, a new figure is added to commemorate his services. it is usually kept in the custody of the leading man of the family, and taken round by him to all members of that family once a year, when each member is bound to give an offering to the velpu. no one belonging to a different family takes any part in the ceremonies. on the occasion of its being carried round, it is fixed to a long bamboo ornamented at the top with the hair from the tail of a yak, and with loudly sounding brass bells. on arriving at a village where there are a sufficient number of kois of the particular family to make it worth while to stay, the priest in charge of the velpu and his attendant doli give due notice of their arrival, and, having planted the velpu in the ground, the night is spent by all the members of the family to which the velpu belongs in dancing and making merry to the sound of the drum, which is beaten by the doli only. the priest in charge has to fast all night, and keep himself ceremonially pure. in the morning they all proceed to the nearest stream or tank (pond), with the velpu in front carried by the priest, and there bathe, and also enjoy the fun of sprinkling each other with water to their hearts' content. this done, they come up out of the water, plant the velpu on the bank, and send for the bullock to be sacrificed. when this is brought, its legs are tied together, and it is then thrown on the ground, and the priest (or, if he is weak, a strong younger man) has to kill it at one blow. it is then cut up, and, after the attendant priest has received his share, it is divided amongst the attendant crowd, who spend the rest of the day in feasting and drinking. as a rule, no act of obeisance or worship is even paid to the velpu, unless the offering of money to the custodian be regarded as such. sometimes a woman very desirous of having a child brings a cock, throws it down before the velpu and makes obeisance to it, but this is not a very common custom. the dolivandlu or dolollu always attend the velpu, and are present at all the marriage feasts, when they recite old stories, and sing national songs. they are not kois, but really a section of the mala caste, although they will not mix with the rest of the malas of their own family, excepting when on the bastar plateau among the hill kois. the kois have very amusing stories as to how the hair from the tail of the yak is obtained. they say that the yak is a hairy animal which lives in a country far away, but that its great peculiarity is that it has only one leg, and that this leg has no joints in it. being a very swift animal, it is impossible to capture it in any ordinary way, but, as it rests at night by leaning against one particular tree, the hunters carefully mark this tree, and some time during the day cut the trunk through as far as advisable, and watch the result. when night comes on, the animal returns to its resting place, leans against the tree, which is no longer able to give support to the yak, and both fall to the ground. the hunters immediately rush in, and seize their prey. a friend has supplied me with the following reference in 'de bello gallico.' they (the hunters) either undermine all the trees in that place at the roots, or cut them so far as to leave the external appearance of a standing tree. then the elk, which has no knots or joints, comes, leans, as usual, and down comes tree, elk and all." concerning the velpus, mr. hemingway writes that "they consist of small pieces of metal, generally iron and less than a foot in length, which are kept in a hollow bamboo deposited in some wild and unfrequented spot. they are guarded with great secrecy by those in charge of them, and are only shown to the principal worshippers on the rare occasions when they are taken out to be adored. the koyas are very reticent about them. mr. cain says that there is one supreme velpu, which is recognised as the highest by the whole koya tribe, and kept hidden in the depths of bastar. there are also velpus for each gatta, and for each family. the former are considered superior to the latter, and are less frequently brought out of their retreats. one of them called lakkala (or lakka) ramu, which belongs either to the aro or peramboya gatta, is considered more potent than the others. it is ornamented with eyes of gold and silver, and is kept in a cave near sitanagaram in the bhadrachalam taluk. the others are deposited in different places in the bastar state. they all have names of their own, but are also known by the generic term adama razu. both the gatta and family velpus are worshipped only by members of the sept or family to which they appertain. they are taken round the country at intervals, to receive the reverence and gifts of their adherents. the former are brought out once in every three or four years, especially during widespread sickness, failure of crops, or cattle disease. an animal (generally a young bullock) is stabbed under the left shoulder, the blood is sprinkled over the deity, and the animal is next killed, and its liver is cut out and offered to the deity. a feast, which sometimes lasts for two days, takes place, and the velpu is then put back in its hiding-place. "at present," the rev. j. cain writes, "the kois around here (dummagudem) have very few festivals, except one at the harvest of the zonna (sorghum vulgare). formerly they had one not only for every grain crop, but one when the ippa flowers were ready to be gathered, another when the pumpkins were ripe, at the first tapping of the palm tree for toddy, etc. now, at the time the zonna crop is ripe and ready to be cut, they take a fowl into the field, kill it, and sprinkle its blood on any ordinary stone put up for the occasion, after which they are at liberty to partake of the new crop. in many villages they would refuse to eat with any koi who has neglected this ceremony, to which they give the name kottalu, which word is evidently derived from the telugu word kotta (new). rice-straw cords are hung on trees, to show that the feast has been observed." in some places, mr. hemingway tells us, the victim is a sheep, and the first fruits are offered to the local gods, and to the ancestors. another singular feast occurs soon after the cholam (zonna) crop has been harvested. early on the morning of that day, all the men of each village have to turn out into the forest to hunt, and woe betide the unlucky individual who does not bring home some game, be it only a bird or a mouse. all the women rush after him with cow-dung, mud or dirt, and pelt him out of their village, and he does not appear again in that village until the next morning. the hunter who has been most successful then parades the village with his game, and receives presents of paddy (rice) from every house. mr. vanstavern, whilst boring for coal at beddadanolu, was visited by all the koi women of the village, dressed up in their lords' clothes, and they told him that they had that morning driven their husbands to the forest, to bring home game of some kind or other. this quaint festival is said by mr. hemingway to be called bhudevi pandaga, or the festival of the earth goddess. when the samalu crop is ripe, the kois summon the pujari on a previously appointed day, and collect from every house in the village a fowl and a handful of grain. the pujari has to fast all that night, and bathe early the next morning. after bathing, he kills the fowls gathered the previous evening in the names of the favourite gods, and fastens an ear of samalu to each house, and then a feast follows. in the evening they cook some of the new grain, and kill fresh fowls, which have not to be curried but roasted, and the heart, liver, and lights of which are set apart as the especial food of their ancestral spirits, and eaten by every member of each household in their name. the bean feast is an important one, as, until it is held, no one is allowed to gather any beans. on the second day before the feast, the village pujari must eat only bread. the day before, he must fast the whole twenty-four hours, and, on the day of the feast, he must eat only rice cooked in milk, with the bird offered in sacrifice. all the men of the village accompany the pujari to a neighbouring tree, which must be a terminalia tomentosa, and set up a stone, which they thus dedicate to the goddess kodalamma. every one is bound to bring for the pujari a good hen and a seer of rice, and for himself a cock and half a seer of rice. the pujari also demands from them two annas as his sacrificing fee. each worshipper then brings his cock to the pujari, who holds it over grains of rice which have been sprinkled before the goddess, and, if the bird pecks at the rice, good luck is ensured for the coming year, whilst, if perchance the bird pecks three times, the offerer of that particular cock can scarcely contain himself for joy. if the bird declines to touch the grains, then ill-luck is sure to visit the owner's house during the ensuing year. "the kois have but little belief in death from natural causes. some demon or demoness has brought about the death by bringing fever or small-pox, or some other fell disease, and this frequently at the instigation of an enemy of the deceased. in days gone-by, the taking of the ordeal to clear oneself was the common practice, but at present it is quite the exception. but, if there are very suspicious circumstances that ill-will has brought about the death, the friends of the deceased assemble, place the corpse on a cot, and make straight for the suspected enemy. if he or she is unfortunate enough to be at home, a trial takes place. a pot is partly filled with water, on the top of which ghee (clarified butter) and milk are poured, and then it is placed on the fire. as soon as it begins to boil, stones are thrown in, and the accused is summoned to take them out. if this is done without any apparent injury to the unfortunate victim, a verdict of not guilty is returned; but, if there are signs of the hand being at all scalded or burnt, the unhappy wight has to eat a bone of the deceased, which is removed and pounded, and mixed with boiled rice and milk. in days gone-by, the sentence was death." according to mr. hemingway, when a death occurs, "an enquiry is held as to who is guilty. some male member of the family, generally the nephew of the deceased, throws coloured rice over the corpse as it lies stretched on the bed, pronouncing as he does so the names of all the known sorcerers who live in the neighbourhood. it is even now solemnly asserted that, when the name of the wizard responsible is pronounced, the bed gets up, and moves towards the house or village where he resides." "for some months," the rev. j. cain continues, "a poor old koi woman was living in our compound, because she had been driven out of village after village in bastar from the suspicion that she was the cause of the death of more than one relative, and she was afraid that she might fall a victim to their just(?) vengeance. the fear that some envious person will persuade a demon to plague them affects their whole life and conduct. over and over again we have been told by men and women, when we have remonstrated with them on account of their scanty attire 'yes, it is quite true that we have abundance of clothes at home, but, if we were always to wear them, some enemy or other would prevail on a demon to take possession of us, and kill us.' a young koi was once employed to teach a few children in his own village, but, alas, ere long he became unwell of some strange disease, which no medicine could remove. as a last resource, a diviner was called in, who made a careful diagnosis of the case, and the illness was declared to have been brought on by a demoness at the instigation of some enemy, who was envious of the money which the lad had received for teaching. i once saw one of these diviners at work, discovering the sickness which had laid prostrate a strong man. the diviner had in his hand a leaf from an old palmyra leaf book, and, as he walked round and round the patient, he pretended to be reading. then he took up a small stick, and drew a number of lines on the ground, after which he danced and sang round and round the sick man, who sat looking at him, evidently much impressed with his performance. suddenly he made a dart at the man, and, stooping down, bit him severely in two or three places in the back. then, rushing to the front, he produced a few grains which he said he had found in the man's back, and which were evidently the cause of the sickness. in the case of the young man before mentioned, the diviner produced a little silver, which he declared to be a sure sign that the sickness was connected with the silver money he was receiving for teaching. the diviners have to wear their hair long, like samson, and, if it falls off or is cut short, their power is supposed to leave them." it is noted by mr. hemingway that in some parts, when any one falls ill, the professional sorcerer is consulted, and he reads both the cause and the remedy in a leaf platter of rice, which he carries thrice round the invalid. the name chedipe (prostitute) is applied to sorceresses among various classes in the godavari district. she is believed to ride on a tiger at night over the boundaries of seven villages, and return home at early morn. when she does not like a man, she goes to him bare-bodied at dead of night, the closed doors of the house in which he is sleeping opening before her. she sucks his blood by putting his toe in her mouth. he will then be motionless and insensible like a corpse. next morning he feels intoxicated, as if he had taken ganja (cannabis sativa), and remains in that condition all day. if he does not take medicine from one skilled in treating such cases, he will die. if he is properly treated, he will be as well as ever in about ten days. if he makes no effort to get cured, the chedipe will molest him again and again, and, becoming gradually emaciated, he will die. when a chedipe enters a house, all those who are awake will become insensible, those who are seated falling down as if they had taken a soporific drug. sometimes she drags out the tongue of the intended victim, who will die at once. at other times, slight abrasions will be found on the skin of the intended victim, and, when the chedipe puts pieces of stick thereon, they burn as if burnt by fire. sometimes she will hide behind a bush, and, undressing there, fall on any passer-by in the jungle, assuming the form of a tiger with one of the four legs in human form. when thus disguised, she is called marulupuli (enchanting tiger). if the man is a brave fellow, and endeavours to kill the chedipe with any instrument he may have with him, she will run away; and, if a man belonging to her village detects her mischief, she will assume her real form, and answer meekly that she is only digging roots. the above story was obtained by a native revenue official when he visited a koyi village, where he was told that a man had been sentenced to several years' imprisonment for being one of a gang who had murdered a chedipe for being a sorceress. in the godavari district, a sorcerer known as the ejjugadu (male physician) is believed, out of spite or for payment, to kill another by invoking the gods. he goes to a green tree, and there spreads muggu or chunam (lime) powder, and places an effigy of the intended victim thereon. he also places a bow and arrow there, and recites certain spells, and calls on the gods. the victim is said to die in a couple of days. but, if he understands that the ejjugadu has thus invoked the gods, he may inform another ejjugadu, who will carry out similar operations under another tree. his bow and arrow will go to those of the first ejjugadu, and the two bows and arrows will fight as long as the spell remains. the man will then be safe. the second ejjugadu can give the name of the first, though he has never known him. "the leading man," the rev. j. cain writes, "of the koyi samatu is called the samatu dora, and he is assisted by two others, who are called pettandarulu. the duties of the samatu dora are to preside over all meetings, to settle all tribal disputes, and to inflict fines for all breaches of caste rules, of which fines he always receives a certain share. the office is not necessarily hereditary, and the appointment is generally confirmed by the landlord of the majority of the villages, be the landlord the zemindar or the government." the koyis say that their dance is copied from bhima's march after a certain enemy. the dance is described by mr. g. f. paddison as being "a very merry business. they sing for a couple of beats, and then take two steps round, and sing again. they first sang to us a song in their own lingo, and then broke into telugu 'dora babu yemi istavu'--what will the great man give us? they then burst into a delightful autolycus song, 'will you give us a cloth, a jewel for the hair?' and so on." for the following account of a dance at the bhudevi pandaga festival at ankagudem in the polavaram taluk of the godavari district, i am indebted to mr. n. e. marjoribanks. "permission having been given to dance in our presence, the whole village turned out, and came to our camp. first came about half a dozen young men, got up in their best clothes, with big metal ear-rings, basket caps adorned with buffalo horns and pendants of peacock skins (the neck feathers), and scanty torn cloths, and provided, some with barrel-shaped tom-toms, others with old rusty flintlocks, and swords. next came all the adult women, two by two, each pair clasping hands, and hanging on to the next pair by holding their waist-cloths with their free hands. the young men kept up a steady monotonous beat on their drums, and went through various pantomimes of the chase, e.g., shooting and cutting up an animal, or a fight between two bulls. the women sang a chaunt, and came along slowly, taking one step back after two steps forwards, copied by the village old men, women, and children. at the camp, the women went round in this fashion in circles, the pantomime among the men continuing, and each vying with the others in suggesting fresh incidents. the women then went through a series of figures. first the older ones stood in a circle with their arms intertwined, and the younger girls perched aloft, standing astraddle on their shoulders. like this the circle proceeded half round, and then back again till some of the smaller girls looked as if they would split in half, their discomfort causing great merriment among the others. next all stood in a circle, and jumped round, two steps one way and then back. this was varied by a backwards and forwards movement, the chaunt continuing all the time. inam (present of money) having been duly disbursed, the double chain of women went round the camp twice, and made off to the village, all standing and raising a shout twice as they turned out of the circle to go. the next day, we were told that the men of the village were all going hunting in the forest. about the middle of the day, we saw a procession approaching as on the previous day, but it consisted entirely of women, the drummers and swordsmen being women dressed up as men. the chaunt and dance were as before, except that the pantomime abounded in the most indecent gestures and attitudes, all illustrative of sexual relations. one girl slipped (or pretended to) and fell. whereupon, one of those playing a man's part fell upon her to ravish her. a rescue ensued amidst roars of merriment, and the would-be ravisher was in process of being stripped when our modesty compelled us to call an interval. in the evening the men returned unsuccessful, and, we were told (but did not see it), were pelted with dung and rubbish. the next day they went out again, and so did we. our beats yielded nothing, and we returned to find to our horror the women of the village awaiting our return. fortunately we had noticed some whistling teal on a tank, and had shot some for the pot. i verily believe this glorious bag was our salvation from dire humiliation. the same dance and antics were repeated round the bodies of the two tigers and panther that we shot during our stay. the koyis insisted on singeing the whiskers of the beasts, saying we should never get any more if this was not done. of course we reduced the ceremony to the barest form." i gather that, if the koyis shoot a sambar (deer) or 'bison,' the head is stuck up on the outskirts of the village, and there are very few villages, which have not got one or two such trophies. besides beating for game, the koyis sit up at night over salt-licks or water, and thus secure their game." it is recorded in the catalogue raisonné of oriental manuscripts [ ] that "the coya people reside within their forest boundaries. if any traveller attempt to pluck fruit from any tree, his hand is fastened to the spot, so that he cannot move; but if, on seeing any one of the coya people, he calls out to that person, explaining his wishes, and gets permission, then he can take the fruit and move away, while the coya forester, on the receipt of a small roll of tobacco leaf, is abundantly gratified. besides which, the coya people eat snakes. about forty years since, a brahman saw a person cooking snakes for food, and, expressing great astonishment, was told by the forester that these were mere worms; that, if he wished to see a serpent, one should be shown him; but that, as for themselves, secured by the potent charms taught them by ambikesvarer, they feared no serpents. as the brahman desired to see this large serpent, a child was sent with a bundle of straw and a winnowing fan, who went, accompanied by the brahman, into the depths of the forest, and, putting the straw on the mouth of a hole, commenced winnowing, when smoke of continually varying colours arose, followed by bright flame, in the midst of which a monstrous serpent having seven heads was seen. the brahman was speechless with terror at the sight, and, being conducted back by the child, was dismissed with presents of fruits." the mission school at dummagudem in the godavari district, where the rev. j. cain has laboured so long and so well, was primarily intended for koyis, but i gather that it has been more successful in dealing with the malas. in , the lower primary school at butchampet in the kistna district was chiefly attended by koyi children. koyippuram.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. krishnavakakkar.--the krishnavakakkars are, in travancore, practically confined to the southern taluks of eraniel and kalkulam. the caste name literally means belonging to krishna, but probably means nothing more than belonging to the pastoral class, as the titular suffixes, ayan and acchi, to the names of males and females, found in the early settlement accounts of the state, indicate. in modern times the title pillai has been adopted. by some castes, e.g., the shanars, they are called kuruppu. the tradition is that, in ancient times, a large section of them migrated from ambadi, the place of krishna's nativity and early childhood, to conjeeveram, in the vicinity of which place there is still a village called ayarpati. here they resided for some time, and then seventy-two families, seeking fresh fields and pastures new, proceeded to kerala, and presented an image of krishna, which they had brought from northern india to the reigning king maharaja udaya martanda varma. according to another account, the recipient of the image was one pallivana perumal at an earlier date. the maharaja, according to the legend, observing the interesting customs of the immigrants, and especially their devotion to krishna, called them krishnanvaka, and ordered them to serve in the temple of krishna (tiruvampadi within the pagoda of sri padmanabha at trivandrum). their leader was given the title of ananthapadmanabha kshetra pallava rayan. this migration is supposed to have occurred in the first year of the malabar era. a neet, or royal grant, engraved on a copper plate, was issued to them, by which they were entrusted with the management of the temple, and commanded to live at vanchiyur in trivandrum. in the pollution consequent on a birth or death among the seventy-two families, the image of krishna, which they had brought, was believed to share for three days as a distant relation, and, in consequence, the daily ceremonies at the temple were constantly interrupted. they were told to remove to a place separated from trivandrum by at least three rivers, and settled in the eraniel and kalkulam taluks. they were, as a tax in kind for lands given to them for cultivation, ordered to supply peas for the tiruvampati temple. during the reign of martanda varma the great, from to m.e., successive neets were issued, entrusting them with diverse duties at this temple. such, briefly, is the tradition as to the early history of the caste in travancore. the title pallava rayan (chief of the pallavans) seems to indicate the country, from which they originally came. they must have been originally a pastoral class, and they probably proceeded from conjeeveram, the capital of the pallavas, to travancore, where, being worshippers of vishnu, they were entrusted with the discharge of certain duties at the shrine of krishna in trivandrum. the krishnavakakkar are not strict vegetarians, as fish constitutes a favourite diet. intoxicating liquors are forbidden, and rarely drunk. in respect to clothing and ornaments, those who follow the makkathayam system of inheritance (from father to son) differ from those who follow the marumakkathayam system (through the female line), the former resembling the vellalas in these matters, and the latter the nayars. the only peculiarity about the former is the wearing of the mukkuthi (nose ornament), characteristic till recently of all nayar women in south travancore, in addition to the ordinary ornaments of chettis and other tamilians. widows, too, like the latter, are dressed in white, and the pampadam and melitu in the ears form their only ornaments. they tie up their hair, not in front like nayar women, nor at the back like tamil women, but in the middle line above the crown--the result of a blend between an indigenous and exotic custom. the hair is passed through a cadjan ring secured by a ring of beads, and wound round it. the ring is decorated with arali (nerium odorum) flowers. tattooing was very common among women in former times, but is going out of fashion. they worship both siva and vishnu, and special adoration is paid to subramaniya, for whose worship a great shrine is dedicated at kumara koil. sasta, bhutattan, and amman have small shrines, called ilankams, dedicated to them. they live in large groups, each presided over by a headman called karyastan, who is assisted by an accountant and treasurer. the offices are elective, and not hereditary. their priest is known as karnatan or asan. at present there is apparently only one family of karnatans, who live at mepra in the eraniel taluk. the female members of this priestly family are known as mangalyama, and do not intermarry or feed with the general community. the marumakkathayam krishnavakakkar speak malayalam, while the makkathayis speak a very corrupt tamil dialect intermixed with malayalam. the names of the seventy-two houses of the caste are remembered, like the gotras of the brahmans, and marriage between members of the same house are absolutely forbidden. among the marumakkathayam section, the talikettu is celebrated in childhood, and supplemented by the actual wedding after the girl reaches puberty. on the marriage day, the bridegroom goes in procession to the house of the bride, sword in hand, and martially clad, probably in imitation of krishna on his marriage expedition to the court of kundina. on the third day of the marriage ceremonies, the bride's party go to the house of the bridegroom with an air of burning indignation, and every effort is made to appease them. they finally depart without partaking of the proffered hospitality. on the seventh day, the newly-married couple return to the bride's house. the custom is said to be carried out as symbolising the act of bride-capture resorted to by their ancestor krishna in securing the alliance of rukmani. it is generally believed that fraternal polyandry once prevailed among these people, and even to-day a widow may be taken as wife by a brother of the deceased husband, even though he is younger than herself. issue, thus procreated, is the legitimate issue of the deceased, and acquires full right of inheritance to his property. if one brother survives the deceased, his widow is not required to remove her marriage ornament during life. the origin of the marumakkathayam custom is alleged to have been that the first immigrants came with a paucity of women, and had to contract alliances with the indigenous travancoreans. at the present day only about a hundred families follow the law of inheritance through the female line. their children are known by the name of the mother's illam (house). the male, but not the female members of makkathayam and marumakkathayam sections, will eat together. a daughter, in default of male issue, succeeds to the property of her father, as opposed to his widow. the krishnavakakkar believe that, in these matters, they imitate the pandavas. a peculiar feature of their land-tenure is what is known as utukuru--a system which exists to a smaller extent among the shanars of eraniel and the adjacent taluks. in the ayakkettu or old settlement register, it is not uncommon to find one garden registered in the name of several persons quite unconnected with each other by any claim of relationship. in some instances the ground is found registered in the name of one person, and the trees on it in the name of another. the dead are generally cremated, and the ashes taken to the foot of a milky tree, and finally thrown into the sea. on the sixteenth day, the asan is invited to perform the purificatory ceremony. a quantity of paddy (unhusked rice), raw rice, and cocoanuts, are placed on a plantain leaf with a cup of gingelly (sesamum) oil, which is touched by the asan, and poured into the hands of the celebrants, who, after an oil bath, are free from pollution. [ ] kshatriya.--the second, or ruling and military caste of the four castes of manu. in the madras census report, , it is recorded that "the term kshatriya is, of course, wholly inapplicable to the dravidian races, who might with as much, perhaps more, accuracy call themselves turks. there possibly are a few representatives of the old kshatriya castes, but the bulk of those who figure in the returns under this head are pure dravidian people. the claim to the title is not confined to the old military classes desirous of asserting their former position, for we find it put forward by such castes as vannias and shanans, the one a caste of farmers and labourers, the other toddy-drawers. it is not possible to distribute these pseudo-kshatriyas among their proper castes, as , of them have given kshatriya as the sub-division also." it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "parasurama is said to have slain all the kshatriyas seven times over, but , persons have returned themselves as such in this presidency alone. strictly speaking, there are very few persons in the presidency who have any real title to the name, and it has been returned mainly by the pallis or vanniyas of vizagapatam, godavari, and chingleput, who say they are agnikula kshatriyas, by the shanans of tinnevelly, and by some mahratis in south canara. in tinnevelly, kammas and balijas have also returned the name." it is further recorded, in the mysore census report, , that the castes grouped under the head kshatriya are "the arasus, rajaputs, coorgs, and sikhs. to the arasu section belongs the royal family of mysore." some rachevars style themselves arya kshatriyalu. for the following note on malayala 'kshatriyas,' i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. there is an old sanskrit verse, which describes eight classes of kshatriyas as occupying kerala from very early times, namely, bhupala or maharaja, as those of travancore and cochin, rajaka or raja, as those of mavelikkara and cranganore, kosi or koil tampuran, puravan or tampan, sri purogama or tirumulppad, bhandari or pandarattil, audvahika or tirumulppad, and cheta or samanta. the samantas cannot be looked upon as malayala kshatriyas proper. the indigenous kshatriyas of kerala are divided into four well distinguishable septs, viz., the koil pandala, the raja, the tampan; and the tirumulppad. the total number of malayala kshatriyas in travancore is , , the largest number living in the taluks of tiruvella, vaikam, and mavelikara. tampans live mostly at vaikam, and tirumulppads at shertallay and tiruvella. the remaining two septs are not so much caste septs as isolated groups of families. koil pandala literally means the keeper of the royal treasury. tampan is a corruption of tampuran, the latter being a title directly applied to the rajas, while the term tirumulppad, in its literal sense, conveys the idea of those who wait before kings. women are known as tumpurattis in the first two, as tampattis in the third, and nampishthatiris in the fourth division. the pantalam rajas have the title of sriviradhara, and those of mullanikkadu of narasimha. according to immemorial tradition, koil tampurans were the nephews of the cheraman perumals or viceroys of chera, who ruled at cranganore, their earliest residence being beypore in british malabar, where three or four families of this sept lived at the beginning of the christian era. from one of these families, male members were invited about m.e., for marrying the ladies of the venadswarupam, i.e., the travancore royal house. they began to live at kilimanur in the chirayinkil taluk, six miles from attingal, where the female members of the royal family permanently resided. in m.e., the year in which tipu sultan invaded malabar, eight persons, five females and three males, belonging to the alyankodu kovilakam in north malabar fled, and found shelter in travancore. all their expenses were commanded to be met from the state treasury. as the five women were only cousins and not uterine sisters, one of them removed herself to the rural village kirtipuram near kandiyur in the mavelikkara taluk, and thence to gramam, a little further in the interior. another, in course of time, settled at pallam in kottayam, and a third at paliyakkara in tiruvella, while the fourth, having no issue, stayed with the youngest at the nirazhi palace of changanacheri. this last lady gave birth to five children, being three females and two males. the first of these branches removed to anantapuram in kartikapalli in , and the second to chemprol in tiruvella in , while the third continued to reside at changanacheri. after m.e., three more koil pandala families immigrated from british malabar, and settled at cherukol, karamma, and vatakkematham. these, however, are not so important as the previous ones. as already stated, the kilimanur koil tampurans were among these the earliest settlers in travancore, and a whole property (revenue village) was granted to them in freehold in a.d., in recognition of the sacrifice a member of the family made in saving the life of a travancore prince from the murderous attack of the ettuveetil pillamar. the first family of kolasvarupam rajas immigrated into travancore in the fifth century m.e. as the travancore royal house then stood in need of adoption, arrangements were made through a koil tampuran of the tattari kovilakam to bring two princesses for adoption from kolattunad, and the first family of rajas, known as the putupalli kovilakam, settled at kartikapalli. the family is now extinct, as the last member died in m.e. the next family that migrated was cheriyakovilakam between and , also invited for purposes of adoption. these latter lived at aranmula. the third series of migrations were during the invasion of malabar by tipu sultan in m.e., when all the rajas living at the time went over to travancore, though, after the disturbance was over, many returned home. the rajas of the kolasvarupam began to settle permanently in the country, as they could claim relationship with the reigning sovereigns, and were treated by them with brotherly affection. there were only two branches at the beginning, namely, pallikovilakam and udayamangalam. the families of mavelikara, ennaykkad and prayikkara are divisions of the chengakkovilakam house. the udayamangalam house has branched off into three divisions, mittil, whose descendants now live at mariyapalli, nedumprum, and kartikapalli. naduvilekkovilakam members live at perinjel in aranmula, and cheriyakovilakam, whose members are divided into five other families, in the same locality. no branch of the udayamangalam house resides in british malabar. some of these branches even now own large estates in that collectorate. there are two other important families of rajas in travancore, viz., those of pantalam and punjat. both of them are believed to have been related to the early pandyan kings. the reason alleged for the immigration of the pantalam rajas into travancore is the persecution of a nayak minister in mediæval times, who compelled them to change their mode of inheritance from marumakkathayam (in the female line) to makkathayam (from father to son), and then marry his daughter. they are supposed to have sojourned at sivagiri and tenkasi in the tinnevelly district on their way to travancore. ilattur in the shenkottah taluk originally belonged to them, but was afterwards taken over by travancore in default of payment of the annual subsidy. tampans are believed by tradition to have had territorial sovereignty in kerala, until they were deprived of it by the ilayetasvarupam kings. this does not appear to have any basis of truth, as the ilayetasvarupam kings lived in central travancore, while the tampans live in the north, where the former are never known to have led any invasion. in mediæval times, both tampans and tirumalppads were invariably commanders of armies. with the invasion of malabar by tipu sultan, many sought refuge in the kingdom of travancore, and continued to live here after the passing of the storm. the malayala kshatriyas are as a class learned. both men and women are, in the main, accomplished sanskrit scholars. mr. kerla varma, c.s.i., valiyakoil tampuran, a finished poet and an accomplished patron of letters, and mr. ravi varma, the talented artist, are both koil tampurans. the houses of the koil tampurans and rajas are known as kottarams or kovilakams, i.e., palaces, while those of the tampans and tirumalppads are known as kovilakams and mathams. the malayala kshatriyas resemble the brahmans in their food and drink. the males dress like the nambutiris, while the dress and ornaments of the women are like those of other classes in malabar there are, however, three special ornaments which the kshatriya ladies particularly wear, viz., cheru-tali, entram, and kuzhal. the koil pandalas and rajas are landlords of considerable wealth, and a few have entered the civil service of the state. the tampans and tirumalppads, besides being landlords and agriculturists, are personal servants of the ruling families of kerala, the latter holding this position to even a greater extent than the former. the kshatriya personal attendants of the maharajas of travancore serve them with characteristic fidelity and devotion. the malayala kshatriyas are a particularly religious community. in a place within their houses, called tevarappura or the room for religious worship, the vaishnavite salagrama and saivite linga are kept together with the images of other deities, and brahmans officiate at their worship. ganapati puja (worship), and antinamaskaram are regularly observed. as all the koil tampurans belong to one sept or gotra, that of visvamitra, and all the rajas to another, that of bhargava, neither of these divisions are permitted to marry among themselves. the tirumalppads also, with their local divisions such as ancherri, koyikkal, plamtanam, and kannezham, own visvamitra, and hence do not marry among themselves. as for the tampans, all the families belonging to that group trace their descent to a common ancestor, and belong to the same sept as the koil tampurans and tirumalppads. as a consequence, while the koil tampurattis are married to nambutiri husbands, the koil tampurans themselves take wives from the families of rajas. rajas may keep nayar or samanta ladies as mistresses, the same being the case with the tampans and tirumalppads also. the ranis of pantalam take nambutiri husbands, while tampan and tirumalppad women live with any class of brahmans. no kshatriya lady is permitted to leave her home for that of her husband, and so no grihaprevesa ceremony prevails among them. thirteen is the proper age for marrying girls, but the marriage may be postponed until the choice of a fit husband is made. in the branches of the kolattunad family, girls who attain puberty as maids are obliged to keep a vow, in honour of ganapati. the tampan and tirumalppad women, as also those of the pantalam family, have their talis (marriage badge) tied by aryappattars. remarriage of widows is permitted. polygamy is rare. divorce may take place at the will of either party, and prevails largely in practice. the rajas make a donation of rs. to as stridhanam, excepting those of pantalam, who only pay about rs. . some time before the auspicious hour for the marriage of a koil tampuratti, the brahmanipattu, or recitation of certain puranic songs by a female of the brahmani caste, begins. four lighted lamps are placed in the middle of the hall, with a fifth dedicated to ganapati in the centre. while these songs are being sung, the bride appears in the tattu dress with a brass minu and a bunch of flowers in her hand, and sits on a wooden seat kept ready for the purpose. the songs generally relate to the conception of devaki, and the birth of krishna. then a nayar of the illam sept waves a pot containing cocoanut, flowers, burning wicks, etc., before the bride, after which she rises to wash her feet. at this point the bridegroom arrives, riding on an elephant, with a sword in his hand, and the procession is conducted with much ceremony and ostentation. he then bathes, and two pieces of cloth, to be worn by him thereafter, are touched by the bride. wearing them, the bridegroom approaches the bride, and presents her with a suit of clothes known as the mantrakoti. one of the clothes is worn as a tattu, and with the other the whole body is covered. the mother of the bride gives her a brass mirror and a garland, both of which she takes in her hand to the altar where the marriage is to be performed. after the punyaha, accompanied by a few preliminary homas or sacrifices to the fire, by the nambutiri family priest, the first item in the ceremony, known as mukhadarsana or seeing each other, begins. the bride then removes the cloth covering her body. the next events are udakapurva, panigrahana, and mangalyadharana, which are respectively the presentation by the bride of water to the bridegroom, his taking her hand in token of the union, and tying the tali round the neck of the bride. the next item is the saptapadi (seven feet), and the last dikshaviruppu, peculiar to the malayalam kshatriyas. a particular room is gaily decorated, and a long piece of white cotton cloth is spread on the floor. upon this a black carpet is spread, and a lighted lamp, which should never be extinguished, placed in the vicinity. the bride has to remain in this room throughout the marriage. on the marriage night commences the aupasana, or joint sacrifice to the fire. on the fourth day are the mangalasnana or auspicious bath, and procession through the town. on that night consummation takes place. the procession of the bridegroom (mappilapurappat) to the house of the bride is a noticeable item. the brother of the bride receives him at the gate, and, after washing his feet, informs him that he may bathe and marry the girl. the uduku-purva rite is performed by the brother himself. when the bridegroom leaves the marriage hall with the bride, an armed pandala stops them, and a fixed present is given to him. every rite is performed according to the method prescribed by bodhayana among the koil tampurans and rajas, the family at pantalam alone following the directions of asvalayana. on the fourth day, the contracting couple bathe, and wear clothes previously dipped in turmeric water. at night, while the brahmani song is going on, they sit on a plank, where jasmine flowers are put on, and the goddess bhagavathi is worshipped. the bride's maternal uncle ties a sword round her loins, which is immediately untied by the bridegroom in token of the fact that he is her future supporter. panchamehani is a peculiar rite on the fifth day, when an atti (ficus, sp.) tree is decorated, and an offering of food made on the grass before it. the couple also make a pretence of catching fish. in modern times, the pantalam rajas do not patronise the songs of the brahmani, and, among them, the panchamehani is conspicuous by its absence. women are in theory the real owners of property, though in practice the eldest male has the management of the whole. there is no division of property, but, in some cases, certain estates are specially allotted for the maintenance of specific members. the authorities of the malayala kshatriyas in all matters of social dispute are the nambutiri vaidikas. when a girl reaches puberty, she is kept in a room twelve feet apart from the rest for a period of three days. on the fourth day, after a bath, she puts on a new cloth, and walks, with a brass mirror in her hand, to her house. among the kolattunad rajas there are a few additional rites, including the brahmani's song. the pumsavana and simanta are performed by the family priest. on the birth of a child, the jatakarma is performed, when women mix honey and clarified butter with gold, to be given to the child. on the twelfth day, the nambutiri priest performs the namakarna, after a purifying ceremony which terminates the birth pollution. the eldest child is generally named raja raja varma. udaya varma and martanda varma are names found among the rajas, but absent among the koil tampurans. martanda varma was once exclusively used only among the members of the travancore royal family. the full style and titles of the present maharaja of travancore are his highness the maharaja sir sri padmanabha dasa vanchi bala rama varma, kulasekhara kiritapati sultan manne maharaja raja ramaraja bahadur samsher jung, g.c.s.i., g.c.i.e. raghava varma is a name peculiar to the pantalam rajas. women are, as in the case of tirumalppads and tampans, called amba, ambika, ambalika, mangala, etc. the annaprasana and nishkramana are performed consecutively on the same day. the mother takes the child to the foot of a jak (artocarpus integrifolia) tree, and, going thrice round it, touches it with the leg of the child, and then dips a golden ring in the payasa, and applies it to the child's lips. the same act is then repeated by the maternal uncle, father, and next of kin. the yatrakali is attended with much éclat during the night. the upanayana, or investiture with the sacred thread, takes place as late as the sixteenth year. as a preliminary rite on the same day, the chaula or tonsure ceremony is performed. it is formally done by the nambutiri priest in the capacity of guru or preceptor, and left to be completed by the maran. the priest then invests the boy with the thread, and, with the sacrificial fire as lord and witness, initiates him into the gayatri prayer. all kshatriyas are obliged to repeat this prayer ten times morning and evening. on the fourth day, the youth listens to a few vaidic hymns recited by the priest. there is not the prolonged course of discipline of a brahmanical brahmachari, such as the nambutiris so religiously observe. the samavartana, or completion of the pupilage ceremony, takes place on the fourth day. the ceremony of proceeding to benares, the pre-eminent seat of learning in ancient days, which is the natural after-event of the vaidic pupilage, is then gone through, as in the case of brahmans. a would-be father-in-law intercedes, and requests the snataka to bless his daughter, and settle in life as a grihastha. the nambutiri priest then reminds the boy of his duty as a kshatriya, and gives him a sword as a symbol of his pre-ordained function in society. he then becomes a grihastha, and may chew betel leaf. the saivite panchakshara, and the vaishnavite ashtakshara are also taught, and are invariably recited after the performance of the daily duties. for girls only the chaula is performed, and that along with her marriage. on the occasion of birthdays, the family priest performs the ayushya homa, and shashtipurti, or celebration of the sixtieth birthday, is also observed as an important religious occasion. the funeral ceremonies are almost the same as those of nambutiris. when a koil tampuran dies, he is placed on the bare floor, some hymns being recited in his ears. the corpse is placed on a stretcher made of plantain stems, and the head is touched with a razor in token of shaving. it is bathed, covered with a new cloth, and decorated with flowers and sandal paste. kusa grass is received at the hands of a maran. the funeral rites are performed by the nephews. pollution is observed for eleven days and nights. a religious vow is observed for a year. the offering to the spirit of the deceased is not in the form of cooked food, but of presents to brahmans. all the malayala kshatriyas are adherents of the yajur-veda. the anniversary of maternal grandmothers, and even sisters is punctiliously observed. if a maternal aunt or grandaunt dies without children, their sraddhas must be performed as for the rest. the malayala kshatriyas hold rank next to the brahmans, and above the ilayatus. they are permitted to take their meal in the same row with the brahmans, and receive prasada from the temples directly from the priest, and standing at the right side of the inner gate. further information concerning the malayala kshatriyas is contained in an article by mr. k. rama varma raja, [ ] who concludes as follows:--"the kshatriya community is an intermediate caste between the brahmin (namburi) and the sudra (nair) classes, and has affinities to both; to the former in matters of ablution, ceremonies, food and drink, and to the latter in those of real matrimonial relations and inheritance, i.e., the constitution and propagation of the family.... the intermediate caste must be the aryans more dravidianised, or the dravidians more aryanised, that is, the aryans degraded or the dravidians elevated, more probably the latter." it is recorded, [ ] in a note on the ancestry of the rajas of jeypore, that "the family chronicles ascribe a very ancient origin to the line of the jeypore zamindars. beginning with kanakasena of the solar race, a general and feudatory of the king of kashmir, they trace the pedigree through thirty-two generations down to vinayaka deo, a younger son, who left kashmir rather than hold a subordinate position, went to benares, did penance to kasi visvesvarasvami there, and was told by the god in a dream to go to the kingdom of nandapuram belonging to the silavamsam line, of which he would become king. vinayaka deo, continues the legend, proceeded thither, married the king's daughter, succeeded in a.d. to the famous throne of thirty-two steps there, and founded the family of jeypore. vinayaka deo and his six successors, say the family papers, had each only one son, and the sixth of them, vira vikrama ( - ) accordingly resolved to remove his residence elsewhere. the astrologers and wise men reported that the present jeypore was 'a place of the kshatriya class,' and it was accordingly made the capital, and named after the famous jeypore of the north." the maharaja of mysore belongs to the arasu caste of kshatriyas. kshauraka.--a sanskrit name for barber, by which barbers of various classes--mangala, ambattan, kelasi, etc.--are sometimes called. it is commonly used by canarese-speaking barbers of the madras presidency and mysore. kshetravasinah (those who live in temples).--a name for ambalavasis. kudaikatti (basket-making).--a sub-division of palli or vanniyan. at the census, , some koravas also returned themselves as kudaikatti vanniyan. kudan.--for the following note on the kudans, or "kootans" of the west coast, i am indebted to mr. l. k. anantha krishna aiyar [ ]:-- the kootans are agricultural labourers, and take part in every kind of work connected with agriculture, such as turning the soil, ploughing, sowing, manuring, weeding, transplanting, and the like. as soon as the monsoon is over, they work in gardens, turning the soil, watering, and fencing. they form one of the divisions of the slave castes, working under some landlord or farmer for a daily wage of an edangazhy of paddy (unhusked rice) during the rainy months of june, july, and august and of two edangazhis during the other months of the year. they receive, for the onam and vishu festivals, a para of paddy, some salt, cocoanuts, oil, and chillies. on the day of the village festival, every male gets a mundu (cloth) or two, and every female a kacha (cloth) or two, in addition to toddy and arrack (spirituous liquor), and the other articles mentioned above. they dress themselves in their cloths, and are treated to a sumptuous dinner. with shouts of joy, they attend, and take part in the village festival. when they fall ill, they are properly looked after by their masters, both on account of their good feelings towards them, and also of the loss of work they may have to sustain, should they be laid up for a long time. whenever a landlord or farmer has more men than he can afford to give work and wages to, he generally lends their services to some one else on a pattom of four paras of paddy a year for a male, and three for a female. the new master gives them work and wages, and sends them back when they are no longer wanted. should a kootan run away from his master, he is brought back either by threat or mild word; but, should these fail, there is no remedy to force him back. in spite of the abolition of slavery some sixty years ago, the kootans are in a state of bondage. they live in small huts with insufficient food, plodding on from day to day with no hope of improving their condition. their huts are erected on four bamboo posts. the roofs are thatched, and the sides protected by mud walls, or covered with palm leaves. a bamboo framework, with similar leaves, serves the purpose of a door. there is a verandah in front. the kootans have a few earthen and bamboo utensils for domestic use. they take rice kanji (gruel) prepared the previous night, with salt and chillies. they have some leisure at midday, during which they go to their huts, and take kanji with a fish or two boiled in it, or sometimes with some vegetable curry. at night, boiled rice, or kanji with fish or curry made of vegetables from their kitchen garden, form their chief food. all their provisions are acquired by exchange of paddy from a petty shop-keeper in their vicinity. they eat and drink at the hands of all castes except paraiyans, pulayans, ulladans, and nayadis. in some parts of the state, they approach the houses of izhuvas, and no other castes eat with them. they have to keep at a distance of forty-eight feet from all high-caste hindus. they are polluted by pulayas, nayadis, and ulladans, who have to stand at some distance from them. they may take water from the wells of mappillas. they are their own barbers and washermen, and may approach the temple of their village goddess kali on some special days, while, at other times, they have to stand far away. when a girl attains puberty, she is lodged in a corner of the hut. the inmates thereof may neither touch nor approach her on the score of pollution. four or seven girls, who are invited, bathe the girl on the first day. the pollution lasts for seven days, and, on the morning of the seventh day, seven girls take her to a tank (pond) or river to bathe. a kai-bali is waved round her face, and, as she bathes, it is floated on the water. on their return to the hut, the girls are fed, and allowed to depart with a present of an anna each. their relatives, and others who are invited, are well entertained. a kai-bali is an offering held in the hand of a woman, and may take the form of a sacrificed fowl, plantain fruits, boiled rice, etc. girls are generally married after puberty. a kootan can enter into a sambandham (alliance) with a woman of his own caste, or with a pulaya woman. he has to bathe before he returns to his hut, if he should stay for the night with a woman of the latter caste. this proves that he belongs to a caste superior to that of the pulayas, and the union resembles that of a brahman with a sudra woman. should a woman of the kootan caste mate with a pulaya, she is at once turned out of caste. a kootan, who wishes to enter into a sambandham with a woman of his own or the pulaya caste, goes to her hut with one or two of his relations or friends, to recommend him to the parents of the woman to permit him to enter into conjugal relations with their daughter, or form kutikuduka. with their permission, they become a kind of husband and wife. in most cases, the will of the man and the woman is sufficient for the union. the woman generally stays with her parents, and very often her lover comes to her with his wages after the day's hard work, and stays with her for the night. should she wish to accompany him to his hut, she does so with her wages in the evening. they exercise sexual license even before marriage. if a woman who has no open lover becomes pregnant, her fault is condoned when she mentions her lover's name. when one dislikes the other for some reason or other, they separate, and are at liberty to form new unions. widows may remarry, and may even associate with their brothers-in-law. the kootans follow the marumakkathayam law of inheritance (in the female line). they have no property, except sometimes a sheep or a few fowls. the kootans believe in magic and sorcery. mannans and muhammadan mappillas are sometimes consulted, and these dupe them. they profess the lower forms of hinduism, and worship the local village deity (kali), and the spirits of their ancestors, whom they represent by means of stones placed on a raised floor under a tree, and to whom boiled rice, parched grain, toddy, plantain fruits, and cocoanuts are offered at the vishu and onam festivals, and on karkatakam, thulam, and makara sankranti. care is always taken to have the offerings served separately on leaves, lest the ancestors should quarrel with one another, and do them harm. should illness, such as cholera, small-pox, or fever occur in a family, some fowls and an anna or two are offered at the temple to the goddess bhagavathi, who is believed to be able to save them from the impending calamity. when a member of the caste breathes his last, the landlord gives a spade to dig the grave, an axe or knife for cutting wood to serve as fuel if the corpse is to be burned, a piece of cloth for covering the dead body, and also some paddy and millet to meet the funeral expenses. a cocoanut is broken, and placed on the neck of the corpse, which is covered with the cloth, and carried on a bier to the burial-ground, which is sprinkled over with water mixed with turmeric. when the funeral is over, the people who attended it, including the relatives and friends of the deceased, bathe, and go to the hut of the dead person, where they are served with kanji and toddy, after which they depart. the members of the family, and close relatives of the deceased, fast for the night. in the case of a man dying, his nephew is the chief mourner, while, in that of a woman, her eldest son and daughter are the chief mourners, who do not go to work for two weeks. the chief mourners bathe in the early morning, cook a small quantity of rice, and offer it to the spirit of the deceased. it is eaten up by the crows. this is continued for fourteen days, and, on the fourteenth night, all fast. on the fifteenth morning, they regard themselves as having been cleansed from the pollution. all the castemen of the kara (settlement) are invited, and bring with them rice, curry-stuffs, and toddy. their enangan cleans and sweeps the hut, while the rest go to the grave-yard, turn the earth, and make it level. they bathe, and the enangans sprinkle cow-dung water on the grave. they return home, and partake of a sumptuous meal, after which they all take leave of the chief mourner, who observes the diksha, bathes in the early morning, and offers the bali (ball of rice) before he goes to work. this he continues for a whole year, after which he gets shaved, and celebrates a feast in honour of the dead. kudianavar (cultivator).--a name commonly assumed by pallis and vellalas. kudikkar (those who belong to the house).--a name for deva-dasis (dancing-girls) in travancore, who are given a house rent-free by the sirkar (government). kudimaghan (sons of the ryot).--a name for tamil ambattans. kudire (horse).--an exogamous sept or gotra of vakkaliga and kurni. gurram, also meaning horse, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of chenchu, golla, mala, padma sale, and togata. gurram togatas will not ride on horseback. kudiya.--the kudiyas or male (hill) kudiyas are found at neriya, darmasthala, and sisila in the south canara district. those who live at the two former places are agrestic slaves of landlords who own cardamom plantations on the ghats. they live for the most part in the jungles, beneath rocks, in caves, or in low huts, and shift from one spot to another. at the season of the cardamom crop, they come down to the plains once a week with the produce. they are said to carry off cardamoms to the mysore frontier, and sell them fraudulently to contractors or merchants. they make fire traces for the forest department. except in stature, the kudiyas have not retained the characters of a primitive race, and, as the result of racial admixture, or contact metamorphosis, some individuals are to be seen with comparatively light coloured skins, and mesorhine or leptorhine noses. in the matter of personal names, septs, and ceremonial observances, they have been much influenced by other castes. they speak a corrupt form of tulu, and say that they follow the aliya santana law of inheritance (in the female line), though some, especially at sisala and on the mysore frontier, follow the law of succession from father to son (makkala santana). they are not regarded as a polluting class, and can enter all parts of their landlords' houses, except the kitchen and dining-room. they are presided over by a headman, called gurikara, who inquires into transgression of caste rules, and assists on ceremonial occasions. their chief deities are bhairava, kamandevaru, and the pancha pandavas (the five pandava brothers), but they also believe in certain bhuthas (devils), such as male kallurti and ambatadaiva. the kudiyas do not object to marriage between a widowed woman and her eldest son. among those attached to a landlord at neriya, two such cases were pointed out. in one, there was no issue, but in the other a son had been born to the mother-wife. when the arrangement of a match is in contemplation, the father of the prospective bridegroom goes, accompanied by two women, to the girl's home, and takes with him betel leaves, areca-nuts, and gingelly (sesamum) oil. if the girl's parents consent to the match, they accept the oil; otherwise they refuse it. the binding part of the marriage ceremony consists of the bridal couple standing with their hands united, and the pouring of water thereon by the bride's father. the kudiyas who have settled on the plains have adopted the ceremonial observances of the bants and other castes. the remarriage of widows is permitted. there is no elaborate marriage ceremony, but sometimes the contracting couple stand in the presence of the headman and a few others, and make a round mark with sandal paste on each other's foreheads. if a member of the tribe dies near the settlement, the body is cremated, and, if far away therefrom, buried. on the third day, a visit is paid to the place where cremation took place, and the son or some near relative of the deceased goes round the spot on which the corpse was burnt three times, and sprinkles rice thereon thrice. five leaves of the teak or plantain, or other big leaves, are spread on the ground, and fowl's flesh, cooked rice, and vegetables are placed thereon, and the ancestors are invoked in the words "oh! old souls, gather up the new soul, and support it, making it one of you." on the sixteenth day, food is again offered on leaves. in cases where burial is resorted to, an effigy of the deceased is made in straw, and burnt. on the third day, the ashes are taken to the grave, and buried. in a note on the kudiyas of the plains, it is recorded [ ] that "the dead are either burned or buried, the former being the custom in the case of rich men. on the seventh day after cremation or burial, a pandal (booth) is erected over the grave or the place of cremation, and a bleached cloth is spread on it by the washerman. a wick floating in half a cocoanut shell full of oil is then lighted, and placed at each corner of the pandal. the relations of the deceased then gather round the place, and weep, and throw a handful of rice over the spot." the kudiyas are fond of toddy, and eat black monkeys, and the big red squirrel, which they catch with snares. kudiyalu (farmer).--a synonym for lambadi, apparently used by members of the tribe who have settled down to agriculture. kudlukara.--kudlukara or kudaldeshkara is a sub-division of rajapuri. kudubi.--the kudubis are found mainly in the kundapur taluk of the south canara district. among themselves, they use kaluvadi as the caste name. they say that they are divided into the following sections: are, goa, jogi, kodiyal, and kariya. of these, the are, goa, and kodiyal kudubis are confined to the kundapur taluk, and the other two sections are found in villages near mudbidri. both the are and jogi sections speak marathi, and the latter are considered inferior to the former, who will not eat in their houses. are women clad themselves in black or red garments, whereas jogi women are said to wear white cloths. the goa and kariya kudubis speak konkani, and do not mix with the ares and jogis, even for meals. they are much influenced by brahmanical priests, by whom they are guided in their ceremonial observances, and have adopted the dhare form of marriage (see bant). the goa kudubis say that they emigrated to south canara owing to the oppression from which they suffered, bringing with them the sweet potato (ipomoea batatas), cashew nut (anacardium occidentale), chrysanthemum, and indian spinach (basella alba). among the goa kudubis, an adulterer has to undergo a curious form of punishment. his head is clean-shaved, and his moustache removed. he then stands in a pit, and leaf-platters, off which food has been eaten, are thrown on his head. a money fine is imposed by the headman. if a woman does not confess her guilt, she is made to stand in the sun with an iron rod on her shoulders. the are kudubis have exogamous septs, or wargs. each warg is said to have its own god, which is kept in the house of some elderly or respected member of the sept. a corner of the house, or a special room, is set apart for the god, and a member of the family is the pujari (priest). he is expected to do puja to the god every monday. ordinarily, rice, fruits, etc., are offered to it; but, during the big festival in november-december, fowls are sacrificed. like other marathi castes, the are kudubis regard the holi festival. on the first day, they collect together, and worship the tulsi katte--a square structure on which a tulsi (ocimum sanctum) plant is growing. on the following days, they go about in detached groups, some males being dressed up as females, with drums and cymbals, and dance and sing. on the last day of the festival, rice is cooked, offered with liquor to kalabhairava, and eaten. the are kudubis sometimes worship bhuthas (devils), e.g., jettiga, and hola hayaguli. special reverence is shown to the tulsi plant, and, at almost every house, it is planted in a brindhavan or katte. to it vegetables and fruits are offered. girls are married either before or after puberty. widows are allowed to remarry, but may not marry a man of the sept to which her deceased husband belonged. marriage ceremonies last over five days, and commence with the ide karuchi, or betrothal, at the house of the bride-elect. pan-supari (betel leaves and areca-nuts) is distributed to at least one member of each warg present according to a recognised code of precedence, commencing with the hivelekar warg, which is considered superior. on the second day, a post made of the wood of the silk-cotton tree (bombax malabaricum) is set up beneath the marriage pandal (booth). the bridegroom and his party go in procession to the bride's house, where the contracting couple are decorated with jewels, and turmeric-dyed strings are tied round their necks. the bride's father ties a kankanam (thread) on his own wrist. the couple stand facing each other, with a screen stretched between them. after the exchange of garlands, their hands are joined, and the screen is removed. they then go five times round the bombax post and marriage dais, and sit down. dhare water is poured over their united hands by the bride's father. rice is then thrown over them, and presents are given. the proceedings terminate with the waving of coloured water, a light, etc. the dhare ceremony is celebrated at night. on the third day, the bridal couple go five times round the bombax post set up at the bridegroom's house, and take their seats on the dais. rice is thrown, and betel leaves and areca-nuts are distributed. on the fourth and fifth days, the same items are gone through at the bride's house. in the case of the remarriage of a widow, the bride and bridegroom take their seats, and rice is thrown over them. the dhare water is not poured over their hands. sometimes, the marriage consists merely in the holding of a feast. the dead are buried in a sitting posture, with the legs crossed tailor-wise. before the grave is filled in, a small quantity of cooked rice is put in the mouth of the corpse. on the third day, a small mound is made over the grave, and food offered to it. the final death ceremonies take place on the eleventh day, and consist in the sprinkling of holy water, and giving presents to brahmans. by the prosperous members of the community, a caste feast is given on the twelfth day. the main occupation of the kudubis is shifting (kumari) cultivation. some, however, are employed in the preparation of cutch (catechu) from the wood of acacia catechu, of which the following account is given by mr. h. a. latham [ ] of the forest department. "in south canara, one of our most profitable sources of revenue is the extract obtained by boiling the wood of the catechu tree. the tree is confined to the laterite plateaux in the coondapur taluk, situated as a rule within miles of the sea, and gradually dies out as we proceed southwards, until near coondapur itself the tree will hardly grow. it appears again to a small extent in the kasaragod taluk miles further south, but no extraction is done there now. the extract is astringent, and, besides the other uses it is put to, it appears to be a remedy for diarrhoea, dysentery, and diabetes. it is, however, chiefly used for chewing with pan supari. locally, it is used pure in small pieces, the size of a pea, and rolled up with the other ingredients in the betel leaf to form a chew. in mysore, the catechu bought by the merchants from us is dissolved in water, and the areca-nut is, after being boiled and sliced, steeped in the solution, and then put out in the sun on mats to dry, this operation being repeated until sufficient catechu has been taken up to form a red, shining, semi-transparent film, through which the ruminated albumen of the areca-nut is just visible; the brighter the red colour so obtained, the better the quality of the nut. as we sell it, the catechu is in the shape of hard round balls covered with a whitish dust, the ashes with which the balls are covered to prevent them adhering to one another. on breaking, the interior of the balls should show a vitreous conchoidal fracture similar to quartz, and be of a warm reddish brown colour. the manufacture of catechu is carried out under departmental supervision by a contractor, who is paid on the outturn, and is bound, for the actual boiling, to employ only kudubis. so far as the department is concerned, a locality where there are plenty of catechu trees is selected, and all trees over inches in diameter are allowed to be cut. the contractor has to engage the kudubis and select the site for the ovens, conveniently situated both for water and firewood, and also as close to the majority of catechu trees as he can get it. the site usually selected is a rice field, for which the contractor may have to pay a small rent. generally, however, no rent is charged, as the owner is only too glad to have the ashes, obtained in extracting, to plough into his field. on this field the encampment is made, consisting of rows of thatched huts made of grass and bamboos. the first thing to do is to erect the ovens, known as wolle. these are made by a party of men a fortnight or so before the main body come. the ordinary soil of the field is used, and the ovens are built to a height of inches, and placed about yards in front of the huts at irregular distances, or to each hut. the oven is an oblong, about feet wide by feet long, with two openings above about foot in diameter, on which the boilers, common ovoid earthenware pots (madike) are placed. the opening for the fire is placed on the windward side, and extends to the far side of the second opening in the top of the oven, the smoke, etc., escaping through the spaces between the boilers and the oven. the earth forms the hearth. to proceed to the details of the working, the guard and the watcher go out the first thing in the morning, and mark trees for the kudubis to cut, noting the name of the man, the girth and length of the workable stem and branches. the kudubi then cuts the tree, and chips off the sapwood, a ring about inch wide, with his axe, and brings it into the camp, where a forester is stationed, who measures the length and girth of the pieces, and takes the weight of wood brought in. the kudubi then takes it off to his shelter, and proceeds to chip it. in the afternoon he may have to go and get firewood, but generally he can get enough firewood in a day to serve for several days' boiling. so much for the men's work. mrs. kudubi puts the chips (chakkai) into the pot nearest the mouth of the oven, and fills it up with water, putting a large flat wooden spoon on the top, partly to keep the chips down, and, lighting her fire, allows it to boil. as soon as this occurs, the pot is tipped into a wooden trough (marige) placed alongside the oven, and the pot with the chips is refilled. this process is repeated six times. the contents of the trough are put into the second pot, which is used purely for evaporating. the contents of this pot are replenished from the trough with a cocoanut bailer (chippu) until all the extract obtained from the chips has been evaporated to a nearly solid residue. the contents are then poured into a broken half pot, and allowed to dry naturally, being stirred at intervals to enable the drying to proceed evenly. the extract (rasa) is of a yellowish brown colour when stirred, the surface being of rich red-brown. this stirring is done with a one-sided spoon (satuga). to make the balls, the woman covers her hands with a little wood ash to prevent the extract adhering to them, and takes up as much catechu as she can close her hands on, and presses it into shape. these balls are paid for at rs. - - per , and are counted before the forester next morning, and delivered to the contractor. this ends the work done by the kudubis. when the balls have been counted, they are rolled by special men engaged for the purpose on a board sprinkled with a little wood ash, and this is repeated daily for three or four days to consolidate them. after this daily rolling, the balls are spread out in the receiving shed to dry, in a single layer for the first day or two, and after that they may be in two layers. after the fourth or fifth day's rolling, they are put in a pit, and covered with wood ashes on which a little water is poured, and, on being taken out the next day, are gone over, and all balls which are soft or broken are then rejected, the good ones being put on the upper storey of the stone shed to get quite hard and dry." before the commencement of operations, the kudubis select an areca catechu tree, and place a sword, an axe, and a cocoanut on the ground near it. they prostrate themselves before the tree, with hands uplifted, burn incense, and break cocoanuts. the success of the operations is believed to depend on the good will of a deity named siddedevaru. before the kudubis commence work, they pray to him, and make a vow that, if they are successful, they will offer a fowl. failure to produce good balls of catechu is attributed to the wrath of the deity. at the close of the work, if it has prospered, a kalasam (brass vessel) is set up, and fowls are killed. sometimes, goats are sacrificed, cooked food and meat are placed on leaves round the kalasam, and after worshipping, the viands are partaken of. like some other castes, the kudubis do not eat new rice until after the hosthu (new crop) festival. just before reaping, a few plants are plucked, laid in the field, and worshipped. the ears are then cut, and carried to their houses, where they are tied to pillars or to the roof. there are, among the kudubis, magicians called gardi, who are sought after during illness. to show his magical skill, a gardi should be able to cut a single grain of rice in twain with a big knife. kudugudukaran.--the kudugudukarans or kuduguduppukarans are a mendicant caste, who beat a small hour-glass-shaped drum while begging from house to house. kudumala (cake).--an exogamous sept of bonthuk savara, gamalla, and madiga. kudumba.--a sub-division of savara. kudumban.--a title sometimes used by pallans, the headman among whom goes by this name. kudumi or kudumikkar.--the kudumis are mainly found in the sea-board taluks of parur, shertally, and ambalapuzha, in travancore. the name is believed to be a corruption of the sanskrit kudumbi, meaning one connected with a family. by others it is derived from a konkani word, meaning sudra. the popular name for the caste is idiya (pounder), in reference to the occupation of pounding rice. kadiya, apparently derived from ghatiyal, or a person possessed, is a term of reproach. the title chetti is now assumed by members of the caste. but the well-known title is muppan, or elder, conferred on some respectable families by former rajas of cochin. the authority of the trippanithoray muppan is supreme in all matters relating to the government of the caste. but his authority has passed, in travancore, to the turavur muppan, who has supreme control over the twenty-two villages of kudimis. the belief that the muppans differ from the rest of the kudimis, so as to make them a distinct sept, does not appear to be based on fact. nor is it true that the muppans represent the most ancient families of konkana sudras, who emigrated to kerala independently of the konkanis. chief among them is the koratti muppan of trippanithoray, who has, among other privileges, those of the drinking vessel and lighted lamp conferred on him by the cochin rulers. every kudumi village has a local muppan. a few families enjoy the surname kammatti, which is believed to be of agricultural origin. the kudumis speak a corrupt form of the konkani dialect of marathi. they are the descendants of these konkana sudras, who emigrated from goa on account of the persecutions of the portuguese in the sixteenth century, and sought refuge along with their masters, the konkana brahmans, on the coast of travancore and cochin. most of them set out as the domestic servants of the latter, but a few were independent traders and agriculturists. two varieties of rice grain, chethivirippu and malarnellu, brought by them from the konkan, are still sown in travancore. one of the earliest occupations, in which they engaged, was the manufacture of fireworks, and, as they were bold and sturdy, they were enlisted as soldiers by the chieftains of malabar. relics of the existence of military training-grounds are still to be found in many of their houses. on a raised mud platform in the court-yard of the kudumi's house, the tulasi (ocimum sanctum) or pipal (ficus religiosa) is invariably grown. fish and flesh, except beef, are eaten, and intoxicating liquor is rather freely imbibed. the women wear coloured cloths, usually black, and widows are not obliged to be clad in white. a gold mukkutti is an indispensable nose ornament. tattooing is largely resorted to by the women. the occupation of the kudumis is service in the houses of the konkana brahmans. they also prepare beaten rice, act as boatmen, porters, and agricultural labourers, clean tanks and wells, and thatch houses. the muppans manufacture, and give displays of fireworks, which have a local reputation at the great konkani temple of turavur in the shertallay taluk. they worship at the temples of the konkana brahmans, as well as their own. but they are not pronounced vaishnavites, like the brahmans, as the teachings of madhvacharya did not reach the lower ranks of hinduism. on sunday only one meal is taken. maddu or madan is their chief minor deity, and water-sheds are erected to propitiate him. brahma is adored for nine days in the month of kumbham (february-march) from the full-moon day. the pipal tree is scrupulously worshipped, and a lighted lamp placed beside it every evening. a woman, at the menstrual period, is considered impure for four days, and she stands at a distance of seven feet, closing her mouth and nostrils with the palm of the hand, as the breath of such a woman is believed to have a contaminating effect. her shadow, too, should not fall on any one. the marriage of girls should take place before puberty. violation of this rule would be punished by the excommunication of the family. during the marriage ceremony, the tulasi plant is worshipped, and the bride and bridegroom husk a small quantity of rice. the mother of the bridegroom prepares a new oven within the house, and places a new pot beside it. the contracting couple, assisted by five women, throw five handfuls of rice into the pot, which is cooked. they then put a quantity of paddy (unhusked rice) into a mortar, and after carefully husking it, make rice flour from it. a quantity of betel and rice is then received by the bride and bridegroom from four women. the tali is tied round the bride's neck by the bridegroom, and one of his companions then takes a thread, and fastens it to their legs. on the fifth day of the marriage rites, a piece of cloth, covering the breasts, is tied round the bride's neck, and the nose is pierced for the insertion of the mukkutti. inheritance is generally from father to son (makkathayam), but, in a few families, marumakkathayam (inheritance through the female line) is observed. widow remarriage is common, and the bridegroom is generally a widower. only the oldest members of a family are cremated, the corpses of others being buried. the kudumis own a common burial-ground in all places, where they reside in large numbers. pollution lasts for sixteen days. the kudumis and the indigenous sudras of travancore do not accept food from each other. they never wear the sacred thread, and may not enter the inner courtyard of a brahmanical temple. they remove pollution by means of water sprinkled over them by a konkana brahman. their favourite amusement is the koladi, in which ten or a dozen men execute a figure dance, armed with sticks, which they strike together keeping time to the music of songs relating to krishna, and bhagavati. [ ] kudumi.--concerning the kudumi medicine-men. i gather [ ] that "the kudumi is a necessary adjunct to the village. his office implies a more or less intimate acquaintance with the curative herbs and roots in the forests, and their proper application to the different ailments resulting from venomous bites or stings. it is the kudumi who procures leeches for the gouty reddi or the phlegmatic moodeliar, when he finds that some blood-letting will benefit their health. he prays over sprains and cricks, and binds the affected parts with the sacred cord made of the hair taken from the patient's head. he is an expert practitioner at phlebotomy, and many old anglo-indians domiciled in the country will recall the kudumi when his services were in demand to heal some troublesome limb by the letting of blood. this individual is believed to possess a magic influence over wild animals and snakes, and often comes out in public as a dexterous snake-charmer. it is principally in the case of poisonous bites that the kudumi's skill is displayed. it is partly by the application of medicinal leaves ground into a paste, and partly by exercising his magical powers, that he is believed to cure the most dangerous bites of snakes and other venomous animals." the kudumi often belongs to the irula or jogi caste. kudumi.--the kudumi is the tuft of hair, which is left when the head of hindus is shaved. "for some time past," bishop caldwell writes, [ ] "a considerable number of european missionaries in the tamil country have come to regard the wearing of the tuft as a badge of hinduism, and hence require the natives employed in their missions to cut off the kudumi as a sine quâ non of their retention of mission employment". the kudumi, as the bishop points out, would doubtless have been admired by our grandfathers, who wore a kudumi themselves, viz., the queue which followed the wig. "the vellalas of the present day," he continues, "almost invariably wear the kudumi, but they admit that their forefathers wore their hair long. some of the maravars wear the kudumi, and others do not. it makes a difference in their social position. the kudumi, which was originally a sign of aryan nationality, and then of aryan respectability, has come to be a sign of respectability in general, and hence, whilst the poorer maravars generally wear their hair long, the wealthier members of the caste generally wear the kudumi. the pallars in tinnevelly used to wear their hair long, but most of them have recently adopted the kudumi, and the wearing of the kudumi is now spreading even among the pariahs. in short, wherever higher notions of civilization, and a regard for appearances extend, the use of the kudumi seems to extend also". even a toda has been known to visit the nanjengod temple at the base of the nilgiris, to pray for offspring, and return with a shaved head. kudumo.--see kurumo. kukkundi.--kukkundi or kokkundia is the name of a small class of oriya cultivators and fishermen, who are said to be expert in spearing fish with a long spear. kukru.--kukru or kukkuro, meaning dog, occurs as the name of a sept of bottada, domb, and omanaito. the equivalent kukkala is a sept of the orugunta kapus and boyas. kulala.--some members of the potter caste style themselves kulala vamsam, as being a more dignified caste name than kusavan, and claim descent from kulalan, the son of brahma. kulanji.--a sub-division of maran. kulappan.--a synonym of kusavan. kulasekhara.--a sub-division of satanis, who claim descent from the vaishnavite saint kulasekhara alvar. kulloi.--a sub-division of gadaba. kulodondia.--a title, meaning headman of the caste, used by some tiyoros. kuluvadi.--a synonym of kudubi. kumda (red gourd: cucurbita maxima).--a sept of omanaito. kummara, kumbara, kumbaro.--"the potters of the madras presidency," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "outside the tamil country and malabar, are called kummara in telugu, kumbaro in uriya, and kumbara in canarese, all these names being corrupted forms of the sanskrit word kumbhakara, pot-maker (ku, earth). in social position they are considered to be a superior class of sudras. the telugu kummaras were cooks under the ancient kings, and many of them still work in that capacity in sudra houses. the kumbaros are purely vaishnavites and employ boishnob priests, while the kummaras and kumbaras call in brahmans. widow remarriage is allowed among the uriya section alone. all of them eat flesh." concerning the potter classes, mr. stuart writes further [ ] that "kummaras or kusavans (q.v.) are the potters of the country, and were probably at one time a single caste, but are now divided into telugus, northern tamilians and southern tamilians, who have similar customs, but will not intermarry or eat together. the northern and southern potters differ in that the former use a wheel of earthenware, and the latter one made of wood. the telugu potters are usually followers of vishnu and the tamilians of siva, some being also lingayats, and therefore burying their dead. all the potters claim an impure brahmanical descent, telling the following story regarding their origin. a learned brahman, after long study, discovered the day and hour in which he might beget a mighty offspring. for this auspicious time he waited long, and at its approach started for the house of his selected bride, but floods detained him, and, when he should have been with her, he was stopping in a potter's house. he was, however, resolved not to lose the opportunity, and by the daughter of his host he had a son, the celebrated salivahana. this hero in his infancy developed a genius for pottery, and used to amuse himself by making earthen figures of mounted warriors, which he stored in large numbers in a particular place. after a time vikramarka invaded southern india, and ordered the people to supply him with pots for his army. they applied to salivahana, who miraculously infused life into his clay figures, and led them to battle against the enemy, whom he defeated, and the country (mysore) fell into his hands. eventually he was left as its ruler, and became the ancestor of the early mysore rajas. such is the story current among the potters, who generally believe that they are his progeny. they all live in a state of poverty and ignorance, and are considered of a low rank among other sudras." at the village of karigeri in the north arcot district, there is carried on by some of the local potters an interesting industry in the manufacture of ornamental pottery, for which a medal was awarded at the delhi darbar exhibition. "the soft pottery," surgeon-general g. bidie writes, "receives a pretty green glaze, and is made into vases and other receptacles, some of which are imitations of delft ware and other european manufactures of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; patterns having been introduced by collectors. [ ] some of the water-bottles are double, the outer shell being pierced so as to allow air to circulate around the inner." the history of this little industry is, i gather, as follows. [ ] "mr. robinson, a collector in the sixties of the last century, started the manufacture of tea-pots, milk jugs, and sugar bowls with a dark green glaze, but his dream of supplying all india with chota hazri (early tea) sets was not realised. then came mr. whiteside, and the small grecian vases and the like are due to his and mrs. barlow's influence. he had accurate wooden models made by his well-known wood-carvers. he further altered the by no means pretty green glaze, and reddish browns and yellows were produced. then came mr. stuart, who pushed the sale at exhibitions and railway stations. he also gave the potters models of fancy flower-pots for in-door use. the pottery is exceedingly fragile, and unsuitable for rough usage. unglazed water and butter coolers were the earliest and best articles the potters produced." concerning the kumbaras of south canara, mr. stuart writes, [ ] that they "seem to be a branch of the telugu and canarese potter castes, but many of them have tulu for their home speech, and follow the aliyasantana rule of inheritance (in the female line). some of them officiate as pujaris (priests) in the temples of the local deities or demons, and are employed to perform funeral rites. unlike the tamil potters, the kumbaras do not wear the sacred thread. infant and widow marriages are very common. on the birth of a child, the family observe pollution for fifteen days, and on the sixteenth day the village barber and dhobi (washerman) get holy water from the village temple, and purify the family by sprinkling it on their head. there are two endogamous sub-divisions, the kannada and tulu kumbara, and each of these is divided into exogamous balis. their ordinary title is handa, which is also sometimes used as the name of the caste. in uppinangadi a superior kind of pottery is made (by the kannada kumbaras). it is made of clay powdered, mixed with water, and strained. it is then poured into a pit specially prepared for the purpose, where it is allowed to remain for about a month, by which time it becomes quite dry. it is then removed, powdered, moistened, and made into balls, which are one by one placed upon a wheel and fashioned into various kinds of vessels, including vases, goglets, tea-pots, cups and saucers. the vessels are dried in the shade for about eight days, after which they are baked for two days, when they are ready for sale. they have a glazed appearance, and are sometimes beautifully ornamented." in the census report, , vodari, bandi, and mulya are returned as sub-castes of the canarese potters. the kumbaras of the mysore province are, mr. t. ananda row informs us, [ ] "potters and tile-makers. there are two great divisions among them mutually exclusive, the kannada and telugu, the former claiming superiority over the latter. the telugu kumbaras trace their descent to salivahana, and wear the sacred thread. they abstain from eating meat. there are both saivites and vaishnavites among kumbaras. the former acknowledge the smartha brahman's sway. polygamy is permitted, and divorce can only be for adultery. widows are not permitted to remarry. this caste also includes dyers known as nilagara (nil, indigo). it is curious that these two trades, quite distinct from one another, are followed by persons of the same family according to inclination. the kumbaras worship all the hindu deities, but pay special reverence to their kiln. they are recognised members of the village hierarchy." of the mysore kumbaras, mr. l. rice writes [ ] that the "pot-makers were not stationed in every village, one or two being generally sufficient for a hobli or taraf. he furnished pots for all the ryats (agriculturists) of his taraf, and was entitled to ayam in an equal proportion as the other ayagar (hereditary village officers). for liberty of exposing his wares for sale to travellers in the markets, he paid chakra-kanke to the sirkar (government)." at channapatna, in mysore, i purchased for three annas a large collection of articles of pottery made out of black and brown clay. they are said to be made at a village near channapatna, and consist of rudely ornamented miniature lamps of various patterns, models of native kitchen-ranges, pots, tobacco-pipes, dishes, etc. at the mysore census, , some potters described themselves as gundu (round) brahmans. the oriya kumbaro (kumbho, a pot) are said to practice both infant and adult marriage, and to permit the remarriage of widows. a sub-caste, named bhande, derives its name from the sanskrit bhanda, a pot. the madras museum possesses a quaint series of painted clay figures, made by a potter at venkatarayapalle in ganjam, which are set up in shrines on the seashore, and worshipped by fishermen. they include the following:-- bengali babu.--wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. he blesses the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing. rajamma.--a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant. she blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing. veyyi kannalu ammavaru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented by a pot pierced with many holes, in which a gingelly (sesamum) oil light is burnt. she attends to the general welfare of the fishing folk. further details relating to the south indian potters will be found under the heading kusavan. kumbi (potter).--a sub-division of savara. kummidichatti.--recorded, in the north arcot manual, as a sub-division of vellalas, who carried the chatty, or pot of fire, at vellala funerals. in tamil, the name kumbidu chatti is applied to a pot, in which fire is always kept burning. such a pot is used for obtaining fire for domestic purposes, and by old people, to keep themselves warm in cold weather. kumpani.--returned by some kurubas at the census, . the name refers to the east india company, which was known as kumpani jahan (or john company). kunapilli.--a synonym of padigarajulu, a class of mendicants, who beg from padma sales. kunbi.--recorded, at times of census, as a bombay cultivating caste. (see bombay gazetteer, xviii, part i, .) it is also a sub-division of marathis, generally agriculturists, in the sandur state. kuncheti.--a sub-division of kapu. kunchigar.--the kunchigars, kunchitigas, or kunchiliyans, are a class of cultivators in the salem district, who speak canarese, and have migrated southward to the tamil country. their tradition concerning their origin is that "a certain nawab, who lived north of the tungabadra river, sent a peon (orderly) to search for ghi (clarified butter), twelve years old. in his travels south of the river, the peon met a lovely maid drawing water, who supplied his want. struck by her beauty, he watched her bathing place, and stole one hair which fell from her head in bathing, which he took to the nawab. the latter conceived the idea of marrying the girl, and sent an embassy, which was so far successful that the girl and her family came to his residence, and erected a marriage pandal (booth). subsequently they repented, and, thinking that the marriage would be a mésalliance (the nawab was probably a muhammadan), fled in the night, leaving a dog in the pandal. in their flight they came to the tungabadra, which was in full flood, and, eager to escape, they consented to marry the maiden to a kurumban who ferried them across the river. the kunchigars are the descendants of this girl and the kurumban. when running away they, in their haste, forgot a little girl, and left her behind them. she was seized by the nawab, who thirsted for vengeance, and thrown into the air so as to fall on knives placed so as to transfix her. some miracle interposed to save her, and the are kunchigars of mysore are her descendants." [ ] kunchu (a tassel or bunch).--a sub-division of okkiliyans, and of koravas who make brushes used by weavers. kuncham, meaning either a measure used in measuring grain or a tassel, occurs as an exogamous sept of madiga and mala. kundanakkaran.--an occupational tamil name for those who cut, enchase, and set precious stones. kundaton.--a name for chunam (lime) workers in malabar. kundu (nest).--a sub-division of the irulas of south arcot. kungiliyan.--a title of some kallans. kunjamma.--a name for elayad females. kunnuvan.--the kunnuvans are described, in the gazetteer of the madura district, as "the principal cultivating caste on the palni hills. they speak tamil. their own traditions say that their ancestors were vellalans from the dharapuram and kangayam country in coimbatore, who went up the palnis some four or five centuries ago because the low country was so disturbed by war (other accounts say devastated by famine), and they call themselves kunnuva vellalas, and state that the name kunnuva is derived from kunnur village in coimbatore. other traditions add that the virupakshi and ayyakudi poligars (feudal chieftains) helped them to settle on their land in the hills, which up to then had only been cultivated by indolent pulaiyans. the kunnuvans ousted these latter, and eventually turned them into predial serfs--a position from which they have hardly yet freed themselves. in every village is a headman, called the mannadi, who has the usual powers. the caste is divided into three endogamous sections, called vaguppus, namely, periya (big) kunnuvar, kunnuvar, and chinna (little) kunnuvar. they will eat together. the dress of the women is characteristic. they wear rough metal necklets, brass bangles and anklets, silver bangles on their upper arms, and rings in their noses; and they knot their upper cloths in front across the breasts, and bind them round their waists in a sort of bandage. white cloths used to be forbidden them, but are common enough nowadays. [it was noted by mr. m. j. walhouse, in , [ ] in connection with the kuneivar on the lower slopes of the palnis, that women were never allowed to wear white clothes. none could tell why, but it was said that, within memory, women offending against the rule had been cast from a high rock.] the claim of a man to his paternal aunt's daughter is rigidly maintained, and the evasions of the rule allowed by other castes when the ages of the parties are disproportionate are not permitted. consequently, a boy sometimes marries more than one of these cousins of his, and, until he reaches manhood, those of them who are much older than he is live with other men of the caste, the boy being the nominal father of any children which may be born. a boy of nine or ten may thus be the putative father of a child of two or three. [in this connection, mr. j. h. nelson writes [ ] that madura collectors have sometimes been puzzled not a little by evidence adduced to show that a child of three or four years was the son or daughter of a child of ten or twelve.] when a man has no children except a girl, and his family is in danger of coming to an end, a curious practice, called keeping up the house, is followed. the girl cannot be claimed by her maternal uncle's son as usual, but may be married to one of the door-posts of the house. a silver bangle is put on her right wrist instead of a tali (marriage badge) round her neck; she is allowed to consort with any man of her caste; her earnings go to her parents; she becomes their heir, and, if she has a son, the boy inherits their property through her. the custom is a close parallel to the system of making girls basavis, which is so common in the western part of bellary and the neighbouring parts of dharwar and mysore. divorce is readily obtained, on the petitioner paying the amount of the bride-price, but the children all go to the father. divorcées and widows may remarry, and they do so with a frequency which has made the caste a byword among its neighbours. the kunnuvans worship the usual deities of the plains. they generally burn their dead." it is recorded, in the manual of the madura district, that the kunnuvans of the western parts of the palni hills differ in many of their customs from those of the eastern. with both divisions, incompatibility of temper is a sufficient ground for divorce, and a husband can at any time get rid of his wife by taking her to her parents together with a pair of oxen if he be an eastern kunnuvan, and a vatti or round metal dish if he be a western. on the other hand, if the wife dislikes her partner, she may leave him upon giving up her golden jewels--the silver she retains--and may, according to her pleasure, either go back to her father's house, or marry another man. in the west, however, she takes with her only such property as she may have possessed at the time of her marriage. her children must all be made over to the deserted husband; and, if she be pregnant when she goes away, and a child be born while she is living with her second husband, it must nevertheless be given up to the first, upon payment of the expense of rearing it if in the east, upon mere demand in the west. in this way a woman may legally marry any number of men in succession, though she may not have two husbands at one and the same time. she may, however, bestow favours on paramours without hindrance, provided they be of equal caste with her. on the other hand, a man may indulge in polygamy to any extent he pleases, and the wealthier kunnuvans keep several wives as servants, especially for agricultural purposes. the religion of the kunnuvans appear to be the saiva, but they worship their mountain god valapan with far more devotedness than any other. the name kunnuvan is derived by mr. nelson from kunru, a hill. kunta.--a division of kuravas of travancore, who derive their name from their first ancestor having appeared from a sacrificial altar (homakunta). kunte (pond).--a gotra of kurni. kurakula (vegetable class).--an occupational title, returned at times of census, by oriya and telugu cultivators in ganjam and vizagapatam. kurava.--for the following note on the kuravas of travancore, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. there are more than , kuravas in travancore, of whom the largest numbers live in the taluks of kunnatur, chirayinkil, and kottarakkara. they were originally divided into four branches, called kunta kuravan, pum kuravan, kakka kuravan, and pandi kuravan. almost all the kuravas of this country belong to the first of these sections. the pum kuravas are believed to have become a different caste, called velan. similarly, the kakka kuravans have crystallised into a distinct caste named kakkalan. pandi kuravas speak tamil, and are chiefly found in nanchinad, being there known as nanchi kuravas. the kunta kuravas attribute the origin of their name to the appearance of their first ancestor from a sacrificial altar (homakunta). they are known in some places, such as nedumangad, by the name of muli kuravas, probably because they emit a drawling noise when called. it has been suggested that the kuravas are one of the early tribes of southern india, and one with the kurumbas of the tamil country, and closely allied to the vedans. such of them as still preserve their old practices, and do not mingle with the low-country people, are known as malan kuravas. they form one of the sixteen hill-tribes mentioned in the keralolpatti. about three centuries ago, nanchinad in travancore was governed by a line of kurava kings, called nanchi kuravans. the kuravas are prædial slaves, who were liable in olden days to be bought and sold along with the land they occupied. they are not regarded as so faithful as the pulayas. their homes are, like those of the pulayas, low thatched sheds. they eat meat, and drink toddy and arrack. their women tie their hair in the centre of the head, and not behind like the pulayas. tattooing is very largely resorted to. though hindu deities are worshipped, the chavars, or spirits of the dead, receive the most particular attention. the days considered to be of religious importance are onam in the month of chingam, the ailiyam and makam stars in kanni, the th of makaram, the bharani star in kumbham and minam, and the first day of audi. the special deities of the kuravas are called katiyatikal or mountain gods, whom they worship on these days with an offering. on the th of each month, and on days of festivity, all the kuravas take beaten rice and toddy, and offer them with a view to propitiating their ancestors. small sheds are dedicated to chavars, where the priest, called piniyali or sorcerer, is the only important person. the kuravas have among themselves a special class of exorcisers, whom they call rarakkar (literally vicharakkar), or those who make enquiries about the occurrence of diseases. the rarakkaran first becomes possessed, and cries out the names of all the mountain deities in the vicinity, violently shaking every limb of his body as he does so. some of these deities are chavar, ayiravalli, chattan, pakavati, matan, murti, taivam, pakavan, appuppan, and maruta. he then takes a handful of paddy (unhusked rice) from a quantity placed in front of him, and, after counting, decides, upon the chance of one or two grains remaining in the end after each of them is removed, whether some one in the house is not attacked by, or liable to the attack of some evil spirit. the same process is repeated, in order to find out the proper remedy for appeasing them. the rarakkaran at the end proceeds out of the house in a northerly direction. the urali, or headman of peruvirutti mala in kunnattur, becomes possessed on the evening of the third monday of minam, and foretells coming events for such kuravas as are assembled. the headmen of the kuravas are called urali and panikkan, and they must be paid a fee of not less than ten chuckrams on all religious occasions. the priest is known as kaikkaran. the kuravas observe two forms of marriage ceremonial, viz., the tali-kettu before puberty, and sambandham. at the former, an elderly kuratti (kurava woman) ties the minnu or wedding ornament round the neck of the girl. when a kurava wishes to marry a girl, he must pay twelve fanams to her maternal uncle. widows remarry, and divorce, though void without the consent of the headmen, is easily effected. the form of inheritance is marumakkathayam (in the female line). the dead are buried, and death pollution is observed for twelve days. the kuravas are obliged to stand, according to some at forty-eight, and according to others at sixty-four paces from a high-caste hindu. they regard themselves as higher in the social scale than pulaiyas and paraiyans. kuravan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. kureshi.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a territorial name returned by muhammadans, kureshi being a village in arabia; also one of the sub-divisions of the navayat tribe. kuricchan.--the kuricchans, or kuricchiyans, are described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as "the hunting caste of malabar. some derive the word from kurikke, to mark or assign, as they say that this caste fixed the hunting days. this must be the production of a highly imaginative person. dr. gundert thinks it is derived from, or allied to, canarese koracha (korava). i would rather say it is allied to that word, and that both are derivatives of kuru, a hill (cf. tamil kurinchi), kurunilam, etc., and malayalam kurissi, a suffix in names of hilly localities. with the exception of , persons in kottayam, and in kurumbranad, both bordering on wynaad, all the kuricchans are found in wynaad. they are excellent bowmen, and played an important part in the pyche raja's rebellion at the beginning of the (nineteenth) century. the kuricchans affect a great contempt for brahmans. when a brahman has been in a kuricchan's house, the moment he leaves it, the place where he was seated is besmeared with cowdung to remove the pollution! they follow inheritance in the male line in some places, and in the female line in others. their god is called muttappan, which literally means grandfather. they now subsist mostly by punam (shifting) cultivation." in the gazetteer of malabar, the kuricchiyans (kuricchi, hill country) are described as "a jungle tribe of punam cultivators, found in the wynaad and the slopes of the ghats, north of calicut. they consider themselves polluted by the approach of other hill tribes and by the touch of tiyans and kammalans; and their women require water sanctified by a brahman to purify them. they perform the tali kettu ceremony before puberty, and say that they follow the marumakkathayam family system (of inheritance in the female line), though the wife usually goes to live with her husband in a new hut, and the husband has to pay a price for his bride. they act as oracles during the great festival at kottiyur. the performer becomes inspired after sitting for some time gazing into a vessel containing gingelly oil, and holding in his hand a curious-shaped wand of gold about a foot and a half long, and hollow." it is recorded by mr. logan, [ ] in connection with a disturbance in malabar early in the last century, that "the first overt act occurred at panamaram in wynad. some five days previous to th october , one of the proscribed rebel leaders, edachenna kungan, chanced to be present at the house of a kurchiyan, when a belted peon came up, and demanded some paddy (rice) from the kurchiyan. edachenna kungan replied by killing the peon, and the kurchiyans (a jungle tribe) in that neighbourhood, considering themselves thus compromised with the authorities, joined edachenna kungan. this band, numbering about , joined by edachenna kungan and his two brothers, then laid their plans for attacking the military post at panamaram, held by a detachment of men of the st battalion of the th bombay infantry under captain dickenson and lieutenant maxwell. they first seized sentry's musket, and killed him with arrows. captain dickenson killed and wounded with his pistols, bayonet, and sword, of the kurchiyars, of whom died. the whole of the detachment was massacred." in a note on an inspection of a kuriccha settlement, mr. f. fawcett recorded that the houses were close to some rice-fields cultivated by the kuricchas. the mappillas, however, took the crop as interest on an outstanding debt. one house was noted as having walls of wattle and mud, a thatched roof, and verandah. in the eastern verandah were a bow and arrows, a fresh head of paddy (unhusked rice), some withered grain, etc., dedicated to the god muttappan. a man requested mr. fawcett not to approach a hut, in which a meal was being cooked, as he would pollute it. a child, a few months old, with a ring in each ear, and a ring of shell or bone on a string to avert the evil eye, was lying in a cradle suspended from the roof. both by mr. fawcett and others, the kuricchas are given the character of remarkably innocent, truthful, and trustworthy people. for the following note, i am indebted to mr. e. fernandez. the kuricchas usually live by cultivation, but it is considered a great stroke of good luck to obtain a post as postal runner or amsham peon. when on a hunting expedition, they are armed with bows and arrows, or occasionally with guns, and surround a hill. some of them then enter the jungle with dogs, and drive the game, which is killed by the dogs, or shot with arrows or bullets. the flesh of the spoil is divided up between the sylvan deity, the jenmi (landlord), the dogs, the man who put the first arrow or bullet into the animal, and the other kuricchas. in some places, the kuricchas use arrows for shooting fresh-water fish. the principle is described by mr. fawcett as being the same as in the greenlander's spear, and the dart used with a blow-pipe on the west coast for catching sharks. from malabar i have received two forms of blowpipe, used for killing fish, birds, and small game. in one, the tube consists of a piece of straight slender bamboo about ' '' in length; the other, which is about ' in length, is made from the stem of the areca palm. in the latter, two pieces of the stem are placed face to face, so that a complete tube is made. round the exterior, thin cloth or tree-bark, steeped in gum, is tightly wrapped, so that the two halves are kept together. sometimes the blow-pipe is decorated with painted designs. the arrow consists of a reed shaft and iron arrow-head, which, by means of a socket, fits loosely on the conical end of the shaft. a piece of string, several feet long, is tied round the arrow-head, and wound closely round the shaft. when the arrow is discharged from the tube, and enters, for example, the body of a fish, the string is uncoiled from the shaft, which floats on the surface of the water, and points out the position of the fish, which is hauled up. a paniyan, adiyan, kurumba, or pulayan, approaching within a recognised distance of a kuriccha, conveys pollution, which must be removed by a bath, holy water, and the recitation of mantrams (consecrated formulæ). the kuricchas address brahmans as tambrakal, and nayars as tamburan. they are themselves addressed by paniyans and adiyans as acchan and pappan, by jen kurumbas as muttappan, and by pulayans as perumannom. in addition to muttappan, the kuricchas worship various other deities, such as karimbil bhagavathi, malakurathi, and athirallan. no animal sacrifices are performed, but each family celebrates annually a ceremony called kollu kodukal, for which the pittan (head of the family) fixes an auspicious day. the temple is cleaned, and smeared with cow-dung, and holy water is sprinkled, to remove all pollution. those who attend at the ceremony bathe before proceeding to the temple, which is lighted with oil-lamps. cocoanuts, sugar-candy, plantains, beaten rice, a measure (edangali) full of rice, and another full of paddy, are placed before the lamps, and offered to the deity by the pittan. one of the community becomes possessed, and gives forth oracular utterances. finally he falls down, and the deity is supposed to have left him. the offerings are distributed among those who have assembled. the management of tribal affairs is vested in the pittans of the different families, and the final appellate authority is the kottayath raja, who authorises certain nayars to hear appeals on his behalf. the kuricchas celebrate the tali-kettu kalyanam. marriages are arranged by the pittans. the wedding is a very simple affair. the bridegroom brings a pair of cloths and rings made of white metal or brass as a present for the bride, and a feast is held. kurivi (sparrow).--a gotra of kurni. kurma (tortoise).--a gotra of nagaralu. the equivalent kurum is recorded as a sept of pentiya. kurmapu.--the kurmapuvallu are women, in the vizagapatam district, who have not entered into matrimony, but earn money by prostitution, and acting as dancers at feasts. they are so called from the fact that they were originally dancing-girls attached to the temple of sri kurmam, a place of pilgrimage in vizagapatam. [ ] kurni.--the name kurni is, according to the census report, , "a corruption of kuri (sheep) and vanni (wool), the caste having been originally weavers of wool. they now weave cotton and silk, and also cultivate. they have two main sub-divisions, hire (big) and chikka (small). the hires are all lingayats, and are said to have sixty-six totemistic septs or gotras. they employ jangams as priests, and also men of their own caste, who are called chittikaras. they will mess with the non-lingayat section, and with lingayats of other castes. they do not eat meat, or smoke or drink alcohol, but the chikkas do all three. marriage before puberty is the rule in the caste. divorces are permitted. widows may marry again, but have to spend two nights alone at two different temples. their wedding ceremonies are carried out by widows only, and the woman is not afterwards allowed to take part in religious or family observances." a synonym of both kurnis and devangas is jada or jandra, meaning great men. a further synonym of the kurnis is said to be kunigiri. the term nese, meaning weaver, is applied to several of the weaving castes, including the kurnis. the following extract is taken from an appeal for subscriptions in aid of the publication of the bhavishyottara purana by the kurnis in a village in the bellary district. "greetings from all the kuruhine setti virasaivas residing in hirihala village of bellary taluk. the wish of the writers is that all, old and young, should rejoice in the sixty-six gotras, sixty-six rudras, and sixty-six rishis. he who reads the order of these sixty-six gotras of the kuruhina settis will enter sivaloka. his twenty-one generations will attain to the position of ganas (attendants) of sivaloka. such was the order of iswara. this is the end of the chapter in the nilakantha mallikarjuna bhavishyat purana acquired by shanmukha from the iswara shruti of the haravatula." the gotras are described as being of the brahman, kshatriya, and vaisya sub-divisions of the caste, and of shanmukha's sudra caste:-- gotras. anasu, ferrule. anchu, edge or border. arashina, turmeric. are, bauhinia racemosa. arya, venerable. banaju, trade or painted wooden toys. bandi, cart. banni, prosopis spicigera. basari, fig tree. benne, butter. bile, white. dharma, conduct. durga, fort. gaduge, throne. gauda, headman. gikkili, rattle. gorige, cyamopsis psoralioides. gullu, solanum ferox. gundu, cannon-ball. halige, plank. halu, milk. heggu, nape of the neck. hemme, vanity. hittu, flour. hon, gold. hullu, grass. ime, eyelid. in, sweet. inichi, squirrel. irani, earthen vessel used at marriages. jali, acacia arabica. jirige, cummin seed. jiva, life. junju, cock's comb. kadi, blade of grass. katige, collyrium. kadle (bengal gram, cicer arietinum). kadu, wild. kakke, cassia fistula. kamadi, tortoise. kanni, rope. katte, embankment. ken, red. kenja, red ant. kere, tank. kesari, lion. kinkila, indian cuckoo, eudynamis honorata. koti, dagger. kudure, horse. kunte, pond. kurivi, sparrow. mallige, jasmine. maralu, sand. menasu, pepper or chillies. midichi, locust. mini, leather rope. muchchu, broken rice. muddu, kiss or love. mullu, thorn. naga, snake. nellu, unhusked rice. parama, highest. raksha, protecting. rama, lovely. rikki, feather ? salige, wire. sampige, michelia champaca. samsara, family. sara, string. sindhu, sea or flag ? swarabha, sound. tikke, gem. uttama, best. vanki, armlet. vatte, camel. some of the above names also occur as exogamous septs, or sub-divisions of other canarese or telugu classes, e.g.-- arashina, turmeric. agasa, kuruba, odde. bandi, cart. kapu, kavarai, kuruba, kuravan, mala, odde, yanadi. halu, milk. holeya, kuruba, vakkaliga. hon, gold. kuruba, odde. jirige, cummin. kuruba. kudure, horse. vakkaliga. mallige, malli, or mallela, jasmine. holeya, kamma, kuruba, kuravan, madiga, mala, odde, tsakala. menasu, pepper or chillies. kuruba. sampigi or sampangi, michelia champaca. odde. kuruba.--though plucky in hunting bears and leopards, the kurubas at hospet were exceedingly fearful of myself and my methods, and were only partially ingratiated by an offer of a money prize at one of the wrestling combats, in which they delight, and of which i had a private exhibition. the wrestlers, some of whom were splendid specimens of muscularity, had, i noticed, the moustache clipped short, and hair clean shaved at the back of the head, so that there was none for the adversary to grip. one man, at the entreaties of an angry spouse, was made to offer up the silver coin, presented by me in return for the loan of his body for measurement, as bad money at the shrine of udachallama, together with two annas of his own as a peace-offering to the goddess. the wives of two men (brothers), who came to me for measurement, were left sobbing in the village. one, at the last moment, refused to undergo the operation, on the principle that one should be taken, and the other left. a man was heard, at question time, to mutter "why, when we are hardworking and poor, do we keep our hair, while this rich and lazy sahib has gone bald?" another (i believe, the tame village lunatic) was more complimentary, and exclaimed "we natives are the betel leaf and nut. you, sir, are the chunam (lime), which makes them perfect." many of the kurubas wear charms in the form of a string of black sheep's wool, or thread tied round the arm or neck, sometimes with sacred ashes wrapped inside, as a vow to some minor deity, or a four anna piece to a superior deity. a priest wore a necklet of rudraksha (elæocarpus ganitrus) beads, and a silver box, containing the material for making the sacred marks on the forehead, pendent from a loin string. his child wore a similar necklet, a copper ornament engraved with cabalistic devices, and silver plate bearing a figure of hanuman, as all his other children had died, and a piece of pierced pottery from the burial-ground, to ward off whooping-cough, suspended round the neck. in colour-scale the kurubas vary enormously, from very dark to light brown. the possessor of the fairest skin, and the greatest development of adipose tissue, was a sub-magistrate. at hospet, many had bushy mutton-chop whiskers. their garments consisted of a tight fitting pair of short drawers, white turban, and black kambli (blanket), which does duty as overcoat, umbrella, and sack for bringing in grass from the outlying country. some of the kurubas are petty land-owners, and raise crops of cholam (andropogon sorghum), rice, hibiscus cannabinus, etc. others are owners of sheep, shepherds, weavers, cultivators, and stone-masons. the manufacture of coarse blankets for wearing apparel is, to a very large extent, carried on by the kurubas. in connection with this industry, i may quote the following extracts from my "monograph on the woollen fabric industry of the madras presidency" ( ). bellary.--in the bellary manual ( ), it is stated that "cumblies are the great article of export, and the rugs made in the kudligi taluk are in great demand, and are sent to all parts of the country. they are manufactured of various qualities, from the coarse elastic cumbly used in packing raw cotton, price about six annas, to a fine kind of blanket, price rs. to . in former times, a much finer fabric was manufactured from the wool of the lamb when six months old, and cumblies of this kind sold for rs. or rs. . these are no longer made." coarse blankets are at present made in villages, the weavers being mostly kurubas, who obtain the wool locally, sun-dry it, and spin it into thread, which is treated with a watery paste of tamarind seeds. the weaving is carried out as in the case of an ordinary cotton cloth, the shuttle being a piece of wood hollowed out on one side. inside the ruined maratha fort at sandur dwells a colony of kurubas, whose profession is blanket-weaving. the preliminary operations are performed by the women, and the weaving is carried out by the men, who sit, each in his own pit, while they pass the shuttle through the warp with repeated applications of tamarind paste from a pot at their side. kurnool.--blankets are manufactured in villages. sheep's wool is beaten and cleaned, and spun into yarn with hand spindles. in the case of the mutaka, or coarse cumblies used by the poorer classes, the thread used for the warp is well rubbed with a gruel made of tamarind seeds before being fitted up in the loom, which is generally in the open air. in the case of jadi, or cumblies of superior quality used as carpets, no gruel is used before weaving. but, when they are taken off the loom, the weavers spread them out tight on a country cot, pour boiling water over them, and rub them well with their hands, until the texture becomes thick and smooth. kistna.--both carpets and blankets are made at masulipatam, and blankets only, to a considerable extent, in the gudivada taluk. the tahsildar of nuzvid, in several villages of which taluk the blanket-weaving industry is carried on, gives me the following note. the sheep, of which it is intended to shear the wool, are first bathed before shearing. if the wool is not all of the same colour, the several colours are picked out, and piled up separately. this being done, each separate pile is beaten, not as a whole, but bit by bit, with a light stick of finger thickness. then the cleaning process is carried out, almost in the way adopted by cotton-spinners, but with a smaller bow. then the wool is spun into yarn with the help of a thin short piece of stick, near the bottom of which a small flat, circular or square weight of wood or pot-stone (steatite) is attached, so as to match the force of the whirling given to the stick on the man's thigh. after a quantity of yarn has been prepared, a paste is smeared over it, to stiffen it, so that it can be easily passed through the loom. the paste is prepared with kajagaddalu, or tamarind seeds, when the former is not available. kajagaddalu is a weed with a bulbous root, sometimes as large as a water-melon. the root is boiled in water, and the thin coating which covers it removed while it is still hot. the root is then reduced to a pulp by beating in a mortar with frequent sprinkling of water. the pulp is mixed with water, to make it sticky, and applied to the yarn. tamarind seeds are split in two, and soaked in water for several hours. the outer coating then becomes detached, and is removed. the seeds are beaten into a fine flour, and boiled until this acquires the necessary consistency. they are then made into a paste with water, and applied to the yarn. madura.--coarse blankets are manufactured to a small extent by kuruba women in twenty-two villages of the melur, dindigul, and palni taluks. in the province of mysore, parts of chitaldrug and the town of kolar are noted for the manufacture of a superior kind of blanket, of fine texture like homespun, by kurubas. the wool is spun by the women. by one section of the kurubas, called sunnata or vasa (new) only white blankets are said to be made. the personal names of kurubas are derived from their gods, basappa, lingappa, narasimha, huliga, etc., with ayya, appa, or anna as affixes. an educational officer tells me that, when conducting a primary examination, he came across a boy named mondrolappa after sir thomas munro, who still lives in the affections of the people. "it has," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "been suggested that the name kuruba is a derivative of the canarese root kuru, sheep (cf. tamil kori); but it has been objected to this that the kurumbas were not originally a purely shepherd tribe, and it is contended that the particular kind of sheep called kori is so called because it is the sheep of the kurumbas. again, the ancient lexicographer of the tamil language, pingala muni, defines kurumban as kurunila mannar, or petty chieftains. but the most common derivation is from the tamil kurumbu, wickedness, so that kurumban means a wicked man. with this may be compared the derivation of kallan from kalavu, theft, and the kallans are now generally believed to have been closely connected with, if not identical with the original kurumbas. on the other hand, the true derivation may be in the other direction, as in the case of the sclavs. the language of the kurumbas is a dialect of canarese, and not of tamil, as stated by bishop caldwell. it resembles the old canarese." concerning the affinities of the kurubas, mr. stuart states that "they are the modern representatives of the ancient pallavas, who were once so powerful in southern india. in the seventh century, the power of the pallava kings seems to have been at its zenith, though very little trace of their greatness now remains; but, soon after this, the kongu, chola, and chalukya chiefs succeeded in winning several victories over them, and the final overthrow of the kurumba sovereignty was effected by the chola king adondai about the eighth century a.d., and the kurumbas were scattered far and wide. many fled to the hills, and, in the nilgiris and wynad, in coorg and mysore, representatives of this ancient race are now found as wild and uncivilised tribes." let me call anthropometric evidence, and compare the kurubas of mysore and bellary with the jungle kurumbas of the nilgiris and the allied kadirs and mala vedars, by means of the two important physical characters, stature and nasal index. stature. nasal index. average. maximum. minimum. average. maximum. minimum. cm. cm. cm. kurubas, . . . . . mysore kurubas, . . . . . . bellary kurumbas, . . . . . . nilgiris kadirs . . . . . . mala . . . . . . vedars in this table, the wide gap which separates the domesticated kurubas of the mysore province and the adjacent bellary district from the conspicuously platyrhine and short-statured kurumbas and other jungle tribes, stands out prominently before any one who is accustomed to deal on a large scale with bodies and noses. and i confess that i like to regard the kurumbas, mala vedars, kadirs, paniyans, and other allied tribes of short stature with broad noses as the most archaic existing inhabitants of the south of the indian peninsula, and as having dwelt in the jungles, unclothed, and living on roots, long before the seventh century. the question of the connection between kurubas and kurumbas is further discussed in the note on the latter tribe. the popular tradition as to the origin of the caste is as follows. originally the kurubas were kapus. their ancestors were masi reddi and nilamma, who lived on the eastern ghats by selling firewood, and had six sons. taking pity on their poverty, siva came begging to their house in the disguise of a jangam, and gave nilamma some sacred ashes, while promising prosperity through the birth of another son, who was called undala padmanna. the family became prosperous through agriculture. but, unlike his six brothers, undala padmanna never went out to work in the fields. they accordingly contrived to get rid of him by asking him to set fire to some brushwood concealing a white-ant hill, in the hope that the snake within it would kill him. but, instead of a snake, an innumerable host of sheep appeared. frightened at the sight of these strange black beasts, undala padmanna took to his heels. but siva appeared, and told him that they were created for his livelihood, and that he should rear them, and live by their milk. he taught him how to milk the sheep and boil the milk, and sent him to a distant town, which was occupied by rakshasas, to fetch fire. there the giants were keeping in bondage a brahman girl, who fell in love with undala padmanna. they managed to escape from the clutches of the rakshasas by arranging their beds over deep pits, which were dug for their destruction. to save her lover, the girl transformed him into a lizard. she then went with him to the place where his flock was, and undala padmanna married a girl of his own caste, and had male offspring by her as well as the brahman. at the marriage of these sons, a thread kankanam (bracelet) was tied to the wrist of the caste woman's offspring, and a woollen kankanam to that of the brahman girl's sons. the sons of the former were, therefore, called atti (cotton) kankanadavaru, and those of the latter unni (woollen) kankanadavaru. the latter are considered inferior, as they are of hybrid origin. a third sub-division is that of the ande kurubas, named after the small vessel (ande) used in milking goats. in a note on the kurubas of alur, thikka, meaning a simpleton, is given as the name of an important division. it is noted in the mysore census report, , that the kurubas have not taken kindly to education, and are by nature so simple that kuruba has, in some places, become a byword for a simpleton. the kurubas are also known as halu mata, or milk caste, as they believe that they were created out of milk by revana siddeswara. in hindustani they are called dhangars, or rich people. some, in spite of their poor dress and appearance, are well-to-do. at the madras census, , kavadiga, kumpani, and rayarvamsam (raja's clan) were returned by some members of the community. in mysore, the kurubas are said [ ] to be divided into hande kurubas and kurubas proper, who have no intercourse with one another. the latter worship bire devaru, and are saivites. according to another account, the halu kurubas of mysore have sub-divisions according to the day of the week, on which they offer puja to their god, e.g., aditya varada (sunday), brihaspati varada (thursday), soma varada (monday). "the kurubas," mr. h. a. stuart writes, "are again sub-divided into clans or gumpus, each having a headman or guru called a gaudu, who gives his name to the clan. and the clans are again sub-divided into gotras or septs, which are mostly of totemistic origin, and retain their totemistic character to this day. the arisana gotram is particularly worthy of notice. the name means saffron (turmeric), and this was originally taboo; but, as this caused inconvenience, the korra grain has been substituted, although the old name of the sept was retained." exogamous septs. agni, fire. alige, drum. andara, booth. ane, elephant. arashina or arisana, turmeric. arathi, wave offering. ari, ebony. ariya, noble. avu, snake. bandi, cart. banni (prosopis spicigera). basale (basella rubra). batlu, cup. belata (feronia elephantum). belli, silver. belu (Ægle marmelos). bende (hibiscus esculentus). benise, flint. bevu or bevina (melia azadirachta). binu, roll of woollen thread. bola, bangle. chandra, moon. chelu, scorpion. chilla (strychnos potatorum). chinna or sinnata, gold. deva, a tree. emme, buffalo. gali, devil. gauda, headman. gulimi, pick-axe. halu, milk. hatti, hut. honnungara, gold ring. ibabire, tortoise. irula, darkness. iruvu, black ant. jelakuppa, a fish. jirige, cummin. jivala, an insect. kalle, bengal gram. kanchu, bell-metal. kavada, coloured border of a cloth. kombu, stick. kori, blanket. mana, measure. malli, jasmine. menusu, pepper. minchu, metal toe-ring. mise, moustache. mugga, loom. muttu, pearl. nali, bamboo tube. nayi, dog. othu, goat. putta, ant-hill; snake hole. ratna, precious stones. samanti or savanti (chrysanthemum). same (millet: panicum miliare). samudra, ocean. sankhu, conch-shell. sarige, lace. surya, sun. thuppa, clarified butter. turaka, muhammadan. ungara, ring. uppiri, earth-salt. the titles of members of the caste are gauda or heggade, and the more prosperous go by the name of kaudikiaru, a corruption of gaudikiaru. many, at the present day, have adopted the title nayakkan. some are called gorava vandlu. according to mr. stuart, "each community of kurubas, residing in a group of villages, has a headman or gaudu. he acts the part of pujari or priest in all their ceremonies, presides over their tribal meetings, and settles disputes. he is paid four annas, or, as they call it, one ruka per house per annum. he is a strict vegetarian, and will not eat with other kurubas." the headman or guru of the caste in bellary goes by the name of revana siddeswara, and he wears the lingam, and follows the lingayat creed. sometimes he dines with his people, and, on these occasions, new cooking pots must be used. he exercises the power of inflicting fines, excommunicating those who have had illicit intercourse with boyas, muhammadans, and others, etc. the kurubas in bellary and anantapur are said to pay three pies to their guru for every blanket which they sell. the name of the tribal headman at alur is kattaiyintivadu, i.e., shed with a pial or raised verandah in front of it. among both kurubas and bedars, a special building, built by public subscription, and called the katta-illu or chavadi, is set apart for council meetings, at which tribal affairs are discussed and decided. when a girl reaches puberty, she is kept in a corner of the house for eight days. on the ninth day she bathes, and food is taken to her by an old woman of the house. kuruba women are invited to be present in the evening. the girl, covered with a blanket, is seated on a raised place. those assembled throw rice over her feet, knees, shoulders, and head, and into her lap. coloured turmeric and lime water is then waved three or five times round her, and ravikes (body-cloths) are presented to her. the following account of the marriage ceremonial was recorded in western bellary. when a marriage has been settled between the parents of the young people, visits are exchanged by the two families. on a fixed day, the contracting couple sit on a blanket at the bride's house, and five women throw rice over five parts of the body as at the menstrual ceremony. betel leaves and areca-nuts are placed before them, of which the first portion is set apart for the god birappa, the second for the gauda, another for the house god, and so on up to the tenth. a general distribution then takes place the ceremony, which is called sakshi vilya or witness betel-leaf, is brought to a conclusion by waving in front of the couple a brass vessel, over the mouth of which five betel leaves and a ball of ashes are placed. they then prostrate themselves before the guru. for the marriage ceremony, the services of the guru, a jangam, or a brahman priest, are called into requisition. early on the wedding morning, the bridal couple are anointed and washed. a space, called the irani square, is marked out by placing at the four corners a pot filled with water. round each pot a cotton thread is wound five times. similar thread is also tied to the milk-post of the marriage pandal (booth), which is made of pipal (ficus religiosa) wood. within the square a pestle, painted with red and white stripes, is placed, on which the bride and bridegroom, with two young girls, seat themselves. rice is thrown over them, and they are anointed and washed. to each a new cloth is given, in which they dress themselves, and the wrist-thread (kankanam) is tied on all four. presents are given by relations, and arathi (red water) is waved round them. the bridegroom is decorated with a bashingam (chaplet of flowers), and taken on a bull to a hanuman shrine along with his best man. cocoanuts, camphor, and betel are given to the priest as an offering to the god. according to another account, both bride and bridegroom go to the shrine, where a matron ties on their foreheads chaplets of flowers, pearls, etc. at the marriage house a dais has been erected close to the milk-post, and covered with a blanket, on which a mill-stone and basket filled with cholum (andropogon sorghum) are placed. the bridegroom, standing with a foot on the stone and the bride with a foot on the basket, the gold tali, after it has been touched by five married women, is tied round the bride's neck by the officiating priest, while those assembled throw rice over the happy pair, and bless them. according to another version, a bed-sheet is interposed as a screen, so that the bride and bridegroom cannot see each other. on the three following days, the newly-married couple sit on the blanket, and rice is thrown over them. in western bellary, the bridegroom, on the third day, carries the bride on his waist to hanuman temple, where married women throw rice over them. on the fifth morning, they are once more anointed and washed within the irani square, and, towards evening, the bride's father hands her over to her husband, saying "she was till this time a member of my sept and house. now i hand her over to your sept and house." on the night of the sixth day, a ceremony called booma idothu (food placing) is performed. a large metal vessel (gangalam) is filled with rice, ghi (clarified butter), curds, and sugar. round this some of the relations of the bride and bridegroom sit, and finish off the food. the number of those, who partake thereof must be an odd one, and they must eat the food as quickly as possible. if anything goes wrong with them, while eating or afterwards, it is regarded as an omen of impending misfortune. some even consider it as an indication of the bad character of the bride. concerning the marriage ceremony of the kurubas of north arcot, mr. stuart writes as follows. "as a preliminary to the marriage, the bridegroom's father observes certain marks or curls on the head of the proposed bride. some of these are believed to forebode prosperity, and others only misery to the family, into which the girl enters. they are, therefore, very cautious in selecting only such girls as possess curls (suli) of good fortune. this curious custom, obtaining among this primitive tribe, is observed by others only in the case of the purchase of cows, bulls, and horses. one of the good curls is the bashingam found on the forehead; and the bad ones are the peyanakallu at the back of the head, and the edirsuli near the right temple. but widowers seeking for wives are not generally particular in this respect. [as bad curls are supposed to cause the death of the man who is their possessor, she is, i am informed, married to a widower.] the marriage is celebrated in the bridegroom's house, and, if the bride belongs to a different village, she is escorted to that of the bridegroom, and is made to wait in a particular spot outside it, selected for the occasion. on the first day of the marriage, purna kumbam, a small decorated vessel containing milk or ghi, with a two-anna piece and a cocoanut placed on the betel leaf spread over the mouth of it, is taken by the bridegroom's relations to meet the bride's party. therethe distribution of pan supari takes place, and both parties return to the village. meanwhile, the marriage booth is erected, and twelve twigs of naval (eugenia jambolana) are tied to the twelve pillars, the central or milk post, under which the bridal pair sit, being smeared with turmeric, and a yellow thread being tied thereto. at an auspicious hour of the third day, the couple are made to sit in the booth, the bridegroom facing the east, and the bride facing west. on a blanket spread near the kumbam, / measures of rice, a tali or bottu, one cocoanut, betel leaf and camphor are placed. the gaudu places a ball of vibhuti (sacred ashes) thereon, breaks a cocoanut, and worships the kumbam, while camphor is burnt. the gaudu next takes the tali, blesses it, and gives it to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck. the gaudu then, throwing rice on the heads of the pair, recites a song, in which the names of various people are mentioned, and concluding 'oh! happy girl; oh! prosperous girl; basava has come; remove your veil.' the girl then removes her veil, and the men and women assembled throw rice on the heads of the bridal pair. the ends of their garments are then tied together, and two girls and three boys are made to eat out of the plates placed before the married couple. a feast to all their relations completes the ceremony. the gaudu receives / measures of rice, five handfuls of nuts and betel leaf, and twelve saffrons (pieces of turmeric) as his fee. even though the girl has attained puberty, the nuptial ceremony is not coincident with the wedding, but is celebrated a few months later." in like manner, among the kammas, gangimakkulu, and other classes, consummation does not take place until three months after the marriage ceremony, as it is considered unlucky to have three heads of a family in a household during the first year of marriage. by the delay, the birth of a child should take place only in the second year, so that, during the first year, there will be only two heads, husband and wife. at a marriage among the kurubas of the madura district, a chicken is waved in front of the contracting couple, to avert the evil eye. the maternal uncle's consent to a marriage is necessary, and, at the wedding, he leads the bride to the pandal. a kuruba may, i am informed, marry two sisters, either on the death of one of them, or if his first wife has no issue, or suffers from an incurable disease. some twenty years ago, when an unmarried kuruba girl was taken to a temple, to be initiated as a basavi (dedicated prostitute), the caste men prosecuted the father as a protest against the practice. in the north arcot district, according to mr. stuart, "the mother and child remain in a separate hut for the first ten days after delivery. on the eleventh day, all the kuruba females of the village bring each a pot of hot water, and bathe the mother and child. betel and nuts are distributed, and all the people of the village eat in the mother's house. on the next market-day, her husband, with some of his male friends, goes to a neighbouring market, and consults with a korava or yerukala what name is to be given to the child, and the name he mentions is then given to it." in a case which came before the police in the bellary district in , a woman complained that her infant child had been taken away, and concealed in the house of another woman, who was pregnant. the explanation of the abduction was that there is a belief that, if a pregnant woman keeps a baby in her bed, she will have no difficulty at the time of delivery. remarriage of widows is permitted. the ceremony is performed in a temple or dark room, and the tali is tied by a widow, a woman dedicated to the deity, or a dasayya (mendicant) of their own caste. according to another account, a widow is not allowed to wear a tali, but is presented with a cloth. hence widow marriage is called sire udiki. children of widows are married into families in which no widow remarriage has taken place, and are treated like ordinary members of the community. in western bellary i gathered that the dead are buried, those who have been married with the face upwards, others with the face downwards. the grave is dug north and south, and the head is placed to the south. earth is thrown into the grave by relations before it is filled in. a mound is raised over it, and three stones are set up, over the head, navel, and feet. the eldest son of the deceased places on his left shoulder a pot filled with water, in the bottom of which three small holes are made, through which the water escapes. proceeding from the spot beneath which the head rests, he walks round the grave, and then drops the pot so that it falls on the mound, and goes home without looking back. this ceremony is a very important one with both kurubas and bedars. in the absence of a direct heir, he who carries the pot claims the property of the deceased, and is considered to be the inheritor thereof. for the propitiation of ancestors, cooked rice and sweetmeats, with a new turban and cloth or petticoat, according to the sex of the deceased, are offered up. ancestors who died childless, unless they left property, do not receive homage. it is noted, in the bellary gazetteer, that "an unusual rite is in some cases observed after deaths, a pot of water being worshipped in the house on the eleventh day after the funeral, and taken the next morning and emptied in some lonely place. the ceremony is named the calling back of the dead, but its real significance is not clear." of the death ceremonies in the north arcot district, mr. stuart writes that "the son, or, in his absence, a near relative goes round the grave three times, carrying a pot of water, in which he makes a hole at each round. on the third round he throws down the pot, and returns home straight, without turning his face towards the direction of the grave. for three days, the four carriers of the bier are not admitted into their houses, but they are fed at the cost of the deceased's heir. on the the third day, cooked rice, a fowl and water are taken to the burial-ground, and placed near the grave, to be eaten by the spirit of the dead. the son, and all his relations, return home, beating on their mouths. pollution is observed for ten days, and, on the eleventh day, sheep and fowls are killed, and a grand feast is given to the kurumbas of the village. before the feast commences, a leaf containing food is placed in a corner of the house, and worshipped. this is removed on the next morning, and placed over the roof, to be eaten by crows. if the deceased be a male, the glass bangles worn by his wife on her right arm are broken on the same day." the patron saint of the kurubas is birappa or biradevaru, and they will not ride on horses or ponies, as these are the vehicles of the god. but they worship, in addition, various minor deities, e.g., uligamma, mallappa, anthargattamma, kencharaya, and have their house gods, who are worshipped either by a house or by an entire exogamous sept. in some places, mariamma and sunkulamma are worshipped on tuesday and friday, and the sheep and other offerings are the perquisite of boyas, malas, and madigas. some families of kuruba dasaris reverence a goddess called hombalamma, who is worshipped secretly by a pujari (priest) at dead of night. everything used in connection with the rite is buried or otherwise disposed of before morning. the kurubas show reverence for the jammi tree (prosopis spicigera) and ashwatham (ficus religiosa) by not cutting them. it was noticed by mr. f. fawcett that, at the temples of the village goddesses wannathamma and durgamma in the bellary district, an old kuruba woman performs the daily worship. in the mantapam of the temple at lepakshi, in the anantapur district, "is the sculptured figure of a man leaning his chin upon his hands, which is said to represent a kuruba who once acted as mediator between the builder of the temple and his workmen in a dispute about wages. the image is still bathed in oil, and worshipped by the local kurubas, who are proud of the important part played by their caste-man." [ ] in mysore, the kurubas are said to worship a box, which they believe contains the wearing apparel of krishna under the name of junjappa. one of the goddesses worshipped by the kurubas is named kelu devaru or mane hennu devaru, the pot or household deity. she is worshipped annually at the dasara festival, and, on occasions of marriage, just before the tali is tied. the pot is made by a kumbara (potter), who is well paid for his work. during its manufacture, he has to take only one meal daily, and to avoid pollution of all kinds. the clay should be kneaded with the hands, and wetted with milk, milk of tender cocoanuts, and water. when at work on it, the potter should close his mouth with a bandage, so that his breath may not defile the pot. the kurubas who are settled in the madura district reverence vira lakkamma (lakshmi) as their family deity, and an interesting feature in connection with the worship of their goddess is that cocoanuts are broken on the head of a special kuruba, who becomes possessed by the deity. the kurubas are ancestor worshippers, and many of them have in their possession golden discs called hitharadha tali, with the figures of one or more human beings stamped on them. the discs are made by akasales (goldsmiths), who stamp them from steel dies. they are either kept in the house, or worn round the neck by women. if the deceased was a celebrity in the community, a large plate is substituted for a disc. concerning the religion of the kurubas, mr. francis writes as follows. "the most striking point about the caste is its strong leaning towards the lingayat faith. almost everywhere, jangams are called in as priests, and allegiance to the lingayat maths (religious institutions) is acknowledged, and in places (kamalapuram for example), the ceremonies at weddings and funerals have been greatly modified in the direction of the lingayat pattern." [ ] "in the north arcot district, the gaudu is entrusted with the custody of a golden image representing the hero of the clan, and keeps it carefully in a small box filled with turmeric powder. there are also some images set up in temples built for the purpose. once a year, several neighbouring clans assemble at one of their bigger temples, which is lighted with ghi, and, placing their images in a row, offer to them flowers, cocoanuts, milk, etc., but they do not slay any victim. on the last day of their festival, the kurumbas take a bath, worship a bull, and break cocoanuts upon the heads of pujaris who have an hereditary right to this distinction, and upon the head of the sacred bull. some kurumbas do not adopt this apparently inhuman practice. a pujari or priest, supposed to have some supernatural power, officiates, and begins by breaking a few nuts on the heads of those nearest to him, and then the rest go on, the fragments belonging by right to those whose skulls have cracked them, and who value the pieces as sacred morsels of food. for a month before this ceremony, all the people have taken no meat, and for three days the pujaris have lived on fruits and milk alone. at the feast, therefore, all indulge in rather immoderate eating, but drink no liquor, calling excitedly upon their particular god to grant them a prosperous year. the temples of this caste are usually rather extensive, but rude, low structures, resembling an enclosed mantapam supported upon rough stone pillars, with a small inner shrine, where the idols are placed during festival time. a wall of stone encloses a considerable space round the temple, and this is covered with small structures formed of four flat stones, three being the walls, and the fourth the roof. the stone facing the open side has a figure sculptured upon it, representing the deceased gaudu, or pujari, to whom it is dedicated. for each person of rank one of these monuments is constructed, and here periodically, and always during the annual feasts, puja is made not only to the spirits of the deceased chiefs, but also to those of all who have died in the clan. it seems impossible not to connect this with those strange structures called by the natives pandava's temples. they are numerous where the kurumbas are now found, and are known to have been raised over the dead. though the kurumbas bury, they do not now raise their monuments over the resting place of the corpse. nor can they build them upon anything approaching to the gigantic scale of the ancient kistvaen or dolmen." [ ] it was noted by a correspondent of the indian antiquary [ ] that, in the kaladgi 'district,' he "came across the tomb of a kuruba only four years old. it was a complete miniature dolmen about eighteen inches every way, composed of four stones, one at each side, one at the rear, and a cap-stone. the interior was occupied by two round stones about the size of a man's fist, painted red, the deceased resting in his mother earth below." in the open country near kadur in mysore, is a shrine of biradevaru, which consists of four stone pillars several feet in height surmounted by flat slabs as a cap-stone, within which the deity is represented by round stones, and stones with snakes carved on them are deposited. within the kuruba quarter of the town, the shrine of anthargattamma is a regular dolmen beneath a margosa (melia azadirachta) tree, in which the goddess is represented by rounded stones imbedded in a mound of earth. just outside the same town, close to a pipal tree (ficus religiosa) are two smaller dolmen-like structures containing stones representing two kuruba dasaris, one a centenarian, who are buried there. "the village of maliar, in the hadagalli taluk of the bellary district, contains a siva temple, which is famous throughout the district for an annual festival held there in the month of february. this festival has now dwindled more or less into a cattle fair. but the fame of the temple continues as regards the karanika, which is a cryptic sentence uttered by a priest, containing a prophecy of the prospect of the agricultural season of the ensuing year. the pujari of the temple is a kuruba. the feast in the temple lasts for ten days. on the last day of the feast, the god siva is represented as returning victorious from the battlefield after having slain malla with a huge bow. he is met half-way from the field of battle by the goddess. the huge wooden bow is brought, and placed on end before the god. the kuruba priest climbs up the bow as it is held up by two assistants, and then gets on the shoulders of these men. in this posture he stands rapt in silence for a few minutes, looking in several directions. he then begins to quake and quiver from head to foot. this is the sign of the spirit of the siva god possessing him--the sign of the divine afflatus upon him. a solemn silence holds the assembly, for the time of the karanika has approached. the shivering kuruba utters a cryptic sentence, such as akasakke sidlu bodiyuttu, or thunder struck the sky. this is at once copied down, and interpreted as a prophecy that there will be much rain in the year to come. thus every year, in the month of february, the karanika of mailar is uttered and copied, and kept by all in the district as a prophecy. this karanika prognostication is also pronounced now at the mallari temple in the dharwar district, at nerakini in the alur taluk, and at mailar lingappa in the harapanahalli taluk." [ ] the rule of inheritance among the kurubas is said [ ] to differ very little from that current among hindus, but the daughters, if the deceased has no son, share equally with the agnates. they belong to the right-hand faction, and have the privilege of passing through the main bazars in processions. some mudalis and 'naidus' are said to have no objection to eat, drink, and smoke with kurubas. gollas and some inferior flesh-eating kapus will also do so. kuruhina setti viraisaivar.--a synonym of kurni. kuruhina means literally a sign, mark, or token. kuruvina banajiga occurs as a synonym of bilimagga. kurukkal.--see gurukkal (brahman). kurukula vamsam.--the name, derived from kuru, the ancestor of the kauravas, assumed by some pattanavans. kurumba or kuruman.--as bearing on the disputed question of the connection between the kurumbas who dwell in the jungle, and the kurubas (shepherds and weavers) who live in the plains and open country, i may quote the evidence of various witnesses:-- madras census report, .--"the kurumbas or kurrubas are the modern representatives of the ancient kurumbas or pallavas, who were once so powerful throughout southern india, but very little trace of their greatness now remains. in the seventh century, the power of the pallava kings seems to have been at its zenith; but, shortly after this, the kongu, chola, and chalukya chiefs succeeded in winning several victories over them. the final overthrow of the kurumba sovereignty was effected by the chola king adondai about the seventh or eighth century a.d., and the kurumbas were scattered far and wide. many fled to the hills, and in the nilgiris and the wynad, in coorg and mysore, representatives of this ancient race are now found as wild and uncivilised tribes. elsewhere the kurumbas are more advanced, and are usually shepherds, and weavers of coarse woollen blankets." "kuruman.--this caste is found in the nilgiris and the wynad, with a slight sprinkling in the nilambur and attapadi hills in malabar. their principal occupations are wood-cutting, and the collection of forest produce. the name is merely another form of kurumban, but, as they differ from the ordinary kurumbas, it seemed better to show them separately. i think, however, that they were originally identical with the shepherd kurumbans, and their present separation is merely the result of their isolation in the fastnesses of the western ghats, to which their ancestors fled, or gradually retreated after the downfall of the kurumba dynasty. the name kurumbranad, a sub-division of malabar, still bears testimony to their once powerful position." madras census report, --"kuruba; kurumban.--these two have always been treated as the same caste. mr. thurston (madras mus. bull. ii, i) thinks they are distinct. i have no new information, which will clearly decide the matter, but the fact seems to be that kurumban is the tamil form of the telugu or canarese kuruba, and that the two terms are applied to the same caste according to the language in which it is referred to. there was no confusion in the abstraction offices between the two names, and it will be seen that kuruba is returned where canarese and telugu are spoken, and kurumban where the vernacular is tamil. there are two sharply defined bodies of kurumbans--those who live on the nilgiri plateau, speak the kurumba dialect, and are wild junglemen; and those who live on the plains, speak canarese, and are civilised." mysore census report, --kadu kuruba or kurumba.--"the tribal name of kuruba has been traced to the primeval occupation of the race, viz., the tending of sheep, perhaps when pre-historic man rose to the pastoral stage. the uru or civilised kurubas, who are genuine tillers of the soil, and who are dotted over the country in populous and thriving communities, and many of whom have, under the present 'pax britannica,' further developed into enterprising tradesmen and withal lettered government officials, are the very antipodes of the kadu or wild kurubas or kurumbas. the latter, like the iruligas and soligas, are the denizens of the backwoods of the country, and have been correctly classed under the aboriginal population. the tamilised name of kurumba is applied to certain clans dwelling on the heights of the nilgiris, who are doubtless the offshoots of the aboriginal kadu kuruba stock found in mysore." w. r. king. aboriginal tribes of the nilgiri hills--"kurumbas.--this tribe is of another race from the shepherd kurumbas. the nilgiri tribe have neither cattle nor sheep, and in language, dress, and customs, have no affinity whatever with their namesakes." g. oppert. original inhabitants of india--"kurubas or kurumbas.--however separated from each other, and scattered among the dravidian clans with whom they have dwelt, and however distant from one another they still live, there is hardly a province in the whole of bharatavarasha which cannot produce, if not some living remnants of this race, at least some remains of past times which prove their presence. indeed, the kurumbas must be regarded as very old inhabitants of this land, who can contest with their dravidian kinsmen the priority of occupation of the indian soil. the terms kuruba and kurumba are originally identical, though the one form is, in different places, employed for the other, and has thus occasionally assumed a special local meaning. mr. h. b. grigg appears to contradict himself when, while speaking of the kurumbas, he says that 'in the low country they are called kurubas or curubaru, and are divided into such families as ane or elephant, naya or dog, male or hill kurumbas.' [ ] such a distinction between mountain kurumbas and plain kurumbas cannot be established. the rev. g. richter will find it difficult to prove that the kurubas of mysore are only called so as shepherds, and that no connection exists between these kurubas and the kurumbas. mr. lewis rice calls the wild tribes as well as the shepherds kurubas, but seems to overlook the fact that both terms are identical, and refer to only the ethnological distinction." the above extracts will suffice for the purpose of showing that the distinction between the jungle kurumbas and the more civilised kurubas, and their relationship towards each other, call for a 'permanent settlement.' and i may briefly place on record the results of anthropometric observations on the jungle kurumbas of the nilgiris, and the domesticated kurubas of mysore and the bellary district, whose stature and nasal index (two factors of primary importance) are compared with those of the jungle paniyans of malabar and kadirs of the anaimalai mountains-- ===================+==========+===============+============= | stature. | nasal index. | nasal index. ==== | average. | average. | maximum. ===================+==========+===============+============= | cm. | | kurubas, bellary | . | . | kurubas, mysore | . | . | kurumbas, nilgiris | . | . | paniyans | . | . | kadirs | . | | ===================+==========+===============+============= a glance at the above table at once shows that there is a closer affinity between the three dark-skinned, short, platyrhine jungle tribes, than between the jungle kurumbas and the lighter-skinned, taller, and more leptorhine kurubas. the domesticated kurubas are dealt with separately, and, in the remarks which follow, i am dealing solely with the jungle kurumbas. the kadu, or wild kurumbas of mysore are divided into "(a) betta or hill kurumbas, with sub-divisions called ane (elephant), bevina (nim tree: melia azadirachta), and kolli (fire-brand)--a small and active race, capable of great fatigue, who are expert woodmen; (b) jenu or honey kurumbas, said to be a darker and inferior race, who employ themselves in collecting honey and bees-wax." [ ] for the following note on the kadu kurumbas i am indebted to the mysore census report, . "there are two clans among them, viz., bettada and jenu. the former worship the forest deities narali and mastamma; eat flesh and "drink liquor, a favourite beverage being prepared from ragi (eleusine coracana) flour. some of their habits and customs are worth mentioning, as indicating their plane of civilization. they have two forms of marriage. one is similar to the elaborate ceremony among the vakkaligas, while the other is the simple one of a formal exchange of betel leaves and areca nuts, which concludes the nuptials. the kadu kurubas can only eat meals prepared by members of the higher castes. during their periodical illnesses, the females live outside the limits of the hadi (group of rude huts) for three days. and, in cases of childbirth, none but the wet nurse or other attendant enters the room of the confined woman for ten days. in cases of sickness, no medical treatment is resorted to; on the other hand, exorcisms, charms, incantations, and animal sacrifices are more generally in vogue. the male's dress consists of either a bit of cloth to cover their nudity, or a piece of coarse cloth tied round the waist, and reaching to the knees. they wear ornaments of gold, silver, or brass. they are their own barbers, and use broken glass for razors. the females wear coarse cloth four yards long, and have their foreheads tattooed in dots of two or three horizontal lines, and wear ear-rings, glass bangles, and necklaces of black beads. strangers are not allowed to enter their hadis or hamlets with shoes or slippers on. in case of death, children are buried, whilst adults are burned. on the occurrence of any untoward event, the whole site is abandoned, and a new hadi set up in the vicinity. the kadu kurubas are very active, and capable of enduring great fatigue. it is said that they are revengeful, but, if treated kindly, they will do willing service. the jenu kurubas live in small detached huts in the interior of thick jungles, far away from inhabited places. their habits are no less wild. the male dress consists of either a woollen kambli or coarse cloth, and a skull cap. the female's sadi is white coarse cloth, their wonted ornaments being a pair of brass ear-rings, strings of black beads tied round the neck, and glass bangles on the wrist. these people do not allow to outcasts and musalmans access to their premises, or permit shoes being brought into their houses or streets. they eat flesh, and take meals from vakkaligas, lingayats, and other superior castes. they subsist on wild bamboo seed, edible roots, etc., found in the jungle, often mixed with honey. they are said not unfrequently to make a dessert out of bees in preference to milk, ghi (clarified butter), etc. they are engaged chiefly in felling timber in the forests, and other similar rude pursuits, but they never own or cultivate land for themselves, or keep live-stock of their own. they are very expert in tracking wild animals, and very skilfully elude accidental pursuits thereby. their children, more than two years old, move about freely in the jungle. they are said to be hospitable to travellers visiting their place at any unusual hour. they are saivites, and jangams are their gurus. the ceremonial pollution on account of death lasts for ten days, as with the brahmans. children are buried, while adults, male or female, are cremated. a curious trait of this primitive race is that the unmarried females of the village or hadi generally sleep in a hut or chavadi set apart for them, whilst the adult bachelors and children have a separate building, both under the eye of the head tribesman. the hut for the latter is called pundugar chavadi, meaning literally the abode of vagabonds." the jenu kurumbas are said to eat, and the betta kurumbas to abstain from eating the flesh of the 'bison' (bos gaurus). in a note on the jenu and betta kurumbas of mysore, mr. m. venkatanarnappa writes as follows. "the betta are better clothed and fed than the jen kurumbas. their occupation is kumri (burning and shifting) cultivation. their women are clever at basket-making. they can be distinguished by the method of dress which their women have adopted, and the way in which the men wear their hair. a betta woman covers her body below the shoulders by tying a long cloth round the arm-pits, leaving shoulders and arms bare, whereas a jen woman in good circumstances dresses up like the village females, and, if poor, ties a piece of cloth round her loins, and wears another to partially conceal the upper part of her body. among males, a betta kurumba leaves his hair uncut, and gathers it from fore and aft into a knot tied on the crown of the head. a jen kurumba shaves like the ryots, leaving a tuft behind, or clips or crops it, with a curly or bushy growth to protect the head from heat and cold. the betta and jen kurumbas never intermarry." the betta kurumbas are, i am told, excellent elephant mahauts (drivers), and very useful at keddah (elephant-catching) operations. of the kadu and betta kurumbas, as they were at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the following account is given by buchanan. [ ] "the cad curubaru are a rude tribe, who are exceedingly poor and wretched. in the fields near the villages, they build miserable low huts, have a few rags only for clothing, and the hair of both sexes stands out matted like a mop, and swarms with vermin. some of them hire themselves out as labouring servants to the farmers, and receive monthly wages. others, in crop seasons, watch the fields at night, to keep off elephants and wild hogs. in the intervals between crops, they work as daily labourers, or go into the woods, and collect the roots of wild yams (dioscorea), part of which they eat, and part exchange with the farmers for grain. their manner of driving away the elephant is by running against him with a burning torch made of bamboos. the animal sometimes turns, waits till the curubaru comes close up; but these poor people, taught by experience, push boldly on, dash their torches against the elephant's head, who never fails to take to immediate flight. should their courage fail, and should they attempt to run away, the elephant would immediately pursue, and put them to death. the curubaru have no means of killing so large an animal, and, on meeting with one in the day-time, are as much alarmed as any other of the inhabitants. during the sultan's reign they caught a few in pitfalls. [i have heard of a clever kurumba, who caught an elephant by growing pumpkins and vegetable marrow, for which elephants have a partiality, over a pit on the outskirts of his field.--e.t.] the wild hogs are driven out of the fields by slings, but they are too fierce for the curubaru to kill. these people frequently suffer from tigers, against which their wretched huts are a poor defence; and, when this wild beast is urged by hunger, he is regardless of their burning torches. these curubaru have dogs, with which they catch deer, antelopes, and hares; and they have the art of taking in snares, peacocks, and other esculent birds. they believe that good men, after death, will become benevolent devas, and bad men destructive devas. they are of such known honesty that on all occasions they are entrusted with provisions by the farmers, who are persuaded that the curubaru would rather starve than take one grain of what was given to them in charge. the spirits of the dead are believed to appear in dreams to their old people, and to direct them to make offerings to a female deity named bettada chicama, that is, the mother of the hill. unless these offerings are made, this goddess occasions sickness. in cases of adultery, the husband flogs his wife severely, and, if he is able, beats her paramour. if he be not able, he applies to the gaudo (headman), who does it for him." the betta curubaru, buchanan continues, "live in poor huts near the villages, and the chief employment of the men is the cutting of timber, and making of baskets. with a sharp stick they also dig up spots of ground in the skirts of the forest, and sow them with ragi (eleusine coracana). the men watch at night the fields of the farmers, but they are not so dexterous at this as the cad curubaru. in this class, the cutigas are women that prefer another man to their husband, or widows, who do not wish to relinquish carnal enjoyment. their children are not considered as illegitimate." of the casual system of clearing the jungle in vogue among the kurumbas, i may quote the following description. [ ] "in their search for food, this wild tribe naturally prefers a forest cleared of all undergrowth, in which to move about, and the ingenuity with which they attain this end, and outwit the vigilant forest subordinates, is worthy of a better object. i have heard of a kurumba walking miles from his hadi or hamlet, with a ball of dry smouldering elephant dung concealed in his waist-cloth. this he carried to the heart of the forest reserve, and, selecting a suitable spot, he placed the smouldering dung, with a plentiful supply of dry inflammable grass over it, in such a position as to allow the wind to play upon it, and fan it into a flame with the pleasing certainty that the smoke from the fire would not be detected by the watchers on the distant fire-lines until the forest was well alight, the flames beyond all control, and the kurumba himself safe at home in his hadi, awaiting the arrival of the forest subordinate to summon the settlement to assist in the hopeless task of extinguishing the fire." of the kurumbas who are found in the wynad, calicut, and ernad taluks of malabar, the following account is given in the gazetteer of that district. "they are sub-divided into mullu (bamboo) kurumbans, jen or ten (honey) kurumbans, also called kadu or shola nayakkans (or jenu koyyo shola nayakas, i.e., honey-cutting lords of the woods), and urali or bet kurumbans; of which the first-named class, who consider themselves superior to the others, are cultivators and hunters; the second wood-cutters and collectors of honey; and the third make baskets and implements of agriculture. the mullu and ten kurumbans have headmen with titles of muppan and mudali respectively conferred by their janmis (landlords). the kurumbans, like many of the other hill-tribes, use bows and arrows, with which they are expert. the caste deity of the ten kurumbans is called masti. it is perhaps worth remarking that the urali kurumbans of the wynaad differ from the other two classes in having no headmen, observing a shorter period of pollution after a birth than any other malabar tribe and none at all after a death, and in not worshipping any of the malabar animistic deities." the chief sub-divisions of the kurumbas on the nilgiris, and in the wynad, are said, in the madras census report, , to be "mullu (thorn), betta or vetta (hill), urali (ur, a village), ten (honey), and tac'chanadan muppan (carpenter headman). of these, the first and last speak malayalam, and wear a lock in front of their head in the malabar fashion. the rest speak canarese. urali kurumbas work in metals." the villages of the kurumbas on the nilgiri hills are, mr. grigg writes, [ ] called mottas. they consist generally of only four or five huts, made of mud and wattle, with thatched roofs. the front of the house is sometimes whitewashed, and ornamented with rude drawings of men and animals in red earth or charcoal. they store their grain in large oval baskets, and for bottles they use gourds. they clear a patch round about the village, and sow the ground with ragi (eleusine coracana), tenne (setaria italica), or kiri (amarantus). they dig up roots (called gasu) for food, and collect the jungle produce, honey, resin, gall-nuts, etc., which they barter with low-country traders, and they are clever in catching game in nets, and dispose of the flesh in a surprisingly short time. kurumbas occasionally take work on coffee plantations, and some earn a livelihood by officiating as priests to the badagas. they are also employed as musicians at wedding feasts and funerals of the other tribes, where they play on clarionets, drums, and tambourines, as well as the buguri. they make baskets of rattan and milk vessels out of a joint of bamboo, as well as nets of a thread called oilhatti. their women confine themselves to the limited work of their households, fetching water, cooking, etc. the following extract embraces all that can be said of the religion of the kurumbas. "some profess to worship siva, and occasionally women mark their foreheads with the siva spot. others, living near barliar, worship kuribattraya (lord of many sheep) and the wife of siva under the name of musni. they worship also a rough stone under the name of hiriadeva, setting it up either in a cave, or in a circle of stones like the so-called kurumba kovil of the badagas, which the latter would seem to have borrowed from the kurumbas. to this they make puja, and offer cooked rice at the sowing time. they also profess to sacrifice to hiriadeva a goat, which they kill at their own houses, after sprinkling water, and eat, giving a portion of flesh to the pujari (priest). others say that they have no pujari: among such a scattered tribe customs probably vary in each motta"--(breeks). it is recorded by dr. rivers, in connection with the toda legendary stories of kwoten, that "one day kwoten went with erten of keadr, who was spoken of as his servant to poni, in the direction of polkat (calicut). at poni there is a stream called palpa, the commencement of which may be seen on the kundahs. kwoten and erten went to drink water out of the stream at a place where a goddess (teu) named terkosh had been bathing.... finally, they came to terkosh, who said to kwoten, "do not come near me, i am a teu." kwoten paid no heed to this, but said "you are a beautiful woman," and went and lay with her. then terkosh went away to her hill at poni, where she is now, and to this day the kurumbas go there once a year and offer plantains to her, and light lamps in her honour." it is further recorded by dr. rivers that "two ceremonial objects are obtained by the todas from the kurumbas. one is the tall pole called tadrsi or tadri, which is used in the dance at the second funeral ceremonies, and afterwards burnt. poles of the proper length are said to grow only on the malabar side of the nilgiris, and are probably most easily obtained from the kurumbas. the other is the teiks, or funeral post at which the buffalo is killed." besides supplying the badagas with the elephant-pole required at their funerals, the kurumbas have to sow the first handful of grain for the badagas every season. the ceremony is thus described by harkness. [ ] "a family of the burghers (badagas) had assembled, which was about to commence ploughing. with them were two or three kurumbas, one of whom had set up a stone in the centre of the spot on which we were standing, and, decorating it with wild flowers, prostrated himself to it, offered incense, and sacrificed a goat, which had been brought there by the burghers. he then took the guidance of the plough, and, having ploughed some ten or twelve paces, gave it over, possessed himself of the head of the sacrificed animal, and left the burghers to prosecute their labours.... the kurumba, sowing the first handful, leaves the burgher to go on with the remainder, and, reaping the first sheaf, delivers it with the sickle to him, to accomplish the remainder of the task. at harvest time, or when the whole of the grain has been gathered in, the kurumba receives his dues, or proportion of the produce." the relations of the kurumbas with the badagas at the present day, and the share which the former take in the ceremonies of the latter, are dealt with in the account of the badagas. i am informed that, among the kurumbas of the nilgiris, it is the custom for several brothers to take one wife in common (adelphogamy), and that they do not object to their women being open to others also. there is said to be no marriage rite. a man and woman will mate together, and live as husband and wife. and, if it happens that, in a family, there has been a succession of such wives for one or two generations, it becomes an event, and is celebrated as such. the pair sit together, and pour water over each other from pots. they then put on new cloths, and a feast is partaken of. among the shola nayakkars, a feature of the marriage ceremony is said to be for the bride to roll a cheroot of tobacco leaves, which both parties must smoke in turn. writing concerning the irulas and kurumbas, mr. walhouse says [ ] that "after every death among them, they bring a long water-worn stone (devva kotta kallu), and put it into one of the old cromlechs sprinkled over the nilgiri plateau. some of the larger of these have been found piled up to the cap-stone with such pebbles, which must have been the work of generations. occasionally, too, the tribes mentioned make small cromlechs for burial purposes, and place the long water-worn pebbles in them. mr. breeks reports that the kurumbas in the neighbourhood of the rangasvami peak and barliar burn their dead, and place a bone and a small round stone in the savu-mane (death-house)--an old cromlech." the conjecture is hazarded by fergusson [ ] that the kurumbas are the remnant of a great and widely spread race, who may have erected dolmens. as bearing on the connection between kurumbas and kurubas, it is worthy of note that the latter, in some places, erect dolmens as a resting-place for the dead. (see kuruba.) it is noted, in the gazetteer of the nilgiris, that the kurumbas "trade largely on the extraordinary dread of their supposed magical powers which possesses the todas and the badagas--the latter especially. stories are told of how they can summon wild elephants at will, and reduce rocks to powder merely by scattering mystic herbs upon them." "the kurumbas," harkness writes, "have a knowledge of herbs and medicinal roots, and the burghers (badagas) say that they limit their knowledge thereof to those which are noxious only, and believe that, with the assistance of their magic, they are able to convey them into the stomachs of those to whom they have any dislike. the violent antipathy existing between the burghers and the kurumbas, and the dread and horror which the former entertain of the preternatural powers of the latter, are, perhaps, not easily accounted for; but neither sickness, death, nor misfortune of any kind, ever visit the former, without the latter having the credit of producing it. a few years before, a burgher had been hanged by the sentence of the provincial court for the murder of a kurumba. the act of the former was not without what was considered great provocation. disease had attacked the inhabitants of the hamlet, a murrain their cattle. the former had carried off a great part of the family of the murderer, and he himself had but narrowly escaped its effects. no one in the neighbourhood doubted that the kurumba in question had, by his necromancy, caused all this misfortune, and, after several fruitless attempts, a party of them succeeded in surrounding him in open day, and effecting their purpose." in no less than forty-eight kurumbas were murdered, and a smaller number in and . in a whole family of kurumbas was murdered, of which the head, who had a reputation as a medicine-man, was believed to have brought disease and death into a badaga village. the sympathies of the whole country-side were so strongly with the murderers that detection was made very difficult, and the persons charged were acquitted. [ ] in this case several todas were implicated. "it is," mr. grigg writes, "a curious fact that neither kota, irula, or badaga will slay a kurumba until a toda has struck the first blow, but, as soon as his sanctity has been violated by a blow, they hasten to complete the murderous work, which the sacred hand of the toda has begun." the badaga's dread of the kurumba is said to be so great that a simple threat of vengeance has proved fatal. my toda guide--a stalwart representative of his tribe--expressed fear of walking from ootacamund to kotagiri, a distance of eighteen miles along a highroad, lest he should come to grief at the hands of kurumbas; but this was really a frivolous excuse to get out of accompanying me to a distance from his domestic hearth. in like manner, dr. rivers records that, when he went to kotagiri, a toda who was to accompany him made a stipulation that he should be provided with a companion, as the kurambas were very numerous in that part. in connection with the toda legend of Ön, who created the buffaloes and the todas, dr. rivers writes that "when Ön saw that his son was in amnodr (the world of the dead), he did not like to leave him there alone, and decided to go away to the same place. so he called together all the people, and the buffaloes and the trees, to come and bid him farewell. all the people came except a man of kwodrdoni named arsankutan. he and his family did not come. all the buffaloes came except the arsaiir, the buffaloes of the kwodroni ti (sacred dairy). some trees also failed to come. Ön blessed all the people, buffaloes and trees present, but said that, because arsankutan had not come, he and his people should die by sorcery at the hands of the kurumbas, and that, because the arsaiir had not come, they should be killed by tigers, and that the trees which had not come should bear bitter fruit. since that time the todas have feared the kurumbas, and buffaloes have been killed by tigers." on the nilgiri hills, honey-combs are collected by jen kurumbas and sholagas. the supply of honey varies according to the nature of the season, and is said to be especially plentiful and of good quality when strobilanthes flowers. [ ] the kurumbas are said to have incredibly keen eye-sight, gained from constantly watching the bee to his hive. when they find a hive not quite ready to take, they place a couple of sticks in a certain position. this sign will prevent any other kurumba from taking the honey, and no badaga or other hillman would meddle with it on any account, for fear of being killed by sorcery. fortified by a liberal allowance of alcohol and tobacco, the kurumbas, armed with bamboo torches, will follow up at night the tracks of a wounded 'bison' (bos gaurus), and bring back the head and meat to camp. a european sportsman recounts that he has often seen his kurumba shikari (tracker) stop, and, with the one word "honey," point to the top of an adjacent tree. "how do you know?" he asked, "oh! i saw a bee" was the answer given with the greatest nonchalance. on one occasion he found himself close to a swarm of bees. the kurumba, seeing him hesitate, thrust his stick clean through the swarm, and, with the bare remark "no honey," marched on. the district forest officer, when out shooting, had an easy shot at a stag, and missed it. "there," said the kurumba, pointing to a distant tree, "is your bullet." his trained sense of hearing no doubt enabled him to locate the sound of the bullet striking the tree, and his eyes, following the sound, instantly detected the slight blaze made by the bullet on the bark. the visual acuity of a number of tribes and castes inhabiting the mountains, jungles, and plains, has been determined by dr. w. h. r. rivers and myself, by means of the cohn letter e method. and, though the jungle man, who has to search for his food and mark the tracks or traces of wild beasts, undoubtedly possesses a specially trained keenness of vision for the exigencies of his primitive life, our figures show that, as regards ordinary visual acuity, he has no advantage over the more highly civilised classes. "the kurumbas of the mysore forests," mr. theobald writes, "make fire by friction. they follow the same method as the todas, as described by mr. thurston, but never use the powdered charcoal in the cavity of the horizontal piece of wood which is held down by their feet, or by a companion. the fine brown powder, formed during the rotation of the longer vertical piece, gives sufficient tinder, which soon ignites, and is then placed on a small piece of cotton rag, rolled loosely, and gently blown until it is ignited. the vertical stick is held between the palms, and has a reciprocal motion, by the palms being moved in opposite directions, at the same time using a strong downward pressure, which naturally brings the palms to the bottom, when they are at once raised to their original position, and the operation continued till the naturally formed tinder ignites." in his report on forest administration in coorg, - , mr. c. d'a. mccarthy writes as follows concerning the kurumbas, who work for the forest department. "we experienced in connection with the kurumbas one of those apparent aberrations of sense and intellect, the occurrence of which amongst this peculiar race was foreshadowed in the last report. the chief commissioner is aware that, in the interests of the kurubas themselves, we substitute for a single cash payment distributions to the same value of food-grains, clothes and cash, in equal proportions of each. now, seventy years ago, before the annexation of coorg, the kurubas and similar castes were prædial slaves of the dominant coorgs, receiving no other remuneration for service than food and clothing. in fact, this institution, nothing less than real slavery, was not entirely broken up until the great demand for local labour created by the opening up of the country for coffee cultivation so late as - , so that the existing generation are still cognisant of the old state of affairs. last year, during the distribution of rewards for the successful protection of the reserves that season from fire, it seems that the idea was put into the heads of these people that our system of remuneration, which includes the distribution of food and clothing, was an attempt to create again at their expense a system of, as it were, forest slavery; with the result that for a time nothing would induce many of them to accept any form of remuneration for the work already performed, much less to undertake the same duties for the approaching season. it was some time, and after no little trouble, that the wherefore of this strange conduct was discovered, and the suspicions aroused put at rest." in his report, - , mr. mccarthy states that "the local system of fire protection, consisting of the utilisation of the kuruba jungle population for the clearing of fire lines and patrolling, and the payment of rewards according to results, may now be said to be completely established in coorg. the kurubas appear to have gained complete confidence in the working of the system, and, provided the superior officers personally see to the payment of the rewards, are evidently quite satisfied that the deductions for failures are just and fair." the kurumbas are said to have been very useful in the mining operations during the short life of the wynad gold-mines. a few years ago, i received the skulls of two kurumbas, who went after a porcupine into a deserted tunnel on the glenrock gold-mining company's land in the wynad. the roof fell in on them, and they were buried alive. in a note on the 'ethnogénie des dravidiens', [ ] mr. louis lapicque writes as follows. "les populations caractéristiques du wainaad sont les panyer, les négroides les plus accusés et les plus homogenes que j'ai vus, et probablement qui existent dans toute l'inde. d'autre part, les tribus vivant de leur côté sur leurs propres cultures, fortement négroides encore, mais plus mélangées. tels sont les naiker et les kouroumbas." ===================+==========+=============+======== ==== | indice | indice | | nasal. | céphalique. | taille. ===================+==========+=============+======== panyer | | | kouroumbas | | | naiker | | . | ===================+==========+=============+======== concerning nayakas or naikers and kurumbas, mr. f. w. f. fletcher writes to me as follows from nellakotta, nilgiris. "it may be that in some parts of wynaad there are people known indifferently as kurumbas and shola nayakas; but i have no hesitation in saying that the nayakas in my employ are entirely distinct from the kurumbas. the two classes do not intermarry; they do not live together; they will not eat together. even their prejudices with regard to food are different, for a kurumba will eat bison flesh, and a nayaka will not. the latter stoutly maintains that he is entirely distinct from, and far superior to, the kurumba, and would be grievously offended if he were classed as a kurumba. the religious ceremonies of the two tribes are also different. the nayakas have separate temples, and worship separate gods. the chief kurumba temple in this part of the country is close to pandalur, and here, especially at the bishu feast, the kurumbas gather in numbers. my nayakas do not recognise this temple, but have their place of worship in the heart of the jungle, where they make their puja (worship) under the direction of their own priest. the nayakas will not attend the funeral of a kurumba; nor will they invite kurumbas to the funeral of one of their own tribe. there is a marked variation in their modes of life. the kurumba of this part lives in comparatively open country, in the belt of deciduous forest lying between the ghats proper and the foot of the nilgiri plateau. here he has been brought into contact with european planters, and is, comparatively speaking, civilised. the nayaka has his habitat in the dense jungle of the ghats, and is essentially a forest nomad, living on honey, jungle fruits, and the tuberous roots of certain jungle creepers. by constant association with myself, my nayaka men have lost the fear of the white man, which they entertained when i first came into the district; but even now, if i visit the village of a colony who reside in the primæval forest, the women and children will hide themselves in the jungle at sight of me. the superstitions of the two tribes are different. some nayakas are credited with the power of changing themselves at will into a tiger, and of wreaking vengeance on their enemies in that guise. and the kurumba holds the nayaka in as much awe as other castes hold the kurumba. lower down, on the flat below the ghats i am opening a rubber estate, and here i have another nayaka colony, who differ in many respects from their congeners above, although the two colonies are within five miles as the crow flies. the low-country nayaka does his hair in a knot on one side of his head, malayalam fashion, and his speech is a patois of malayalam. the nayaka on the hills above has a mop of curly hair, and speaks a dialect of his own quite distinct from the kurumba language, though both are derived from kanarese. but that the low-country people are merely a sept of the nayaka tribe is evident from the fact that intermarriage is common amongst the two colonies, and that they meet at the same temple for their annual puja. the priest of the hill colony is the pujari for both divisions of the nayakas, and the arbiter in all their disputes." kurumo.--the kurumos are a caste of oriya agriculturists, found mainly in the russellkonda taluk of ganjam. they are called kurumo by oriyas, and kudumo by telugus. there is a tradition that their name is derived from srikurmam in the vizagapatam district, where they officiated as priests in the siva temple, and whence they were driven northward. the kurumos say that, at the present day, some members of the caste are priests at saivite temples in ganjam, bear the title ravulo, and wear the sacred thread. it is noted in the madras census report, , that "some of them wear the sacred thread, and follow chaitanya, and oriya brahmans will accept drinking-water at their hands. they will eat in brahmans' houses, and will accept drinking-water from gaudos, bhondaris, and ravulos." bhondaris wash the feet of kurumos on ceremonial occasions, and, in return for their services, receive twice the number of cakes given to other guests at feasts. in addition to the kurumos proper, there is a section called kuji kurumo, which is regarded as lower in the social status. the caste titles are bissoyi, behara, dudi, majhi, nayako, podhano, ravulo, ravuto, senapati, and udhdhandra. those who bear the title dudi are priests at the temples of the village deities. the title udhdhandra was conferred by a zamindar, and is at present borne by a number of families, intermarriage among members of which is forbidden. every village has a headman entitled adhikari, who is under the control of a chief headman called behara. both these appointments are hereditary. among other deities, the kurumos worship various takuranis (village deities), such as bodo ravulo, bagha devi, kumbeswari, and sathabhavuni. in some places, there are certain marriage restrictions based on the house-gods. for example, a family whose house-god is bodo ravulo may not intermarry with another family which worships the same deity. every family of kurumos apparently keeps the house-god within the house, and it is worshipped on all important occasions. the god is usually represented by five areca nuts, which are kept in a box. these nuts must be filled with pieces of gold, silver, iron, copper, and lead, which are introduced through a hole drilled in the base of the nut, which is plugged with silver. infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she has to go through the mock-marriage rite, called dharma bibha, with her grandfather or other elder. on the evening of the day previous to that of the real marriage, called gondo sona, the paternal aunt of the bridegroom goes to a tank (pond), carrying thither a brass vessel. this is placed on the tank bund (embankment), and worshipped. some cowry (cypræa arabica) shells are then thrown into the tank, and the vessel is filled with water, and taken to the house. at the entrance thereto, a sullokhondia gaudo stands, holding a vessel of water, from which a little water is poured into the vessel brought from the tank. the bride's aunt then goes to three or five houses of members of her own caste, and receives water therefrom in her vessel, which is placed near the house-gods, and eventually kept on the marriage dais throughout the wedding ceremonies. over the marriage dais (bedi) at the bridegroom's house, four brass vessels, and four clay lamps fed with ghi (clarified butter), are placed at the four corners. round the four posts thereof seven turns of thread are made by a brahman purohit. the bridegroom, wearing mokkuto (forehead chaplet) and sacred thread, after going seven times round the dais, breaks the thread, and takes his seat thereon. after zizyphus jujuba leaves and rice have been thrown over him, he is taken in procession to a temple. on his return home, he is met by five or seven young girls and women at the entrance to the house, and zizyphus leaves are again thrown over him. a bhondari woman sprinkles water from mango leaves over him, and he proceeds in a palanquin to the home of the bride. at the marriage ceremony, the bride throws rice on the head of the bridegroom over a screen which is interposed between them. after their hands have been tied together, a grinding-stone and roller are placed between them, and they face each other while their fingers are linked together above the stone. on the seventh day, the newly married couple worship seven posts at the bride's house. the various articles used in connection with the marriage ceremonies, except one pot, are thrown into a tank. on his return thence, the bridegroom breaks the pot, after he has been sprinkled with the water contained in it by a bhondari. at times of marriage, and on other auspicious occasions, the kurumos, when they receive their guests, must take hold of their sticks or umbrellas, and it is regarded as an insult if this is not done. on the fifth and eighth days after the birth of a child, a new cloth is spread on the floor, on which the infant is placed, with a book (bagavatham) close to its head, and an iron rod, such as is used by oriya castes for branding the skin of the abdomen of newly-born babies, at its side. the relations and friends assemble to take part in the ceremonial, and a brahman purohit reads a puranam. betel leaves and areca nuts are then distributed. on the twenty-first day, the ceremonial is repeated, and the purohit is asked to name the child. he ascertains the constellation under which it was born, and announces that a name commencing with a certain letter should be given to it. like other oriya castes, the kurumos are particular with regard to the observation of various vratams (fasts). one, called sudasa vratam, is observed on a thursday falling on the tenth day after new moon in the month of karthika (november-december). the most elderly matron of the house does puja (worship), and a puranam is read. seven cubits of a thread dyed with turmeric are measured on the forearm of a girl seven years old, and cut off. the deity is worshipped, and seven knots are made in the piece of thread, which is tied on to the left upper arm of the matron. this vratam is generally observed by oriya castes. kurup.--in a note on the artisan classes of malabar, it is recorded [ ] that "the kolla-kurups combine two professions which at first sight seem strangely incongruous, shampooing or massage, and the construction of the characteristic leather shields of malabar. but the two arts are intimately connected with the system of combined physical training, as we should now call it, and exercise in arms, which formed the curriculum of the kalari (gymnasium), and the title kurup is proper to castes connected with that institution. a similar combination is found in the vil-kurups (bow-kurups), whose traditional profession was to make bows and arrows, and train the youth to use them, and who now shampoo, make umbrellas, and provide bows and arrows for some nayar ceremonies. other classes closely connected are the kollans or kurups distinguished by the prefixes chaya (colour), palissa (shield), and tol (leather), who are at present engaged in work in lacquer, wood, and leather." kurup also occurs as a title of nayars, in reference to the profession of arms, and many of the families bearing this title are said [ ] to still maintain their kalari. kuruvikkaran.--the kuruvikkarans are a class of marathi-speaking bird-catchers and beggars, who hunt jackals, make bags out of the skin, and eat the flesh thereof. by telugu people they are called nakkalavandlu (jackal people), and by tamilians kuruvikkaran (bird-catchers). they are also called jangal jati and kattu mahrati. among themselves they are known as vagiri or vagirivala. they are further known as yeddu marige vetagandlu, or hunters who hide behind a bullock. in decoying birds, they conceal themselves behind a bullock, and imitate the cries of birds in a most perfect manner. they are said to be called in hindustani paradhi and mir shikari. as regards their origin, there is a legend that there were once upon a time three brothers, one of whom ran away to the mountains, and, mixing with kanna kuruvans, became degraded. his descendants are now represented by the dommaras. the descendants of the second brother are the lambadis, and those of the third kuruvikkarans. the lowly position of these three classes is attributed to the fact that the three brothers, when wandering about, came across sita, the wife of rama, about whose personal charms they made remarks, and laughed. this made sita angry, and she uttered the following curse:--"malitho shikar, naitho bhikar," i.e., if (birds) are found, huntsmen; if not, beggars. according to a variant of the legend, [ ] many years ago in rajputana there lived two brothers, the elder of whom was dull, and the younger smart. one day they happened to be driving a bullock along a path by the side of a pool of water, when they surprised sita bathing. the younger brother hid behind his bullock, but the elder was too stupid to conceal himself, and so both were observed by the goddess, who was much annoyed, and banished them to southern india. the elder she ordered to live by carrying goods about the country on pack-bullocks, and the younger to catch birds by means of two snares, which she obligingly formed from hair plucked from under her arm. consequently the vagirivalas never shave that portion of the body. the kuruvikkarans are nomadic, and keep pack-bullocks, which convey their huts and domestic utensils from place to place. some earn their living by collecting firewood, and others by acting as watchmen in fields and gardens. women and children go about the streets begging, and singing songs, which are very popular, and imitated by hindu women. they further earn a livelihood by hawking needles and glass beads, which they may be seen in the evening purchasing from kayalans (muhammadan merchants) in the madras bazar. one of the occupations of the kuruvikkarans is the manufacture and sale of spurious jackal horns, known as narikompu. to catch the jackals, they make an enclosure of a net, inside which a man seats himself, armed with a big stick. he then proceeds to execute a perfect imitation of the jackal's cry, on hearing which the jackals come running to see what is the matter, and are beaten down. a kuruvikkaran, whom the rev. e. löventhal interviewed, howled like a jackal, to show his skill as a mimic. the cry was quite perfect, and no jackal would have doubted that he belonged to their class. sometimes the entire jackal's head is sold, skin and all. the process of manufacture of the horn is as follows. after the brain has been removed, the skin is stripped off a limited area of the skull, and the bone at the place of junction of the sagittal and lambdoid sutures above the occipital foramen is filed away, so that only a point, like a bony outgrowth, is left. the skin is then brought back, and pressed over the little horn, which pierces it. the horn is also said to be made out of the molar tooth of a dog or jackal, introduced through a small hole in a piece of jackal's skin, round which a little blood or turmeric paste is smeared, to make it look more natural. in most cases only the horn, with a small piece of skull and skin, is sold. sometimes, instead of the skin from the part where the horn is made, a piece of skin is taken from the snout, where the long black hairs are. the horn then appears surrounded by long black bushy hairs. the kuruvikkarans explain that, when they see a jackal with such long hairs on the top of its head, they know that it possesses a horn. a horn-vendor, whom i interviewed, assured me that the possessor of a horn is a small jackal, which comes out of its hiding-place on full-moon nights to drink the dew. according to another version, the horn is only possessed by the leader of a pack of jackals. the sinhalese and tamils alike regard the horn "as a talisman, and believe that its fortunate possessor can command the realisation of every wish. those who have jewels to conceal rest in perfect security if, along with them, they can deposit a narricomboo." [ ] the ayah (nurse) of a friend who possessed such a talisman remarked "master going into any law-court, sure to win the case." this, as has been pointed out, does not show much faith in the british administration of justice, if a so-called jackal's horn can turn the scale. two spurious horns, which i possessed, were promptly stolen from my study table, to bring luck to some tamil member of my establishment. some kuruvikkarans carry suspended from their turban or body-cloth a small whistle, with which they imitate the song of birds, and attract them. young boys often have with them a bundle of small sticks strung together, and with a horse-hair noose attached to them. the sticks are driven into the ground, and grain is strewn around to entice birds, which get caught in the noose. the women wear a petticoat and an ill-fitting bodice. among other classes "wearing the bodice like a kuruvikkaran woman" is used as a taunt. the petticoat may never be taken off till it is tattered and torn, and replaced by a new one; and, when a woman bathes, she has to do so with the garment on. anything which has come in contact with the petticoat, or rice husked with a woman's feet, is polluted, and may not be used by men. women adorn themselves with necklaces of beads and cowry shells, or sometimes, like the lambadis, wear shell bracelets. both men and women stain their teeth with a preparation of myrabolams, acacia arabica pods, and sulphates of copper and iron. females may not blacken their teeth, or wear a necklace of black beads before marriage. a young married woman, wherever she may be during the daytime, must rejoin her husband at night. if she fails to do so, she has to go through the ordeal of grasping a red-hot iron bar or sickle, and carrying it sixteen paces without dropping it. another form of ordeal is dipping the hands in a pot containing boiling cowdung water, and picking out therefrom a quarter-anna piece. if the woman is innocent, she is able to husk a small quantity of paddy (rice) by rubbing it between her hands immediately after the immersion in the liquid. if a man has to submit to trial by ordeal, seven arka (calotropis gigantea) leaves are tied to his palm, and a piece of red-hot iron placed thereon. his innocence is established if he is able to carry it while he takes seven long strides. the kuruvikkarans have exogamous septs, of which ranaratod seems to be an important one, taking a high place in the social scale. males usually add the title sing as a suffix to their names. marriage is always between adults, and the celebration, including the betrothal ceremony, extends over five days, during which meat is avoided, and the bride keeps her face concealed by throwing her cloth over it. sometimes she continues to thus veil herself for a short time after marriage. on the first day, after the exchange of betel, the father of the bride says "are you ready to receive my daughter as your daughter-in-law into your house? i am giving her to your son. take care of her. do not beat her when she is ill. if she cannot carry water, you should help her. if you beat her, or ill-treat her in any way, she will come back to us." the future father-in-law having promised that the girl will be kindly treated, the bridegroom says "i am true, and have not touched any other woman. i have not smiled at any girl whom i have seen. your daughter should not smile at any man whom she sees. if she does so, i shall drive her back to your house." in the course of the marriage ceremonies, the bride is taken to the home of her mother-in-law, to whom she makes a present of a new cloth. the nyavya (headman) hands a string of black beads to the mother-in-law, who ties it round the bride's neck, while the assembled women sing. at a marriage of the first daughter of a member of the ranaratod sept, a brahman purohit is invited to be present, and give his blessing, as it is believed that a gujarati brahman was originally employed for the marriage celebration. the principal tribal deity of the kuruvikkarans is kali or durga, and each sept possesses a small plate with a figure of the goddess engraved on it, which is usually kept in the custody of the headman. it is, however, frequently pledged, and money-lenders give considerable sums on the security of the idol, as the kuruvikkarans would on no account fail to redeem it. when the time for the annual festival of the goddess draws nigh, the headman or an elder piles up vigna catiang seeds in five small heaps. he then decides in his mind whether there is an odd or even number of seeds in the majority of heaps. if, when the seeds are counted, the result agrees with his forecast, it is taken as a sign of the approval of the goddess, and arrangements are made for the festival. otherwise it is abandoned for the year. on the day of the festival, nine goats and a buffalo are sacrificed. while some cakes are being cooked in oil, a member of the tribe prays that the goddess will descend on him, and, taking some of the cakes out of the boiling liquid, with his palm rubs the oil on his head. he is then questioned by those assembled, to whom he gives oracular replies, after sucking the blood from the cut throat of a goat. it is noted in the north arcot manual that the vagirivalas assemble two or three times in the year at varadareddipalli for worship. the objects of this are three saktis called mahan kali, chamundi, and mahammayi, represented by small silver figures, which are mortgaged to a reddi of the village, and lent by him during the few days of the festival. kusa.--a sub-division of holeyas in south canara, who also call themselves uppara. some of them say that they are the same as upparas of mysore, whose hereditary occupation was the manufacture of salt from salt-earth (ku, earth). kusa further occurs as a synonym of the otattu, or tile-making section of the nayars, and kusa maran as a class of potters in travancore. kusa is also an exogamous sept of the boyas. kusavan.--the kusavans are the tamil potters. "the name," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "is said to be derived from the sanskrit word ku signifying earth, the material in which they work, and avan, a personal termination. they wear the sacred thread, and profess both saivism and vaishnavism. their ceremonials are somewhat like those of the vellalas. the eating of flesh is permitted, but not widow marriage. some have priests of their own caste, while others employ brahmans. kusavans sometimes officiate as pujaris in pidari temples. their titles are udayan and velan. their stupidity and ignorance are proverbial." at times of census, kulalan has been returned as a synonym of kusavan, and kusavan as an occupational division of paraiyans. the kusavans are divided into the territorial sections chola, chera, and pandya, and say that "these are descended from the three sons of their original ancestor kulalan, who was the son of brahma. he prayed to brahma to be allowed, like him, to create and destroy things daily; so brahma made him a potter." [ ] in ancient days, the potters made the large pyriform sepulchral urns, which have, in recent times, been excavated in tinnevelly, madura, malabar, and elsewhere. dr. g. u. pope shows [ ] that these urns are mentioned in connection with the burial of heroes and kings as late as the eighth century a.d., and renders one of the tamil songs bearing on the subject as follows:-- "oh! potter chief ... what toil hath befallen thee! the descendant of the cora kings.... hath gained the world of gods. and so 'tis thine to shape an urn so vast that it shall cover the remains of such an one." the legend concerning the origin of the potter classes is narrated in the article on kummaras. "it is," mr. e. holder writes, [ ] "supposed by themselves that they are descended from a brahmin father and sudra mother, for the sacrificial earthen vessels, which are now made by them, were, according to the vedas, intended to be made by the priests themselves. some of the potters still wear the sacred thread, like the kammalars or artisan class. they are generally illiterate, though some of their class have earned distinction as sound scholars, especially of late years. the women assist the men in their work, chiefly where delicacy of execution is needed. on the whole, the potters are a poor class compared with the kammalar class, which includes jewellers, metal-workers and wood-workers. their occupation is, on that account, somewhat despised by others." the potter's apparatus is described by monier williams [ ] as "a simple circular horizontal well-balanced fly-wheel, generally two or three feet in diameter, which can be made to rotate for two or three minutes by a slight impulse. this the potter loads with clay, and then, with a few easy sweeps and turns of his hands, he moulds his material into beautiful curves and symmetrical shapes, and leaves the products of his skill to bake in the sun." by mr. holder the apparatus is described as follows. "the potter's implements are few, and his mode of working is very simple. the wheel, a clumsily constructed and defective apparatus, is composed of several thin pliable pieces of wood or bamboo, bent and tied together in the form of a wheel about / feet in diameter. this is covered over thickly with clay mixed with goat's hair or any fibrous substance. the four spokes and the centre on which the vessel rests are of wood. the pivot is of hard wood or steel. the support for the wheel consists of a rounded mass of clay and goat's hair, in which is imbedded a piece of hard wood or stone, with one or two slight depressions for the axle or pivot to move in. the wheel is set into motion first by the hand, and then spun rapidly by the aid of a long piece of bamboo, one end of which fits into a slight depression in the wheel. the defects in the apparatus are--firstly its size, which requires the potter to stoop over it in an uneasy attitude; secondly, the irregularity of its speed, with a tendency to come to a standstill, and to wave or wobble in its motion; and thirdly, the time and labour expended in spinning the wheel afresh every time its speed begins to slacken. notwithstanding, however, the rudeness of this machine, the potters are expert at throwing, and some of their small wares are thin and delicate. the usual manner in which most of the madras potters bake their wares is as follows. a circular space, about ten feet in diameter, is marked out on the ground in any convenient open spot. small pieces of wood and dried sticks are spread over this space to a depth of about six inches, and a layer of brattis (dried cow-dung cakes) laid over the sticks. the vessels are then carefully piled on top of this platform of fuel to a height of about five or six feet, and the whole heap is covered over with straw, and plastered over with clay, a few small openings being left here and there to allow the smoke to escape. these arrangements being completed, the fuel at the bottom is fired, and in the course of a few hours the process of baking is completed." when travelling in india, dr. jagor noticed that the potters of salem communicated to their ware a kind of polish, exactly like that seen on some of the specimens of antique pottery found in cromlechs. it was ascertained that the salem potters use a seed for producing the polish, which was determined by surgeon-general g. bidie to be the seed of gyrocarpus jacquini, which is also used for making rosaries and necklaces. another method employed for producing a polish is to rub the surface of the baked vessel with the mucilaginous juice of tuthi (abutilon indicum), and then fire the vessel again. it is stated, in the coimbatore manual, that "the potter never begins his day's work at the wheel without forming into a lingam and saluting the revolving lump of clay, which, with the wheel, bears a strong resemblance to the usual sculptured conjunction" (of lingam and yoni). an old potter woman, whom i examined on this point, explained that the lump represents ganesa. in like manner, the pan coolies at the salt factories never scrape salt from the pans without first making a pillayar (ganesa) of a small heap of salt, on the top of which the salt is sometimes piled up. painted hollow clay images are made by special families of kusavans known as pujari, who, for the privilege of making them, have to pay an annual fee to the headman, who spends it on a festival at the caste temple. when a married couple are anxious to have female offspring, they take a vow to offer figures of the seven virgins, who are represented all seated in a row. if a male or female recovers from cholera, small-pox, or other severe illness, a figure of the corresponding sex is offered. a childless woman makes a vow to offer up the figure of a baby, if she brings forth offspring. figures of animals--cattle, sheep, horses, etc.--are offered at the temple when they recover from sickness, or are recovered after they have been stolen. the pupils of the eyes of the figures are not painted in till they are taken to the temple, where offerings of fruit, rice, etc., are first made. even the pupils of a series of these images, which were specially made for me, were not painted at the potter's house, but in the verandah of the traveller's bungalow where i was staying. horses made of clay, hollow and painted red and other colours, are set up in the fields to drive away demons, or as a thank-offering for recovery from sickness or any piece of good luck. the villagers erect these horses in honour of the popular deity ayanar, the guardian deity of the fields, who is a renowned huntsman, and is believed, when, with his two wives purna and pushkala, he visits the village at night, to mount the horses, and ride down the demons. ayanar is said to be "the special deity of the caste. kusavans are generally the pujaris in his temples, and they make the earthenware (and brick and mortar) horses and images, which are placed before these buildings." [ ] for the following note on a ceremony, in which the potters take part, i am indebted to an essay submitted in connection with the m.a. degree of the madras university. "brahmans of vedic times ate dogs, horses, bulls, and goats. the fondness for mutton even in a raw state finds its modern counterpart in the bloody hecatombs that disfigure some of their annual sacrifices. in these ceremonies called pasubandha, agnishtoma, vajapeya, garudachayana, etc., a goat is tied to a post, and, after the usual mantrams (prayers) and the service of frankincense, etc., is ablutioned in water mixed with turmeric and taken to the slaughter-room. and the method of slaughtering is most appalling. two men appointed for the purpose, invariably men belonging to the pot-making community, rush into the apartment. one catches hold of the fore-quarter of the animal and keeps it from struggling, while the other squeezes the scrotum with so much violence that the animal succumbs in a few minutes, after writhing in the most painful fashion. the man in charge of the fore-quarter puts a handful of salt into the animal's mouth, and holds it tight, lest the animal should bleat, and make the ceremony unsanctimonious. the carcase is now brought to the mailing shed, where, with crude knives and untrained hands, the brahmans peel off the skin most savagely. then they cut open the chest, and it is a common sight to see these brahmans, uninitiated in the art of butchery, getting their hands severely poked or lacerated by the cut sharp ends of the ribs. then portions of flesh are cut off from various portions of the carcase, such as the buccal region, the cardiac region, the scapular region, the renal, the scrotal, the gluteal and gastroenemial regions. the amount of flesh thus chopped comes to not less than three big potfuls, and they are cooked in water over the slow fire of a primitively constructed oven. no salt is put to season the meat, but the brahmans bolt it without any condiment in an awful fashion." the services of the potter are required in connection with the marriage ceremonial of many castes. at some brahman marriages, for example, the tali is tied on the bride's neck in the presence of crores ( millions) of gods, who are represented by a number of variously coloured pots, large and small. at a lingayat wedding, new pots are brought with much shouting, and deposited in the room in which the household god is kept. an enclosure is made round the bride and bridegroom with cotton thread passed round four pots placed at the four corners of the marriage pandal. among the patnulkarans, on the occasion of a wedding, a number of small pots are set up in a room, and worshipped daily throughout the marriage ceremonies. the ceremonial of breaking a pot containing water at the graveside prevails among many classes, e.g., oddes, toreyas, and paraiyans. at the time of the aruvaththimuvar festival, or festival of the sixty-three saints, at mylapore in the city of madras, crowds may be seen returning homeward after attending it, each carrying a new pot (chatty), which they purchase so as not to go home empty-handed. at the festival of tiruvottiyur, stalks of amarantus gangeticus are in like manner purchased. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that "a kusavan can claim the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter. marriage occurs before puberty. the tali is tied by the bridegroom's sister, and the usual bride-price is paid. the ceremonies last three days. one of them consists in the bridegroom's sister sowing seeds in a pot, and, on the last day of the wedding, the seedlings which have sprouted are taken with music to a river or tank (pond), and thrown into it. when the bride attains maturity, a ceremony is conducted by the caste priest, and consummation follows on the next auspicious day." among the kusavans, divorce and remarriage are permissible on mutual agreement, on one party paying to the other the expenses of the latter's original marriage (parisam). a case came before the high court of madras, [ ] in which a kusavan woman in the tinnevelly district, on the ground of ill-treatment, repaid her husband the parisam, thereby dissolving the marriage, and married another man. the potters are considered to be adepts in the treatment of cases of fracture. and it is still narrated how one of them successfully set in splints the broken arm of lord elphinstone, when governor of madras, after the english doctors had given up the job as hopeless. [ ] "in our village," it is recorded, [ ] "cases of dislocations of bones and fractures, whether simple, compound, comminuted or complicated, are taken in hand by the bone-setters, who are no other than our potters. the village barber and the village potter are our surgeons. while the barber treats cases of boils, wounds, and tumours, the potter confines himself to cases of fracture and dislocations of bones." the amateur treatment by the unqualified potter sometimes gives rise to what is known as potter's gangrene. for the notes of the following case i am indebted to captain f. f. elwes, i.m.s. a bricklayer, about a month and a half or two months prior to admission into hospital, fell from a height, and injured his left arm. he went to a potter, who placed the arm and forearm in a splint, the former in a line with the latter, i.e., fully extended. he kept the splint on for about a month and, when it was removed, found that he was unable to bend the arm at the elbow-joint. when he was examined at the hospital, practically no movement, either active or passive, could be obtained at the elbow-joint. the lower end of the humerus could be felt to be decidedly thickened both anteriorly and posteriorly. there had apparently been a fracture of the lower end of the humerus. röntgen ray photographs showed an immense mass of callus extending over the anterior surface of the elbow-joint from about two and a half inches above the lower end of the humerus to about an inch below the elbow-joint. there was also some callus on the posterior surface of the lower end of the humerus. concerning potter's gangrene, captain w. j. niblock, i.m.s., writes as follows. [ ] "cases of gangrene, the result of treatment of fractures by the village potters, used to be frequently met with in the general hospital, madras. these were usually brought when the only possible treatment consisted in amputation well above the disease. two of these cases are indelibly impressed on my mind. both were cases of gangrene of the leg, the result of tight splinting by potters. the first patient was a boy of thirteen. whilst a student was removing the dressings on his admission, the foot came off in his hands, leaving two inches of the lower ends of the tibia and fibula exposed, and absolutely devoid of all the soft tissues, not even the periosteum being left. the second case was that of a hindu man, aged . he was taken to the operation theatre at once. whilst engaged in disinfecting my hands, i heard a dull thud on the floor of the operation theatre, turned round, and found that the gangrenous leg, as the result of a struggle whilst chloroform was being administered, had become separated at the knee-joint, and had fallen on floor; or, to put it tersely, the man had kicked his leg off." in connection with the tamil proverb "this is the law of my caste, and this is the law of my belly," the rev. h. jensen notes [ ] that "potters are never vaishnavas; but potters at srirangam were compelled by the vaishnava brahmans to put the vaishnava mark on their foreheads; otherwise the brahmans would not buy their pots for the temple. one clever potter, having considered the difficulty, after making the saivite symbol on his forehead, put a big vaishnava mark on his stomach. when rebuked for so doing by a brahman, he replied as above." the proverb "does the dog that breaks the pots understand how difficult it is to pile them up?" is said by jensen to have reference to the pots which are piled up at the potter's house. a variant is "what is many days' work for the potter is but a few moment's work for him who breaks the pots." in the madura district, the kusavans have velan as a title. the insigne of the kusavans, recorded at conjeeveram, is a potter's wheel. [ ] kutikkar.--a name for dasis in travancore. kutraki (wild goat).--an exogamous sept of jatapu. kuttadi.--described, in the census report, , as an occupational name, meaning a rope-dancer, applied to dommaras, paraiyans, or koravas. arya kuttadi is a tamil synonym for maratha (are) dommaras. kuttadi also occurs as the name of a class of mendicants attached to kaikolans. kuttan.--a division of toda. kuttina.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. kuttiya.--a sub-division of kond. kuzhal.--the name of the flute used by shepherds and snake-charmers. it occurs as an exogamous sept of toreyas, the members of which must not hear the sound of this musical instrument when at meals. kuzhappara.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. kuzhiyan.--a synonym derived from kuzhi a pit, for thanda pulayans, in reference to the legend that they were found emerging in a state of nudity from a pit. l labbai.--the labbais are summed up, in the madras census report, , as being "a musalman caste of partly tamil origin, the members of which are traders and betel vine (piper betle) growers. they seem to be distinct from the marakkayars, as they do not intermarry with them, and their tamil contains a much smaller admixture of arabic than that used by the marakkayars. in the tanjore district, the labbais are largely betel vine cultivators, and are called kodikkalkaran (betel vine people)." in the census report, , the labbais are said to be "found chiefly in tanjore and madura. they are the mappilas of the coromandel coast, that is to say, converted dravidians, or hindus, with a slight admixture of arab blood. they are thrifty, industrious, and enterprising; plucky mariners, and expert traders. they emigrate to the straits settlements and burma without restriction." in the census report, , they are described as "a mixed class of muhammadans, consisting partly of compulsory converts to islam made by the early muhammadan invaders and tippu sultan." as regards their origin, colonel wilks, the historian of mysore, writes as follows. [ ] "about the end of the first century of the hejirah, or the early part of the eighth century a.d., hijaj ben gusaff, governor of irak, a monster abhorred for his cruelties even among musalmans, drove some persons of the house of hashem to the desperate resolution of abandoning for ever their native country. some of them landed on that part of the western coast of india called the concan, the others to the eastward of cape comorin. the descendants of the former are navaiyats, of the latter the labbai, a name probably given to them by the natives from that arabic particle (a modification of labbick) corresponding with the english 'here i am,' indicating attention on being spoken to [i.e., the response of the servant to the call of his master. a further explanation of the name is that the labbais were originally few in number, and were often oppressed by other muhammadans and hindus, to whom they cried labbek, or we are your servants]. another account says they are the descendants of the arabs, who, in the eleventh and and twelfth centuries, came to india for trade. these arabs were persecuted by the moghals, and they then returned to their country, leaving behind their children born of indian women. the word labbai seems to be of recent origin, for, in the tamil lexicons, this caste is usually known as sonagan, i.e., a native of sonagam (arabia), and this name is common at the present day. most of the labbais are traders; some are engaged in weaving corah (sedge) mats; and others in diving at the pearl and chank fisheries of the gulf of manaar. tamil is their home-speech, and they have furnished some fair tamil poets. in religion they are orthodox musalmans. their marriage ceremony, however, closely resembles that of the lower hindu castes, the only difference being that the former cite passages from the koran, and their females do not appear in public even during marriages. girls are not married before puberty. their titles are marakkayan (marakalar, boatmen), and ravuttan (a horse soldier). their first colony appears to have been kayalpatnam in the tinnevelly district." in the manual of the madura district, the labbais are described as "a fine, strong, active race, who generally contrive to keep themselves in easy circumstances. many of them live by traffic. many are smiths, and do excellent work as such. others are fishermen, boatmen, and the like. they are to be found in great numbers in the zamindaris, particularly near the sea-coast." concerning the use of a malay blow-gun (glorified pea-shooter) by the labbais of the madura district, dr. n. annandale writes as follows. [ ] "while visiting the sub-division of ramnad in the coast of the madura district in , i heard that there were, among the muhammadan people known locally as lubbais or labbis, certain men who made a livelihood by shooting pigeons with blow-guns. at kilakarai, a port on the gulf of manaar, i was able to obtain a specimen, as well as particulars. according to my labbi informants, the 'guns' are purchased by them in singapore from bugis traders, and brought to india. there is still a considerable trade, although diminished, between kilakarai and the ports of burma and the straits settlements. it is carried on entirely by muhammadans in native sailing vessels, and a large proportion of the musalmans of kilakarai have visited penang and singapore. it is not difficult to find among them men who can speak straits malay. the local name for the blow-gun is senguttan, and is derived in popular etymology from the tamil sen (above) and kutu (to stab). i have little doubt that it is really a corruption of the malay name of the weapon--sumpitan. the blow-gun which i obtained measures . cm. in length: its external diameter at the breech is mm., and at the other extremity mm. the diameter of the bore, however, is practically the same throughout, viz., mm. both ends are overlaid with tin, and the breech consists of a solid piece of tin turned on a lathe and pierced, the diameter of the aperture being the same as that of the bore. the solid tin measures mm. in length, and is continuous with the foil which covers the base of the wooden tube. the tube itself is of very hard, heavy, dark wood, apparently that of a palm. it is smooth, polished and regular on its outer surface, and the bore is extremely true and even. at a distance of mm. from the distal extremity, at the end of the foil which protects the tip of the weapon, a lump of mud is fixed on the tube as a 'sight.' the ornamentation of the weapon is characteristic, and shows that it must have been made in north borneo. it consists of rings, leaf-shaped designs with an open centre, and longitudinal bars, all inlaid with tin. the missiles used at kilakarai were not darts, but little pellets of soft clay worked with the fingers immediately before use. the use of pellets instead of darts is probably an indian makeshift. although a 'sight' is used in some bornean blow-guns, i was told, probably correctly, that the lump of mud on the kilakarai specimen had been added in india. i was told that it was the custom at kilakarai to lengthen the tin breech of the 'gun' in accordance with the capacity of the owner's lungs. he first tried the tube by blowing a pellet through it, and, if he felt he could blow through a longer tube, he added another piece of tin at the proximal end. the pellet is placed in the mouth, into which the butt of the tube is also introduced. the pellet is then worked into the tube with the tongue, and is propelled by a violent effort of the lungs. no wadding is used. aim is rendered inaccurate, in the first place by the heaviness of the tube, and secondly by the unsuitable nature of the missile." a toy blow-gun is also figured by dr. annandale, such as is used as a plaything by labbai boys, and consisting of a hollow cane with a piece of tinned iron twisted round the butt, and fastened by soldering the two ends together. i have received from the madura district a blowpipe consisting of a long black-japanned tin tube, like a billiard-cue case, with brass fittings and terminals. in connection with the dugong (halicore dugong), which is caught in the gulf of manaar, dr. annandale writes as follows. [ ] "the presence of large glands in connection with the eye afforded some justification for the malay's belief that the dugong weeps when captured. they regard the tears of the ikandugong ('dugong fish') as a powerful love-charm. muhammadan fishermen on the gulf of manaar appeared to be ignorant of this usage, but told me that a 'doctor' once went out with them to collect the tears of a dugong, should they capture one. though they do not call the animal a fish, they are less particular about eating its flesh than are the patani malays and the trang samsams, who will not do so unless the 'fish's' throat has been cut in the manner orthodox for warm-blooded animals. the common tamil name for the dugong is kadalpudru ('sea-pig'); but the fishermen at kilakarai (lubbais) call it avilliah." concerning the labbais of the south arcot district, mr. w. francis writes as follows. [ ] "the labbais are often growers of betel, especially round about nellikuppam, and they also conduct the skin trade of the district, are petty shop-keepers, and engage in commerce at the ports. their women are clever at weaving mats from the screw-pine (pandanus fascicularis), which grows so abundantly along the sandy shore of the bay of bengal. the labbais very generally wear a high hat of plaited coloured grass, and a tartan (kambayam) waist-cloth, and so are not always readily distinguishable in appearance from the marakkayars, but some of them use the hindu turban and waist-cloth, and let their womankind dress almost exactly like hindu women. in the same way, some labbais insist on the use of hindustani in their houses, while others speak tamil. there seems to be a growing dislike to the introduction of hindu rites into domestic ceremonies, and the processions and music, which were once common at marriages, are slowly giving place to a simpler ritual more in resemblance with the nikka ceremony of the musalman faith." in a note on the labbais of the north arcot district, [ ] mr. h. a. stuart describes them as being "very particular muhammadans, and many belong to the wahabi section. adhering to the rule of the koran, most of them refuse to lend money at interest, but get over the difficulty by taking a share in the profits derived by others in their loans. they are, as a rule, well-to-do, and excellently housed. the first thing a labbai does is to build himself a commodious tiled building, and the next to provide himself with gay attire. they seem to have a prejudice against repairing houses, and prefer letting them go to ruin, and building new ones. the ordinary musalmans appear to entertain similar ideas on this point." some kodikkalkaran labbais have adopted hindu customs in their marriage ceremonies. thus a bamboo is set up as a milk-post, and a tali is tied round the neck of the bride while the nikkadiva is being read. in other respects, they practice muhammadan rites. concerning the labbais who have settled in the mysore province, i gather [ ] that they are "an enterprising class of traders, settled in nearly all the large towns. they are vendors of hardware and general merchants, collectors of hides, and large traders in coffee produce, and generally take up any kind of lucrative business. it is noteworthy, as denoting the perseverance and pushing character of the race that, in the large village of gargesvari in tirumakudlu, narsipur taluk, the labbes have acquired by purchase or otherwise large extents of river-irrigated lands, and have secured to themselves the leadership among the villagers within a comparatively recent period." for the purpose of the education of labbai and marakkayar children, the koran and other books have been published in the tamil language, but with arabic characters. concerning these arab-tamil books i gather that "when a book thus written is read, it is hardly possible to say that it is tamil--it sounds like arabic, and the guttural sounds of certain words have softened down into arabic sounds. certain words, mostly of religious connection, have been introduced, and even words of familiar daily use. for instance, a labbai would not use the familiar word annai for brother, tagappan for father, or chithammai for aunt, but would call such relatives bhai, bava, and khula. since the books are written in arabic characters, they bear a religious aspect. the labbai considers it a sacred and meritorious duty to publish them, and distribute them gratis among the school-going children. a book so written or printed is called a kitab, rather than its tamil equivalent pustagam, and is considered sacred. it commands almost the same respect as the koran itself, in regard to which it has been commanded 'touch not with unclean hands.' a book of a religious nature, written or printed in tamil characters, may be left on the ground, but a kitab of even secular character will always be placed on a rihal or seat, and, when it falls to the ground, it is kissed and raised to the forehead. the origin of this literature may be traced to kayalpatnam, melapalayam, and other important labbai towns in the tinnevelly district." the following rendering of the second kalima will serve as an example of arab-tamil. ladaf.--recorded, at the census, , as a synonym of dudekula. a corruption of nad-daf (a cotton-dresser). ladar.--it is noted, in the mysore census report, , that "the ladars are a class of general merchants, found chiefly in the cities, where they supply all kinds of stores, glass-ware, etc." i gather [ ] that the "lad or suryavaunshi vanis say that they are the children of surya, the sun. they are said to have come from benares to maisur under pressure of famine about years ago. but their caste name seems to show that their former settlement was not in benares, but in south gujarat or lat desh. they are a branch of the lad community of maisur, with whom they have social intercourse. they teach their boys to read and write kanarese, and succeed as traders in grain, cloth, and groceries." lala.--the names of some bondilis, or immigrants from bandelkand, who have settled in the north arcot district and other localities, terminate with lala. lala also occurs as a synonym for kayasth, the writer caste of bengal, immigrants from northern india, who have settled in madras, where there are a number of families. "in madras," mr. s. m. natesa sastri informs us, [ ] "the mahrattas and lalas--mostly non-brahman--observe the holi feast with all sorts of hideousness. the youngsters of the lala sect make, in each house or in common for a whole street, an image of holika, sing obscene songs before it, offer sweetmeats, fruits and other things in mock worship of the image, exchange horseplay compliments by syringing coloured water on each other's clothes, and spend the whole period of the feast singing, chatting, and abusing. indecent language is allowed to be indulged in during the continuance of this jolly occasion. at about a.m. on the full moon day, the image of holika is burnt, and children sit round the embers, and beat their mouths, making a mock mourning sound. tender children are swung over the fire for a second by the fond mothers, and this is believed to remove all kinds of danger from the babies." laligonda.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as lingayats, consisting of canarese-speaking kapus or vakkaligas. lambadi.--the lambadis are also called lambani, brinjari or banjari, boipari, sugali or sukali. by some sugali is said to be a corruption of supari (betel nut), because they formerly traded largely therein. [ ] "the banjaras," mr. g. a. grierson writes, [ ] "are the well-known tribe of carriers who are found all over western and southern india. [ ] one of their principal sub-castes is known under the name of labhani, and this name (or some related one) is often applied to the whole tribe. the two names appear each under many variations, such as banjari, vanjari, brinjari, labhani, labani, labana, lambadi, and lambani. the name banjara and its congeners is probably derived from the sanskrit vanijyakarakas, a merchant, through the prakrit vanijjaarao, a trader. the derivation of labhani or labani, etc., is obscure. it has been suggested that it means salt carrier from the sanskrit lavanah, salt, because the tribe carried salt, but this explanation goes against several phonetic rules, and does not account for the forms of the word like labhani or lambani. banjari falls into two main dialects--that of the panjab and gujarat, and that of elsewhere (of which we may take the labhani of berar as the standard). all these different dialects are ultimately to be referred to the language of western rajputana. the labhani of berar possesses the characteristics of an old form of speech, which has been preserved unchanged for some centuries. it may be said to be based partly on marwari and partly on northern gujarati." it is noted by mr. grierson that the banjari dialect of southern india is mixed with the surrounding dravidian languages. in the census report, , tanda (the name of the lambadi settlements or camps), and vali sugriva are given as synonyms for the tribal name. vali and sugriva were two monkey chiefs mentioned in the ramayana, from whom the lambadis claim to be descended. the legend, as given by mr. f. s. mullaly, [ ] is that "there were two brothers, mota and mola, descendants of sugriva. mola had no issue, so, being an adept in gymnastic feats, he went with his wife radha, and exhibited his skill at 'rathanatch' before three rajahs. they were so taken with mola's skill, and the grace and beauty of radha, and of her playing of the nagara or drum, that they asked what they could do for them. mola asked each of the rajahs for a boy, that he might adopt him as his son. this request was accorded, and mola adopted three boys. their names were chavia, lohia panchar, and ratade. these three boys, in course of time, grew up and married. from bheekya, the eldest son of ratade, started the clan known as the bhutyas, and from this clan three minor sub-divisions known as the maigavuth, kurumtoths, and kholas. the bhutyas form the principal class among the lambadis." according to another legend, [ ] "one chada left five sons, mula, mota, nathad, jogda, and bhimda. chavan (chauhan), one of the three sons of mula, had six sons, each of whom originated a clan. in the remote past, a brahman from ajmir, and a marata from jotpur in the north of india, formed alliances with, and settled among these people, the marata living with rathol, a brother of chavan. the brahman married a girl of the latter's family, and his offspring added a branch to the six distinct clans of chavan. these clans still retain the names of their respective ancestors, and, by reason of cousinship, intermarriage between some of them is still prohibited. they do, however, intermarry with the brahman offshoot, which was distinguished by the name of vadtya, from chavan's family. those belonging to the vadtya clan still wear the sacred thread. the marata, who joined the rathol family, likewise founded an additional branch under the name of khamdat to the six clans of the latter, who intermarry with none but the former. it is said that from the khamdat clan are recruited most of the lambadi dacoits. the clan descended from mota, the second son of chada, is not found in the mysore country. the descendants of nathad, the third son, live by catching wild birds, and are known as mirasikat, paradi, or vagri (see kuruvikkaran). the jogdas are people of the jogi caste. those belonging to the bhimda family are the peripatetic blacksmiths, called bailu kammara. the lambani outcastes compose a sub-division called thalya, who, like the holayas, are drum-beaters, and live in detached habitations." as pointing to a distinction between sukalis and banjaris, it is noted by the rev. j. cain [ ] that "the sukalilu do not travel in such large companies as the banjarilu, nor are their women dressed as gaudily as the banjari women. there is but little friendship between these two classes, and the sukali would regard it as anything but an honour to be called a banjari, and the banjari is not flattered when called a sukali." it is, however, noted, in the madras census report, , that enquiries show that lambadis and sugalis are practically the same. and mr. h. a. stuart, writing concerning the inhabitants of the north arcot district, states that the names sugali, lambadi and brinjari "seem to be applied to one and the same class of people, though a distinction is made. the sugalis are those who have permanently settled in the district; the lambadis are those who commonly pass through from the coast to mysore; and the brinjaris appear to be those who come down from hyderabad or the central provinces." it is noted by mr. w. francis [ ] that, in the bellary district, the lambadis do not recognise the name sugali. orme mentions the lambadis as having supplied the comte de bussy with store, cattle and grain, when besieged by the nizam's army at hyderabad. in an account of the brinjaris towards the close of the eighteenth century, moor [ ] writes that they "associate chiefly together, seldom or never mixing with other tribes. they seem to have no home, nor character, but that of merchants, in which capacity they travel great distances to whatever parts are most in want of merchandise, which is the greatest part corn. in times of war they attend, and are of great assistance to armies, and, being neutral, it is a matter of indifference to them who purchase their goods. they marched and formed their own encampments apart, relying on their own courage for protection; for which purpose the men are all armed with swords or matchlocks. the women drive the cattle, and are the most robust we ever saw in india, undergoing a great deal of labour with apparent ease. their dress is peculiar, and their ornaments are so singularly chosen that we have, we are confident, seen women who (not to mention a child at their backs) have had eight or ten pounds weight in metal or ivory round their arms and legs. the favourite ornaments appear to be rings of ivory from the wrist to the shoulder, regularly increasing in size, so that the ring near the shoulder will be immoderately large, sixteen or eighteen inches, or more perhaps in circumference. these rings are sometimes dyed red. silver, lead, copper, or brass, in ponderous bars, encircle their shins, sometimes round, others in the form of festoons, and truly we have seen some so circumstanced that a criminal in irons would not have much more to incommode him than these damsels deem ornamental and agreeable trappings on a long march, for they are never dispensed with in the hottest weather. a kind of stomacher, with holes for the arms, and tied behind at the bottom, covers their breast, and has some strings of cowries, [ ] depending behind, dangling at their backs. the stomacher is curiously studded with cowries, and their hair is also bedecked with them. they wear likewise ear-rings, necklaces, rings on the fingers and toes, and, we think, the nut or nose jewel. they pay little attention to cleanliness; their hair, once plaited, is not combed or opened perhaps for a month; their bodies or cloths are seldom washed; their arms are indeed so encased with ivory that it would be no easy matter to clean them. they are chaste and affable; any indecorum offered to a woman would be resented by the men, who have a high sense of honour on that head. some are men of great property; it is said that droves of loaded bullocks, to the number of fifty or sixty thousand, have at different times followed the bhow's army." the lambadis of bellary "have a tradition among them of having first come to the deccan from the north with moghul camps as commissariat carriers. captain j. briggs, in writing about them in , states that, as the deccan is devoid of a single navigable river, and has no roads that admit of wheeled traffic, the whole of the extensive intercourse is carried on by laden bullocks, the property of the banjaris." [ ] concerning the lambadis of the same district, mr. francis writes that "they used to live by pack-bullock trade, and they still remember the names of some of the generals who employed their forebears. when peace and the railways came and did away with these callings, they fell back for a time upon crime as a livelihood, but they have now mostly taken to agriculture and grazing." some lambadis are, at the present time ( ), working in the mysore manganese mines. writing in , bishop heber noted [ ] that "we passed a number of brinjarees, who were carrying salt. they all had bows, arrows, sword and shield. even the children had, many of them, bows and arrows suited to their strength, and i saw one young woman equipped in the same manner." of the lambadis in time of war, the abbé dubois inform us [ ] that "they attach themselves to the army where discipline is least strict. they come swarming in from all parts, hoping, in the general disorder and confusion, to be able to thieve with impunity. they make themselves very useful by keeping the market well supplied with the provisions that they have stolen on the march. they hire themselves and their large herds of cattle to whichever contending party will pay them best, acting as carriers of the supplies and baggage of the army. they were thus employed, to the number of several thousands, by the english in their last war with the sultan of mysore. the english, however, had occasion to regret having taken these untrustworthy and ill-disciplined people into their service, when they saw them ravaging the country through which they passed, and causing more annoyance than the whole of the enemy's army." it is noted by wilks [ ] that the travelling grain merchants, who furnished the english army under cornwallis with grain during the mysore war, were brinjaris, and, he adds, "they strenuously objected, first, that no capital execution should take place without the sanction of the regular judicial authority; second, that they should be punishable for murder. the executions to which they demanded assent, or the murders for which they were called to account, had their invariable origin in witchcraft, or the power of communication with evil spirits. if a child sickened, or a wife was inconstant, the sorcerer was to be discovered and punished." it is recorded by the rev. j. cain that many of the lambadis "confessed that, in former days, it was the custom among them before starting out on a journey to procure a little child, and bury it in the ground up to the shoulders, and then drive their loaded bullocks over the unfortunate victim, and, in proportion to their thoroughly trampling the child to death, so their belief in a successful journey increased. a lambadi was seen repeating a number of mantrams (magical formulæ) over his patients, and touching their heads at the same time with a book, which was a small edition of the telugu translation of st. john's gospel. neither the physician nor patient could read, and had no idea of the contents of the book." at the time when human (meriah) sacrifices prevailed in the vizagapatam agency tracts, it was the regular duty of lambadis to kidnap or purchase human beings in the plains, and sell them to the hill tribes for extravagant prices. a person, in order to be a fitting meriah, had to be purchased for a price. it is recorded [ ] that not long after the accession of vinayaka deo to the throne of jeypore, in the fifteenth century, some of his subjects rose against him, but he recovered his position with the help of a leader of brinjaris. ever since then, in grateful recognition, his descendants have appended to their signatures a wavy line (called valatradu), which represents the rope with which brinjaris tether their cattle. the common occupation of the lambadis of mysore is said [ ] to be "the transport, especially in the hill and forest tracts difficult of access, of grain and other produce on pack bullocks, of which they keep large herds. they live in detached clusters of rude huts, called thandas, at some distance from established villages. though some of them have taken of late to agriculture, they have as yet been only partially reclaimed from criminal habits." the thandas are said to be mostly pitched on high ground affording coigns of vantage for reconnoissance in predatory excursions. it is common for the lambadis of the vizagapatam agency, during their trade peregrinations, to clear a level piece of land, and camp for night, with fires lighted all round them. mr. c. hayavadana rao informs me that "they regard themselves as immune from the attacks of tigers, if they take certain precautions. most of them have to pass through places infested with these beasts, and their favourite method of keeping them off is as follows. as soon as they encamp at a place, they level a square bit of ground, and light fires in the middle of it, round which they pass the night. it is their firm belief that the tiger will not enter the square, from fear lest it should become blind, and eventually be shot. i was once travelling towards malkangiri from jeypore, when i fell in with a party of these people encamped in the manner described. at that time, several villages about malkangiri were being ravaged by a notorious man-eater (tiger). in the madras census reports the lambadis are described as a class of traders, herdsmen, cattle-breeders, and cattle-lifters, found largely in the deccan districts, in parts of which they have settled down as agriculturists. in the cuddapah district they are said [ ] to be found in most of the jungly tracts, living chiefly by collecting firewood and jungle produce. in the vizagapatam district, mr. g. f. paddison informs me, the bullocks of the lambadis are ornamented with peacock's feathers and cowry shells, and generally a small mirror on the forehead. the bullocks of the brinjaris (boiparis) are described by the rev. g. gloyer [ ] as having their horns, foreheads, and necks decorated with richly embroidered cloth, and carrying on their horns, plumes of peacock's feathers and tinkling bells. when on the march, the men always have their mouths covered, to avoid the awful dust which the hundreds of cattle kick up. their huts are very temporary structures made of wattle. the whole village is moved about a furlong or so every two or three years--as early a stage of the change from nomadic to a settled life as can be found." the lambadi tents, or pals, are said by mr. mullaly to be "made of stout coarse cloth fastened with ropes. in moving camp, these habitations are carried with their goods and chattels on pack bullocks." concerning the lambadis of the bellary district mr. s. p. rice writes to me as follows. "they are wood-cutters, carriers, and coolies, but some of them settle down and become cultivators. a lambadi hut generally consists of only one small room, with no aperture except the doorway. here are huddled together the men, women, and children, the same room doing duty as kitchen, dining and bedroom. the cattle are generally tied up outside in any available spot of the village site, so that the whole village is a sort of cattle pen interspersed with huts, in whatsoever places may have seemed convenient to the particular individual. dotted here and there are a few shrines of a modest description, where i was told that fires are lighted every night in honour of the deity. the roofs are generally sloping and made of thatch, unlike the majority of houses in the deccan, which are almost always terraced or flat roofed. i have been into one or two houses rather larger than those described, where i found a buffalo or two, after the usual canarese fashion. there is an air of encampment about the village, which suggests a gipsy life." the present day costume and personal adornments of the lambadi females have been variously described by different writers. by one, the women are said to remind one of the zingari of wallachia and the gitani of spain. "married women," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are distinguished from the unmarried in that they wear their bangles between the elbow and shoulder, while the unmarried have them between the elbow and wrist. unmarried girls may wear black bead necklets, which are taken off at marriage, at which time they first assume the ravikkai or jacket. matrons also use an earring called guriki to distinguish them from widows or unmarried girls." in the mysore census report, , it is noted that "the women wear a peculiar dress, consisting of a lunga or gown of stout coarse print, a tartan petticoat, and a mantle often elaborately embroidered, which also covers the head and upper part of the body. the hair is worn in ringlets or plaits hanging down each side of the face, and decorated with shells, and terminating in tassels. the arms are profusely covered with trinkets and rings made of bones, brass and other rude materials. the men's dress consists of a white or red turband, and a pair of white breeches or knicker-bockers, reaching a little below the knee, with a string of red silk tassels hanging by the right side from the waistband." "the men," mr. f. s. mullaly writes, "are fine muscular fellows, capable of enduring long and fatiguing marches. their ordinary dress is the dhoty with short trousers, and frequently gaudy turbans and caps, in which they indulge on festive occasions. they also affect a considerable amount of jewellery. the women are, as a rule, comely, and above the average height of women of the country. their costume is the laigna (langa) or gown of karwar cloth, red or green, with a quantity of embroidery. the chola (choli) or bodice, with embroidery in the front and on the shoulders, covers the bosom, and is tied by variegated cords at the back, the ends of the cords being ornamented with cowries and beads. a covering cloth of karwar cloth, with embroidery, is fastened in at the waist, and hangs at the side with a quantity of tassels and strings of cowries. their jewels are very numerous, and include strings of beads of ten or twenty rows with a cowry as a pendant, called the cheed, threaded on horse-hair, and a silver hasali (necklace), a sign of marriage equivalent to the tali. brass or horn bracelets, ten to twelve in number, extending to the elbow on either arm, with a guzera or piece of embroidered silk, one inch wide, tied to the right wrist. anklets of ivory (or bone) or horn are only worn by married women. they are removed on the death of the husband. pachala or silk embroidery adorned with tassels and cowries is also worn as an anklet by women. their other jewels are mukaram or nose ornament, a silver kania or pendant from the upper part of the ear attached to a silver chain which hangs to the shoulder, and a profusion of silver, brass, and lead rings. their hair is, in the case of unmarried women, unadorned, brought up and tied in a knot at the top of the head. with married women it is fastened, in like manner, with a cowry or a brass button, and heavy pendants or gujuris are fastened at the temples. this latter is an essential sign of marriage, and its absence is a sign of widowhood. lambadi women, when carrying water, are fastidious in the adornment of the pad, called gala, which is placed on their heads. they cover it with cowries, and attach to it an embroidered cloth, called phulia, ornamented with tassels and cowries." i gather that lambadi women of the lavidia and kimavath septs do not wear bracelets (chudo), because the man who went to bring them for the marriage of a remote ancestor died. in describing the dress of the lambadi women, the rev. g. n. thomssen writes that "the sari is thrown over the head as a hood, with a frontlet of coins dangling over the forehead. this frontlet is removed in the case of widows. at the ends of the tufts of hair at the ears, heavy ornaments are tied or braided. married women have a gold and silver coin at the ends of these tufts, while widows remove them. but the dearest possession of the women are large broad bracelets, made, some of wood, and the large number of bone or ivory. almost the whole arm is covered with these ornaments. in case of the husband's death, the bracelets on the upper arm are removed. they are kept in place by a cotton bracelet, gorgeously made, the strings of which are ornamented with the inevitable cowries. on the wrist broad heavy brass bracelets with bells are worn, these being presents from the mother to her daughter." each thanda, mr. natesa sastri writes, has "a headman called the nayaka, whose word is law, and whose office is hereditary. each settlement has also a priest, whose office is likewise hereditary." according to mr. h. a. stuart, the thanda is named after the headman, and he adds, "the head of the gang appears to be regarded with great reverence, and credited with supernatural powers. he is believed to rule the gang most rigorously, and to have the power of life and death over its members." concerning the marriage ceremonies of the sugalis of north arcot, mr. stuart informs us that these "last for three days. on the first an intoxicating beverage compounded of bhang (cannabis indica) leaves, jaggery (crude sugar), and other things, is mixed and drunk. when all are merry, the bridegroom's parents bring rs. and four bullocks to those of the bride, and, after presenting them, the bridegroom is allowed to tie a square silver bottu or tali (marriage badge) to the bride's neck, and the marriage is complete; but the next two days must be spent in drinking and feasting. at the conclusion of the third day, the bride is arrayed in gay new clothes, and goes to the bridegroom's house, driving a bullock before her. upon the birth of the first male child, a second silver bottu is tied to the mother's neck, and a third when a second son is born. when a third is added to the family, the three bottus are welded together, after which no additions are made." of the lambadi marriage ceremony in the bellary district, the following detailed account is given by mr. francis. "as acted before me by a number of both sexes of the caste, it runs as follows. the bridegroom arrives at night at the bride's house with a cloth covering his head, and an elaborately embroidered bag containing betel and nut slung from his shoulder. outside the house, at the four corners of a square, are arranged four piles of earthen pots--five pots in each. within this square two grain-pounding pestles are stuck upright in the ground. the bride is decked with the cloth peculiar to married women, and taken outside the house to meet the bridegroom. both stand within the square of pots, and round their shoulders is tied a cloth, in which the officiating brahman knots a rupee. this brahman, it may be at once noted, has little more to do with the ceremony beyond ejaculating at intervals 'shobhana! shobhana!' or 'may it prosper!' then the right hands of the couple are joined, and they walk seven times round each of the upright pestles, while the women chant the following song, one line being sung for each journey round the pestle: to yourself and myself marriage has taken place. together we will walk round the marriage pole. walk the third time; marriage has taken place. you are mine by marriage. walk the fifth time; marriage has taken place. walk the sixth time; marriage has taken place. walk the seventh time; marriage has taken place. we have walked seven times; i am yours. walk the seventh time; you are mine. "the couple then sit on a blanket on the ground near one of the pestles, and are completely covered with a cloth. the bride gives the groom seven little balls compounded of rice, ghee (clarified butter) and sugar, which he eats. he then gives her seven others, which she in turn eats. the process is repeated near the other pestle. the women keep on chanting all the while. then the pair go into the house, and the cloth into which the rupee was knotted is untied, and the ceremonies for that night are over. next day the couple are bathed separately, and feasting takes place. that evening the girl's mother or near female relations tie to the locks on each side of her temples the curious badges, called gugri, which distinguish a married from an unmarried woman, fasten a bunch of tassels to her back hair, and girdle her with a tasselled waistband, from which is suspended a little bag, into which the bridegroom puts five rupees. these last two are donned thereafter on great occasions, but are not worn every day. the next day the girl is taken home by her new husband." it is noted in the mysore census report, , that "one unique custom, distinguishing the lambani marriage ceremonial, is that the officiating brahman priest is the only individual of the masculine persuasion who is permitted to be present. immediately after the betrothal, the females surround and pinch the priest on all sides, repeating all the time songs in their mixed kutni dialect. the vicarious punishment to which the solitary male brahman is thus subjected is said to be apt retribution for the cruel conduct, according to a mythological legend, of a brahman parent who heartlessly abandoned his two daughters in the jungle, as they had attained puberty before marriage. the pinching episode is notoriously a painful reality. it is said, however, that the brahman, willingly undergoes the operation in consideration of the fees paid for the rite." the treatment of the brahman as acted before me by lambadi women at nandyal, included an attempt to strip him stark naked. in the census report, it is stated that, at lambadi weddings, the women "weep and cry aloud, and the bride and bridegroom pour milk into an ant-hill, and offer the snake which lives therein cocoanuts, flowers, and so on. brahmans are sometimes engaged to celebrate weddings, and, failing a brahman, a youth of the tribe will put on the thread, and perform the ceremony." the following variant of the marriage ceremonies was acted before me at kadur in mysore. a pandal (booth) is erected, and beneath it two pestles or rice-pounders are set up. at the four corners, a row of five pots is placed, and the pots are covered with leafy twigs of calotropis procera, which are tied with calotropis fibre or cotton thread. sometimes a pestle is set up near each row of pots. the bridal couple seat themselves near the pestles, and the ends of their cloths, with a silver coin in them, are tied together. they are then smeared with turmeric, and, after a wave-offering to ward off the evil eye, they go seven times round the pestles, while the women sing:-- oh! girl, walk along, walk. you boasted that you would not marry. now you are married. walk, girl, walk on. there is no good in your boasting. you have eaten the pudding. walk, girl, walk. leave off boasting. you sat on the plank with the bridegroom's thigh on yours. the bride and bridegroom take their seats on a plank, and the former throws a string round the neck of the latter, and ties seven knots in it. the bridegroom then does the same to the bride. the knots are untied. cloths are then placed over the backs of the couple, and a swastika mark ([swastika]) is drawn on them with turmeric paste. a brahman purohit is then brought to the pandal, and seats himself on a plank. a clean white cloth is placed on his head, and fastened tightly with string. into this improvised turban, leafy twigs of mango and cassia auriculata are stuck. some of the lambadi women present, while chanting a tune, throw sticks of ficus glomerata, artocarpus integrifolia, and mango in front of the brahman, pour gingelly (sesamum) oil over them, and set them on fire. the brahman is made a bridegroom, and he must give out the name of his bride. he is then slapped on the cheeks by the women, thrown down, and his clothing stripped off. the brahman ceremonial concluded, a woman puts the badges of marriage on the bride. on the following day, she is dressed up, and made to stand on a bullock, and keep on crooning a mournful song, which makes her cry eventually. as she repeats the song, she waves her arms, and folds them over her head. the words of the song, the reproduction of which in my phonograph invariably made the women weep, are somewhat as follows:-- oh! father, you brought me up so carefully by spending much money. all this was to no purpose. oh! mother, the time has come when i have to leave you. is it to send me away that you nourished me? oh! how can i live away from you, my brothers and sisters? among the lambadis of mysore, widow remarriage and polygamy are said [ ] to freely prevail, "and it is customary for divorced women to marry again during the lifetime of the husband under the sire udike (tying of a new cloth) form of remarriage, which also obtains among the vakkaligas and others. in such cases, the second husband, under the award of the caste arbitration, is made to pay a certain sum (tera) as amends to the first husband, accompanied by a caste dinner. the woman is then readmitted into society. but certain disabilities are attached to widow remarriage. widows remarried are forbidden entry into a regular marriage party, whilst their offspring are disabled from legal marriage for three generations, although allowed to take wives from families similarly circumstanced." according to mr. stuart, the sugalis of the north arcot district "do not allow the marriage of widows, but on payment of rs. and three buffaloes to her family, who take charge of her children, a widow may be taken by any man as a concubine, and her children are considered legitimate. even during her husband's life, a woman may desert him for any one else, the latter paying the husband the cost of the original marriage ceremony. the sugalis burn the married, but bury all others, and have no ceremonies after death for the rest of the soul of the deceased." if the head of a burning corpse falls off the pyre, the lambadis pluck some grass or leaves, which they put in their mouths "like goats," and run home. a custom called valli sukkeri is recorded by the rev. g. n. thomssen, according to which "if an elder brother marries and dies without offspring, the younger brother must marry the widow, and raise up children, such children being regarded as those of the deceased elder brother. if, however, the elder brother dies leaving offspring, and the younger brother wishes to marry the widow, he must give fifteen rupees and three oxen to his brother's children. then he may marry the widow." the custom here referred to is said to be practiced because the lambadi's ancestor sugriva married his elder brother vali's widow. i am informed by mr. f. a. hamilton that, among the lambadis of kollegal in the coimbatore district, "if a widower remarries, he may go through the ordinary marriage ceremony, or the kuttuvali rite, in which all that is necessary is to declare his selection of a bride to four or five castemen, whom he feeds. a widow may remarry according to the same rite, her new husband paying the expenses of the feast. married people are burnt. unmarried, and those who have been married by the kuttuvali rite, are buried. when cremation is resorted to, the eldest son sets fire to the funeral pyre. on the third day he makes a heap of the ashes, on which he sprinkles milk. he and his relations then return home, and hold a feast. when a corpse is buried, no such ceremonies are performed. both males and females are addicted to heavy drinking. arrack is their favourite beverage, and a lambadi's boast is that he spent so much on drink on such and such an occasion. the women dance and sing songs in eulogy of their goddess. at bed-time they strip off all their clothes, and use them as a pillow." the lambadis are said to purchase children from other castes, and bring them up as their own. such children are not allowed to marry into the superior lambadi section called thanda. the adopted children are classified as koris, and a kori may only marry a lambadi after several generations. concerning the religion of the lambadis, it is noted in the mysore census report, , that they are "vishnuvaits, and their principal object of worship is krishna. bana sankari, the goddess of forests, is also worshipped, and they pay homage to basava on grounds dissimilar to those professed by the lingayets. basava is revered by the lambadis because krishna had tended cattle in his incarnation. the writer interviewed the chief lambani priests domiciled in the holalkere taluk. the priests belong to the same race, but are much less disreputable than the generality of their compatriots. it is said that they periodically offer sacrificial oblations in the agni or fire, at which a mantram is repeated, which may be paraphrased thus:-- i adore bharma (bramha) in the roots; vishnu who is the trunk; rudra (mahadev) pervading the branches; and the devas in every leaf. "the likening of the creator's omnipotence to a tree among a people so far impervious to the traditions of sanskrit lore may not appear very strange to those who will call to mind the scandinavian tree of igdrasil so graphically described by carlyle, and the all-pervading asvat'tha (pipal) tree of the bhagavatgita." it is added in the mysore census report, , that "the lambanis own the gosayis (goswami) as their priests or gurus. these are the genealogists of the lambanis, as the helavas are of the sivachars." of the sugalis of punganur and palmaner in the north arcot district mr. stuart writes that "all worship the tirupati swami, and also two saktis called kosa sakti and mani sakti. some three hundred years ago, they say that there was a feud between the bukia and mudu sugalis, and in a combat many were killed on both sides; but the widows of only two of the men who died were willing to perform sati, in consequence of which they have been deified, and are now worshipped as saktis by all the divisions." it is said [ ] that, near rolla in the anantapur district, there is a small community of priests to the lambadis who call themselves muhammadans, but cannot intermarry with others of the faith, and that in the south-west of madakasira taluk there is another sub-division, called the mondu tulukar (who are usually stone-cutters and live in hamlets by themselves), who similarly cannot marry with other musalmans. it is noted by the rev. j. cain [ ] that in some places the lambadis "fasten small rags torn from some old garment to a bush in honour of kampalamma (kampa, a thicket). on the side of one of the roads from bastar are several large heaps of stones, which they have piled up in honour of the goddess guttalamma. every lambadi who passes the heaps is bound to place one stone on the heap, and to make a salaam to it." the goddess of the lambadis of kollegal is, according to mr. hamilton, satthi. a silver image of a female, seated tailor-fashion, is kept by the head of the family, and is an heirloom. at times of festival it is set up and worshipped. cooked food is placed before it, and a feast, with much arrack drinking, singing, beating of tom-tom, and dancing through the small hours of the night, is held. examples of the lambadi songs relating to incidents in the ramayana, in honour of the goddesses durga and bhavani, etc., have been published by mr. f. fawcett. [ ] the brinjaris are described by the rev. g. gloyer as carrying their principal goddess "bonjairini mata," on the horns of their cattle (leitochsen). it is noted by the rev. g. n. thomssen that the lambadis "worship the supreme being in a very pathetic manner. a stake, either a carved stick, or a peg, or a knife, is planted on the ground, and men and women form a circle round this, and a wild, weird chant is sung, while all bend very low to the earth. they all keep on circling about the stake, swinging their arms in despair, clasping them in prayer, and at last raising them in the air. their whole cry is symbolic of the child crying in the night, the child crying for the light. if there are very many gathered together for worship, the men form one circle, and the women another. another peculiar custom is their sacrifice of a goat or a chicken in case of removal from one part of the jungle to another, when sickness has come. they hope to escape death by leaving one camping ground for another. half-way between the old and new grounds, a chicken or goat is buried alive, the head being allowed to be above ground. then all the cattle are driven over the buried creature, and the whole camp walk over the buried victim." in former days, the lambadis are reputed to have offered up human sacrifices. "when," the abbé dubois writes, "they wish to perform this horrible act, it is said, they secretly carry off the first person they meet. having conducted the victim to some lonely spot, they dig a hole, in which they bury him up to the neck. while he is still alive, they make a sort of lump of dough made of flour, which they place on his head. this they fill with oil, and light four wicks in it. having done this, the men and women join hands, and, forming a circle, dance round their victim, singing and making a great noise, till he expires." the interesting fact is recorded by mr. mullaly "that, before the lambadis proceed on a predatory excursion, a token, usually a leaf, is secreted in some hidden place before proceeding to invoke durga. the durgamma pujari (priest), one of their own class, who wears the sacred thread, and is invested with his sacred office by reason of his powers of divination, lights a fire, and, calling on the goddess for aid, treads the fire out, and names the token hidden by the party. his word is considered an oracle, and the pujari points out the direction the party is to take." from a further note on the religion of the lambadis, i gather that they worship the following:-- ( ) balaji, whose temple is at tirupati. offerings of money are made to this deity for the bestowal of children, etc. when their prayers are answered, the lambadis walk all the way to tirupati, and will not travel thither by railway. ( ) hanuman, the monkey god. ( ) poleramma. to ward off devils and evil spirits. ( ) mallalamma. to confer freedom to their cattle from attacks of tigers and other wild beasts. ( ) ankalamma. to protect them from epidemic disease. ( ) peddamma. ( ) maremma. the lambadis observe the holi festival, for the celebration of which money is collected in towns and villages. on the holi day, the headman and his wife fast, and worship two images of mud, representing kama (the indian cupid) and his wife rati. on the following morning, cooked food is offered to the images, which are then burnt. men and women sing and dance, in separate groups, round the burning fire. on the third day, they again sing and dance, and dress themselves in gala attire. the men snatch the food which has been prepared by the women, and run away amid protests from the women, who sometimes chastise them. it is narrated by moor [ ] that "he passed a tree, on which were hanging several hundred bells. this was a superstitious sacrifice by the bandjanahs, who, passing this tree, are in the habit of hanging a bell or bells upon it, which they take from the necks of their sick cattle, expecting to leave behind them the complaint also. our servants particularly cautioned us against touching these diabolical bells; but, as a few were taken for our own cattle, several accidents that happened were imputed to the anger of the deity, to whom these offerings were made, who, they say, inflicts the same disorder on the unhappy bullock who carries a bell from this tree as he relieved the donor from." there is a legend in connection with the matsya gundam (fish pool) close under the yendrika hill in the vizagapatam district. the fish therein are very tame, and are protected by the madgole zamindars. "once, goes the story, a brinjari caught one and turned it into curry, whereon the king of the fish solemnly cursed him, and he and all his pack-bullocks were turned into rocks, which may be seen there to this day." [ ] lambadi women often have elaborate tattooed patterns on the backs of the hands, and a tattooed dot on the left side of the nose may be accepted as a distinguishing character of the tribe in some parts. my assistant once pointed out that, in a group of lambadis, some of the girls did not look like members of the tribe. this roused the anger of an old woman, who said "you can see the tattoo marks on the nose, so they must be lambadis." lambadi women will not drink water from running streams or big tanks. in the mysore province, there is a class of people called thamburi, who dress like lambadis, but do not intermarry with them. they are muhammadans, and their children are circumcised. their marriages are carried out according to the muhammadan nikka rite, but they also go through the lambadi form of marriage, except that marriage pots are not placed in the pandal (wedding booth). the lambadis apparently pay some respect to them, and give them money at marriages or on other occasions. they seem to be bards and panegyrists of the lambadis, in the same way that other classes have their nokkans, viramushtis, bhatrazus, etc. it is noted by mr. stuart [ ] that the lambadis have priests called bhats, to whom it is probable that the thamburis correspond in mysore. the methods of the criminal lambadis are dealt with at length by mr. mullaly. and it must suffice for the present purpose to note that they commit dacoities and have their receivers of stolen property, and that the naik or headman of the gang takes an active share in the commission of crime. lampata.--a name, signifying a gallant, returned by some sanis at times of census. landa.--a synonym of mondi. lanka (island).--an exogamous sept of boya and kamma. lattikar.--recorded, at the census, , as a sub-division of vakkaliga (okkiliyan) in the salem district. latti means a reckless woman, and latvi, an unchaste woman, and the name possibly refers to vakkaligas who are not true-bred. lekavali.--a division of marathas in the sandur state. many of them are servants in the raja's palace. they are stated, in the gazetteer of the bellary district, to be the offspring of irregular unions among other marathas. lekkala (accounts).--an exogamous sept of kamma. linga balija.--the linga balijas (traders) are summed up, in the madras census report, , as a lingayat sub-caste of balija. in a note on lingayats, mr. r. c. c. carr records that the linga banjigs or banajigas are essentially traders, though many are now cultivators, and that telugu lingayats often call themselves linga balijas. the following legendary account of the origin of the "linga bhojunnalawaru" is given in the baramahal records. [ ] "para brahma or the great god brahma created the god pralayakala rudra or the terrific at the day of destruction, a character of the god siva, and he created the chatur acharyulu or four sages named panditaraju, yekcoramalu, murralaradulu, and somaluradulu, and taught them mantras or prayers, and made them his deputies. on a time, the asuras and devatas, or the giants and the gods, made war on each other, and the god pralayakala rudra produced from his nose a being whom he named muchari rudra, and he had five sons, with whom he went to the assistance of the devatas or gods, and enabled them to defeat the giants, and for his service the gods conferred upon him and his sons the following honorary distinctions:-- a flag with the figure of an alligator (crocodile) portrayed on it. a flag with the figure of a fish portrayed on it. a flag with the figure of a bullock. a flag with the figure of an eagle. a flag with the figure of a bell. a bell. a modee ganta, or iron for marking cattle. the use of burning lamps and flambeaus in their public processions during the day. the use of tents. "on a time, when the god pralayakala rudra and mochari rudra and his five sons, with other celestial attendants, were assembled on the kailasa parvata or mountain of paradise, the god directed the latter to descend into the bhuloka or earthly world, and increase and multiply these species. they humbly prayed to know how they were again to reach the divine presence. he answered 'i shall manifest myself in the bhuloka under the form of the lingam or priapus; do you worship me under that form, and you will again be permitted to approach me.' they accordingly descended into the earthly regions, and from them the present castes of baljawaras deduce their origin." in a note on the linga balijas of the north arcot district, mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] that "linga balija appears rather to be the name of the followers of a religious faith than of a distinct caste, for the linga balijas state that their caste contains eleven sub-divisions, each with a separate occupation, viz., jangam (priests), reddi (cultivators), gandla (oil-mongers), and the like. almost all the linga balijas of north arcot are traders, who speak canarese and are immigrants from mysore, in which their gurus (religious preceptors) live, and whither they still refer their caste disputes. at one time they enjoyed much importance in this district, particularly in its large trading towns. headmen among them, styled chettis, were by the arcot nawabs assigned districts, in which they possessed both magisterial and civil authority, and levied taxes from other merchants for their own personal use. they carried on very extensive trade with mysore and the ceded districts, and are said to have had enormous warehouses, which they enclosed and fortified. breaches of the peace are also described as not infrequent, resulting from the interference of one linga balija chetti with matters relating to the district of another. their authority has long since disappeared, and is only a matter of tradition. every linga balija wears a siva lingam, usually encased in a silver casket (or gold casket set with precious stones), and suspended from the neck, but the very poor place theirs in a cloth, and sometimes tie it to their arm. it is a strict rule that one should be tied to a child's neck on the tenth day of its birth, otherwise it is not entitled to be classed as a linga balija. the siva lingam worn by these people differs from the buta or preta lingams used by pandarams, kaikolans, or others who profess the lingayat faith. they acknowledge two puranams, called respectively the siva and basava puranams, and differ in very many respects from other hindus. they bury and do not burn their dead, and do not recognise the five kinds of pollution resulting from a birth, death, spittle, etc., and they do not therefore bathe in order to remove such pollution. widow remarriage is allowed even where the widow has children, but these are handed over to the relatives of her first husband. to widow remarriages no women who are not widows are admitted, and, similarly, when a maiden is married, all widows are excluded. unlike most hindus, linga balijas shave off the whole of the hair of their heads, without leaving the usual lock at the back. they deny metempsychosis, and believe that after death the soul is united with the divine spirit. they are particular in some of their customs, disallowing liquor and flesh-eating, and invariably eating privately, where none can see them. they decline even to eat in the house of a brahman." a linga banajiga (canarese trader), whom i interviewed at sandur, was smeared with white marks on the forehead, upper extremities, chest, and abdomen in imitation of a hubli priest. some orthodox lingayat traders remove their lingam during the transaction of the day's work, on the ground, as given to me, that it is necessary to tell little falsehoods in the course of business. lingadari.--a general term, meaning one who wears a lingam, for lingayat. lingakatti.--a name applied to lingayat badagas of the nilgiri hills. lingam.--a title of jangams and silavants. lingayat.--for the following note i am mainly indebted to mr. r. c. c. carr, who took great interest in its preparation when he was collector of bellary. some additional information was supplied by mr. r. e. enthoven, superintendent of the ethnographic survey, bombay. the word lingayat is the anglicised form of lingavant, which is the vernacular term commonly used for any member of the community. the lingayats have been aptly described as a peaceable race of hindu puritans. their religion is a simple one. they acknowledge only one god, siva, and reject the other two persons of the hindu triad, they reverence the vedas, but disregard the later commentaries on which the brahmans rely. their faith purports to be the primitive hindu faith, cleared of all priestly mysticism. they deny the supremacy of brahmans, and pretend to be free from caste distinctions, though at the present day caste is in fact observed amongst them. they declare that there is no need for sacrifices, penances, pilgrimages or fasts. the cardinal principle of the faith is an unquestioning belief in the efficacy of the lingam, the image which has always been regarded as symbolical of the god siva. this image, which is called the jangama lingam or moveable lingam, to distinguish it from the sthavara or fixed lingam of hindu temples, is always carried on some part of the body, usually the neck or the left arm, and is placed in the left hand of the deceased when the body is committed to the grave men and women, old and young, rich and poor, all alike wear this symbol of their faith, and its loss is regarded as spiritual death, though in practice the loser can after a few ceremonies, be invested with a new one. they are strict disciplinarians in the matter of food and drink, and no true lingayat is permitted to touch meat in any form, or to partake of any kind of liquor. this puritan simplicity raises them in the social scale, and has resulted in producing a steady law-abiding race, who are conservative of the customs of their forefathers and have hitherto opposed a fairly unbroken front to the advancing tide of foreign ideas. to this tendency is due the very slow spread of modern education amongst them, while, on the other hand, their isolation from outside influence has without doubt assisted largely in preserving intact their beautiful, highly polished, and powerful language, canarese. it is matter of debate whether the lingayat religion is an innovation or a revival of the most ancient saivaite faith, but the story of the so-called founder of the sect, basava, may with some limitations be accepted as history. the events therein narrated occurred in the latter half of the twelfth century at kalyan, a city which was then the capital of the western chalukyas, and is now included in the province of bidar in the nizam's dominions. it lies about a hundred miles to the west of hyderabad. the chalukyas came originally from the north of india, but appeared to the south of the nerbudda as early as the fourth century. they separated into two branches during the seventh century, and the western line was still represented at kalyan years later. the southern portion of hindustan had for centuries been split up between rival kingdoms, and had been the theatre of the long struggle between the buddhists, the jains, and the hindus. at the time of basava's appearance, a jain king, bijjala by name, was in power at kalyan. he was a representative of the kalachuryas, a race which had been conquered by the chalukyas, and occupied the position of feudatories. bijjala appears to have been the commander-in-chief of the chalukyan forces, and to have usurped the throne, ousting his royal master, taila iii. the date of the usurpation was a.d., though, according to some accounts, bijjala did not assume the full titles till some years later. he was succeeded by his sons, but the chalukyan claimant recovered his throne in , only to lose it again some seven years afterwards, when the kingdom itself was divided between the neighbouring powers. the final downfall of the chalukyan deccani kingdom was probably due to the rise of the lingayat religion. the hindus ousted the jains, but the tenets inculcated by basava had caused a serious split in the ranks of the former. the house divided against itself could not stand, and the chalukyas were absorbed into the kingdoms of their younger neighbours, the hoysala ballalas from mysore in the south, and the yadavas from devagiri (now identified with daulatabad) in the north. at about this time there appears to have been a great revival of the worship of siva in the deccan and in southern india. a large number of important saivaite temples are known to have been built during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and inscriptions speak of many learned and holy men who were devoted to this worship. the movement was probably accentuated by the opposition of the jains, who seem to have been very powerful in the western deccan, and in mysore. an inscription which will be more fully noticed later on tells of the god siva specially creating a man in order to "put a stop to the hostile observances of the jains and buddhists." this was written about the year a.d., and it may be gathered that buddhism was still recognised in the deccan as a religious power. mr. rice tells us that the labours of the saivaite brahman, sankaracharya, had in the eighth century dealt a deathblow to buddhism, and raised the saiva faith to the first place. [ ] its position was, however, challenged by the jains, and, even as late as the twelfth century, it was still battling with them. the vaishnavaite reformer, ramanujacharya, appeared at about this time, and, according to mr. rice, was mainly instrumental in ousting jainism; but the followers of vishnu built many of their big temples in the thirteenth century, two hundred years later than their saivaite brethren, so it may be presumed that the latter faith was in the ascendancy prior to that time. chaitanya, the vaishnavaite counterpart of basava, appeared at a much later date ( a.d.). it is interesting to note that the thirteenth century is regarded as the culminating period of the middle ages in italy, when religious fervour also displayed itself in the building of great cathedrals. [ ] the actual date of basava's birth is uncertain, but is given by some authorities as a.d. the story of his career is told in the sacred writings of the lingayats, of which the principal books are known as the basava purana and the channabasava purana. the former was apparently finished during the fourteenth century, and the latter was not written till . the accounts are, therefore, entirely traditionary, and, as might have been expected, are full of miraculous occurrences, which mar their historical value. the jain version of the story is given in the bijjalarayacharitra, and differs in many particulars. the main facts accepted by lingayat tradition are given by dr. fleet in the epigraphia indica [vol. v, p. ] from which the following account is extracted. to a certain madiraja and his wife madalambika, pious saivas of the brahman caste, and residents of a place called bagevadi, which is usually supposed to be the sub-divisional town of that name in the bijapur district, there was born a son who, being an incarnation of siva's bull, nandi, sent to earth to revive the declining saiva rites, was named basava. this word is the canarese equivalent for a bull, an animal sacred to siva. when the usual time of investiture arrived, basava, then eight years of age, having meanwhile acquired much knowledge of the siva scriptures, refused to be invested with the sacred brahmanical thread, declaring himself a special worshipper of siva, and stating that he had come to destroy the distinctions of caste. this refusal, coupled with his singular wisdom and piety, attracted the notice of his uncle baladeva, prime minister of the kalachurya king bijjala, who had come to be present at the ceremony; and baladeva gave him his daughter, gangadevi or gangamba, in marriage. the brahmans, however, began to persecute basava on account of the novel practices propounded by him, and he consequently left his native town and went to a village named kappadi, where he spent his early years, receiving instruction from the god siva. meanwhile his uncle baladeva died, and bijjala resolved to secure the services of basava, whose ability and virtues had now become publicly known. after some demur basava accepted the post, in the hope that the influence attached to it would help him in propagating his peculiar tenets. and, accompanied by his elder sister, nagalambika, he proceeded to kalyana, where he was welcomed with deference by the king and installed as prime minister, commander-in-chief and treasurer, second in power to the king himself; and the king, in order to bind him as closely as possible to himself, gave him his younger sister nilalochana to wife. somewhere about this time, from basava's unmarried sister nagalambika there was born, by the working of the spirit of siva, a son who was an incarnation of siva's son shanmukha, the god of war. the story says that basava was worshipping in the holy mountain and was praying for some gift, when he saw an ant emerge from the ground with a small seed in its mouth. basava took this seed home, and his sister without basava's knowledge swallowed it, and became pregnant. the child was called channabasava, or the beautiful basava, and assisted his uncle in spreading the new doctrines. indeed, he is depicted as playing a more important part than even basava himself. the two puranas are occupied for the most part with doctrinal expositions, recitals of mythology, praises of previous siva saints, and accounts of miracles worked by basava. they assert, however, that uncle and nephew were very energetic promoters of the faith, and that they preached the persecution and extermination of all persons (especially the jains), whose creed differed from that of the lingayats. coupled with the lavish expenditure incurred by basava from the public coffers in support of jangams or lingayat priests, these proceedings aroused in bijjala, himself a jain, feelings of distrust, which were fanned by a rival minister, manchanna, although the latter was himself a vira saiva, and at length an event occurred which ended in the assassination of bijjala and the death of basava. at kalyana there were two specially pious lingayats, whom bijjala in mere wantonness caused to be blinded. thereupon basava left kalyana, and deputed one of his followers jagaddeva to slay the king. jagaddeva, with two others, succeeded in forcing his way into the palace, where he stabbed the king in the midst of his court. basava meanwhile reached kudali-sangameshvara, and was there absorbed into the lingam, while channabasava fled to ulvi in north canara, where he found refuge in a cave. the above story is taken mainly from the basava purana. the account given in the channabasava purana differs in various details, and declares that bijjala was assassinated under the orders of channabasava, who had succeeded his uncle in office. the jain account states that basava's influence with the king was due to basava's sister, whom bijjala took as a concubine. the death of bijjala was caused by poisoned fruit sent by basava, who, to escape the vengeance of bijjala's son, threw himself into a well and died. the version of basava's story, which is found in most books of reference, makes him appear at kalyan as a youth flying from the persecution of his father. his uncle, baladeva, sheltered him and eventually gave him his daughter; and, when baladeva died, basava succeeded to his office. this seems to have been copied from the account given by mr. c. p. brown, but later translations of the purana show that it is erroneous. when basava came to kalyan, bijjala was in power, and his arrival must therefore have been subsequent to a. d. if the date of birth be accepted as , basava would have been a man of fifty years of age or more when summoned to office by bijjala. the latter resigned in favour of his son in , and may have been assassinated shortly afterwards. on the other hand, baladeva could not have been bijjala's minister when he came to basava's upanayanam ceremony, for this event occurred in , long before the commencement of bijjala's reign. there is no reason, however, for crediting the purana with any great historical accuracy, and, in fact, the evidence now coming to light from inscriptions, which the industry of archæologists is giving to the world, throws great doubt upon the traditional narrative. an inscription on stone tablets which have now been built into the wall of a modern temple at managoli, a village in the bijapur district of the bombay presidency about eleven miles to the north-west of bagevadi, the supposed birth place of basava, contains a record of the time of the kalachuri king, bijjala. two dates are given in the inscription, and from one of them it is calculated with certainty that bijjala's reign began in a.d. the record gives a certain date as "the sixth of the years of the glorious kalachurya bijjaladeva, an emperor by the strength of his arm, the sole hero of the three worlds." the corresponding english date is tuesday, th september, a.d., so that bijjala must have come into power, by the strength of his arm, in . but a still more important piece of information is furnished by the mention of a certain basava or basavarasayya as the builder of the temple, in which the inscription was first placed, and of one madiraja, who held the post of mahaprabhu of the village when the grants in support of the temple were made. the record runs as follows. [ ] "among the five hundred of manigavalli there sprang up a certain govardhana, the moon of the ocean that was the kasyappa gotra, an excellent member of the race of the vajins. his son was revadasa. the latter had four sons.... the youngest of these became the greatest, and, under the name of chandramas, made his reputation reach even as far as the himalaya mountains. to that lord there was born a son, basava. there were none who were like him in devotion to the feet of (the god) maheshvara (siva); and this basava attained the fame of being esteemed the sun that caused to bloom the water-lily that was the affection of the five hundred brahmans of manigavalli. this basavarasayya came to be considered the father of the world, since the whole world, putting their hands to their foreheads, saluted him with the words 'our virtuous father'; and thus he brought greatness to the famous manigavalli, manifesting the height of graciousness in saying this is the abode of the essence of the three vedas; this is the accomplishment of that which has no end and no beginning; this is the lustrous divine linga." dr. fleet suggests that we have at last met with an epigraphic mention of the lingayat founder, basava. this is eminently satisfactory, but is somewhat upsetting, for the inscription makes basava a member of the kasyapa gotra, while madiraja is placed in an entirely different family. as regards the latter, the record says; (l. ) "in the lineage of that lord (taila ii, the leader of the chalukyas) there was a certain madhava, the prabhu of the town of manigavalli, the very vishnu of the renowned harita gotra;" and later on the same person is spoken of as the mahaprabhu madiraja. if basava and madiraja, herein mentioned, are really the heroes of the lingayats, it is clear that they were not father and son, as stated in the lingayat writings. but it must be borne in mind that this is the only inscription yet deciphered which contains any allusion whatever to basava, and the statement that "he caused to bloom the water-lily that was the affection of the five hundred brahmans of manigavalli," is directly opposed to the theory that he broke away from the brahman fold, and set up a religion, of which one of the main features is a disregard of brahman supremacy. the fact that the inscription was found so near to basava's birthplace is, however, strong evidence in favour of the presumption that it refers to the basava of lingayat tradition, and the wording itself is very suggestive of the same idea. the record gives a long pedigree to introduce the basava whom it proceeds to extol, and puts into his mouth the noteworthy utterance, which ascribes godly qualities to the "lustrous divine linga." the date of this record is contemporary with the events and persons named therein, and it must therefore be far more reliable than the traditionary stories given in the puranas, which, as already indicated, are not at all in accordance with each other. dr. fleet is of opinion that the purana versions are little better than legends. this is perhaps going too far, but there can be no doubt that later research will in this, as in the case of all traditionary history, bring to knowledge facts which will require a considerable rearrangement of the long accepted picture. another inscription, discovered at ablur in the dharwar district of the bombay presidency, is of great importance in this connection. it is dated about a.d. , and mentions the western chalukya king somesvara iv, and his predecessor the kalachurya prince bijjala. it narrates the doings of a certain ekantada ramayya, so called because he was an ardent and exclusive worshipper of siva. this individual got into controversy with the jains, who were apparently very powerful at ablur, and the latter agreed to destroy their jina and to set up siva instead, if ramayya would cut off his own head before his god, and have it restored to his body after seven days without a scar. ramayya appears to have won his wager, but the jains refused to perform their part of the contract. the dispute was then referred to king bijjala, himself a jain, and ramayya was given a jayapatra, or certificate of success. this king and his chalukyan successor also presented ramayya with lands in support of certain siva temples. it is noteworthy that the story is told also in the channabasava purana, but the controversy is narrated as having occurred at kalyan, where ramayya had gone to see king bijjala. the same passage makes ramayya quote an instance of a previous saint, mahalaka, having performed the same feat at a village named jambar, which may conceivably be the ablur of the inscription. but the interest and importance of the inscription centre in the fact that it discloses the name of another devout and exclusive worshipper of siva, who, it is said, caused this man to be born into the world with the express object of "putting a stop to the hostile observances of the jains and the buddhists who had become furious" or aggressive. dr. fleet considers that, making allowance for the supernatural agency introduced into the story, the narrative is reasonable and plain, and has the ring of truth in it; and, in his opinion, it shows us the real person to whom the revival of the ancient saivaite faith was due. the exploits of ramayya are placed shortly before a.d. , in which year bijjala is said to have completed his usurpation of the sovereignty by assuming the paramount titles. ramayya was thus a contemporary of basava, but the ablur inscription makes no mention of the latter. this fresh evidence does not appear to run counter to the commonly accepted story of the origin of the lingayats. it confirms the theory that the religion of siva received a great impetus at this period, but there is nothing in the inscription ascribing to ramayya the position of a reformer of saivaite doctrines. he appears as the champion of siva against the rival creeds, not as the saivaite luther who is attacking the priestly mysticism of the saivaite divines; and, as dr. fleet points out, there is nothing improbable in the mention of several persons as helping on the same movement. both ramayya and basava are, however, represented in these inscriptions as being the chief of saivaite brahmans, and there is no mention of any schism such as the protestant revolt which is associated with the name of luther. it is possible, therefore, that the establishment of the lingayat sect may have been brought about by the followers of these two great men--a fact that is hinted at in lingayat tradition by the very name of channabasava, which means basava the beautiful, because, according to the channabasava purana, he was more beautiful in many respects than basava, who is represented as receiving instruction from his superior nephew in important points connected with their faith. the two inscriptions and numerous others, which have been deciphered by the same authority, are of the greatest value from a historical point of view, and paint in bold colours the chief actors in the drama. the closing years of the western chalukyan kingdom are given to us by the hand of an actor who was on the same stage, and, if the birth of the lingayat creed is still obscured in the mist of the past, the figures of those who witnessed it stand out with surprising clearness. it has been already stated that one of the principles of the religion is a disregard of caste distinctions. the prevailing races were dravidian, and it is an accepted fact that the theory of caste as propounded by manu is altogether foreign to dravidian ideas. historians cannot tell us how long the process of grafting the caste system on to the dravidian tree lasted, but it is clear that, when basava appeared, the united growth was well established. brahmans were acknowledged as the leaders in religious matters, and, as the secular is closely interwoven with the religious in all eastern countries, the priestly class was gradually usurping to itself a position of general control. but, as was the case in europe during the sixteenth century, a movement was on foot to replace the authority of the priests by something more in accordance with the growing intelligence of the laity. and, as in europe, the reformers were found amongst the priests themselves. luther and erasmus were monks, who had been trained to support the very system of priestcraft, which they afterwards demolished. basava and ramayya, as already stated, were saivaite brahmans, from whom has sprung a race of free thinkers, who affect the disregard of caste and many of the ceremonial observances created by the brahman priesthood. the comparison may even be carried further. luther was an iconoclast, who worked upon men's passions, while erasmus was a philosopher, who addressed himself to their intellects. basava, according to the traditionary account, was the counterpart of luther. ramayya may be fairly called the indian erasmus. this freedom from the narrowing influence of caste was doubtless a great incentive to the spread of the reformed religion. the lingam was to be regarded as the universal leveller, rendering all its wearers equal in the eye of the deity. high and low were to be brought together by its influence, and all caste distinctions were to be swept away. according to basava's teaching, all men are holy in proportion as they are temples of the great spirit; by birth all are equal; men are not superior to women, and the gentle sex must be treated with all respect and delicacy; marriage in childhood is wrong, and the contracting parties are to be allowed a voice in the matter of their union; and widows are to be allowed to remarry. all the iron fetters of brahmanical tyranny are, in fact, torn asunder, and the lingayat is to be allowed that freedom of individual action, which is found amongst the more advanced christian communities. even the lowest castes are to be raised to the level of all others by the investiture of the lingam, and all lingadharis, or wearers of the divine symbol, are to eat together, to intermarry, and to live at unity. but social distinctions inevitably asserted themselves later. as the lingayats, or panchamsalis as they styled themselves, increased in importance, number and wealth, elaborate forms of worship and ceremony were introduced, rules of conduct were framed, and a religious system was devised, on which the influence of the rival brahman aristocracy can be freely traced. thus, in course of time, the panchamsalis became a closed caste, new converts were placed on a lower social footing, the priests alone continuing as a privileged class to dine freely with them. this development is alleged to have occurred about the close of the seventeenth century. among the many ceremonies introduced in the course of the changes just described, one known as the ashtavarna or eight-fold protection is of special importance. these rites consist of-- . guru. . linga. . vibhuti. . rudraksha. . mantra. . jangam. . tirtha. . prasada. among the greater number of lingayats, after the birth of a child, the parents send for the guru or spiritual adviser of the family, who is the representative of one of the five acharyas from whom the father claims descent, or in his absence of his local agent. the guru binds the linga on the child, besmears it with vibhuti (ashes), places a garland of rudraksha (fruits of elæocarpus ganitrus) round its neck, and teaches it the mystic mantra of "namah shivaya." the child being incapable of acquiring the knowledge of the sacred text at this early stage of its existence, the mantra is merely recited in its ear by the guru. the child has then to be presented to the god siva in the person of a jangam, or lingayat priest, who is summoned for the purpose; on his arrival, the parents wash his feet. the water in which the feet are washed is described as the tirtha or charana tirtha of siva. this tirtha is next poured over the linga attached to the infant. the jangam is fed, and a portion of the cooked food from the dish is placed in the child's mouth. this final ceremony is known as prasada. (i am informed that it would be considered by tamil lingayats sacrilege to wash the lingam with the tirtha.) occasionally the double character of guru and jangam are combined in one person. according to some accounts, the rites described above form the basis of the present social organization of the lingayat community. they are divided into those entitled to ashtavarna, and those who are not. the first of these divisions is again sub-divided into several groups, which may for convenience be designated panchamsalis who are descendants of the original converts, and non-panchamsalis or later converts. this explanation will throw some light on the scheme of classification adopted in the bombay gazetteer (see volumes bijapur and dharwar) where the smaller groups are shown as-- . pure lingayats. . affiliated lingayats. . half lingayats. these divisions, of which the full significance is not clearly conveyed by the titles, may perhaps be expanded with advantage by the addition to each of the alternatives already explained, viz., panchamsalis, non-panchamsalis with ashtavarna rites, and others, including the unclean castes attached to the lingayat community by reason of performing its menial services, e.g., dhors, chalvadis, etc. it is the modern practice to deny to these low castes the right to style themselves lingayats at all. it must be further explained that there are seven divisions of panchamsalis, and that these stand to each other in the relation of hypergamous groups, that is to say, members of the higher orders may wed the daughters of those beneath them, which suggests the probable former existence of free intermarriage. members of the lower orders among these panchamsalis may rise to the higher by performing certain religious ceremonies, constituting a form of initiation. in the second and third divisions, i.e., non-panchamsalis and "others," the sub-castes are functional groups and are endogamous, i.e., intermarriage is prohibited. it seems probable that the members of these divisions became converts to lingayatism some time after the initiation of the reforms, to which it gave birth, when the crusade against caste distinctions had lost much of its pristine vigour, and ceased to be a living part of the fundamental doctrine of the sect. at the present day, marriage is both infant and adult, and the parties to the contract have practically no choice. widows are indeed allowed to remarry, but such marriages are regarded with disfavour by the stricter members of the sect. a pariah or a mala cannot be invested with the lingam, and, if he pretends to be a lingayat, the jangam does not acknowledge him. the strict rules regarding meat and drink are maintained, and lingayats are still free from many of the ceremonies and religious performances required of other hindus. but the tendency of to-day is to follow the lead of the brahman; and, while no lingayat will admit the superiority of that caste, they practically acknowledge it by imitating many brahmanical practices. much of the good effected by the founder has thus been counteracted, and the lingayat is gradually becoming more and more like his orthodox hindu brother. in proof of this tendency it may be noted that, at the time of the census of , there were numerous representations from lingayats claiming the right to be described as virasaiva brahmans. further, on the occasion of the census of , a complete scheme was supplied to the census authorities professing to show all lingayat sub-divisions in four groups, viz., brahman, kshatriya, vaishya and sudra. it is noted, in the mysore census report, , that the lingayats interviewed the maharaja, and begged that their registration as virasaiva brahmans might be directed. "the crisis was removed by his highness the maharaja's government passing orders to the effect that the lingayats should not be classed as sadras any more than any other non-brahmans, but should be separately designated by their own name, and that, while they were at liberty to call themselves virasaiva brahmans, they should specify the name of the particular and well-known sub-division to which each censused unit belonged. it is noteworthy that, as soon as the clamour of the lingayats was set at rest, some of their leaders seem to have become ashamed of their own previous vehemence, while the movement seemed to have lost the spring imparted by sincerity. their feelings were brought to the test when the question of permitting the wonted periodical procession of their religious flagstaff, the nandi-dhvaja, came on for consideration by the police department. the lingayats' application for a license was opposed by the other castes on the ground that, since they had become brahmans, and had ceased to belong to the right-hand faction, they had no right to parade the nandi-dhvaja. the lingayats then showed themselves glad to regain their status quo ante." in connection with the name virasaiva, it may be noted en passant that the first session of the shreemat veerashaiva mahasabha [ ] was held at dharwar in the bombay presidency in . thereat various suggestions were made concerning religious instruction, education, marriage, the settlement of disputes by arbitration, and other matters affecting the material welfare of the lingayat community as a whole. it is worthy of note that, according to some writers, basava is supposed to have come within the influence of the syrian christians. the idea was started by mr. c. p. brown, whose essay on the jangams [ ] is the classic on this subject. mr. a. c. burnell quotes the remarkable fact from cosmos that, in the sixth century, there was a persian bishop at kalliana near udupi. and it is presumed by surgeon-major w. r. cornish, the writer of the madras census report, , that kalliana is identical with kalyan, where basava was prime minister six centuries later. this is clearly wrong, for udupi is on the west coast miles north of mangalore, whereas kalyan, the chalukyan capital, is in the heart of the deccan, miles away over the western ghauts. there was another calyaun or kaliana close to udupi on the coast, as shown by some of the older maps. but it is well known that western india was at this time tenanted by large settlements of persians or manichæans, and recent discoveries tend to show that these people were christians. it seems, therefore, to be quite possible that the discussions, which preceded basava's revolt, were tinged with some christian colouring, derived from the followers of the syrian school. mr. burnell even thinks that all the modern philosophical schools of india owe much to the same source. the lingayat faith appears to have spread very rapidly after basava's death, which may be placed in the year , and rice says that, according to tradition, within sixty years of the founder's death it was embraced from ulavi near goa to sholapur, and from balehalli to sivaganga. the disappearance of the chalukyan dynasty is in itself evidence of the rising power of the lingayats. but no real estimate can be made of its progress at first. more than a hundred years later, the muhammadan invaders took possession of the deccan, and other religions were driven southwards. the empire of vijayanagar, which is said to have covered the whole country from the kistna to cape comorin, rose out of the ruins of the hindu kingdoms, and as mr. sewell says, [ ] the fighting kings of vijayanagar became the saviours of the south for two and a half centuries. the early members of this dynasty were saivaites in faith, but there is no record of the workings of the reformed religion, which had spread southwards before vijayanagar became a power. the followers of this religion are easily distinguished from other hindus by the fact that the lingam is worn on a conspicuous part of the body. the bulk of the cultivators enclose it in a red silk scarf tied round their necks, with a knot in front. this scarf is tied on the left arm above the elbow when the wearer is at work, and is sometimes placed round the head when bathing. some of the traders, who are the richer class, carry it in a small silver box hung round the neck with a thread called sivadhara, or in a gold box studded with precious stones. the women do not wear it outside the dress, and generally keep it on a neck-string. no one is allowed to put it down even for a moment. recently a lingayat merchant in madras removed his silver lingam casket from his neck, wrapped it up in a cloth, put it under his head, and went to sleep on a street pial (platform). while he was slumbering, the casket was stolen by a cart driver. the lingam itself, which is regarded as the home of the deity, is generally made of grey soapstone brought from parvatgiri (srisaila) in the kurnool district. it is brought by a class of people called kambi jangams, because, besides the linga stone, they bring on a kavadi or shoulder-bamboo the holy water of the patalganga, a pool on parvatgiri, whose water lingayats hold as sacred as brahmans the water of the ganges. the following description of the lingam is taken from the bombay gazetteer for bijapur. "it consists of two discs, the lower one circular about one-eighth of an inch thick, the upper slightly elongated. each disc is about three-quarters of an inch in diameter, and is separated by a deep groove about an eighth of an inch broad. from the centre of the upper disc, which is slightly rounded, rises a pea-like knob about a quarter of an inch long and three-quarters of an inch round, giving the stone lingam a total height of nearly three-quarters of an inch. this knob is called the ban or arrow. the upper disc is called jalhari, that is the water carrier, because this part of a full-sized lingam is grooved to carry off the water which is poured over the central knob. it is also called pita, that is the seat, and pithak the little seat. over the lingam, to keep it from harm, is plastered a black mixture of clay, cowdung ashes, and marking-nut juice. this coating, which is called kauthi or the cover, entirely hides the shape of the enclosed lingam. it forms a smooth black slightly truncated cone, not unlike a dark betel nut, about three-quarters of an inch high, and narrowing from three-quarters of an inch at the base to half an inch across the top." the jangam cannot as a rule be distinguished from other lingayats. all male members of the community have a clean-shaved head, without the top-knot common to the brahmans. all, male as well as female, daub their foreheads with vibhuti or sacred ashes every morning. there is thus no distinctive mark for the jangam. but certain ascetics of the priestly class sometimes put on a red robe peculiar to them, and others cover themselves with vibhuti and many quaint ornaments. [a jangam whom i interviewed at a village in mysore, was named virabhadra kayaka, and was also known as kasi lingada vira. he was going about the village, shouting, dancing, and repeating the virabhadra khadga or praise of virabhadra, siva's son. on his bead he had a lingam stuck in his head-cloth, with a five-headed snake forming a canopy over it, and the sacred bull basava in front. tied to the forehead, and passing round the head, was a string holding thirty-two lingams. at the back of the head was a mane of white false hair. his face was painted bright red. round the neck he had four garlands of rudraksha beads, and suspended from the neck, and resting on the chest, was a silver casket containing a lingam. round the waist was a waist-band made of brass squares ornamented with a variety of figures, among which were the heads of daksha brahma and virabhadra. suspended from the neck was a breast-plate, with a representation of virabhadra and the figures of daksha brahma and his wife engraved in copper. from the waist a piece of tiger skin was suspended, to which were attached two heads of daksha brahma with a lion's head between. hanging lower down was a figure of basava. tied to the ankles were hollow brass cylinders with loose bits of brass inside. strings of round brass bells were tied to the knees. in his right hand he carried a long sword, and tied to the left forearm was a gauntlet-handled scimitar. to the handle were attached pieces of brass, which made a noise when the arm was shaken. finally, round the forearm were tied pieces of bear-skin.] no account of the lingayat community as it exists at the present day would be complete without some reference to the grounds on which the modern representatives of lingayatism claim for their religion an origin as ancient as that of brahministic hinduism, and a social structure similar to that which is described in the code of manu. mr. karibasava shastri, professor of sanskrit and canarese in the state college of mysore, writes that the shaiv sect of hindus has always been divided into two groups, the one comprising the wearers of the linga, and the other those who do not wear it. the former he designates virshaiv, and declares that the virshaivs consist of brahman, kshatriya, vaishya, sudra. quoting from the th chapter of the parameshvar agma, he declares that the virshaiv brahmans are also known as shudha virshaivs, virshaiv kings are marga virshaiv, virshaiv vaishya are mishra virshaiva, and the sudras of the community are anter virshaiv. in his opinion the duties and penances imposed on the first of these classes are-- ( ) the ashtavarna. ( ) penances and bodily emaciation. ( ) the worship of siva without sacrifice. ( ) the recital of the vedas. the professor asserts that the hindu ashrams of brahmacharya, grahasta and sanyasi are binding on virshaivs, and quotes from various sanskrit works texts in support of this view. he also furnishes a mythical account of the origin of the lingayats at the time of the creation of the world. a committee of gentlemen appointed in the belgaum district to consider the question of the origin of the lingayats base their opinion on a sanskrit work, the paramarahasya, and give the following account:--"when the god shiva wished to people the earth, he created from his mouth five acharyas, namely, marula radhyacharya, ekoranadhyacharya, revanaradhyacharya, panditaradhyacharya and vishvaradhyacharya. these five acharyas propagated the lingayat portion of mankind. each of them founded a gotra, namely, bhringi, vira, vrisha, skanda and handi, and their five seats are shrishaila, kollipaki, ujjaini, kashi and balihalli." a third account prepared specially in connection with the census of begins by controverting the common opinion that basava founded the lingayat religion, that it was in origin anti-brahmanical, and that it abolished caste distinctions. the account continues as follows. "a little enquiry will clearly show that it was not basava who founded the religion, but that he only revived the previously existing and ancient religion; that it is not anti-brahmanical, but that it protests against the efficacy of animal sacrifices, and that the religion itself is founded on the authority of the vedas, treating of animal sacrifices just as the shri vaishnav and madhva religions have rejected certain portions and adopted certain others of the vedas. consequently it is incorrect to say that the virshaivs reject the authority of the vedas." the writer maintains that caste distinctions are not foreign to the nature of lingayatism, and asserts that they have always existed. according to him, the orthodox theory is that, when brahma was ordered to create the world, he requested siva to teach him how to, whereupon siva created aprakruts. brahma created the world from the five elements of nature, and produced the prakruts. the lingayats are the aprakruts, and the brahmanistic hindus prakruts. here follow many quotations from sanskrit agmas in support of the facts alleged. it is unnecessary to weary the reader with the texts and their translations. the object in referring to these latter day accounts of the origin of the lingayats is to show the modern tendency of tradition to bring lingayatism into line with brahmanistic hinduism. the works referred to by the learned authors appear to be sanskrit writings of not more than years ago, and cannot be taken as proof that the lingayat religion is of greater antiquity than the th century, or that it has always been observant of caste distinctions. the persistence with which these points are advanced at the present day is, however, worthy of careful notice. if lingayatism was an island thrown up within the "boundless sea of hinduism," it would appear that the waters of the ocean are doing their utmost to undermine its solid foundations. the lingayats in bombay, madras and mysore number about two millions. mysore and the southern mahratta country are the principal homes of the creed, and the bellary district, which is wedged in between the above territories, must be classed with them. mr. rice tells us that it was the state religion of the wodeyars of mysore from to , and of the nayaks of keladi, ikkeri or bednur from to . at the present day the ruling family in mysore employ none but lingayats as cooks and watermen. the lingayats of madras numbered , at the census of . these figures, however, are of doubtful accuracy, as many were entered under caste names, and the probable strength of the community must be largely in excess of the figures. they were chiefly found in the bellary district. the following are the main sub-divisions of the community in the madras presidency :-- . jangam. the priestly class. . banajiga or banjig, divided into banajigas proper and jain banajigas. these are essentially traders, but many are now cultivators. the equivalent in the telugu country is linga balija. jangams occasionally take banajiga girls in marriage. the girl has to undergo certain ceremonies before her marriage, and after that she should not be treated as a daughter or sister of the family, but should be considered as a jangam's wife, and respect paid to her. jangam girls are not given to banajigas as wives. jain banajigas are considered as inferior to banajigas proper, and girls of the former are not married into families of the latter. . sadaru, divided into kumbala kudi sadaru and chadaru sadaru. the great majority are cultivators. . laligonda, divided into hera (elder) and chikka (younger) laligonda. . kapu, reddi, and vakkaliga, cultivators. the aradhya brahman is termed a lingayat. this caste is not included in the present note. the members of it wear the sacred thread, as well as the lingam. they are strict saivite brahmans, and have nothing to do with the lingayats proper. the three religious divisions of the community are styled:-- . nirabara vira saiva. sanyasis or ascetics, wearing only the kaupinam or loin-cloth . vishesha vira saiva. the priestly class, generally called jangams. . samanya vira saiva. this includes all lingayats, who are not sanyasis or jangams. the whole lingayat community is dealt with by mr. c. p. brown under the name jangam, and his essay speaks of vishesha and samanya jangams. this is incorrect, for no samanya vira saiva can be a jangam, and all jangams are vishesha vira saivas. the jangams are mostly literate, and the members of the banjig or trader class are frequently literate. the other classes of men, and the women of all classes are practically illiterate. canarese is the common language of lingayats, and it is usually preserved as a house language where canarese is not the language of the locality. in bellary the teachers in several of the board schools (primary standard) are jangams. very few lingayats have as yet competed for university honours, and the number of lingayat graduates is small. the common termination for males is appa, and for females amma or akka, or avva. in the case of jangams the male termination is ayya. the names commonly in use are as follows:-- basappa or basamma, after basava, the founder of the religion. chennappa or chennava, after chennabasava, nephew of basava. sugurappa or suguravva, after sugur, where there is a temple of virabhadra. revanna or revamma, after revana sideswara, the founder of the balehalli mutt. mallappa or mallava, a localised name of siva. nagappa or naganna, after a snake. bussappa or bussavva, after the hiss of a snake. basappa is the most common name of all, and it is said that in kottur, a town of , inhabitants, not far from ujjini, one half of the male lingayats are styled kottur basappa. tinduga or tindodi is a nickname given to a daughter's son born and bred up in his maternal grandfather's house. the name signifies that the boy will some day quit the house and join his father's family, tindu meaning eating, and wodi, running away. if the child happens to be a female she is called tindavva or tindodi. kuldappa, or kuldavva, is a nickname for one who fails to see a thing at once when he looks for it. kulda is a corruption of kuruda, which means a blind man. superstition has something to do with the naming of children. children whose predecessors died successively in their infancy are named as sudugappa or sudugadavva after sudugadu, burial-ground, gundappa or gundavva after gundu, a rock, tippiah or tippavva after tippa, a rubbish heap, tirakappa after tirakambonu, begging. these names signify humility, and are given in the belief that god will pity the parents and give the children a long lease of life. two names are not given to a child, but pet names are used instead. the recognised head-quarters of the lingayats in the bellary district is ujjini, a village in the south of the kudligi taluk on the borders of mysore. there are five head-quarters of the community in different parts of india. in each there is what is called a simhasanadhipati. in the first period of creation, iswara or siva is supposed to have appeared in five different forms, emanating from his five faces, and the five lingayat centres are representative of these five forms. the places are ujjini, srisaila, kollepaka, balehalli, and benares. it is said that the mutt at kollepaka no longer exists, and has been replaced by one at bukkasagar in the hospet taluk of bellary district. the shape and materials of their dwellings are not in any way different from those of other hindus. in the bellary district, houses of the better classes are built of stone; poorer persons can only afford mud houses. all adopt the flat roof peculiar to the deccan. it is recorded, in the mysore census report, , that "the orthodox theory among the lingayats is that their religion was founded by a number of acharyas, the most famous of whom were renuka, daraka, gajakarna, ghantakarna and viswakarna, who are the gotrakartas of the lingayat dwijas, having received their mandate direct from siva to establish his true religion on earth, or rather to restore it to its purity. as belonging to the apprakrita srishti, the virasaivas are enjoined not to follow that portion of the vedas which treats of yagnas or animal sacrifices. their contention is that karma, or the performance of ceremonies, is of two kinds, namely, one relating to the attainment of worldly desires, and the other relating to the attainment of wisdom or gnana. the idea of salvation in brahmanical religions generally is the attainment of desires, going to swarga or heaven, where one would enjoy eternal bliss. but salvation, as understood by the virasaiva religion, is something different, and goes one step further, meaning absorption into and attainment of oneness with the deity. consequently, they are prohibited from performing all those ceremonies which relate to the attainment of swarga, but are bound to perform those which relate to gnana or wisdom, and to salvation as understood by them. the five great gotrakartas established five great religious centres in different parts of india, viz., ekorama at ketara in the himalayas, viswacharya at benares, marutacharya at ujjain, pandithacharya at srisaila in cuddapah district, and renukacharya at balehalli or balehonnur in koppa taluk (of mysore), at all of which places the mutts still exist. the heads of these mutts have geographically divided the lingayats into five great divisions, and each head exercises spiritual control within his own legitimate sphere, though all of them have a general jurisdiction over all the lingayats generally. each of these mutts, called simhasanas (thrones), has sub-mutts in important popular centres under the management of pattadaswamis. each sub-mutt has a number of branch mutts, called gurusthala mutts, under it, and these latter are established wherever a community of lingayats exists. the rights and duties of the swamis of these mutts are to preside on all ceremonial occasions, to receive their dues, to impart religious instructions, to settle religious disputes, and to exercise a general control over all matters affecting the interests of the community at large. but one particular feature of this sect is the existence of another order of priests, called viraktas, also known as nirabharis or jangamas, who hold the highest position in the ecclesiastical order, and therefore command the highest respect from laymen as well as from the above mentioned clergy. each virakta mutt is directly subject to the murgi mutt at chitaldrug, which has absolute jurisdiction over all the viraktas. most lingayat towns have a virakta mutt built outside the town, where the swami or the jangama leads a solitary, simple and spiritual life. unlike the other priests, the virakta is prohibited from presiding on ceremonial occasions, and from receiving unnecessary alms unless for the purpose of immediately distributing the same to others. he should devote his whole life partly to spiritual meditation, and partly to the spreading of spiritual knowledge among his disciples, so that he would be the fountain head, to whom all laymen and all clergy must turn for spiritual wisdom. his position, in short, should be that of a pure sanyasi of the most exalted order. but here, as in the case of most other indian ecclesiastical orders, the modern representative of the ancient prototype is far different from the ideal." sacrifices are contrary to the tenets of the faith, but the practices of other hindus are to some extent copied. when laying the foundations of a house, a cocoanut is broken, incense offered and camphor burnt. when setting up the main door frame, a ceremony called dwara pratishta is performed. on that day, or a subsequent day, an iron nail is driven into the frame, to prevent devils or evil spirits from entering the house. after the house is completed, the ceremony of graha pravesam takes place. with all lingayat ceremonies the most important feature is the worship of the jangam, and in this instance the house is sprinkled with water, in which the jangam's feet have been washed. jangam's friends and relatives are then entertained and fed in the house. theoretically, any one may become a lingayat by virtue of investiture with the lingam. but in practice very few outsiders are admitted. the priests do not proselytise. the elders of the community sometimes persuade a relative or friend to join the fold. in the bellary district, it is believed that the religion is not spreading. the contrary seems to be the case in the bombay presidency. the bijapur gazetteer states that the wearing of the lingam, and the desertion of brahmans for jangams as priests, are still spreading among the brahmanical castes of bijapur, and adds "in mr. cumine's opinion few castes have remained beyond the influence of the new sect, and between lingayatism and islam, brahmanism will in a few centuries be almost extinct." according to mr. c. p. brown, the jangams insist upon any candidate for admission undergoing a probation of ten or twelve years. the authorities at ujjini state that there is a recognised scale of probation ranging from three years for the brahman to twelve years for the sudra, but the jangams admit that no brahmans are ever converted now, and the probation period is probably not enforced. the castes from which outsiders occasionally come are the various sub-divisions of the kapu or reddi caste. it is not uncommon to find all the neredi kapus in one village wearing the lingam, while the people of the same caste in a neighbouring village are not lingayats. the pakanati kapus illustrate the same rule. lingayat and non-lingayat kapus who are relatives eat together, and in some cases intermarry. lingayatism has recently made converts from other castes. in the last century, many weavers of tuminkatti in the dharwar district of bombay were converted by a jangam from ujjini, and are now known as kurvinavaru. they have abandoned all social intercourse with the parent caste. according to basava's teaching, even the lowest castes could join the community, and obtain equality with other lingayats. the abbé dubois wrote that, "even if a pariah joins the sect, he is considered in no way inferior to a brahman. wherever the lingam is found, there they say is the throne of the deity, without distinction of class or rank. the pariah's humble hut containing the sacred emblem is far above the most magnificent palace where it is not." these were undoubtedly the views of the founder, but his orders are not followed at the present day. the authorities at ujjini deny that any mala or madiga can become a lingayat, and say that, even if he wears a lingam, it has not been given him by a jangam. there is a class of malas called chalavadis, whose duty it is to accompany lingayat processions, and ring a bell. these chalavadis wear the lingam. it is, however, the accepted rule amongst lingayats of the present day that a mala or madiga cannot wear lingam. in a note on the relations between lingayats and brahmans, [ ] mr. t. v. subramanyam refers to the long-standing differences between them in the bellary district. "the quarrel," he writes, "has reference to the paraphernalia the former may carry in their religious processions, and has its origin in a legend. the story runs that vedavyasa, the author of the mahabharata and a fervent devotee of vishnu, once went to benares with the object of establishing the superiority of his favourite deity in that stronghold of saivism. within the precincts of the temple, he raised his hands aloft, proclaiming that vishnu was the supreme god, when, to the consternation of the assembled worshippers, nandi, the trusted servant and vehicle of siva, whose sculptured image is found in every temple sacred to his master, rose up in indignation, and cut off the right hand of the blasphemous sage. the principal insignia claimed to be used in lingayat processions are makaratoranam, pagaladivitti, svetachhatram, nandidhvajam, and vyasahastam. no objection is raised by the brahmans to the use of the first three of these, which are respectively a banner with the representation of a tortoise embroidered thereon, torches carried during the day, and a white umbrella. the nandidhvajam consists of a long pole, at the upper end of which floats a flag with a representation of nandi, and to which is affixed an image of basava, the founder of the sect. the vyasahastam is a similar pole, from which a wooden arm is suspended. the assertion of the prowess of nandi, and the perpetuation of the punishment alleged by the lingayats to have been inflicted on vyasa for daring to declare the supremacy of vishnu, as symbolised by these emblems, are equally offensive to all classes of brahmans, as the sage is reverenced equally by vaishnavas, madhvas, and smartas. besides these emblems, the lingayats claim that, during their processions, they are entitled to ring a bell, which is usually suspended from the flat end of a large ladle-like object. the brahmans object to this, however, as the bells are carried by low-caste persons, who ring them with their feet, to the accompaniment of chants intended to insult the brahmans and their religious creeds. they contend also that the hollow of the ladle is designed in mockery of the brahmakapala (or skull of brahma), which is very sacred in their eyes.... in the year , a dispute arose regarding the display of the nandidhavajam and the vyasahastam, an enquiry into which was held by the judge of bellary, who issued a proclamation for general information throughout the district, prohibiting the procession altogether, and declaring that no person should attempt it, on pain of being put in irons, and sent to take his trial before the court of circuit.... when the sringeri swami, known as jagadguru or spiritual head of the universe, visited bellary in , certain lingayats petitioned the district magistrate, praying that, if he was to be allowed to enter the town displaying his usual paraphernalia, their gurus must also be allowed a similar privilege during their processions. the petitioners were directed to meet the agent of the sringeri swami, and they agreed with him, to quote from the collector's order, in a spirit of mutual consideration that the processions of the gurus of the smarta brahmans and of the lingayats should be peaceably conducted, and that, in the latter, neither the nandidhvajam nor the vyasahastam should be used. in , it was decided in a civil court that the bells used in the processions of the lingayats should be rung with the hands and not with the feet, and that the chalavadis, or bell-ringers, should not utter any cries or chants offensive to the feelings of the brahmans. in , the collector negotiated a compromise between the lingayats and the brahmans of rayadrug, by which the display of all insignia, except the vyasahastam, was permitted to the former. apparently, the brahmans have not been satisfied with the terms of this compromise, as, subsequent to , they have started civil litigation, in which it is contended that the use of nandidhvajam is itself objectionable. at the present moment, therefore, the brahman lingayat controversy is exactly where it was a hundred years ago." non-lingayats, wishing to join the faith, have to undergo a three days' purification ceremony. on the first day they get their face and head shaved, and take a bath in cow's urine and ordure. except these articles, they are under a prohibition to drink or eat anything else that day. on the second day they bathe themselves in dhulodaka, i.e., water with which a jangam's feet have been washed, and eat sugar and drink cow's milk. on the third or last day, they take a panchamrutham bath, i.e., they apply to the head and body a paste made of plantains, cow's milk, ghi (clarified butter), curds and honey, and wash it off with water; they drink the water (thirtham) in which a jangam's feet have been washed; the lingam is tied on by the jangam, and the convert eats with other lingayats. women also undergo this ceremony, but in their case shaving is omitted. disputes are settled by a panchayat (council) headed by one of the community called yejaman or setti, assisted by the reddi or headman called banakara. where there is no setti, the reddi takes his place. the setti is appointed by the community, after the office itself has been created by the simhasanadhipati of the mutt. the other members of the panchayat are not permanent, but are selected for the occasion. the panchayat also tries offences against caste rules, and imposes fine on the culprit. the money, when collected, is given to some mutt or temple. failure to pay is punished by excommunication. any one may be appointed setti, but the post is hereditary. it is an honorary post carrying no remuneration, and the enquiries of the panchayat entail no expense, except in the cost of supplying pansupari (betel leaves and areca nuts). the panchayat is not limited in numbers, all the leading members of the community being invited to attend. appeals from the decisions of the panchayat lie to the mutt to which the village is subordinate. in bellary appeals go to ujjini. the orders of the mutt are final. the ujjini authorities say that the only punishment that can be inflicted is to interdict the offender from all social intercourse. he is practically "put into coventry"; but is released on payment of a fine to the guru, so the punishment is in fact a fine. the appointment of a new setti is a solemn function, resembling the instalment of a church dignitary. the priests and settis of neighbouring villages assemble, and instal the new man. the following is the order of precedence amongst them:-- ( ) matadaya. ( ) matapati. ( ) ganachari. ( ) sthavaria or gunari. ( ) setti. ( ) patna setti. ( ) kori setti. ( ) wali setti. a ceremony called diksha is said by some to be compulsory with jangams, male and female, in their eighth year, and the same is also said to be required for lay lingayats. the ceremony is performed in order to impart to the recipient the sacred mantram called panchakshari. this is whispered in the ear by the guru. the rite is evidently in imitation of the brahman practice of imparting the gayatri mantram at the time of the upanayanam or thread-tying ceremony. the term diksha is sometimes used to express the conversion ceremony used in the case of a new-comer. it is an essential of the faith that the sacred spell should be whispered in the ear by the guru, and this explains the three word motto or "guru, linga and jangam." but, in the case of lay lingayats and of women, it does not appear that diksha is universal, and the sacred spell is whispered in the ear when the lingam is tied. pollution periods are not observed. the indifference displayed by lingayats to the purification ceremonies prescribed by hindu custom is noticed by the abbé dubois, who quotes the hindu proverb which says "there is no river for a lingayat." a simple ceremony is performed when a girl comes to maturity. this lasts only one day. the girl takes an oil bath, and puts on clean clothes and ornaments. married women come and place in her lap two cocoanuts, two dates, five limes, five areca nuts, five betel leaves, and some rice. they sing some bright song, and then pass round her head three times the wave offering (arati) of a light. they then depart, after being presented with food and betel. this ceremony is evidently copied from other castes, and with well-to-do lingayats is sometimes prolonged for several days. holy water (thirtham) is sprinkled over the head of the girl. no ceremonies are observed at subsequent menstrual periods, as no pollution is attached to them. no special diet or customs are observed during pregnancy by husband or wife. the woman in her confinement is attended by her female relatives and the village midwife. at the birth of a child, all the female members of the family, and other women who attend the confinement, bathe and give a bath to the mother and child. on the second and third day, from five to ten women are invited. they bring boiled water and turmeric paste to apply to the body of the mother. on the third day a ceremony called viralu is performed. viralu means the worship of the afterbirth. the midwife buries it at the outer door, throws over the grave a piece of thread, dipped in turmeric water, and some rice, turmeric powder, kunkuma (red powder) and nim (melia azadirachta) leaves. she offers to it kitchade, a mess made of broken cholam (millet: sorghum) and a dish of greens, and breaks a cocoanut. the mother, who wears on the right wrist a piece of thread with a piece of sweet flag (acorus calamus) tied to it, worships the grave with joined hands. the women who have brought boiled water also wear similar threads on the right wrists, and eat the cholam and the greens. the midwife takes away the offering made to the grave, and gets also her money perquisites. the viralu ceremony is observed in the belief that the mother's breasts will thereby be fruitful of milk. the mother for the first time, on the day after the ceremony is over, suckles the child. both of them receive dhulodaka (water from a jangam's feet). the child also receives from the jangam the lingam, which is to be his personal property for life and for eternity. the name is given to a child on the sixteenth day after birth. five married women go to a well or river, where they worship gangamma, and return with a new pot filled with water. the mother receives it at the entrance, and places it on some cholam under the cradle. after this, the child is put into the cradle, and is given a name. the child's maternal uncle or aunt gives the name, and at once all the women present assault the namer with their fists. after this the jangam and guests are fed, and guggeri (fried grain) is distributed. marriage is both infant and adult. there is no difference in this respect between jangams and other lingayats. sexual license before marriage is neither recognised nor tolerated. open prostitution is not permitted. on the other hand, it is condemned as a moral sin and a social offence, and the party is punished by excommunication. there are basavis (dedicated prostitutes) amongst lingayats. polygamy is permitted. polyandry is strictly prohibited. among the lingayats, marriage between brothers' children is strictly prohibited. similarly, sisters' children cannot marry. marriage between some classes of second cousins is also prohibited, i.e., a man's children may not marry the children of his paternal uncle or of his maternal aunt. a man may marry his sister's daughter, but, in the case of children of the younger sister, such marriages are looked on with disfavour. the parties to a marriage have no freedom of choice. it is arranged for them by their parents or by the elders of their family, who come to an agreement as to the amount of teravu that should be paid to the bride's family. this marriage price usually amounts to pagodas or rupees, but is often more. in the case of a second marriage, the amount is double. the presents to the bridegroom generally consist of a pair of cloths, a turban, and a gold ring. these gifts are not compulsory, and their amount and value depend upon the circumstances of the bride's family. for a betrothal, the bridegroom's family come to the bride's house on an auspicious day in company with a jangam. they bring a sire (woman's cloth), a kuppasa (jacket), two cocoanuts, five pieces of turmeric, five limes, betel leaf and areca nut. they also bring flowers for the susaka (a cap of flowers made for the bride), gold and silver ornaments, and sugar and areca nut for distribution to guests. the bride puts on the new cloths with the ornaments and flowers, and sits on a folded kumbli (blanket), on which fantastic devices have been made with rice. some married women fill her lap with cocoanuts and other things brought by the bridegroom's party. music is played, and the women sing. five of them pick up the rice on the kumbli, and gently drop it on to the bride's knees, shoulders and head. they do this three times with both hands. sugar and betel are then distributed, and one of the bride's family proclaims the fact that the bride has been given to the bridegroom. one of the bridegroom's family then states that the bride is accepted. that night the bride's family feed the visitors on sweet things; dishes made of hot or pungent things are strictly prohibited. the marriage ceremony, which often takes place some years later, occupies from one to four days according to circumstances. in the case of a four-day marriage, the first day is spent in worshipping ancestors. on a second day, rice and oil are sent to the local mutt, and oil alone to the relatives. new pots are brought with much shouting, and deposited in the god's room. a pandal (booth) is erected, and the bridegroom sits under it side by side with a married female relative, and goes through a performance which is called surige. an enclosure is made round them with cotton thread passed ten times round four earthen pitchers placed at the four corners. five married women come with boiled water, and wash off the oil and turmeric, with which the bride and the bridegroom and his companion have been anointed. the matrons then clothe them with the new cloths offered to the ancestors on the first day. after some ceremonial, the thread forming the enclosure is removed, and given to a jangam. the surige being now over, the bridegroom and his relatives are taken back to the god's room. the bride and her relatives are now taken to the pandal, and another surige is gone through. when this is over, the bride is taken to her room, and is decorated with flowers. at the same time, the bridegroom is decorated in the god's room, and, mounting on a bullock, goes to the village temple, where he offers a cocoanut. a chaplet of flowers called bashingam is tied to his forehead, and he returns to the house. in the god's room a panchakalasam, consisting of five metal vases with betel and vibhuti (sacred ashes) has been arranged, one vase being placed at each corner of a square, and one on the middle. by each kalasam is a cocoanut, a date fruit, a betel leaf and areca nut, and one pice (a copper coin) tied in a handkerchief. a cotton thread is passed round the square, and round the centre kalasam another thread, one end of which is held by the family guru, and the other by the bridegroom who sits opposite to him. the guru wears a ring made of kusa grass on the big toe of his right foot. the bride sits on the left hand side of the bridegroom, and the guru ties their right and left hands respectively with kusa grass. hastapuja then follows. the joined hands of the bride and bridegroom are washed, and bilva (Ægle marmelos) leaves and flowers are offered. the officiating priest then consecrates the tali and the kankanam (wrist-thread), ties the latter on the wrists of the joined hands, and gives the tali to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck, repeating some words after the priest. the tying of the tali is the binding portion of the ceremony. before the tali is given to the bridegroom, it is passed round the assembly to be touched by all and blessed. as soon as the bridegroom ties it on the bride, all those present throw over the pair a shower of rice. the bridegroom places some cummin seed and jaggery (crude sugar) on the bride's head, and the bride does the same to the bridegroom. small quantities of these articles are tied in a corner of the cloth of each, and the cloths are then knotted together. the bride worships the bridegroom's feet, and he throws rice on her head. the newly married couple offer fruits to five jangams, and present them with five pice. the relatives worship the bride and bridegroom, wash their feet and offer presents, and the proceedings of the day terminate. on the third day, friends and relatives are fed, and on the fourth day bride and bridegroom ride in procession through the village, on the same bullock, the bride in front. on return to the house they throw scented powder (bukkittu) at each other, and the guests join in the fun. then follows the wedding breakfast, to which only the near relatives are admitted. the married couple worship jangams and the elders, and take off the kankanam or consecration thread from their wrists, and tie it at the doorway. the five matrons who have assisted are given presents and dismissed, and the marriage is now complete. in a one-day marriage, the above ceremonies are crowded into the short time allotted. the remarriage of widows was one of the points on which basava insisted, and was probably one of the biggest bones of contention with the brahmans. widow remarriage is allowed at the present day, but the authorities at ujjini see fit to disregard it. they say that amongst jangams it is prohibited, and that amongst the other classes of lingayats it is growth of custom. the practice of widow remarriage is widely followed even among jangams, but amongst the stricter classes, who are probably under the influence of their brahman friends, it is discountenanced. the parties to such a marriage are not allowed to take part in the marriage ceremonies of others. a great deal can, however, be done when money is forthcoming, and in one case a girl has recently been remarried according to the form in use for original marriages. every jangam probably has his price. a widow cannot marry her deceased husband's brother or cousin. the marriage goes by the name of udiki, and corresponds to some extent to the gandarva form of the hindus. the ceremony is a very simple one; there is no music and no guests are invited. the parties go to the temple in company with the matapati or headman, and the bangle seller. the latter puts glass bangles on the bride's wrists, and the matapati ties the tali. this last act ratifies the marriage contract, and makes it indissoluble. in some cases the ceremony takes place at night, as though the parties wished the darkness to cover them, but this practice does not seem to be universal. a widower generally takes a widow as his second bride; a bachelor will not as a rule marry a widow. in connection with a case concerning the lingayat 'goundans' of the wynad, it is noted, in the indian law reports, [ ] that "there is an immemorial custom by which lingait widows are remarried. such marriage is styled, not kalianam, but odaveli or kudaveli. it is not accompanied with the same ceremonies as a kalianam marriage, but a feast is given, the bride and bridegroom sit on a mat in the presence of the guests and chew betel, their cloths are tied together, and the marriage is consummated the same night. widows married in this form are freely admitted into society. they cease to belong to the family of their first husband, and the children of the second family inherit the property of their own father." divorce is permitted on proof of misconduct. the husband can exercise his right to divorce his wife by proving before a panchayet the alleged misconduct. the wife can only claim to divorce her husband when he has been outcasted. wives who have been divorced cannot remarry. the above answers are given on the authority of the ujjini mutt. there appears to be considerable divergence of opinion in other quarters. by some it is positively asserted that divorce is not permitted under any circumstances; that the husband and wife may separate on the ground of incompatibility of temper or for misconduct; and that in these circumstances the husband is at liberty to marry again, while the wife is not. others say that divorce is permitted, and that both parties are at liberty to remarry. in connection with the lingayats of south canara, it is recorded, in the indian law reports, [ ] that "second marriage of a wife forsaken by the first husband is allowed. such marriage is known as serai udiki (giving a cloth); as distinguished from lagna or dhara, the first marriage." all castes included in lingayat community follow the hindu law of inheritance, and succession is governed by the same. as a rule lingayats worship basaveswara and virabhadra, the former being the founder of their sect, and the latter a son of siva. they worship also the other sons of siva, shanmukha and vinayaka, and parvati, wife of siva. the other deities of the hindu pantheon are not reverenced. some later saints are sometimes regarded with reverence, but there does not appear to be any great uniformity in this matter, and the ujjini authorities declare that no god except siva is worshipped. this is clearly the correct view of the religion, and it is evident that the worship of minor deities was not countenanced by the founder. it is a peculiarity amongst the lingayats that they esteem the jangam or priest as superior even to the deity. they pay homage to the jangam first, and to siva afterwards. the jangam is regarded as an incarnation of the deity. they allow him to bathe his lingam in water with which his feet have been washed, and which for this reason is regarded as holy water. with the same water they bathe their own lingams, and drink the remainder. the motto of the creed quoted by mr. c. p. brown is "guru, linga, jangam." these three words express the lingayat faith, but in practice the jangam is placed first, and, as stated above, is worshipped as god upon earth. this practice of bathing the lingams in holy water is universal, and precedes each meal. the jangam blesses the food in the name of basava, and eats before the others can begin. monday in every week is the lingayat sunday, and is sacred to siva. this day is observed everywhere, and no lingayat will cultivate his field, or otherwise work his cattle on a monday. this fact was noted by the abbé dubois. the following account of the various festivals recognised by lingayats was furnished by the dewan of the sandur state, but, as he himself admits, very few people really observe the rules:-- the month chaitra.--first day of the bright fortnight being ugadi or new year's day, all take an oil bath and feast, the first dish to be eaten being a porridge made of margosa (melia azadirachta) flowers, sugar candy or jaggery, dried grapes, almonds, bengal gram flour, poppy seeds, and cocoanut kernel. those who can afford it put on new clothing. the eating of margosa flowers on ugadi is not, however, peculiar to the lingayat. on the full-moon day, called davanadahunname (from davana, a scented plant), they enjoy dainty dishes in honour of hampe pompapathiswami's car festival. the month vaisakha.--on the full-moon day called hagihunname (from hage, a young plant) cultivators make nursery beds, and enjoy a good repast. the month jyesta.--the full-moon day called karuhunname (from kare, a festoon). bullocks are washed, painted, and taken out in procession, when a festoon made of leaves, etc., and tied high across the main street, is broken. on the new-moon day called mannueththina-amavasya, they make bulls with earth, worship them, and eat a good meal. the month ashadha.--on the full-moon day called kadlakadavena hunname, they make a mixture of cholam or other flour with a single grain of unbroken bengal gram inside, boil it and eat. women strike one another with these cakes, which are either round or oblong, and are tough. before being eaten, they are cut into pieces with a knife. the month sravana.--the fifth day of the bright fortnight, called nagarapanchame. the image of a serpent, made of mud taken from a snake's hole, is worshipped with offerings of milk, soaked bengal gram, rice, balls made of jaggery and fried gingelly (sesamum) called chigali, balls made of rice flour and jaggery called tanittoo, cocoanuts, plantains and flowers. on each monday of this month, all the gods are worshipped with offerings of dainty dishes, and jangams are fed. this is the most important month in the year. those who can afford it have the basava or other puranams read and explained. the month bhadrapada.--the fourth day of the bright fortnight. the image of ganesha, made of earth and painted, is worshipped with an offering consisting of harnakadubu, chigali, tanittoo, a cocoanut, flowers and incense. it is taken out in procession on the rd, th or th day, and deposited in a well or stream after the necessary worship. the new-moon day called malada-amavasya (from mahalaya, a period comprising days from full- to new-moon), during which offerings are made to the manes of departed ancestors. the month aswija.--the first day of the bright fortnight. male children bathe, put on holiday clothes, and go to the village school. they do so till the th or dasami day. with them their master makes house-to-house visits for annual presents. they sing and play with the kolatam, a pair of painted round sticks about one foot in length with a diameter of / inches. on the dasami day, books, accounts, scales and weights, measures and weapons are worshipped with jambi (prosopis spicigera), rich food, flowers and incense. all, including jangams, enjoy a good meal. in the evening they visit temples, and offer cocoanuts to the idols. they pay reverence to elders by giving them jambi, and falling at their feet. on the same day, girls collect earth from ant-hills, and place it in a heap in the village temple. every evening they go to the said temple with aratis (wave offerings), singing on the way, and worship the heap. they continue this till the full-moon day called seegahunname. on the following day, i.e., on the first day of the dark fortnight, they worship in the same temple an image of siva and his consort parvati seated on the sacred bull made of earth and painted. they worship with offerings of cakes and other dainties, and cocoanuts, flowers and incense, and give arati. the matapati who has installed the idol takes these offerings, and gives each girl two idols of kontamma, made out of the heaped earth previously worshipped by them. they take them home in their arati platters. within the next three days, they go from house to house playing on kolu or kolatam and singing, and receive money presents. these earnings they spend on the worship of kontamma by making sajja and gingelly cakes called konte roti, and offering them. this worship is performed on the top of the roof of a house. the girls eat up the cakes, and take kontamma in procession to a stream or well, and gently let her into the water, singing songs all the while. on the new-moon day, a religious observance called nope or nomulu in honour of gauri (another name of parvati) is kept up. the observance consists in offering to the goddess karjikayi, whole areca nuts, betel nuts, bits of turmeric, chendu flowers, tumbe huvvu, a silk string with threads and knots, a cocoanut kernel, a date fruit, kunkuma, a cocoanut, bukkittu and incense, in a winnowing fan specially made with fastenings. the fan is passed round the goddess times. a face worked in silver, a new earthen pitcher or a metal pot with a twig of the banian tree in it, well decorated, represents the goddess. the silk string is allowed to remain before her that night. next morning, offerings of food, etc., are made to her, and the pujari (priest) ties a silk string on the left arm if a female, or the right arm if a male. that day being the balipadyam day, men, women and children take an oil bath very early in the morning, eat something, and put on new clothing. just before daybreak, women make two sets of cow-dung panchapandavas, and keep one set on either side of the outer threshold, and, sprinkling on them milk, butter and ghi, worship them. at the usual breakfast time, all the members of the family enjoy a hearty meal with the newly married son-in-law, to whom they make presents of cloths and gold according to circumstances. all that day children let off crackers. the month kartika.--on the fourteenth day of the bright fortnight, girls bring ant-hill earth, and, depositing it in a temple, follow the procedure observed from the tenth day of the bright fortnight of aswija up to the day on which the kontamma was left in a stream or well. they go through the various details in three days. the month pushya.--the sankranti (the day on which the sun's progress to the north of the equator begins) festival is observed. on the bhogi day, i.e., the day previous to sankranti, cakes made of sajja and gingelly, dishes made of pumpkin, brinjals, sweet potatoes, red radish, raw chillies and chitrana (coloured rice) are eaten. on the sankranti day, more rich food, including holigas (cakes made of jaggery, dhal and wheat), is eaten in company with jangams, who are dismissed with money presents and betel and nut. the month magha.--the full-moon day called baratahunname. this is a feasting day on which no ceremony is performed, but the people enjoy themselves by eating good things. the fourteenth day of the dark fortnight is the sivarathri day, i.e., the day sacred to siva. this should be a fasting and sleepless day, the fast being broken early next morning, but very few observe these rules strictly. the month phalguna.--the full-moon day is the day on which the holi festival takes place. it is not marked by any religious observance beyond eating good things. the same is the case with the new-moon day. brahmans are not employed as a general rule. the jangam is the priest of the lingayat, and is called in for all ceremonies. brahmans are sometimes consulted in fixing auspicious days, and in some cases are even allowed to officiate at marriages. this is the rule in sandur, and shows the tendency of modern times. the ujjini mutt is, however, still bigoted in its rejection of all brahman interference, though, with strange inconsistency, the elders of the community themselves claim to be brahmans. jangams are now studying vedic shastras, and may often be heard repeating vedic hymns. the dead are buried in a sitting posture facing towards the north, but an exception is made in the case of unmarried people, who are buried in a reclining position. before the patient dies, the ceremony called vibhutidharane or vibhuti achchodu is performed. he is given a bath, and is made to drink holy water in which the jangam's feet have been washed. he is made to give the jangam a handkerchief with vibhuti (ashes), rudraksha, dakshina (coin) and tambula (betel leaf). this is followed by a meal, of which all the jangams present, and the relatives and friends of the patient partake. it appears to be immaterial whether the patient is still alive or not. it is stated that, if the invalid survives this ceremony, he must take to the jungles and disappear, but in practice this is not observed. the death party resembles in some respects an irish 'wake,' though the latter does not commence until the deceased is well on his way to the next world. after death, the corpse is placed in a sitting posture, and the jangam, who has received the offering before death, places his left foot on the right thigh of the body. the people present worship the corpse, and the usual distribution of coins and betel to jangams follows. the body is then carried in a vimanam or bamboo chair to the burial-ground. the grave should be a cube of nine feet dimensions, with a niche on one side, in which the corpse is to sit. the lingam is untied, and placed in the left hand; bilva leaves (Ægle marmelos) and vibhuti are placed at the side; the body is wrapped in an orange coloured cloth; and the grave is filled in. a jangam stands on the grave, and, after receiving the usual douceur, shouts out the name of the deceased and says that he has gone to kailasa or heaven. memorial ceremonies are contrary to lingayat tenets, but in this, as in other matters, the influence of the brahmans appears, and amongst some sections an annual ceremony is performed. the performance of sradh, or the memorial ceremonial common to other hindus, is unknown. the abbé dubois tells us that a lingayat is no sooner buried than he is forgotten. he says, "the point in the creed of the saivaites which appears to me to be most remarkable is their entire rejection of that fundamental principle of the hindu religion 'marujanma' or metempsychosis. from this it would follow that they do not believe in ghosts. but there is a generally accepted idea that evil spirits sometimes take possession of females. this may be a rude way of expressing the fact that the gentle sex is uncertain, coy and hard to please." though sradh is unknown, once in a year on the new-moon day of the month bhadrapada or in aswija, they offer clothes and food to ancestors in general, childless ancestors, and men who have died a violent death. the special object of worship is a bull, the animal sacred to siva. a bull is supposed to be used by siva for riding. it is also painted on siva's flag. tattooing is confined to females. children are tattooed in their fifth year. a round mark, the size of a pea, is pricked between the eyebrows, on the right cheek, and on the chin. other marks are made on the forehead. these marks are also made on the forearms and hands. the pigment is of a green colour, but the recipe is not known. the skin is pricked with babul (acacia arabica) thorns. females wear a sadi about yards long and ¼ yards broad. it is invariably a coloured one, with silk or cotton borders at the edges and across at both the ends. one of the cross borders is much broader than the other, and is showy. the sadi is of different patterns. it is tied below the waist with folds in front, the end with the cross border passing round the trunk from left to right, and covering the head. they wear also a kuppasa, which covers half the body from the neck, and is fastened in the front by a knot. in some families infants are branded with a hot needle on the stomach, under the idea that disease is thereby warded off. children who suffer from fits are branded with a twig of margosa or with a glass bangle. as lingayats were originally recruited from all castes, the community must have included persons of nearly every trade. at the present day the majority may be grouped under priests, traders and agriculturists. it is the idea of some lingayats that jangams are forbidden to trade, and strictly speaking this objection is valid. but it is even admitted at ujjini that there is no such objection in practice. many wealthy traders may be found amongst the above class, and in the town of kampli there is a lingayat guru who is held in great esteem, and yet is the owner of two shops, the business of which he personally conducts. it is even whispered that the head of the ujjini mutt is not averse to increasing his income by a little discreet usury. the majority of lingayats in bellary are tenant-farmers, or self-cultivating pattadars. it is said to be uncommon to find a lingayat daily labourer in the bombay presidency--they are mostly landholders and cultivators or petty traders. they are prohibited from doing such work as is required of a butcher, a toddy drawer or seller, sweeper or scavenger. anything connected with the use of leather is an object of special abhorrence to a lingayat. even the use of a leather bucket for irrigation purposes is by some of the stricter members considered degrading. it is even supposed to be wrong to touch one's shoe or sandals in the presence of others, and beating with a shoe is a special insult. this last objection is probably common to all castes. there are few artisans, but a special sub-section called the hirekurnis are weavers. oil-sellers are styled ganigas and sajjanaganigas. flower-sellers are called jiru; those engaged in making dairy produce, gaulis ; those who do tailoring, chippigas. members of the above trades under the above names are not exclusively lingayats. ploughing is never commenced in pushya, as it is considered an inauspicious month, but what was begun in the previous margasira could be continued through it. those who did not begin in margasira do so in magha, the month succeeding pushya. tuesdays and fridays are auspicious days for the commencement of this operation. they are also the appropriate days for sowing. there is no restriction as to month, that being entirely dependent on the season. before ploughing commences, the team of bullocks is worshipped. the horns of the animals are washed with water, and covered with sacred ashes. a cocoanut is broken on the yoke. before sowing, puja (worship) is offered to the drill-plough. the hollow bamboos, through which the seed drops, is daubed with chunam (lime), and the other parts with red earth. bunches of leaves of the sacred pipal, and bits of turmeric are stuck in three or four places. to the drill, a string, containing marking-nut, sweet flag, and pieces of palmyra leaf, is tied. kunkuma is applied, and to the whole apparatus food specially prepared is offered. this takes place at home. the drill-plough is then carried to the field, where, after the bullocks have been attached, a cocoanut is broken on the cross beam. reaping commences with the sprinkling of milk and ghi on the crop. at the threshing floor, a ceremony called saraga is gone through. a conical-shaped image made of cow-dung is set at the foot of the grain heap. on its top are placed the tail hair of bullocks, a single cholam ear-head, a flower of the avari (bean) creeper, and tummi flower (leucas aspera). before it are spread the mess of cholam and other food brought from home, and a cocoanut is broken. some of the mess is dissolved in buttermilk, and thrown round the threshing floor. the man who throws it lays the pot which contained it before the image, and salutes the heap with joined hands. the residue of the cholam mess and other food is eaten by a jangam, the cultivator, the guests, servants and coolies. the grain in the heap is next winnowed and made into a heap. it is measured just before sunset, neither sooner nor later, after breaking the cocoanut which was secreted in the original heap. the measurers sit with their faces towards the north. while the measurement is proceeding, no one in the threshing floor may speak; nor is any one allowed to enter it at the time. the belief is that, if either of these happens, the grain in the heap will diminish. this mysterious disappearance is called wulusu. rain in rohini karte (one of the twenty-seven asterisms in which rain falls) is good for sowing, and that in mrugasira and ardra appropriate. these three asterisms are suited for sowing cholam. showers in punarvasu, pushya, and aslesha are suitable for sowing korra, saju and savi. rain in pubba and wuttara is favourable to cotton, korra and horse gram, and that in hasta and chitta to wheat, cholam, bengal gram and kusumulu (oil-seed). flashes of lightning occurring at the exit of ardra, augur good showers. the saying is that, if it flashes in ardra, six showers will fall. in magha, weeding, either by the hand or by bullocks, should not be done. wind should not blow in wuttara. if it does, the grain in the ear-heads will be hollow. there should be no lightning flashes in swati. if there are, a pest called benkihula will appear, and grain will not be formed in each socket. rain in visakha destroys worms, and is good for pulses. rain in anuradha spoils them. a scare-crow in the shape of a human being is set up in fields where there are crops, to scare birds and animals. it is made much in the same way as elsewhere, with crossed sticks and a painted chatty (pot). the sticks are covered with rags of cotton or a kambli (blanket). a cocoanut is broken before digging for a well commences. the lingayats are strict vegetarians, and abstain from all forms of liquor. the staple foods in bellary are cholam, cumbu, ragi and korra. lingayats will not eat, drink or smoke with any one of another religion. this is the strict rule, but, as already stated, kapu lingayats will sometimes eat with a non-lingayat relative or friend. (see also jangam.) liyari.--see kevuto. lohana.--immigrant traders from the bombay presidency. "they state that they take their name from the port of loha in sindh, but burton says that they came from lohanpur near multan, and that they were driven south by the muhammadans. they reverence the daria pir, or the indus spirit." [ ] lohara.--the loharas, luharas, or luharos, are an oriya caste of iron-workers, whose name is derived from loha, iron. luhara also occurs as an occupational name of a sub-division of savaras. loliya.--a synonym for jalari. lombo-lanjia (long tail).--a sub-division of savaras, which is so called because its members leave, at the buttocks, one end of the long piece of cloth, which they wear round the waist. loriya.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small class of hill cultivators in the vizagapatam district. they are said to be a sub-division of gaudo. m machi.--recorded as a synonym of myasa bedar. madaka (plough).--an exogamous sept of togata. madari (pride or arrogance).--a tamil name for chakkiliyan. maddi.--maddi or madderu, indicating those who use the root of the indian mulberry (maddi: morinda citrifolia) as a dye, has been recorded as a sub-division of besthas and kabberas. maddila (drum).--maddila or maddili has been recorded as an exogamous sept of kapu and mala. madhave (marriage).--an exogamous sept of badagas of the nilgiri hills. madhurapuria.--a name frequently given by members of the bhatta sub-division of gaudo. madhya.--madhya or madhaya is a sub-division of bottada and sondi. madiga.--the madigas are the great leather-working caste of the telugu country, and correspond to the chakkiliyans of the tamil area. they were first studied by me at hospet in the bellary district, and at once formed a strong opposition party, in the belief that i was going to select and carry off the strong men, lest they should become kings, and upset the british raj. so frightened were they, that they went in a body to live in the muhammadan quarter of the town. at the hospet weekly market i witnessed a mendicant youth lying naked in a thorny bed of babul (acacia arabica) stems. a loathsome spectacle was afforded by a shrivelled old woman with mouth distended by a mass of mud the size of a cricket-ball, both eyes bunged up with mud, and beating her bare breasts with her hands. the market was infested by religious mendicants, some from benares and ramesvaram, others from across the hyderabad frontier, who cadged persistently for tobacco leaves, an onion or brinjal (solanum melongena), a few chillies, a handful of grain, or a pinch of salt, and helped to deplete the slender stock of the market-sellers. one holy man from sholapur was profusely decorated with beads, ashes, brass snakes, and deities. holding out for four pies worth of betel leaves, while the stall-keeper only offered one pie worth, he, after making a circle in the ground with his staff round his sandals thickly studded with blunt nails, stood thereon, and abused the vendor in language which was not nice. a native magistrate thereon summoned a constable, who, hastily donning his official belt, took the holy man in custody for an offence under the act. a conspicuous feature of hospet are the block-wheel carts with wooden wheels, solid or made of several pieces, with no spokes. dragged by sturdy buffaloes, they are excellent for carrying timber or other loads on rough roads or hill-tracks, where ordinary carts cannot travel. during the breezy and showery season of the south-west monsoon, kite-flying is the joy of the hospet youths, the kites being decorated with devices of scorpions and hindu gods, among which a representation of hanuman, one of the genii loci, soared highest every evening. it is fairly easy to distinguish a madiga from a bedar, but difficult to put the distinction in words. the madigas have more prominent cheek-bones, a more vinous eye, and are more unkempt. the bedar, it is said, gets drunk on arrack (alcohol obtained by distillation), whereas the madiga contents himself with the cheaper toddy (fermented palm juice). the bedars resort freely to the madiga quarters (madiga keri), situated on the outskirts of the town, and fenced in by milk-hedge (euphorbia tirucalli) bushes. my brahman assistant, hunting in the madiga quarters for subjects for measurement, unfortunately asked some bedars if they were madigas. to which, resenting the mistake, one of them replied "we call you the madiga," and the brahman stood crushed. the hospet madigas had their hair cropped short, moustache, and trimmed beard. they wore the customary threads or charm cylinders to ward off devils, and steel tweezers for removing the thorns of the babul, which is largely used as a fence for the fields of cholam and sugar. one man had suspended round his neck, as a hereditary talisman, a big silver venkataramana bottu with the namam in the centre on an altar, and the chank and chakram stamped on it. as bearing on the social status of the malas and madigas, which is a subject of dispute between the two classes, it may be noted that all the billets in cotton factories which require any skill, such as engine-drivers, valve-men, moulders, turners, etc., are held by malas. the madigas are generally only three-anna wage men, and do such work as turning a winch, moving bales, and other trivial jobs. at a factory, whereat i stayed, at adoni, there were three wells, viz.:--for malas, for madigas, and for the rest of the workers, except brahmans. and the well-water for the malas was better than that for the madigas. a madiga chindu, or sword-dance, was prohibited in and . but a petition, referring to its obscene nature, and its being the cause of frequent collision between the malas and madigas, was submitted to the collector of kurnool in , by a missionary. the dance was performed at festivals, held annually or triennially, in honour of the village goddess, and during the time of threshing corn, building a new house, or the opening of a newly-dug well. the dance, accompanied by a song containing grossly indecent reflections against the malas, was also performed, under the excitement of strong drinks, in the presence of the goddess, on the occasion of marriages. one verse ran as follows: "i shall cut with my saw the malas of the four houses at nandyal, and, having caused them to be cut up, shall remove their skins, and fix them to drums." "the right hand party," it is stated, [ ] "resent the use by the left of palanquins at their marriages, and so the malas are very jealous of the chucklers (madigas) carrying the bride and bridegroom through the streets, using tinkling ornaments, etc. riots sometimes occur when a strong feeling of opposition is raised, to resent what they consider innovations." " the madigas," mr. n. g. chetty writes, [ ] "belong to the left-hand caste, and often quarrel with the malas (right-hand). in a madiga, having contrived to obtain a red cloth as a reward from the police superintendent, wore it on his head, and went in procession on horseback by the main bazaar street. this resulted in a disturbance, in which a european inspector was severely hurt by a mala, who had mistaken him for the superintendent. the two factions fixed, by mutual understanding, the streets by which each was to proceed, and no quarrels have since occurred." during the celebration of village festivals, an unmarried madiga woman, called for the occasion matangi (a favourite deity), abuses and spits upon the people assembled, and they do not take this as an insult, because they think that her spittle removes the pollution. the woman is, indeed, regarded as the incarnation of the goddess herself. similarly, the malas use very obscene language, when the god is taken in procession to the streets of the caste people. [ ] concerning the matangi i gather [ ] that she is an "unmarried woman of the madiga class, chosen after a most trying ordeal, unless she happens to be descended from a previous matangi, to represent the goddess. she must vindicate her fitness by suitable prophetic utterances, and her nomination is not confirmed till she has obtained divine approval at the temple of a certain village near kumbam in kurnool. when she has been finally confirmed in her honours, she enjoys the privilege of adorning her face with a profusion of turmeric and red powder, and of carrying margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves about her. she is unmarried, but without being bound by a vow of celibacy. her business is to preside at the purificatory ceremonies that precede all festivities. when malakshmi, or poleramma, or ankamma, or any other of the village deities is to have her festival, the nearest matangi is applied to. her necklace of cowry (cypræa moneta) shells is deposited in a well for three days, before she is allowed to put it on for the ceremony. she dons the necklace, and marches behind the master of the ceremonies, who carries a knife, wooden shoes and trident, which have been similarly placed for a time at the bottom of a well. the master of the ceremonies, his male and female relations, then stand in a line, and the matangi runs round and round them, uttering what appear to be meaningless exclamations, spitting upon all of them, and touching them with her stick. her touch and saliva are believed to purge all uncleanliness of body and soul, and are invited by men who would ordinarily scorn to approach her, and it passes one's comprehension how she should be honoured with the task of purifying the soul and body of high class reddis and purse-proud komatis. it must be said that only very few brahman families keep up this mysterious ceremony of homage to the matangi. she is allowed to come into the house, that is to pass the outer gate. there she besmears a certain spot with cowdung, and places upon it a basket. it is at once filled with cooked food. a layer of rice powder covers the surface of the food, and on it is placed a small lamp, which is lighted. she then holds out a little earthenware pot, and asks for toddy to fill it with. but the brahman says that she must be content with water. with the pot in her hand, and wild exultant songs in her mouth, recounting her humiliation of brahman and kshatriya, of saint and sovereign, she moves quickly round the assembled men and women, scattering with a free hand upon them the water from the pot. the women doff their petticoats, and make a present of them to the matangi, and the mistress of the house gives her the cloth she is wearing. the men, however, with strange inconsistency, doff their sacred threads, and replace them by new ones after a bath. the origin of the supremacy of the matangi is obscure, and shrouded in legends. according to one of them, the head of renuka, the wife of the sage bhrigu, who was beheaded by her lord's orders, fell in a madiga house, and grew into a madiga woman. according to another legend, a certain king prayed to be blessed with a daughter, and in answer the gods sent him a golden parrot, which soon after perched on an ant-hill, and disappeared into it. the disappointed father got the ant-hill excavated, and was rewarded for his pains by finding his daughter rise, a maid of divine beauty, and she came to be worshipped as the matangi. it is interesting to note that matangas were an ancient line of kings 'somewhere in the south,' and the madigas call themselves matangi makkalu or children of matangi or durga, who is their goddess." the system of making basavis (see deva-dasi), which prevails among the madigas of the ceded districts, is apparently not in vogue among those of the telugu country, where, however, there are, in some places, a class of prostitutes called matangi, matamma, or matha, who are held in much respect. in connection with the basavi system, it is recorded, in the madras law report, , that "upon the whole, the evidence seems to be to establish that, among the madigas, there is a widespread custom of performing in the temple at uchangidurgam, a marriage ceremony, the result of which is that the girl is married without possibility of widowhood or divorce; that she is at liberty to have intercourse with men at pleasure; that her children are heirs to her father, and keep up his family; and that basavis' nieces, being made basavis, become their heirs. the basavis seem in some cases to become prostitutes, but the language used by the witnesses generally points only to free intercourse with men, and not necessarily to receipt of payment for use of their bodies. in fact, they acquire the right of intercourse with men, without more discredit than accrues to the men of their caste for intercourse with women who are not their wives." the ceremony of initiation into matangihood is fully described by emma rosenbusch (mrs. clough). [ ] in the canarese country, e.g., at tumkur in mysore, the ceremony of initiation is performed by a vakkaliga priest. a portion of the front courtyard of the house is cleaned, and smeared with cow-dung. on the space thus prepared, a pattern (muggu) of a lotus is drawn with red, yellow, and white powders. the outline is first drawn with rice or ragi (eleusine coracana) flour deftly dropped from between the thumb and index finger. the interspaces are then filled in with turmeric and kunkuma powder. five small pots are arranged, one in the centre, and one at each corner of the pattern. by the side of the pots are placed a ball of sacred ashes, a new cloth, a piece of turmeric, camphor, and plantain fruits. plantain stems are set up at the corners of the pattern. a string is passed seven times round the four corner pots, and tied to the central pot. the woman who is about to become a matangi should live on fruits and milk for five days previous to the ceremony. she is dressed in a white sari, and seats herself on the muggu close to the central pot. a bamboo basket, containing a pot bearing the device of two foot-prints (of ellamma), an earthen or wooden receptacle, an iron lamp, and a cane, is placed on her head. the asadi sings songs about ellamma, and the vakkaliga priest throws rice over the novice's head, feet, knees, and shoulders, and ties two bottus (marriage badges), called respectively ellamma's and parasurama's bottu, on her neck. the new and old matangis bawl out ekkalde jogavva. the ceremony closes with the drinking of toddy by the matangis and asadis. the basket (adlige) containing the various articles enumerated is the badge of a matangi, who carries it with its contents, and a few leafy twigs of the margosa tree (melia azadirachta). the basket is wrapped up in a red or brown cloth, and may not be placed on the ground. at the matangi's house, it is hung up by means of a rope, or placed in a niche in the wall. it may be noted that the madigas call the intoxicant toddy palu (milk). for the following interesting note on the matangi institution, i am indebted to an article by mr. a. madhaviah. [ ] "about ten miles to the south-west of cumbum, in the kurnool district, and within a mile of the village of tudimilla, there is a narrow pass between two hillocks known as surabeswara kona. besides the more common presences, we find here the following shrines:-- (a) sapthamathas (seven mothers). (b) a curious temple, in which are found the idols of jamadhagni bagawan--the father of parasurama and the local rishi--his wife renuka devi, and the surabi. (c) opposite to this temple is the curious shrine, not very much bigger than a railway pointsman's box, dedicated to mathangi. in this temple are found no less than five idols arranged in the following order:--( ) a three-headed snake; ( ) another three-headed snake; ( ) a female body, with the palms joined reverentially in the worshipping posture in front, with the lower half of the body snaky in form, and with a canopy of snaky hoods above; ( ) mathangi proper--a female figure of about inches in height, made of stone--with a short skirt, below which the feet are visible, but no upper garment, and wearing a garland round the neck. the right hand holds a snake-headed stick, while the left has an adlika, a kind of sieve; ( ) another similar figure, but without even the skirt. "we shall now proceed to enquire who this mathangi was, and how she came to be worshipped there. jamadhagni maharishi, known also as bagawan on account of his godly power and virtues, married renuka, the daughter of renu, and had five sons by her, the youngest of whom was the famous parasurama, an incarnation of vishnu. 'once upon a time,' says the bhagavatapurana, 'renuka having gone to the ganga, saw the king of the ghandarvas wearing garlands of lotus, to play with the apsaras. having gone to the river to fetch water, she, whose heart was somewhat attracted by chitaratha (the king of the gandharvas) who was playing, forgot the time of yajna (sacrifice). coming to feel the delay, and afraid of the curse of the muni, she returned to the hermitage, and placed the pitcher before the muni, and remained standing with folded palms. the muni (jamadhagni), coming to know of the unchasteness of his wife, got enraged, and said 'o my sons! kill this sinner.' although thus directed, they did not do so. the said (parasu) rama, who was well aware of the power of the muni in respect of meditations and asceticism, killed, being directed by his father, his mother along with his brothers. the son of satyavati (jamadhagni) was pleased, and requested rama to pray for any favour. rama desired the reanimation of those killed, and their forgetfulness of the fact of their having been killed. immediately did they get up, as though after a deep sleep. rama, who was conscious of the powers of his father in regard to asceticism, took the life of his dear ones.' "the version locally prevalent is somewhat different. jamadhagni bagawan's hermitage was near this kona, and he was worshipping the god surabeswara, and doing tapas (penance) there. one day, his wife renuka devi went, very early in the morning, to the river gundlacama to bathe, and fetch water for her husband's sacrificial rites. she was accompanied, as was her wont on such occasions, by a female slave of the chuckler (leather-worker) caste, as a sort of bodyguard and attendant. while she was bathing, the great warrior karthaviriyarjuna with a thousand arms happened to fly across the sky on some business of his own, and renuka saw his form reflected in the water, and was pleased with it in her mind. it must be mentioned that she never used to take any vessel with her to fetch water, for her chastity was such that she had power to roll water into a pot-like shape, as if it were wax, and thus bring it home. on this day, however, she failed to effect this, try what she might, and she was obliged to return home empty-handed. in the meanwhile, the sage, her husband, finding that his wife did not return as usual, learnt through his 'wisdom sight' what had happened, and ordered his son parasurama to slay his sinful mother. parasurama went towards the river accordingly, and, seeing his mother returning, aimed an arrow at her, which severed her head from her body, and also similarly severed, with its unspent force, the head of the chuckler woman who was coming immediately behind his mother. parasurama returned to his father without even noticing this accident, and when his father, pleased with his prompt obedience, offered him any boon, he prayed for the re-animation of his mother. jamadhagni then gave him some holy water out of his vessel, and told him to put together the dismembered parts, and sprinkle some water over them. parasurama went off in great delight and haste, and, as it was still dark and early in the morning, he wrongly put his mother's head on the chuckler woman's trunk, and sprinkled water on them. then, seeing another head and another body lying close by, he thought that they belonged to the female slave whom he had unwittingly killed, and he put them also together, and re-animated them. he was extremely vexed when he found out the mistakes he had committed, but, as there was no rectifying them without another double murder, he produced the two women before his father, and begged to be forgiven. the sage finally accepted the person with his late consort's head as his wife, and granted to the other woman the status of an inferior deity, in response to her prayers, and owing to her having his wife's body. this was the origin of mathangi. "there are some permanent inam (rent-free) lands belonging to this shrine, and there is always a madiga 'vestal virgin' known as mathangi, who is the high priestess, or rather the embodied representative of the brahman-chuckler goddess, and who enjoys the fruits of the inams. mathangi is prohibited from marrying, and, when a mathangi dies, her successor is chosen in the following manner. all the chuckler girls of the village, between the ages of eight and ten, who have not attained puberty, are assembled before the shrine, and the invoking hymns are chanted amid a flourish of trumpets, drums, and other accessories. the girl who becomes possessed--on whom the goddess descends--is the chosen vessel, and she is invested with the insignia of her office, a round sieve, a bunch of margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves, a snake-headed bamboo stick, a piece of cotton thread rope with some cowries (cypræa moneta shells) strung on it, and a small vessel of kunkuma (coloured aniline powder). a vow of lifelong celibacy is also administered to her. curiously enough, this shrine is venerated by all castes, from the brahman downwards. we were informed that, at the time of worship, the chuckler priestess dances about in wild frenzy, and she is given toddy to drink, which she not infrequently spits on her devotees, and even brahmans regard this as auspicious, and not in the least polluting. we had the pleasure of witnessing a 'possessed dance' by the reigning mathangi, with her drummer in attendance. she is a chuckler woman, about thirty years of age, and, but for the insignia of her office, not in any way differing from the rest of her class. though unmarried she had several children, but this was apparently no disqualification. we were standing before the shrine of the seven mothers when the drummer invoked the goddess by chanting a telugu hymn, keeping time on his drum. the meaning of the hymn was to this effect, as far as we could make out:-- sathya surabesa kona! gowthama's kamadhenu! the headless trunk in sathya surabesa kona! your father giri razu kamadeva jamadhagni mamuni beheaded the trunk; silently jamadhagni cut off the arms; did you, the headless trunk in kamadhenuvanam, the headless trunk of jamadhagni, your father's golden sword, did you ask to be born a virgin in the snake pit? "while chanting the above, the drummer was dancing round and round the woman, and beating wildly on his drum. the woman began to tremble all over, and soon it was visible that the goddess had descended on her. then the drummer, wilder and more frantic than ever, began to praise the goddess in these words:-- are you wearing bells to your ankles, o mother? are you wearing cowries, o mother? dancing and singing, o mother! we pray to thee, o mother! possessed and falling on the ground, i implore thee, o mother! o mother, who went to delhi and oruganti with a sieve in the right-hand, with a wand in the left; with bells tinkling at her ankles, the mother went to oruganti town, the mother went away. "during this chant, the woman vies with the drummer, and dances fiercely round and round, always facing him. then comes the appeasing chant, which the drummer drawls out in a quivering and solemn tone, and without dancing about:-- by the feet of the thirty-three crores, by the feet of the sixty crores, by the feet of the devas, peace ! "the woman then stands with closed eyes, panting for breath, and quite exhausted. "on ordinary days, the mathangi goes about the villages, collecting the offerings of her devotees, and, we take it, she is never in much want. there are also local mathangis in other villages, but they are all said to be subordinate to the tudimilla woman, who is the high pontiff of the institution. we were informed that there was an old palmyra-leaf manuscript in existence, describing the institution and the ceremonies (mostly tantric and phallic) in detail." among the madigas of tumkur in mysore, the matangis must apparently belong to one of two septs, belliyoru or malloru. the madiga asadis, who are males, have to go through an initiation ceremony very similar to that of the matangi. but a necklet of pebbles is substituted for the bottu, and the vakkaliga priest touches the novice's shoulders with flowers, turmeric powder, and kunkumam. the asadis are musicians who sing songs and recite stories about ellamma. they play on a musical instrument called chaudike, which is a combination of a drum and stringed instrument. the matangis and asadis, both being dedicated to ellamma, are eminently qualified to remove pollution for many castes who are ellamma vokkalu or followers of ellamma. a lotus device, or figures of pothu raja and matangi, are drawn on the ground, after it has been cleansed with cow-dung. the matangi, with her insignia, sits in the centre of the device, and the asadis, sitting close by, sing the praises of ellamma to the accompaniment of the chaudike. the matangis and asadi then drink toddy, and go about the house, wherein the former sprinkle toddy with the margosa twig. sometimes they pour some of the toddy into their mouths, and spit it out all over the house. the pot, in which the toddy is placed, is, in some places, called pallakki (palanquin). the asadis' version of the story of ellamma is as follows. she is the goddess for all, and is present in the tongues of all except dumb people, because they have to pronounce the syllable elli (where) whenever they ask a question containing the word where. she is a mysterious being, who often exhibits herself in the form of light or flames. she is the cause of universe, and the one sakthi in existence thereon. she is supposed to be the daughter of giriraja muni and javanikadevi, and the wife of jamadhagni rishi. her son is parasurama, carrying a plough. the town where she lives has three names, jambupuri, isampuri, and vijayanagara, has eighty-seven gates, and is fortified by seven walls. she is believed to have for her dress all kinds of snakes. several groves of margosa trees are said to flourish in her vicinity. she is worshipped under many names, and has become lakshmi, gauramma, and saraswati in brahman houses, or akkumari in vakkaliga houses. to the idigas she is gatabaghya lakshmi, to the kurubas ganga mari, to the oddes peddamma and chinnamma, and so on. she is said to have proceeded on a certain day to the town of oragallu, accompanied by jana matangi. on the way thither, the soles of matangi's feet blistered, and she sat down with ellamma beneath a margosa tree. after resting a short time matangi asked ellamma's permission to go to a neighbouring idiga (telugu toddy-drawer), and get some toddy to drink. ellamma objected, as the idiga gauda was a lingayat, and matangi would be compelled to wear the lingam. when matangi persisted, ellamma transformed herself into an ant-hill, and matangi, in the guise of a young woman, went to the idiga gauda with her cane (jogi kolu) and basket, and asked for toddy. the gauda became angry, and, tying her to a date-palm (phoenix sylvestris), beat her, and gave her cane and basket to his groom. matangi was further ill-treated by the gauda and his wives, but escaped, and went to the gauda's brother, who treated her kindly, and offered her toddy, of which he had sixty loads on bullocks. all this he poured into the shell of a margosa fruit which matangi held in her hand, and yet it was not filled. eventually the toddy extracted from a few palms was brought, and the shell became full. so pleased was matangi with the idiga's treatment of her, that she blessed him, and instructed him to leave three date-palms untapped as basavi trees in every grove. she then returned to ellamma, and it was resolved to afflict the gauda who had treated her badly with all kinds of diseases. still disguised as a young woman, she went to him with sweet-smelling powders, which he purchased for a large sum of money. but, when he used them, he became afflicted with manifold diseases, including small-pox, measles, cancer, asthma, gout, rheumatism, abscesses, and bed-sores. matangi then appeared before him as an old fortune-teller woman, whom the idiga consulted, and doing as he was told by her, was cured. subsequently, learning that all his misfortunes were due to his want of respect to matangi, he became one of ellamma's vokkalu. "the madigas," mr. h. a. stuart informs us, [ ] "will not take food or water from pariahs, nor the latter from the former, a prejudice which is taken advantage of in the kalahasti raja's stables to prevent theft of gram by the pariah horse-keepers, the raw gram being sprinkled with water by madigas in the sight of the pariahs." there are telugu proverbs to the effect that "under the magili system of cultivation, even a madiga will grow good crops," and "not even a madiga will sow before malapunnama." writing concerning the madigas, [ ] the rev. h. huizinga states that "they live in hamlets at a respectable distance from the villages of the caste people, by whom they are greatly despised. their habits are squalid in the extreme, and the odour of a madiga hamlet is revolting. they perform all the lowest kinds of service for the caste people, especially bearing burdens and working in leather. they take charge of the ox or buffalo as soon as it dies. they remove the skin and tan it, and eat the loathsome carcase, which makes them specially despised, and renders their touch polluting. some of the skins are used for covering the rude drums that are so largely used in hindu festivals, and beaten in honour of the village deities. the caste men impress the madigas into their service, not only to make the drums, but also to beat them at their feasts. it may be mentioned that nearly ten per cent. of the madigas are nominal christians, and, in some parts of the nellore district, the christians form over half of the madiga population. this changes their habits of life and also their social position. eating of carrion is now forbidden, as well as beating of drums at hindu festivals, and their refusal in this particular often leads to bitter persecution at the hands of the caste people. the main duty of the madigas is the curing and tanning of hides, and the manufacture of rude leather articles, especially sandals, trappings for bullocks, and large well-buckets used for irrigation. the process of tanning with lime and tangedu (cassia auriculata) bark is rough and simple. [tangedu is said [ ] to be cut only by the madigas, as other classes think it beneath their dignity to do it.] as did their forefathers, so the madigas do to-day. the quality of the skins they turn out is fair, and the state of the development of the native leather trade compares very favourably with that of other trades such as blacksmithy and carpentry. the madiga's sandals are strong, comfortable, and sometimes highly ornamental. his manner of working, and his tools are as simple as his life. he often gets paid in kind, a little fodder for his buffalo, so many measures of some cheap grain, perhaps a few vegetables, etc. in the northern districts, the madigas are attached to one or more families of ryots, and are entitled to the dead animals of their houses. like the vettiyan in the south, the madiga is paid in kind, and he has to supply sandals for the ryots, belts for the bulls, and all the necessaries of agriculture; and for these he has to find the requisite leather himself; but for the larger articles, such as water-buckets, the master must find the leather. of late years there is a tendency observable among madigas to poach on each other's monopoly of certain houses, and among the ryots themselves to dispense with the services of family madigas, and resort to the open market for their necessaries. in such cases, the ryots demand payment from the madigas for the skins of their dead animals. the hides and skins, which remain after local demands have been satisfied, are sold to merchants from the tamil districts, and there is generally a central agent, to whom the various sub-agents send their collections, and by him they are dried and salted and sent to madras for tanning. in the kistna district, children have little leather strings hanging from the left shoulder, like the sacred cord of the brahman, from which is suspended a bag containing something put in it by a madiga, to charm away all forms of disease from the infant wearer." in some places bones are collected by the madigas for the labbais (muhammadans), by whom they are exported to bombay. the god of the temple at tirupati appears annually to four persons in different directions, east, west, north and south, and informs them that he requires a shoe from each of them. they whitewash their houses, worship the god, and spread rice-flour thickly on the floor of a room, which is locked for the night. next morning the mark of a huge foot is found on the floor, and for this a shoe has to be made to fit. when ready, it is taken in procession through the streets of the village, and conveyed to tirupati, where it is presented at the temple. though the makers of the shoes have worked in ignorance of each other's work, the shoes brought from the north and south, and those from the east and west, are believed to match, and make a pair. though the worship of these shoes is chiefly meant for the pariahs, who are prohibited from ascending the tirupati hill, as a matter of fact all, without distinction of caste, worship them. the shoes are placed in front of the image of the god near the foot of the hill, and are said to gradually wear out by the end of the year. at a pseudo-hook-swinging ceremony in the bellary district, as carried out at the present day, a bedar is suspended by a cloth passed under his arms. the madigas always swing him, and have to provide the hide ropes, which are used. [ ] in an exceedingly interesting account of the festival of the village goddess uramma, at kudligi in the bellary district, mr. f. fawcett writes as follows. "the madiga basivis (dedicated prostitutes) are given alms, and join in the procession. a quantity of rice and ragi flour is poured into a basket, over which one of the village servants cuts the throat of a small black ram. the carcase is laid on the bloody flour, and the whole covered with old cloths, and placed on the head of a madiga, who stands for some time in front of the goddess. the goddess is then carried a few yards, the madiga walking in front, while a hole is dug close to her, and the basket of bloody flour and the ram's carcase are buried. after some dancing by the madiga basivis to the music of the tom-tom, the madigas bring five new pots, and worship them. a buffalo, devoted to the goddess after the last festival, is then driven or dragged through the village with shouting and tom-toming, walked round the temple, and beheaded by the madiga in front of the goddess. the head is placed in front of her with the right foreleg in the mouth, and a lamp, lighted eight days previously, is placed on top. all then start in procession round the village, a madiga, naked but for a few margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves, and held by two others, leading the way. behind him are all the other madigas, carrying six hundred seers of cholum (sorghum: millet), which they scatter; and, following them, all the other villagers. it is daybreak, and the madiga who led the way, the pujari (priest), and the women who followed him, who have been fasting for more than twenty-four hours, now eat. the madiga is fed. this madiga is said to be in mortal terror while leading the procession, for the spirit or influence of the goddess comes over him. he swoons before the procession is completed. at noon the people collect again at uramma's temple, where a purchased buffalo is sacrificed. the head is placed in front of the goddess as before, and removed at once for food. then those of the lower sudra castes, and madigas who are under vows, come dressed in margosa leaves, with lamps on their heads, and sacrifice buffaloes, sheep and goats to the goddess." a further account of the festival of the village goddess udisalamma, at bandri in the bellary district, is given by mr. fawcett. "a madiga," he writes, "naked but for a few leaves round his waist, leads the procession, and, following him, are madigas with baskets. fear of the goddess comes on the madiga. he swoons, and is carried to the temple, and flung on the ground in front of the goddess. after a while he is revived, bathed, and given new clothing. this man is one of a family, in which this curious office is hereditary. he must be the son of a married woman, not of a basivi, and he must not be married. he fasts from the beginning of the festival till he has done what is required of him. a young ram--the sacrifice sheep--is taken up by one of the poturazus, as if it were a child, its hind legs at either side of his waist and its forelegs over his shoulders, and he bites its throat open and shows his bloody mouth to the people. he throws it down, and the madigas remove it." in an account of a festival, during times of epidemic, at masulipatam, bishop whitehead writes as follows. [ ] "on the last day, a male buffalo, called devara potu (he who is devoted to the goddess), is brought before the image, and its head cut off by the head madiga of the town. the blood is caught in a vessel, and sprinkled over some boiled rice, and then the head, with the right foreleg in the mouth, is placed before the shrine on a flat wicker basket, with the rice and blood on another basket just below it. a lighted lamp is placed on the head, and then another madiga carries it on his own head round the village, with a new cloth dipped in the blood of the victim tied round its neck. this is regarded here and elsewhere as a very inauspicious and dangerous office, and the headman of the village has to offer considerable inducements to persuade a madiga to undertake it. ropes are tied round his body and arms, and held fast by men walking behind him, to prevent his being carried off by evil spirits, and limes are cut in half and thrown into the air, so that the demons may catch at them instead of at the man. it is believed that gigantic demons sit on the tops of tall trees ready to swoop down and carry him away, in order to get the rice and the buffalo's head. the idea of carrying the head and rice round a village, so the people said, is to draw a kind of cordon on every side of it, and prevent the entrance of the evil spirits. should any one in the town refuse to subscribe for the festival, his house is omitted from the procession, and left to the tender mercies of the devils. this procession is called bali-haranam, and in this (kistna) district inams (lands rent free) are held from government by certain families of madigas for performing it. besides the buffalo, large numbers of sheep and goats, and fowls are sacrificed, each householder giving at least one animal. the head madiga, who kills the animals, takes the carcase, and distributes the flesh among the members of his family. often cases come into the courts to decide who has the right to kill them. as the sacrifice cannot wait for the tedious processes of the law, the elders of the village settle the question at once, pending an appeal to the court. but, in the town of masulipatam, a madiga is specially licensed by the municipality for the purpose, and all disputes are avoided." in some localities, during epidemics of small-pox or cholera, the madigas celebrate a festival in honour of mariamma, for the expenses of which a general subscription is raised, to which all castes contribute. a booth is erected in a grove, or beneath a margosa or strychnos nux-vomica tree, within which a decorated pot (karagam) is placed on a platform. the pot is usually filled with water, and its mouth closed by a cocoanut. in front of the pot a screen is set up, and covered with a white cloth, on which rice, plantains, and cakes are placed, with a mass of flour, in which a cavity is scooped out to hold a lighted wick fed with ghi (clarified butter), or gingelly oil. a goat is sacrificed, and its head, with a flour-light on it, placed close to the pot. the food, which has been offered to the goddess, is distributed, on the last day of the festival, the pot is carried in procession through the village, and goats are sacrificed at the four cardinal points of the compass. the pot is deposited at a spot where three roads meet, and a goat, pumpkins, limes, flowers, etc., are offered to it. everything,except the pot, is left on the spot. the madigas sometimes call themselves jambavas, and claim to be descended from jambu or adi jambuvadu, who is perhaps the jambuvan of the ramayana. some madigas, called sindhuvallu, go about acting scenes from the mahabaratha and ramayana, or the story of ankalamma. they also assert that they fell to their present low position as the result of a curse, and tell the following story. kamadhenu, the sacred cow of the puranas, was yielding plenty of milk, which the devas alone used. vellamanu, a madiga boy, was anxious to taste the milk, but was advised by adi jambuvadu to abstain from it. he, however, secured some by stealth, and thought that the flesh would be sweeter still. learning this, kamadhenu died. the devas cut its carcase into four parts, of which they gave one to adi jambuvadu. but they wanted the cow brought back to life, and each brought his share of it for the purpose of reconstruction. but vellamanu had cut a bit of the flesh, boiled it, and breathed on it, so that, when the animal was recalled to life, its chin sank, as the flesh thereof had been defiled. this led to the sinking of the madigas in the social scale. the following variant of this legend is given in the mysore census report, . "at a remote period, jambava rishi, a sage, was one day questioned by isvara (siva) why the former was habitually late at the divine court. the rishi replied that he had personally to attend to the wants of his children every day, which consequently made his attendance late: whereupon isvara, pitying the children, gave the rishi a cow (kamadhenu), which instantaneously supplied their every want. once upon a time, while jambava was absent at isvara's court, another rishi, named sankya, visited jambava's hermitage, where he was hospitably entertained by his son yugamuni. while taking his meals, the cream that had been served was so savoury that the guest tried to induce jambava's son yugamuni, to kill the cow and eat her flesh; and, in spite of the latter's refusal, sankya killed the animal, and prevailed upon the others to partake of the meat. on his return from isvara's court, jambava found the inmates of his hermitage eating the sacred cow's beef; and took both sankya and yugamuni over to isvara's court for judgment. instead of entering, the two offenders remained outside, sankya rishi standing on the right side and yugamuni on the left of the doorway. isvara seems to have cursed them to become chandalas or outcasts. hence, sankya's descendants are, from his having stood on the right side, designated right-hand caste or holayas; whilst those who sprang from yugamuni and his wife matangi are called left-hand caste or madigas." the occupation of the latter is said also to be founded on the belief that, by making shoes for people, the sin their ancestors had committed by cow-killing would be expiated. this mode of vicariously atoning for deliberate sin has passed into a facetious proverb, 'so and so has killed the cow in order to make shoes from the skin,' indicating the utter worthlessness and insufficiency of the reparation. the madigas claim to be the children of matangi. "there was," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "formerly a matanga dynasty in the canarese country, and the madigas are believed by some to be descendants of people who were once a ruling race. matangi is a sanskrit name for kali, and it is possible that the madigas once played an important part in the worship of the god. the employment of chakkiliyans and madiga women in shakti worship gives some colour to this supposition." according to fleet [ ] "the matangas and the katachchuris are mentioned in connection with mangalisa, who was the younger brother and successor of kirttivarma i, and whose reign commenced in saka (a.d. - ), and terminated in saka (a.d. - ). of the matangas nothing is known, except the mention of them. but matanga means 'a chandala, a man of the lowest caste, an outcast, a kirata mountaineer, a barbarian'; and the madigas, i.e., the mahangs of this part of the country, usually call themselves matangimakkalu, i.e., the children of matangi or durga, who is their goddess. it is probable, therefore, that the matangas of this inscription were some aboriginal family of but little power, and not of sufficient importance to have left any record of themselves." there are allusions to matangas in the ramayana, and in kadambari, a sanskrit work, the chieftain of the cabaras is styled matanga. the tutelary deity of the madigas is mathamma or matangi, who is said to be worshipped by the komatis under the name of kanyakaparameswari. the relations between the madigas and komatis are dealt with in the note on the latter caste. there is a legend to the effect that matangi was defeated by parasu rama, and concealed herself from him under the tanning-pot in a madiga's house. at the feast of pongal, the madigas worship their tanning pots, as representing the goddess, with offerings of fowls and liquor. in addition to matangi, the madigas worship kattamma, kattappa, dandumari, muneswara, and other deities. some of their children are named after these deities, while others receive muhammadan names in fulfilment of vows made to masthan and other pirs. when asked concerning their caste, the madigas always reply "memu pedda inti vallamu," i.e., we are of the big house. the following legend is current in the cuddapah district concerning a pool in the rayachoti taluk called akkadevatalakolam, or the pool of the holy sisters. "a thousand years ago, there lived near the pool a king, who ruled over all this part of the country. the king had as his commander-in-chief a madiga. this madiga made himself powerful and independent, and built himself a residence on a hill still called madiga vanidoorgam. at last he revolted, and defeated the king. on entering the king's palace, he found seven beautiful virgins, the king's daughters, to all of whom he at once made overtures of marriage. they declined the honour, and, when the madiga wished to use force, they all jumped into this pool, and delivered their lives to the universal lord." [ ] the following are some of the more important endogamous sub-divisions among the madigas:-- gampa dhompti, basket offering. ginna or thel dhompti, tray or cup offering. bhumi dhompti, earth offering. chatla dhompti, winnowing basket offering. sibbi dhompti, brass vessel offering. chadarapa dhompti, square space on the ground offering. these sub-divisions are based on the way in which the members thereof offer food, etc., to their gods during marriages, e.g., a gampa dhompti places it in a basket, a bhumi dhompti on the floor. each sub-division possesses many exogamous septs, of which the following are examples:-- belli, silver. chinthala, tamarind. chatla, winnowing basket. darala, thread. emme, buffalo. gavala, cowry shells. golkonda, a town. jalam, slowness. kambha, post. kappala, frog. kalahasti, a town. kaththe, donkey. kaththi, knife. kudumala, cake. kuncham, tassel. midathala, locust. mallela, or malli, jasmine. nannuru, four hundred. pothula, buffalo. pasula, cow. ragi, eleusine coracana. sikili, broom. thela, scorpion. there seems to be some connection between the madigas, the mutrachas, and gollas. for, at times of marriage, the madiga sets aside one thambulam (betel leaf and areca nut) for the mutracha, and, in some places, extends the honour to the golla also. at the marriage ceremonies of the puni gollas, an elaborate and costly form of ganga worship is performed, in connection with which it is the madiga musicians, called madiga pambala vandlu, who draw the designs in colour-powders on the floor. the madigas observe the panchayat or tribal council system for the adjustment of disputes, and settlement of various questions at issue among members of the community. the headman is called pedda (big) madiga, whose office is hereditary; and he is assisted by two elected officers called dharmakartha and kulambantrothu. widow remarriage (udike) is freely permitted, and the woman and her children are received in madiga society. but care is taken that no one but the contracting parties and widows shall witness the marriage ceremony, and no one but a widower is allowed to avail himself of the form. [ ] a man may get a divorce from his wife by payment to her of a few rupees. but no money is given to her, if she has been guilty of adultery. the bride's price varies in amount, being higher if she has to cross a river. the elaborate marriage ceremonial conforms to the telugu type, but some of the details may be recorded. on the muhurtham (wedding) day, a ceremony called pradhanam (chief thing) is performed. a sheep is sacrificed to the marriage (araveni) pots. the sacrificer dips his hands in the blood of the animal, and impresses the blood on his palms on the wall near the door leading to the room in which the pots are kept. the bridegroom's party bring betel nuts, limes, a golden bead, a bonthu (unbleached cotton thread), rice, and turmeric paste. the maternal uncle of the bride gives five betel leaves and areca nuts to the pedda madiga, and, putting the bonthu round the bride's neck, ties the golden bead thereon. the ceremony concludes with the distribution of pan-supari in the following order: ancestors, mutrachas, gollas, madigas, the pedda madiga, and the assembled guests. the pedda madiga has to lift, at one try, a tray containing cocoanuts and betel with his right hand. in his hand he holds a knife, of which the blade is passed over the forefinger, beneath the middle and fourth fingers, and over the little finger. this ceremony is called thonuku thambulam, or betel and nuts likely to be spilt on the floor. the bridegroom, after a bath, proceeds to the temple, where cloths, the bashingam, bottu (marriage badge), etc., are placed in front of the god, and then taken to a jammi tree (prosopis spicigera), which is worshipped. the bottu is usually a disc of gold, but, if the family is hard-up, or in cases of widow remarriage, a bit of turmeric or folded mango leaf serves as a substitute for it. on the third day, the wrist threads (kankanam) are removed, and dhomptis, or offerings of food to the gods, are made, with variations according to the dhompti to which the celebrants belong. an illustration may be taken from the gampa dhompti. the contracting parties procure a quantity of rice, jaggery (crude sugar), and ghi (clarified butter), which are cooked, and moulded into an elongated mass, and placed in a new bamboo basket (gampa). in the middle of the mass, which is determined with a string, a twig, with a wick at one end, is set up, and two similar twigs are stuck into the ends of the mass. puja (worship) is performed, and the mass is distributed among the daughters of the house and other near relations, but not among members of other dhomptis. the bride and bridegroom take a small portion from the mass, which is called dhonga muddha, or the mass that is stolen. the bottu is said [ ] to be "usually tied by the madiga priest known as the thavatiga, or drummer. this office is hereditary, but each successor to it has to be regularly ordained by a kuruba guru at the local madiga shrine, the chief item in the ceremony being tying round the neck of the candidate a thread bearing a representation of the goddess, and on either side of this five white beads. henceforth the thavatiga is on no account to engage in the caste profession of leather-work, but lives on fees collected at weddings, and by begging. he goes round to the houses of the caste with a little drum slung over his shoulder, and collects contributions." the madiga marriages are said to be conducted with much brawling and noise, owing to the quantity of liquor consumed on such occasions. among the madigas, as among the kammas, gangimakkulu, and malas, marriage is said not to be consummated until three months after its celebration. this is apparently because it is considered unlucky to have three heads of a household within a year of marriage. by the delay, the birth of the child should take place only in the second year, so that, during the first year, there will be only two heads, husband and wife. at the first menstrual period a girl is under pollution for ten days, when she bathes. betel leaves and nuts, and a rupee are placed in front of the pedda madiga, who takes a portion thereof for himself, and distributes what remains among those who have assembled. sometimes, just before the return of the girl to the house, a sheep is killed in front of the door, and a mark made on her face with the blood. the madigas dispose of their dead both by burial and cremation. the body is said to be "buried naked, except for a few leaves. children are interred face downwards. pregnant women are burnt. the bier is usually made of the milk-hedge (euphorbia tirucalli) plant." [ ] the grave is dug by a mala vettivadu. the chinnadhinam ceremony is performed on the third day. on the grave a mass of mud is shaped into the form of an idol, to which are offered rice, cocoanuts, and jaggery (crude sugar) placed on leaves, one of which is set apart for the crows. three stones are arranged in the form of a triangle, and on them is set a pot filled with water, which trickles out of holes made in the bottom of the pot. the peddadhinam is performed, from preference on a wednesday or sunday, towards the close of the third week after death. the son, or other celebrant of the rites, sets three stones on the grave, and offers food thereto. food is also offered to the crows by the relations of the deceased, and thrown into a river or tank (pond), if the crows do not eat it. they all go to a tank, and make on the bank thereof an effigy, if the dead person was a female. to married women, winnows and glass bangles are offered. the bangles of a widow, and waist-thread of a widower, are removed within an enclosure on the bank. at night stories of ankamma and matangi are recited by bainedus or pambalas, and if a matangi is available, homage is done to her. in some places, madigas have their own washermen and barbers. but, in the northern districts, the caste washerman does their washing, the cloths being steeped in water, and left for the washerman to take. "the madigas," mr. francis writes, [ ] "may not use the wells of the better classes, though, when water is scarce, they get over this last prohibition by employing some one in the higher ranks to draw water for them from such wells, and pour it into their chatties. in other districts they have to act as their own barbers and washermen, but in anantapur this disability is somewhat relaxed, as the barbers make no objection to let them (and other low castes such as the malas) use their razors for a consideration, and the dhobis will wash their clothes, as long as they themselves first unroll them, and dip them into the water. this act is held to remove the pollution, which would otherwise attach to them." like many castes, the madigas have beggar classes attached to their community, who are called dakkali and mastiga. the dakkalis may not enter the madiga settlement. they sing songs in praise of the madigas, who willingly remunerate them, as their curses are believed to be very effective. the mastigas may enter the settlement, but not the huts. it is said to be a good omen to a lingayat, if he sees a madiga coming in front. gosangi is often used as a synonym for madiga. another synonym is puravabatta, which is said to mean people older than the world by six months. at the madras census, , chakara, chundi, and pavini or vayani were returned as sub-castes, and mayikkan was taken as the malabar equivalent for madiga. concerning the madigas of mysore, mr. t. ananda row writes as follows. [ ] "the madigas are by religion vaishnavites, saivites, and sakteyas, and have five different gurus belonging to mutts at kadave, kodihalli, kongarli, nelamangala, and konkallu. the tribe is sometimes called jambava or matanga. it is divided into two independent sub-divisions, the desabhaga and the others, between whom there is no intermarriage. the former, though under the above named mutts, acknowledge srivaishnava brahmins as their gurus, to whom they pay homage on all ceremonial occasions. the desabhaga division has six sub-classes, viz.: billoru (bowmen); malloru (mallu = fight?); amaravatiyavaru (after a town); munigalu (muni or rishi); yenamaloru (buffalo); morabuvvadavaru (those who place food in a winnow). the madigas are mostly field labourers, but some of them till land, either leased or their own. in urban localities, on account of the value in the rise of skins, they have attained to considerable affluence, both on account of the hides supplied by them, and their work as tanners, shoe-makers, etc. only persons returned gotras, such as matangi, mareecha, and jambava-rishi." at the mysore census, , some madigas actually returned themselves as matanga brahmans, producing for the occasion a certain so-called purana as their charter. madivala.--see agasa. madukkaran.--see gangeddu. madurai.--the name of a sub-division of shanan, apparently meaning sweet liquor, and not the town of madura. magadha kani.--recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of bhatrazu. maggam.--maggam, magga, and maggada, meaning loom, have been recorded as exogamous septs of kurubas, malas, and holeyas, some of whom are weavers. maghadulu.--a sub-division of bhatrazu, named after one maghade, who is said to have been herald at the marriage of siva. magili (pandanus fascicularis).--a gotra of tsakalas and panta reddis, by whom the products of the tree may not be touched. the panta reddi women of this gotra will not, like those of other castes, use the flower-bracts for the purpose of adorning themselves. there is a belief, in southern india, that the fragrant male inflorescence harbours a tiny snake, which is more deadly than the cobra, and that incautious smelling thereof may lead to death. magura.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small caste of oriya leaf-plate makers and shikaris (huntsmen). the name is said to be derived from magora, meaning one who traces foot-paths and tracks. mahadev.--a synonym of daira muhammadan. mahankudo.--a title of gaudo and gudiya. the headman of the latter caste goes by this name. mahant.--the mahant is the secular head and trustee of the temple at tirumala (upper tirupati) in the north arcot district, and looks after the worldly affairs of the swami (god). "tirupati," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "unlike most other temples, has no dancing-girls attached to it, and not to be strictly continent upon the sacred hill is a deadly sin. of late years, however, even celibate bairagis and priests take their paramours up with them, and the pilgrims follow suit. everything is held to betoken the approaching downfall of the temple's greatness. the irregular life of the mahant balaram das sixty years ago caused a great ferment, though similar conduct now would probably hardly attract notice. he was ejected from his office by the unanimous voice of his disciples, and one govardhan das, whose life was consistent with the holy office, was elected, and installed in the math (monastery) near the temple. balaram das, however, collected a body of disbanded peons from the palaiyams, and, arming them, made an attack upon the building. the walls were scaled, and the new mahant with his disciples shut themselves up in an inner apartment. in an attempt at rescue, one man was killed, and three were seriously wounded. a police force was sent to co-operate with the tirupati poligars (feudal chiefs), but could effect nothing till the insurgent peons were threatened with the loss of all their lands. this broke up the band, and balaram das' followers deserted him. when the gates were broken open, it was found that he and a few staunch followers had committed suicide. but perhaps the greatest scandal which has occurred in the history of the math was that which ended in the conviction of the present mahant's predecessor, bhagavan das. he was charged with having misappropriated a number of gold coins of considerable value, which were supposed to have been buried beneath the great flagstaff. a search warrant was granted, and it was discovered that the buried vessels only contained copper coins. the mahant was convicted of the misappropriation of the gold, and was sentenced to two years' rigorous imprisonment, but this was reduced to one year by the high court. on being released from jail, he made an effort to oust his successor, and acquire possession of the math by force. for this he was again sent to jail, for six months, and required to furnish security to be of good behaviour." it is recorded by sir m. e. grant duff, [ ] formerly governor of madras, that "while the municipal address was being read to me, a huge elephant, belonging to the zemindar of kalahastri, a great temporal chief, charged a smaller elephant belonging to the mahant or high priest of tripaty, thus disestablishing the church much more rapidly, alas! than we did in ireland." mahanti.--mahanti is, in the madras census report, , defined as "a caste akin to the koronos or karnams (writers and accountants). the name is sometimes taken by persons excommunicated from other castes." the word means great, or prestige. according to a note submitted to me, the mahantis gradually became karnams, with the title of patnaik, but there is no intermarriage between them and the higher classes of karnams. the mahantis of orissa are said to still maintain their respectability, whereas in ganjam they have as a class degenerated, so much so that the term mahanti is now held up to ridicule. mahapatro.--said to be a title sold by the caste council to khoduras. also a title of badhoyis, and other oriya castes. maharana.--a title of badhoyi. maheswara (siva).--a synonym of jangams (priests of the lingayats). the jangams of the silavants, for example, are known by this name. mailari.--the mailaris are a class of beggars, who are said [ ] to "call themselves a sub-division of the balijas, and beg from komatis only. their ancestors were servants of kannyakammavaru (or kannika amma, the virgin goddess of the komatis), who burnt herself to avoid falling into the hands of raja vishnu vardhana. on this account, they have the privilege of collecting certain fees from all the komatis. the fee, in the kurnool district, is eight annas per house. when he demands the fee, a mailari appears in full dress (kasi), which consists of brass human heads tied to his loins, and brass cups to his head; a looking-glass on the abdomen; a bell ringing from his girdle; a bangle on his forearm ; and wooden shoes on his feet. in this dress he walks, holding an umbrella, through the streets, and demands his fee. if the fee is not paid, he again appears, in a more frightful form called bhuthakasi. he shaves his whiskers, and, almost naked, proceeds to the burning-ground, where he makes rati, or different kinds of coloured rice, and, going to the komatis, extorts his fee." i am informed that the mailaris travel about with an image of kannyakamma, which they exhibit, while they sing in telugu the story of her life. the mailaris are stated, in the madras census report, , to be also called bala jangam. mailari (washerman) is also an exogamous sept of the malas. majji.--recorded as a title of bagatas, doluvas, and kurumos, and as a sept of nagaralus. in the madras census report, , it is described as a title given to the head peons of bissoyis in the maliahs. majjiga (butter-milk).--an exogamous sept of boya. majjula.--a sub-division of korono. majjulu.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as "cultivators in vizagapatam, and shikaris (hunters) and fishermen in ganjam. they have two endogamous divisions, the majjulus and the racha majjulus, the members of the latter of which wear the sacred thread, and will not eat with the former. in their customs they closely resemble the kapus, of which caste they are perhaps a sub-division. for their ceremonies they employ oriya brahmans, and telugu nambis. widow marriage is allowed. they burn their dead, and are said to perform sraddhas (memorial services). they worship all the village gods and goddesses, and eat meat. they have no titles." makado (monkey).--an exogamous sept of bottada. makkathayam.--the name, in the malayalam country, for the law of inheritance from father to son. the canarese equivalent thereof is makkalsanthanam. mala.--"the malas," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are the pariahs of the telugu country. dr. oppert derives the word from a dravidian root meaning a mountain, which is represented by the tamil malai, telugu mala, etc., so that mala is the equivalent of paraiyan, and also of mar or mhar and the mal of western and central bengal. i cannot say whether there is sufficient ground for the assumption that the vowel of a dravidian root can be lengthened in this way. i know of no other derivation of mala. [in c. p. brown's telugu dictionary it is derived from maila, dirty.] the malas are almost equally inferior in position to the madigas. they eat beef and drink heavily, and are debarred entrance to the temples and the use of the ordinary village wells, and have to serve as their own barbers and washermen. they are the musicians of the community, and many of them (for example in the villages near jammalamadugu in the cuddapah district) weave the coarse white cotton fabrics usually worn by men." the malas will not take water from the same well as the madigas, whom they despise for eating carrion, though they eat beef themselves. both malas and tamil paraiyans belong to the right-hand section. in the bellary district the malas are considered to be the servants of the banajigas (traders), for whom they do certain services, and act as caste messengers (chalavathi) on the occasion of marriages and funerals. at marriages, six malas selected from certain families, lead the procession, carrying flags, etc., and sit in the pial (verandah) of the marriage house. at funerals, a mala carries the brass ladle bearing the insignia of the right-hand section, which is the emblem of the authority of the desai or headman of the section. the malas have their own dancing girls (basavis), barbers, and musicians (bainedus), dasaris or priests, and beggars and bards called mastigas and pambalas (drum people), who earn their living by reciting stories of ankamma, etc., during the funeral ceremonies of some telugu castes, acting as musicians at marriages and festivals to the deities, begging, and telling fortunes. other beggars are called nityula (nitiyadasu, immortal). in some places, tsakalas (washerman caste) will wash for the malas, but the clothes must be steeped in water, and left till the tsakala comes for them. the malas will not eat food prepared or touched by kamsalas, medaras, madigas, beri chettis, boyas, or bhatrazus. the condition of the malas has, in recent times, been ameliorated by their reception into mission schools. in a case, which came before the high court of madras on appeal a few years ago, a mala, who was a convert to christianity, was sentenced to confinement in the stocks for using abusive language. the judge, in summing up, stated that "the test seems to be not what is the offender's creed, whether muhammadan, christian, or hindu, but what is his caste. if he belongs to one of the lower castes, a change of creed would not of itself, in my judgment, make any difference, provided he continues to belong to the caste. if he continues to accept the rules of the caste in social and moral matters, acknowledges the authority of the headmen, takes part in caste meetings and ceremonies, and, in fact, generally continues to belong to the castes, then, in my judgment, he would be within the purview of the regulation. if, on the other hand, he adopts the moral standards of christianity instead of those in his caste, if he accepts the authority of his pastors and teachers in place of that of the headman of the caste, if he no longer takes part in the distinctive meetings and ceremonies of the caste ... then he can no longer be said to belong to one of the lower castes of the people, and his punishment by confinement in the stocks is no longer legal." between the malas and madigas there is no love lost, and the latter never allow the former, on the occasion of a festival, to go in palanquins or ride on horseback. quite recently, in the nellore district, a horse was being led at the head of a madiga marriage procession, and the malas followed, to see whether the bridegroom would mount it. to the disgust of the madigas, the young man refused to get on it, from fear lest he should fall off. the malas will not touch leather shoes, and, if they are slippered with them, a fine is inflicted, and the money spent on drink. of the share which the malas take in a village festival in the cuddapah district, an excellent account is given by bishop whitehead. [ ] "the village officials and leading ryots," he writes, "collect money for the festival, and buy, among other things, a barren sheep and two lambs. peddamma and chinnamma are represented by clay images of female form made for the occasion, and placed in a temporary shrine of cloth stretched over four poles. on the appointed evening, rice is brought, and poured out in front of the idol by the potter, and rice, ghi (clarified butter), and curds are poured on the top of it. the victims are then brought, and their heads cut off by a washerman. the heads are placed on the ground before the idol. the people then pour water on the heads, and say 'speak' (paluku). if the mouth opens, it is regarded as a sign that the goddess is propitious. next, a large pot of boiled cholam (millet) is brought, and poured in a heap before the image, a little further away than the rice. two buffaloes are then brought by the malas and madigas. one of the malas, called the asadi, chants the praises of the goddess during the ceremony. the animals are killed by a madiga, by cutting their throats with a knife, one being offered to peddamma, and the other to chinnamma. some of the cholam is then taken in baskets, and put under the throat of the buffaloes till it is soaked with blood, and then put aside. a madiga then cuts off the heads of the buffaloes with a sword, and places them before the idol. he also cuts off one of the forelegs of each, and puts it crosswise in the mouth. some of the cholam is then put on the two heads, and two small earthen saucers are put upon it. the abdomens are then cut open, and some of the fat taken out, melted, and put in each saucer with a lighted wick. a layer of fat is spread over the eyes and mouths of the two heads, some of the refuse of the stomach is mixed with the cholam soaked in blood, and a quantity of margosa (melia azadirachta) leaves put over the cholam. the asadi then takes some of this mixture, and sprinkles it round the shrine, saying 'ko, bali,' i.e., accept the sacrifice. then the basket is given to another mala, who asks permission from the village officials and ryots to sprinkle the cholam. he also asks that a lamb may be killed. the lamb is killed by a washerman, and the blood allowed to flow into the cholam in the basket. the bowels of the lamb are taken out, and tied round the wrist of the mala who holds the basket, and puts it round his neck. he then goes and sprinkles the cholam mixed with blood, etc., in some cases round the village, and in others before each house, shouting 'ko, bali' as he goes. the people go in procession with him, carrying swords and clubs to drive away evil spirits. during the procession, limes are cut in half, and thrown into the air to propitiate evil spirits. other lambs are killed at intervals during the course of the procession. in the afternoon, the carcases of the two buffaloes offered the night before are taken away by the malas and madigas. one is cut open, and some of the flesh cooked near the shrine. part of it, with some of the cholam offered before the images, is given to five mala children, called siddhulu, i.e., holy or sinless, who, in some cases, are covered with a cloth during the meal. the rest is eaten by malas. the remainder of the carcases is divided among the malas and madigas, who take it to their own homes for a feast. the carcases of the lambs belong to the malas and washermen. the carcase of the barren sheep is the perquisite of the village officials, though the kurnam, being a brahmin, gives his portion away." at a festival to the village goddess which is held at dowlaishweram in the godavari district once every three years, a buffalo is sacrificed. "votive offerings of pots of buttermilk are presented to the goddess, who is taken outside the village, and the pots are emptied there. the head of the buffalo and a pot of its blood are carried round the village by a mala, and a pig is sacrificed in an unusual and cruel manner. it is buried up to its neck, and cattle are driven over it until it is trampled to death. this is supposed to ensure the health of men and cattle in the ensuing year." [ ] in connection with a village festival in the godavari district, bishop whitehead writes as follows. [ ] "at ellore, which is a town of considerable size and importance, i was told that in the annual festival of mahalakshmi about ten thousand animals are killed in one day, rich people sending as many as twenty or thirty. the blood then flows down into the fields behind the place of sacrifice in a regular flood, and carts full of sand are brought to cover up what remains on the spot. the heads are piled up in a heap about fifteen feet high in front of the shrine, and a large earthen basin, about / feet in diameter, is then filled with gingelly oil and put on the top of the heap, a thick cotton wick being placed in the basin and lighted. the animals are all worshipped with the usual namaskaram (folded hands raised to the forehead) before they are killed. this slaughter of victims goes on all day, and at midnight about twenty or twenty-five buffaloes are sacrificed, their heads being cut off by a madiga pujari (priest), and, together with the carcases, thrown upon the large heaps of rice, which have been presented to the goddess, till the rice is soaked with blood. the rice is collected in about ten or fifteen large baskets, and is carried on a large cart drawn by buffaloes or bullocks, with the madiga pujari seated on it. madigas sprinkle the rice along the streets and on the walls of the houses, as the cart goes along, shouting poli, poli (food). a large body of men of different castes, pariahs and sudras, go with the procession, but only the madigas and malas (the two sections of the pariahs) shout poli, the rest following in silence. they have only two or three torches to show them the way, and no tom-toms or music. apparently the idea is that, if they make a noise or display a blaze of lights, they will attract the evil spirits, who will swoop down on them and do them some injury, though in other villages it is supposed that a great deal of noise and flourishing of sticks will keep the evil spirits at bay. before the procession starts, the heads of the buffaloes are put in front of the shrine, with the right forelegs in their mouths, and the fat from the entrails smeared about half an inch thick over the whole face, and a large earthen lamp on the top of each head. the pambalas play tom-toms, and chant a long story about gangamma till daybreak, and about a.m. they put the buffalo heads into separate baskets with the lighted lamps upon them, and these are carried in procession through the town to the sound of tom-toms. all castes follow, shouting and singing. in former times, i was told, there was a good deal of fighting and disturbance during this procession, but now the police maintain order. when the procession arrives at the municipal limits, the heads are thrown over the boundary, and left there. the people then all bathe in the canal, and return home. on the last day of the festival, which, i may remark, lasts for about three months, a small cart is made of margosa wood, and a stake fixed at each of the four corners, and a pig and a fowl are tied to each stake, while a fruit, called dubakaya, is impaled on it instead of the animal. a yellow cloth, sprinkled with the blood of the buffaloes, is tied round the sides of the cart, and some margosa leaves are tied round the cloth. a pambala sits on the cart, to which are fastened two large ropes, each about yards long. then men of all castes, without distinction, lay hold of the ropes, and drag the cart round the town to the sound of tom-toms and music. finally it is brought outside the municipal limits and left there, the pariahs taking away the animals and fruits." the following detailed account of the peddamma or sunkulamma jatra (festival) in the kurnool district, is given in the manual. "this is a ceremony strictly local, in which the entire community of a village takes part, and which all outsiders are excluded from participating in. it is performed whenever a series of crops successively fail or cattle die in large numbers of murrain, and is peculiarly adapted, by the horrible nature of the attendant rites and the midnight hour chosen for the exhibition of its most ghastly scenes, to impress the minds of an ignorant people with a belief in its efficacy. when the celebration of the jatra is resolved on, a dark tuesday night is selected for it, and subscriptions are collected and deposited with the reddi (headman) or some respectable man in the village. messengers are sent off to give intimation of the day fixed for the jatra to the bynenivadu, bhutabaligadu, and poturaju, three of the principal actors in the ceremony. at the same time a buffalo is purchased, and, after having its horns painted with saffron (turmeric) and adorned with margosa leaves, is taken round the village in procession with tom-toms beating, and specially devoted to the sacrifice of the goddess peddamma or sunkulamma on the morning of the tuesday on which the ceremony is to take place. the village potter and carpenter are sent for, and ordered to have ready by that evening two images of the goddess, one of clay and the other of juvi wood, and a new cloth and a quantity of rice and dholl (peas: cajanus indicus) are given to each of them. when the images are made, they are dressed with the new cloths, and the rice and dholl are cooked and offered as naivedyam to the images. in some villages only one image, of clay, is made. meanwhile the villagers are busy erecting a pandal (booth) in front of the village chavidi (caste meeting-house), underneath which a small temple is erected of cholam straw. the bynenivadu takes a handful of earth, and places it inside this little temple, and the village washerman builds a small pyal (dais) with it, and decorates it with rati (streaks of different coloured powders). new pots are distributed by the potter to the villagers, who, according to their respective capabilities, have a large or small quantity of rice cooked in them, to be offered as kumbham at the proper time. after dark, when these preparations are over, the entire village community, including the twelve classes of village servants, turn out in a body, and, preceded by the bynenivadu and asadivandlu, proceed in procession with music playing to the house of the village potter. there the image of the goddess is duly worshipped, and a quantity of raw rice is tied round it with a cloth. a ram is sacrificed on the spot, and several limes are cut and thrown away. borne on the shoulders of the potter, the image is then taken through the streets of the village, bynenivadu and asadivandlu dancing and capering all the way, and the streets being drenched with the blood of several rams sacrificed at every turning of the road, and strewed with hundreds of limes cut and thrown away. the image is then finally deposited in the temple of straw already referred to, and another sheep is sacrificed as soon as this is done. the wooden image, made by the carpenter, is also brought in with the same formalities, and placed by the side of the image of clay. a pot of toddy is similarly brought in from the house of the idigavadu (toddy-drawer), and set before the images. now the devarapotu, or buffalo specially devoted to the sacrifice of the goddess, is led in from the reddi's house in procession, together with a sheep and a large pot of cooked rice. the rice in the pot is emptied in front of the images and formed into a heap, which is called the kumbham, and to it are added the contents of many new pots, which the villagers have ready filled with cooked rice. the sheep is then sacrificed, and its blood shed on the heap. next comes the turn of the devarapotu, the blood of which also, after it has been killed, is poured over the rice heap. this is followed by the slaughter of many more buffaloes and sheep by individuals of the community, who might have taken vows to offer sacrifices to the goddess on this occasion. while the carnage is going on, a strict watch is kept on all sides, to see that no outsider enters the village, or steals away any portion of the blood of the slaughtered animals, as it is believed that all the benefit which the villagers hope to reap from the performance of the jatra will be lost to them if an outsider should succeed in taking away a little of the blood to his village. the sacrifice being over, the head and leg of one of the slaughtered buffaloes are severed from its body, and placed before the goddess with the leg inserted into the mouth of the head. over this head is placed a lighted lamp, which is fed with oil and buffalo's fat. now starts a fresh procession to go round the village streets. a portion of the kumbham or blood-stained rice heaped up before the image is gathered into two or three baskets, and carried with the procession by washermen or madigas. the bhutabaligadu now steps forward in a state of perfect nudity, with his body clean shaven from top to toe, and smeared all over with gore, and, taking up handfuls of rice (called poli) from the baskets, scatters them broadcast over the streets. as the procession passes on, bhutams or supernatural beings are supposed to become visible at short distances to the carriers of the rice baskets, who pretend to fall into trances, and, complaining of thirst, call for more blood to quench it. every time this happens, a fresh sheep is sacrificed, and sometimes limes are cut and thrown in their way. the main streets being thus sprinkled over with poli or blood-stained rice, the lanes or gulleys are attended to by the washermen of the village, who give them their share of the poli. by this time generally the day dawns, and the goddess is brought back to her straw temple, where she again receives offerings of cooked rice from all classes of people in the village, brahmins downwards. all the while, the asadivandlu keep singing and dancing before the goddess. as the day advances, a pig is half buried at the entrance of the village, and all the village cattle are driven over it. the cattle are sprinkled over with poli as they pass over the pig. the poturaju then bathes and purifies himself, and goes to the temple of lingamayya or siva with tom-toms and music, and sacrifices a sheep there. the jatra ends with another grand procession, in which the images of the goddess, borne on the heads of the village potter and carpenter, are carried to the outskirts of the village, where they are left. as the villagers return home, they pull to pieces the straw temple constructed in front of the chavidi, and each man takes home a straw, which he preserves as a sacred relic. from the day the ceremony is commenced in the village till its close, no man would go to a neighbouring village, or, if he does on pressing business, he would return to sleep in his own village. it is believed that the performance of this jatra will ensure prosperity and health to the villagers and their cattle. "the origin of this sunkulamma jatra is based on the following legend, which is sung by the byneni and asadivandlu when they dance before the images. sunkulamma was the only daughter of a learned brahmin pandit, who occasionally took pupils, and instructed them in the hindu shastras gratuitously. one day, a handsome youth of sixteen years came to the pandit, and, announcing himself as the son of a brahmin of benares come in quest of knowledge, requested that he might be enlisted as a pupil of the pandit. the pandit, not doubting the statement of the youth that he was a brahmin, took him as a pupil, and lodged him in his own house. the lad soon displayed marks of intelligence, and, by close application to his studies, made such rapid progress that he became the principal favourite of his master, who was so much pleased with him that, at the close of his studies, he married him to his daughter sunkulamma. the unknown youth stayed with his father-in-law till he became father of some children, when he requested permission to return to his native place with his wife and children, which was granted, and he accordingly started on his homeward journey. on the way he met a party of mala people, who, recognising him at once as a man of their own caste and a relation, accosted him, and began to talk to him familiarly. finding it impossible to conceal the truth from his wife any longer, the husband of sunkulamma confessed to her that he was a mala by caste, and, being moved by a strong desire to learn the hindu shastras, which he was forbidden to read, he disguised himself as a brahmin youth, and introduced himself to her father and compassed his object; and, as what had been done in respect to her could not be undone, the best thing she could do was to stay with him with her children. sunkulamma, however, was not to be so persuaded. indignant at the treachery practiced on her and her parent, she spurned both her husband and children, and returning to her village, sent for her parent, whose house she would not pollute by going in, and asked him what he would do with a pot denied by the touch of a dog. the father replied that he would commit it to the flames to purify it. taking the hint, she caused a funeral pile to be erected, and committed suicide by throwing herself into the flames. but, before doing so, she cursed the treacherous mala who bad polluted her that he might become a buffalo, and his children turn into sheep, and vowed she would revive as an evil spirit, and have him and his children sacrificed to her, and get his leg put into his mouth, and a light placed on his head fed with his own fat." the following additional information in connection with the jatra may be recorded. in some places, on a tuesday fifteen days before the festival, some malas go in procession through the main streets of the village without any noise or music. this is called mugi chatu (dumb announcement). on the following tuesday, the malas go through the streets, beating tom-toms, and proclaiming the forthcoming ceremony. this is called chatu (announcement). in some villages, metal idols are used. the image is usually in the custody of a tsakala (washerman). on the jatra day, he brings it fully decorated, and sets it up on the gangamma mitta (gangamma's dais). in some places, this is a permanent structure, and in others put up for the jatra at a fixed spot. asadis, pambalas, and bainedus, and madiga kommula vandlu (horn-blowers) dance and sing until the goddess is lifted up from the dais, when a number of burning torches are collected together, and some resinous material is thrown into the flames. at the same time, a cock is killed, and waved in front of the goddess by the tsakala. a mark is made with the blood on the forehead of the idol, which is removed to a hut constructed by malas with twigs of margosa (melia azadirachta), eugenia jambolana and vitex negundo. in some villages, when the goddess is brought in procession to the outskirts of the village, a stick is thrown down in front of her. the asadis then sing songs, firstly of a most obscene character, and afterwards in praise of the goddess. the following account of "the only mala ascetic in bharatavarsha" (india) is given by mr. m. n. vincent. [ ] the ascetic was living on a hill in bezwada, at the foot of which lay the hamlets of the malas. the man, govindoo by name, "was a groom in the employ of a muhammadan inspector of police, and he was commissioned on one occasion to take a horse to a certain town. he was executing his commission, when, on the way, and not far from his destination, the animal shied and fell into the krishna river, and was swept along the current, and poor govindoo could not help it. but, knowing the choleric temper of his employer, and in order to avoid a scolding, he roamed at large, and eventually fell in with a company of sadhus, one of whose disciples he became, and practiced austerities, though not for the full term, and settled eventually on the hill where we saw him occupying the old cave dwelling of a former sadhu. it appears that there was something earthly in the man, sadhu though he was, as was evidenced from his relations with a woman votary or disciple, and it was probably because of this phase of his character that some people regarded him as a cheat and a rogue. but this unfavourable impression was soon removed, and, since the time he slept on a bed of sharp thorns, as it were in vindication of his character, faulty though it had been, he has been honoured. a good trait in the man should be mentioned, namely, that he wrote to his parents to give his wife in marriage to some one else, as he had renounced his worldly ties." at vanavolu, in the hindupur taluk of the anantapur district, there is a temple to rangaswami, at which the pujari (priest) is a mala. people of the upper castes frequent it, but do their own puja, the mala standing aside for the time. [ ] it is noted, in the madras census report, , that the chief object of worship by the balijas is gauri, their caste deity. "it is said that the malas are the hereditary custodians of the idol of gauri and her jewels, which the balijas get from them whenever they want to worship her. the following story is told to account for this. the kapus and the balijas, molested by the muhammadan invaders on the north of the river pennar, migrated to the south when the pennar was in full flood. being unable to cross the river, they invoked their deity to make a passage for them, for which it demanded the sacrifice of a first-born child. while they stood at a loss what to do, the malas, who followed them, boldly offered one of their children to the goddess. immediately the river divided before them, and the kapus and the balijas crossed it, and were saved from the tyranny of the muhammadans. ever since that time, the malas have been respected by the kapus and balijas, and the latter even deposited the images of gauri, the bull and ganesa, which they worshipped in the house of a mala. i am credibly informed that the practice of leaving these images in the custody of malas is even now observed in some parts of cuddapah district and elsewhere." an expert mala medicine-man has been known to prescribe for a brahman tahsildar (revenue officer), though the consultation was conducted at a most respectful distance on the part of the honoured physician. mala weavers are known as netpanivandlu (nethapani, weaving work). according to the census report, , the sub-divisions of the malas, which are numerically strongest, are arava, kanta, murikinadu, pakanati, and reddi bhumi. to these may be added sarindla, savu, saindla, and daindla. concerning some of these divisions, the following legend is current. a mala married eighteen wives, one from each kulam or tribal division. the god poleramma, objecting to the sacrifice of sheep and goats, wanted him to offer up a woman and child in substitution for the animals, and the mala broke the news to his wives, one of whom eloped with a reddi, and gave origin to the reddi bhumis (bhumi, earth). another ran away, and gave rise to the pakanatis (eastern country). a third hid herself, and escaped by hiding. hence her descendants are called daindla vandlu, concerning whom there is a proverb "dagipoyina vandlu daindla vandlu" or "those who escaped by hiding are daindlas." one of the wives, who fled to the forest, found her way out by clearing the jungle, and her descendants are called sarindla (straight). the wife who consented to be sacrificed with her child was restored to life by poleramma, and gave rise to the savu (death) or saindla (belonging to a death house) section. the daindlas are said to be tamil paraiyans, who settled down in the telugu country, and adopted the manners and customs of the malas. some call themselves arava (tamil) malas. they are employed as servants in european houses, horse-keepers, etc. in connection with the origin of the malas, the rev. s. nicholson writes as follows. "originally the malas belonged to the kudi paita section of the community, i.e., their women wore the cloth over the right shoulder, but now there are both right and left paita sections, and this must be taken as the principal division. the right-hand (right paita) section is again divided into (a) reddi bhumalavaru, (b) pokunativaru. the left-hand (left paita) section are murikinativaru. the following legend professes to account for the existence of the three divisions. when virabahuvu went to the rescue of harischandra, he promised kali that, if she granted him success, he would sacrifice to her his wives, of whom he had three. accordingly, after his conquest of vishvamithrudu, he returned, and called his wives that he might take them to the temple in order to fulfil his vow. the wives got some inkling of what was in store for them, and one of them took refuge in the house of a reddi bhumala, another ran away to the eastern country (pokunati), while the third, though recently confined, and still in her dirty (muriki) cloth, determined to abide by the wish of her lord. she was, therefore, sacrificed to kali, but the goddess, seeing her devotion, restored her to life, and promised to remain for ever her helper. the reason given for the change in the method of wearing the cloth is that, after the incident described above took place, the women of the murikinati section, in order to express their disapproval of the two unfaithful wives, began to wear their cloths on the opposite, viz., the left, shoulder. in marriages, however, whatever the paita of the bride, she must wear the cloth over the right shoulder. "the reddi bhumalu and pokunativaru say that the reason they wear the cloth over the right shoulder is that they are descendants of the gods. according to a legend, the goddess parvati, whilst on a journey with her lord parameshvarudu, discarded one of her unclean (maila) cloths, from which was born a little boy. this boy was engaged as a cattle-herd in the house of parameshvarudu. parvati received strict injunctions from her lord that she should on no account allow the little mala to taste cream. one day, however, the boy discovered some cream which had been scraped from the inside of the pot sticking to a wall. he tasted it, and found it good. indeed, so good was it that he came to the conclusion that the udder from which it came must be even better still. so one day, in order to test his theory, he killed the cow. then came parameshvarudu in great anger, and asked him what he had done, and, to his credit be it said, the boy told the truth. then parameshvarudu cursed the lad and all his descendants, and said that from henceforth cattle should be the meat of the malas--the unclean." the malas have, in their various sub-divisions, many exogamous septs, of which the following are examples:-- (a) reddi bhumi. avuka, marsh. bandi, cart. bommala, dolls. bejjam, holes. dakku, fear. dhidla, platform or back-door. dhoma, gnat or mosquito. gera, street. kaila, measuring grain in threshing-floor. katika, collyrium. naththalu, snails. paida, money or gold. pilli, cat. rayi, stone. samudrala, ocean. silam, good conduct. thanda, bottom of a ship. (b) pokunati. allam, ginger. dara, stream of water. gadi, cart. gone, sack. gurram, horse. maggam, loom. mailari, washerman. parvatha, mountain. pindi, flour-powder. pasala, cow. thummala, sneezing. (c) sarindla. boori, a kind of cake. ballem, spear. bomidi, a fish. challa, butter milk. chinthala, tamarind. duddu, money. gali, wind. karna, ear. kaki, crow. mudi, knot. maddili, drum. malle, jasmine. putta, ant-hill. pamula, snake. pidigi, handful. semmati, hammer. uyyala, see-saw. (d) daindla. dasari, priest. doddi, court or backyard. gonji, glycosmis pentaphylla. kommala, horn. marri, ficus bengalensis. pala, milk. powaku, tobacco. thumma, acacia arabica. concerning the home of the malas, mr. nicholson writes that "the houses (with mud or stone walls, roofed with thatch or palmyra palm leaves) are almost invariably placed quite apart from the village proper. gradually, as the caste system and fear of defilement become less, so gradually the distance of their houses from the village is becoming less. in the ceded districts, where from early times every village was surrounded by a wall and moat, the aloofness of the houses is very apparent. gradually, however, the walls are decaying, and the moats are being filled, and the physical separation of the outcaste classes is becoming less apparent." mr. nicholson writes further that "according to their own traditions, as told still by the old people and the religious mendicants, in former times the malas were a tribe of free lances, who, 'like the tiger, slept during the day, and worked at night.' they were evidently the paid mercenaries of the poligars (feudal chiefs), and carried out raids and committed robberies for the lord under whose protection they were. that this tradition has some foundation may be gathered from the fact that many of the house-names of the malas refer to weapons of war, e.g., spear, drum, etc. if reports are true, the old instinct is not quite dead, and even to-day a cattle-stealing expedition comes not amiss to some. the malas belong to the subjugated race, and have been made into the servants of the community. very probably, in former days, their services had to be rendered for nothing, but later certain inam (rent-free) lands were granted, the produce of which was counted as remuneration for service rendered. originally, these lands were held quite free of taxation, but, since the advent of the british raj, the village servants have all been paid a certain sum per month, and, whilst still allowed the enjoyment of their inam lands, they have now been assessed, and half the actual tax has to be paid to government. the services rendered by the malas are temple service, jatra or festival service, and village service. the village service consists of sweeping, scavenging, carrying burdens, and grave-digging, the last having been their perquisite for long ages. according to them, the right was granted to them by king harischandra himself. the burial-grounds are supposed to belong to the malas, and the site of a grave must be paid for, the price varying according to the position and wealth of the deceased, but i hear that, in our part of the country, the price does not often exceed two pence. though the brahmans do not bury, yet they must pay a fee of one rupee for the privilege of burning, besides the fee for carrying the body to the ghat. there is very little respect shown by the malas at the burning-ghat, and the fuel is thrown on with jokes and laughter. the malas dig graves for all castes which bury, except muhammadans, oddes, and madigas. not only on the day of burial, but afterwards on the two occasions of the ceremonies for the dead, the grave-diggers must be given food and drink. the malas are also used as death messengers to relatives by all the sudra castes. when on this work, the messenger must not on any account go to the houses of his relatives though they live in the village to which he has been sent. "the chief occupations of the malas are weaving, and working as farm labourers for sudras; a few cultivate their own land. though formerly their inam lands were extensive, they have been, in the majority of cases, mortgaged away. the malas of the western part of the telugu country are of a superior type to those of the east, and they have largely retained their lands, and, in some cases, are well-to-do cultivators. in the east, weaving is the staple industry, and it is still carried on with the most primitive instruments. in one corner of a room stands the loom, with a hole in the mud floor to receive the treadles, and a little window in the wall, level with the floor, lights the web. the loom itself is slung from the rafters, and the whole can be folded up and put away in a corner. as a rule, weaving lasts for eight months of the year, the remainder of the year being occupied in reaping and stacking crops, etc. each weaver has his own customers, and very often one family of malas will have weaved for one family of sudras for generations. before starting to weave, the weaver worships his loom, and rubs his shuttle on his nose, which is supposed to make it smooth. those who cannot weave subsist by day labour. as a rule, they stick to one master, and are engaged in cultivation all the year round. many, having borrowed money from some sudra, are bound to work for him for a mere pittance, and that in grain, not cash." in a note on a visit to jammalamadugu in the cuddapah district, bishop whitehead writes as follows. [ ] "lately mr. macnair has made an effort to improve the methods of weaving, and he showed us some looms that he had set up in his compound to teach the people the use of a cheap kind of fly-shuttle to take the place of the hand-shuttle which is universally used by the people. the difficulties he has met with are characteristic of many attempts to improve on the customs and methods of india. at present the thread used for the hand-shuttle is spun by the mala women from the ordinary cotton produced in the district. the mala weavers do not provide their own cotton for the clothes they weave, but the kapus give them the cotton from their own fields, pay the women a few annas for spinning it, and then pay the men a regular wage for weaving it into cloth. but the cotton spun in the district is not strong enough for the fly-shuttle, which can only be profitably worked with mill-made thread. the result is that, if the fly-shuttle were generally adopted, it would leave no market for the native cotton, throw the women out of work, upset the whole system on which the weavers work, and, in fact, produce widespread misery and confusion!" the following detailed account of the ceremonies in connection with marriage, many of which are copied from the higher telugu castes, is given by mr. nicholson. "chinna tambulam (little betel) is the name given to the earliest arrangements for a future wedding. the parents of the boy about to be married enquire of a brahman to which quarter they should go in search of a bride. he, after receiving his pay, consults the boy's horoscope, and then tells them that in a certain quarter there is loss, in another quarter there is death, but that in another quarter there is gain or good. if in the quarter which the brahman has intimated as good there are relations, so much the better; the bride will be sought amongst them. if not, the parents of the youth, along with an elder of the caste, set out in search of a bride amongst new people. on reaching the village, they do not make their object known, but let it appear that they are on ordinary business. having discovered a house in which there is a marriageable girl, after the ordinary salutations, they, in a round-about way, make enquiries as to whether the warasa or marriage line is right or not. if it is all right, and if at that particular time the girl's people are in a prosperous condition, the object of the search is made known. if, on the other hand, the girl's people are in distress or grief, the young man's party go away without making their intention known. everything being satisfactory, betel nut and leaves are offered, and, if the girl's people are willing to contract, they accept it; if not, and they refuse, the search has to be resumed. we will take it for granted that the betel is accepted. the girl's parents then say 'if it is god's will, so let it be; return in eight or nine days, and we will give you our answer.' if, within that time, there should be death or trouble of any sort in either of the houses, all arrangements are abandoned. if, when going to pay the second visit, on the journey any of the party should drop on the way either staff or bundle of food, it is regarded as a bad omen, and further progress is stopped for that day. after reaching the house of the prospective bride on the second occasion, the party wait outside. should the parents of the girl bring out water for them to drink and to wash their faces, it is a sign that matters may be proceeded with. betel is again distributed. in the evening, the four parents and the elders talk matters over, and, if all is so far satisfactory, they promise to come to the house of the future bridegroom on a certain date. the boy's parents, after again distributing betel, this time to every house of the caste, take their departure. when the party of the bride arrive at the boy's village, they are treated to toddy and a good feed, after which they give their final promise. then, having made arrangements for the pedda tambulam (big betel), they take their departure. this ends the first part of the negotiations. chinna tambulam is not binding. the second part of the negociations, which is called pedda tambulam, takes place at the home of the future bride. before departing for the ceremony, the party of the bridegroom, which must be an odd number but not seven, and some of the elders of the village, take part in a feast. the members of the party put on their religious marks, daub their necks and faces with sandal paste and akshinthulu (coloured rice), and are sent off with the good wishes of the villagers. after the party has gone some few miles, it is customary for them to fortify themselves with toddy, and to distribute betel. the father of the groom takes with him as a present for the bride a bodice, fried dal (pea: cajanus indicus), cocoanut, rice, jaggery, turmeric, dates, ghi, etc. on arrival at the house, the party wait outside, until water is brought for their faces and feet. after the stains of travel have been washed off, the presents are given, and the whole assembly proceeds to the toddy shop. on their return, the chalavadhi (caste servant) tells them to which households betel must be presented, after which the real business commences. the party of the bridegroom, the people of the bride, the elders of the caste, and one person from each house in the caste quarter, are present. a blanket is spread on the floor, and grains of rice are arranged on it according to a certain pattern. this is the bridal throne. after bathing, the girl is arrayed in an old cloth, and seated on a weaver's beam placed upon the blanket, with her face towards the east. before seating herself, however, she must worship towards the setting sun. in her open hands betel is placed, along with the dowry (usually about sixteen rupees) brought by her future father-in-law. as the bride sits thus upon the throne, the respective parents question one another, the bride's parents as to the groom, what work he does, what jewels he will give, etc. whatever other jewels are given or not, the groom is supposed to give a necklace of silver and beads, and a gold nose jewel. as these things are being talked over, some one winds strands of thread, without twisting it, into a circle about the size of a necklace, and then ties on it a peculiar knot. after smearing with turmeric, it is given into the hands of the girl's maternal uncle, who, while holding his hands full of betel, asks first the girl's parents, and then the whole community if there is any objection to the match. if all agree, he must then worship the bridal throne, and, without letting any of the betel in his hands fall, place the necklace round the bride's neck. should any of the betel fall, it is looked upon as a very bad omen, and the man is fined. after this part of the performance is over, and after teasing the bride, the uncle raises her to her feet, and, taking from her hands the dowry, etc., sends her off. after distributing betel to every one in the village, even unborn babies being counted, the ceremony ends, and, after the usual feast has been partaken of, the people all depart to their various homes. "the wedding, contrary to the previous ceremonies, takes place at the home of the bridegroom. a brahman is asked to tell a day on which the omens are favourable, for which telling he receives a small fee. a few days before the date foretold, the house is cleaned, the floor cow-dunged, and the walls are whitewashed. in order that the evil eye may be warded off, two marks are made, one on each side of the door, with oil and charcoal mixed. then the clothes of the bride and bridegroom are made ready. these, as a rule, are yellow and white, but on no account must there be any indigo in them, as that would be a sign of death. the grain and betel required for the feast, a toe-ring for the bridegroom, and a tali (marriage badge) for the bride, are then purchased. the toe-ring is worn on the second toe of the right foot, and the tali, which is usually about the size of a sixpence, is worn round the woman's neck. the goldsmith is paid for these not only in coin, but also in grain and betel, after receiving which he blesses the jewels he has made, and presents them to the people. meanwhile, messengers have been sent, with the usual presents, to the bride's people and friends, to inform them that the auspicious day has been fixed, and bidding them to the ceremony. in all probability, before the preparations mentioned above are complete, all the money the bridegroom's people have saved will be expended. but there is seldom any difficulty in obtaining a loan. it is considered an act of great merit to advance money for a wedding, and people of other and richer castes are quite ready to lend the amount required. in former days, it was customary to give these loans free of interest, but it is not so now. the next item is the preparation of the pandal or bower. this is generally erected a day or two before the actual marriage in front of the house. it consists of four posts, one at each corner, and the roof is thatched with the straw of large millet. all round are hung garlands of mango leaves, and cocoanut leaves are tied to the four posts. on the left side of the house door is planted a branch of a tree (nerium odorum), to which is attached the kankanam made in the following way. a woollen thread and a cotton thread are twisted together, and to them are tied a copper finger-ring, a piece of turmeric root, and a betel leaf. the tree mentioned is watered every day, until the whole of the marriage ceremonies are completed. as a rule, the whole of the work in connection with the erection of the pandal is carried out by the elders, who receive in payment food and toddy. at this time, also, the fire-places for the cooking of the extra amount of food are prepared. these are simply trenches dug in the mud floor of the house, usually three in number. before they are dug, a cocoanut is broken, and offered over the spot. a journey is now made to the potter's for the pots required in the cooking of the marriage feast. this in itself is quite a ceremony. a canopy is formed of an ordinary wearing cloth supported at its four corners by four men, whilst a boy with a long stick pushes it into a tent shape in the middle. beneath the canopy is one of the women of the bridegroom's family, who carries on a tray two sacred lamps, an eight-anna piece, some saffron (turmeric), akshinthulu, betel, frankincense, cocoanut, etc. on arriving at the potter's house, the required pots are placed in a row outside, and a cocoanut, which has been held in the smoke of the incense, is broken into two equal parts, the two halves being placed on the ground about a yard apart. to these all the people do puja (worship), and then take up the pots, and go home. the eight-anna piece is given to the potter, and the betel to the chalavadhi. on the way to the potter's, and on the return thence, the procession is accompanied with music, and the women sing songs. meanwhile, the groom, and those who have remained at home, have been worshipping the goddess sunkalamma. the method of making this goddess, and its worship, are as follows. rice and green gram are cooked together, and with this cooked food a cone is made minus the point. a little hollow is made on the top, and this is filled with ghi (clarified butter), onions, and dal. four wicks are put into it, so forming a lamp. a nose jewel is stuck somewhere on the outside of the lump, two garlands are placed round it, and the whole is decorated with religious marks. this goddess is always placed in the north-east corner of the house, called the god's corner, which has been previously cleaned, and an image of hanuman, or some other deity, is drawn with rice-powder on the floor. upon this drawing the image of sunkalamma is placed. before her are put several little balls of rice, with which ghi has been mixed. the worship consists in making offerings of frankincense and camphor, and a cocoanut, which is broken in half, the halves being put in front of the goddess. a ram or a he-goat is now brought, nim (melia azadirachta) leaves are tied round the horns, religious marks are made on the forehead, water is placed in its mouth, and it is then sacrificed. after the sacrifice has been made, those assembled prostrate themselves before the image for some time in silence, after which they go outside for a minute or two, and then, returning, divide the goddess, and eat it. the groom now has his head shaved, and the priest cuts his finger and toe nails, eyelashes, etc. the cuttings are placed, along with a quarter of a rupee which he has kept in his mouth during the process, in an old winnowing tray, with a little lamp made of rice, betel and grain. the priest, facing west and with the bridegroom in front of him, makes three passes with the tray from the head to the foot. this is supposed to take away the evil eye. the priest then takes the tray away, all the people getting out of the way lest the blight should come on them. he throws away what is useless, but keeps the rest, especially the quarter of a rupee. after this little ceremony, the future husband takes a bath, but still keeps on his old clothes. he is given a knife, with which to keep away devils, and is garlanded with the garlands which were round the goddess. his toe-ring is put on, and the next ceremony, the propitiation of the dead, is proceeded with. the sacrificed animal is dismembered, and the bones, flesh, and intestines are put into separate pots, and cooked. rice also is prepared, and placed in a heap, to which the usual offerings are made. then rice, and some of the flesh from each pot, is placed upon two leaf plates. these are left before the heap of rice, with two lamps burning. the people all salute the rice, and proceed to eat it. the rice on the two plates is reserved for members of the family. by this time, the bride has most likely arrived in the village, but, up to this stage, will have remained in a separate house. she does not come to the feast mentioned above, but has a portion of food sent to her by the bridegroom's people. after the feast, bride and bridegroom are each anointed in their separate houses with nalugu (uncooked rice and turmeric). when the anointing of the bride takes place, the groom sends to her a cloth, a bodice, cocoanut, pepper and garlic. the bride leaves her parents' house, dressed in old clothes. her people provide only a pair of sandals, and two small toe-rings. she also carries a fair quantity of rice in the front fold of her cloth. again a procession is formed as before for the cooking-pots, and another visit is paid to the potter's house, but, on this occasion, in place of eight annas grain is taken. the potter presents them with two wide-mouthed pots, and four small-mouthed pots, two of which are decorated in four colours. as before, these are placed in a row outside, and again the party, after worshipping them, takes them to the bridegroom's house. these pots are supposed to represent lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, and, as they are being carried to the house, no pregnant woman or mother with small children should meet them, or they will have trouble. on arriving at the house, and before entering, a cock is sacrificed, and a cocoanut offered. [in some places, a goat is killed in front of the room in which the marriage pots are kept, and marks are made with the palms of the hands covered with the blood on the side-walls of the entrance.] water is sprinkled on the door step, and the pots are taken inside. during the whole of the above performance, the pots are held in the hands, and must not be put down. after entering the house, grain is spread on the floor in the north-east corner, and upon this are placed the pots, one upon the other, in two or four rows. the topmost pot is covered with a lid, and on the lid is placed a lighted lamp. from the beams exactly above the lamps are suspended, to which are fastened small bundles containing dates, cocoanut, jaggery, sugar, and saffron. round each pot is tied a kankanam (wrist-thread). these pots are worshipped every day as long as the wedding ceremonies last, which is usually three days. not only so, but the lamps are kept continually burning, and there is betel arranged in a brass pot in the form of a lotus ever before them. beneath the pandal is now arranged a throne exactly similar to the one which was used on the occasion of the pedda tambulam. until now the bride has kept to her separate house, but she now dresses in her new clothes. putting on the sandals she brought from her own home, she proceeds to the house of the bridegroom. there she waits in the pandal for her future husband, who comes out dressed in his wedding garments, wearing his sandals, and carrying a blanket, gochi, [ ] shoulder-cloth, and knife. both bride and bridegroom now have fastened on to their foreheads a kind of philactery or nuptial crown called bhasingalu. they are also garlanded with flowers, in addition to which the bridegroom has tied on to his wrists the kankanam. in order that the two most intimately concerned persons may not see one another (and up to this point they have not done so), a screen is erected, the bride standing on one side, and the bridegroom on the other. as a rule, they each of them keep their heads bent during the whole of the proceedings, and look as miserable as possible. indeed, it would be a breach of etiquette for either of them to appear as though they were enjoying the ceremony. except for the screen, the two are now face to face, the groom looking towards the east, and the bride towards the west. upon the bridal throne there is now placed for the bride to stand upon a basket filled with grain, and for the groom the beam of a loom. the screen is now taken away, and the priest, a dasari, asks whether the elders, the mala people generally, and the village as a whole, are in favour of the marriage. this he asks three times. probably, in former times, it was possible to stop a marriage at this point, but now it is never done, and the marriage is practically binding after pedda tambulam has been gone through. indeed, in hard times, if the bride is of marriageable age, the couple will live together as man and wife, putting off the final ceremony until times are better. the groom now salutes the priest, the bride places her foot on the weaving beam, and the groom places his foot upon that of the woman as a token of his present and continued lordship. after this, the bride also is invested with the kankanam. after the groom has worshipped the four quarters of heaven, the priest, who holds in his hands a brass vessel of milk, hands the golden marriage token to the groom, who ties it round the bride's neck. this is the first time during the ceremony that either of them has looked on the other. before the groom ties the knot, he must ask permission from the priest and people three times. the priest now dips a twig of the jivi tree (ficus tsiela) into the milk, and hands it to the husband, who, crossing his hands over his wife's head, allows some of the drops to fall upon her. the wife then does the same to the husband. after this, the rice which the bride brought with her in her lap is used in a similar blessing. the priest, holding in his hand a gold jewel, now takes the hands of the two in his, and repeats several passages (charms). whoever wishes may now shower the pair with rice, and, after that is done, the priest publicly announces them to be man and wife. but the ceremonies are not yet ended. the newly-married pair, and all the assembled party, now proceed to the village shrine to worship the god. before doing so, the cloths of the newly-wed pair are tied together by the priest. this knot is called the brahma knot, and is a sign that god had ordained the two to be man and wife even in a previous birth. after the god has been worshipped, and an offering of betel made to the four quarters, the party return to the house accompanied by weird music and much tom-tom. the women, as a rule, sing wedding songs, and the husband and wife are shaded by a canopy. arrived at the threshold of the house, the fear of the evil eye is made the reason for another ceremony. before either crosses the threshold, passes are made from their head to their feet with black and red water. on the threshold is placed a brass bowl full of grain, upon which is a gold nose jewel. the man and woman must each touch this with the right foot, after which they may enter the house without fear. after entering the house, the evil eye is again removed, this time with a cocoanut, which is afterwards thrown away. those who have unlucky twists of hair must at this time, besides the above ceremony, sacrifice a goat. after entering the house, the whole party worship lakshmi. long ago, the tradition runs, this goddess was very gracious to the malas, and, in consequence, they were wealthy and prosperous. one day, however, lakshmi went up to one of the chief men, who at that time was very busy at work upon a web of cloth, and began to make love to him. at any other time this would have been very acceptable, but just then, being very busy, he asked the goddess to go away. she, however, took no notice, and only bothered him the more. whereupon, losing his temper, he hit her over the head with the heavy sizing brush which he was using. this hurt the feelings of lakshmi to such an extent that she left the malas, withdrew her favour, and transferred it to the komatis. since then, the malas have been poor. the husband next dips his hands into a plate of milk three times, each time placing his wet hand on the wall. after him, the bride does the same. the two then, sitting down, eat rice and milk off one plate. this is the first and only time that husband and wife eat together. the bashingams are now taken off, and the wife is relieved from the burden of rice she has thus far carried in her lap. the next ceremony is called the bhumalu, and is a feast for the husband, his wife, and blood relations only. not more than ten, and not less than six must partake, and these must all be husbands or wives, i.e., the party must consist of either three or five couples. the feast consists of the most expensive food the people can afford, and is eaten on two consecutive days. a blanket is spread on the floor, and on this raw rice is placed in a cloth, with betel leaves arranged in the form of a lotus at the four corners. here and there are placed red rice, sandal, and turmeric, and a new lamp is lit. three children are brought in, and are made to stand before the rice. the parties who are to partake now come in couples, and one of the children ties upon their wrists the kankanam, another daubs them with sandal paste, and another with red rice. the food is placed on two plates, one for the women and one for the males. all the women sit round the one, and the men round the other. whilst eating, they must not drop a single grain. should they do so, it is not only unlucky, but is also the cause of serious quarrels, and the fault is punishable with a heavy fine. after the feast is over, the heap of rice is worshipped, and the children are sent off with a little present each. the pair are again anointed with nalugu. this is done twice every day for three days, but no widow is allowed to do it. before anointing, the people about to do it must present a cocoanut and jaggery. when the cocoanut and jaggery are given, they must be in strips, and put into the bride's mouth partly projecting. the groom must take hold of the projecting part with his teeth, and eat it. the same performance is gone through with betel leaf. a doll is now made with cloths, having arms, legs, etc. the newly-married couple are made to play with it, being much teased the while by the onlookers, who sing lullabys. the two now have their hands and feet anointed with turmeric, and are bathed. this is done on three consecutive days. on the third day is the nagavalli. the bride and her husband are escorted under a canopy to some ant heap outside the village. the man digs a basketful of earth with his knife, which was given to him, and which he has never relinquished, and the wife carries it to the house. there the earth is made into four heaps, one near each post. a hollow is left at the top of each heap, which is filled with water. during the time they have been fetching the earth, the people who remained at home have been worshipping aireni pots representing lakshmi, but they now come outside to the pandal. the pair are escorted all round the village, accompanied with music. they must not walk, but must be either carried or driven. after their return to the pandal, they are seated on the nagavalli simhasanam. four small pots are placed in the form of a square, and round these is wound a fence of thread, which must not be broken in the process. on the pots are placed bread and meal. the bridal pair again put on their bridal crowns, and the man, taking his knife, digs a few furrows in the ground, which his wife fills with grain. the husband then covers up the grain with his knife, after which his wife sprinkles water over the whole, and then gives her husband some gruel. the bread and meal, which were placed on the pots, are eaten by the relatives of the husband publicly in the pandal. after this ceremony is over, the pair are again anointed, during which process there must be music and singing. the next day, the whole of the party set off for the bride's house, where the marala pendli, or second marriage, is performed. before setting out, the husband and wife bow down at the feet of the elders, and receive their blessing. the husband must provide an abundance of toddy for all. they stay in the house of the bride's people for three days, and then another feast is made. on the fourth day, all, except the relations of the bride, return to their villages, but, before their departure, the bride again pays homage to the departing elders, who bless her, and give her a small present of money. on their return, they are met outside the village, and are escorted to the husband's house with music. the married pair usually remain in the house of the bride's mother for a month, and during that time they never change their wedding garments, or take off the garlands of flowers. the parents of the bridegroom present their daughter-in-law with new clothes, but these must not have any indigo in them. if the bride is past puberty, at the end of the month the father and mother-in-law will return with the married couple to the husband's village. if the girl has not reached puberty, she will only spend a short time in her husband's house, and will afterwards be continually going backwards and forwards between the two houses. at the time of puberty, the matter is made known to all parties concerned. the chalavadhi must be the bearer of the news, and he is treated to as much food and drink as he can take, and is also given presents. when the messenger goes, he must carry with him dal, jaggery, sugar-candy, etc. the neighbours come out to see how much he has brought, and, if the amount is small, they make a fuss. during the ceremonies which ensue, the girl is made to sit down, and is blessed by the women sprinkling her with nalugu, and is also given sweetmeats to eat. the time is made merry by song and music. after bathing, the girl is made to take food out of a dish along with three married women. she is then made to touch a thorn tree three times, and also plucks the leaves. upon returning to the house, she is made to touch the cooking instruments and pots. at this time, if anyone has lent her beads or ornaments, they are taken, and, after being threaded on new strings, are returned to the lenders. if the day on which a girl reaches puberty is an unlucky day, it is considered a bad sign for the husband. on the second occasion the husband comes for his wife, and there is much rejoicing. after being detained for four or five days, they go to their permanent home, the house of the husband's father, and there is at that time much weeping. the mother tells the girl to be obedient to her husband and parents-in-law, and says that it will be better for her to throw herself into a well and die than to return home disgraced. "there are slight differences in the ceremonies described above according to the district and sect of the people. in the eastern telugu country, during the marriage ceremonies, there is a sort of bridesmaid, who accompanies the bride on the day of the wedding. in the western country, largely under the influence of the canarese, the bridesmaid is scarcely distinguishable from the real bride, but she is not, as at home, an unmarried girl, but must be a mature woman following the functions of a married life. there is another slight difference between the two sections concerning the bhumala ceremony. the vaishnavites, after the arranged people have partaken of the feast, distribute the remainder of the food; the saivites, on the other hand, if any food is left, bury it somewhere inside the house. "malas may be married many times, and indeed it is not considered respectable to remain a widower. a widower is unable to make arrangements for the marriage of others, to take part in any of the ceremonies connected therewith, except in the capacity of a spectator. it is not the correct thing for a man to have two wives at one time unless the first one is barren, or unless there is other good cause. a woman must on no account marry again. she need not, according to telugu morals, be ashamed of living, after she is widowed, with another man as his concubine, but, at the very mention of marriage, she covers her face with shame. if such people become christians, it is a most difficult thing to overcome their prejudice, and persuade them to become legally man and wife. almost the only way to do so is by refusing to marry their children. in the canarese country, there is a kind of half marriage (chira kattinchinaru, they have tied her cloth), which may be attained by widows. it is not reckoned as a proper marriage, nor is the woman considered a concubine. the ceremony for this is not performed at the great length of an ordinary marriage, but it must receive the sanction of the elders. in spite of their sanction, the man must pay a fine imposed by the caste guru. the woman is permitted to wear the tali or marriage token, but not bangles or other jewels usually worn by a married woman. the children are part inheritors, and are not entirely without rights, as the children of concubines are. a man's second wife must wear two talis--that of the first wife as well as her own." the following variants of the pedda tambulam ceremony, which is performed during the marriage rites, may be noted. as soon as all are assembled in the front yard of the bride's house, a blanket is spread on the floor, and covered with a cloth. about ten seers of cholam (millet: sorghum) are heaped up, and a brass vessel (kalasam) is placed thereon. by its side, a lamp is kept burning. a dasari, or a mala priest, stands on one side of it, and a married woman on the other. the names of the gods are mentioned, one after the other, and the woman throws two betel leaves and a nut on the kalasam for each name uttered. the bride is then brought from within the house, and the leaves and nuts are tied up in a cloth. this, with the kalasam, is put in the bride's cloth, and she is led inside. in some places, the ceremony is more elaborate. for the betrothal ceremony some leading men of the village, and the headmen of the bride and bridegroom's villages, are required to be present. the chalavati (caste servant) hands over a bag containing betel leaves, areca nuts, pieces of turmeric, and rs. - , to the headman of the bride's village. all these articles are displayed on a new bamboo sieve, or on the lid of a bamboo box. the two headmen discuss the proposed match, and exchange betel and nut thrice. after this, the bride-elect (chinnapapa) is brought from the house, and seated on a plank or on a cloth roller (dhone). three handfuls of betel leaves and areca nuts are placed in her lap. her maternal uncle then puts on her neck a string of unwoven unbleached cotton thread dyed with turmeric. the bride's headman asks the assembly if he may proceed with the thonuku ceremony. with their permission, he takes from a sieve betel leaves, nuts, and a cocoanut with his right hand, using only the thumb, first, and ring fingers. while doing this, he is expected to stand on one leg, and to take up the various things, without letting even a single leaf or nut fall. in some places, the headman has the privilege of doing this seated near the sieve. in other places, he is said to hold a knife in his hand, with a blade passed below the middle finger, and over the first ring finger. in connection with birth ceremonies, mr. nicholson writes as follows. "during labour, a sickle and some nim (melia azadirachta) leaves are always kept upon the cot, to ward off evil spirits, which will not approach iron. difficulty during labour is considered to be the effect of kharma, and the method employed for easing it is simple. some mother, who has had an 'easy time,' is called in, and presents the labouring woman with betel, etc. should this not be effective, a line of persons is drawn up from the well to the house, and water is passed from hand to hand until it reaches the 'easy time' woman, who gives the water to the sufferer. this last resort is only sought in extreme cases, but, when it is appealed to, even the caste people will join in the line and help. after the placenta has come away, the child is placed on a winnowing basket, which has been previously filled with grain, and covered with a cloth. the umbilical cord is cut, and the child is washed, and branded with a hot needle in all places, over twenty in all, which are considered vital. when the umbilical cord is cut, some coin is placed over the navel for luck. this, with the grain in the basket, is the midwife's perquisite. should the child present with the cord round its neck, a cocoanut is immediately offered. if the child survives, a cock is offered to the gods on the day the mother takes her first bath. the placenta is put in a pot, in which are nim leaves, and the whole is buried in some convenient place, generally in the backyard. the reason for this is said to be that, unless the afterbirth was buried, dogs or other animals might carry it off, and ever after the child would be of a wandering disposition. the first bath of the mother takes place on the third, fifth, seventh, or ninth day after delivery. every house in the particular quarter sends a potful of hot water. all the pots are placed near the spot where the afterbirth was buried. the mother then comes from the house supported by two women, carrying in her hand the sickle and nim leaves. after worshipping the four mud gods which have been placed on the spot, she takes her seat on the cot on which she was confined, and, after having her body covered with turmeric, and her head anointed with a mixture of rice, chunam (lime) and turmeric, she is bathed by the women in attendance. after the bath, both the mother and child are garlanded with a root strung on strings, and worn round the neck and wrists. one of these is eaten every day by the mother. the mother rises and enters the house, but, before doing so, she worships the four quarters on the threshold. the women who assisted in the bathing operation go to their homes, and bathe their own children, afterwards returning to take part in a feast provided by the parents of the newly-born child. on this day also a name is given to the child. if all previous children have died, the child is rolled in leaf plates and rice, after which the nose and ears are pierced. the rice is given to the dogs, and the child is named pulligadu (used up leaf plates) or pullamma according to sex. should the parents consider that they have a sufficiently large family, they name the child salayya or salakka (enough). there are several superstitions about teething. if the teeth come quickly, people say that the afterbirth has not been buried deeply enough. should the top teeth come first, it is supposed to imply danger to the maternal uncle, who generally gives his daughter in marriage to his nephew. he is called, and brings with him a cocoanut, the inner shell of which he crushes on the child's head. this must be done without looking on the child. in order that girls may not grow hair on their faces, their lips and chins are rubbed with the afterbirth. the dried navel is highly prized as a remedy for sterility. in connection with death ceremonies, mr. nicholson writes as follows. "there is a difference in the ceremonies performed by the vishnuvite and saivite sects. the former allow their people to die in the house; the latter, fearing pollution, remove the person outside the door, as soon as it is recognised that death is at hand. the following description relates chiefly to the vishnuvites or namdaris, but, wherever possible, the difference of ceremony between the two sects is noticed. as soon as it is recognized that a person is at the point of death, the wife and children, or near relations, gather round the rough string cot, and ask what the dying person's last wishes are. however bad a life may have been led, the dying words are considered imperatively binding. if at all possible, the son or brother of the dying person will give a little food and a drink of water; and, if there is no one to perform this office--the rite which entitles the dying to heaven--great is the grief. 'may you have no one to give you water to drink' is a most bitter curse. as soon as life has departed, those who are standing by will close the eyes and mouth, and stop the nostrils and ears. the two great toes are tied together, whilst the wife and sons burn incense at the head of the corpse. a lamp is lit, and left in the house. before this, the near relations have heard that things were serious, and have come to render assistance. they now bring water for the bathing, and some go to the bazar for sweetmeats, etc., required in the subsequent ceremonies. some of the elders go to call the dasari, or priest, and, by the time he arrives, rice will have been prepared, and the blood of a fowl sprinkled over the place where the death occurred. it should be mentioned that the head of the dying is always placed to the south. yamudu, the god of death and lord of hades, is god of the south. consequently, if the dead arose, if facing south he would go to the evil place. by lying on the back with the head to the south, they rise facing north, and so escape an evil fate. when the food is prepared, the corpse is removed outside, bathed, and wrapped in a new cloth. betel nut and leaf are ground and put into the mouth, whilst the priest puts the namam (the mark of vishnu) upon both the forehead of the corpse and of the bearers. after the bathing of the corpse, and before it is wrapped in the new cloth, a small square piece is torn out of the cloth, and presented to the nambi of the temple. the corpse being prepared, the priest and the wife and relations of the deceased, along with the bearers, eat a small portion of the food which has been got ready. immediately upon rising after having eaten, the corpse is lifted, and placed upon a rough bier, wrapped in a cloth, and the party proceed to the burying ground. the priest goes first singing a funeral hymn, and at the end of each verse all the people cry govinda (one of the names of vishnu). following the priest comes the chalavadhi, carrying his belt and insignia of office. at every other step the bell is rung by coming in contact with his leg. after the chalavadhi comes the corpse carried by men who are, according to telugu relationship, brothers (actual brothers, or sons of father's brother or mother's sister). in the case of a married woman, the bearers must be either husband or brothers. following the corpse comes the wife or son, bearing water and fire. shortly before reaching the burial-ground, a halt is made. the son sprinkles a little water on the ground, and the bier is placed upon the spot with the fire at the head. the face is then uncovered, and all look upon the dead features for the last time. the reason given for the halt is that upon one occasion, according to tradition, the bearers became exhausted, and, when they rested the bier upon the ground, the corpse arose alive. in carrying a dead body, it is always carried feet first. the grave, which has been prepared beforehand, and which is usually not more than three feet deep, is reached, and the body is placed therein with the head towards the south. in the case of a male, after being placed in the grave, the waist-cord and toe-rings are removed, and left in the grave. in the case of a woman, the glass bracelets, bell-metal toe-rings, and bead necklace are left, but no jewels of value or the marriage token are left. after this is over, the body is covered with leaves of the tangedu tree (cassia auriculata). as a rule, vishnuvites, before covering the body with leaves, take off the cloth in which it is wrapped, leaving it naked. this is supposed to be emblematic of the nakedness with which we enter upon life. the corpse is buried face upwards, and it is considered a means of future happiness to the deceased if those assembled throw earth into the grave. the nearer the relationship of those doing so, the greater is the happiness conferred. hence it is always desired that a son should be present. after the grave has been filled up half way with earth, three stones are placed, one at the head, one in the middle, and one at the feet. only the vishnuvites do this. upon the middle of these stones stands the priest, while the relatives of the deceased wash his feet, and put upon them the namam or sign of vishnu. whilst standing thus, they bargain and haggle as to what fee is to be paid. after this is over, the grave is completely filled in, and great care is taken that the corpse is so covered that it may not be disturbed by jackals and other animals, at any rate before the fifth day. if it should be disturbed, heaven will not be reached. so the telugu curse 'may the jackals eat your tongue' is a curse of damnation. the saivites bury their dead in the cloth, face downwards. after the grave has been filled in, the fire carried by the son is placed at the head of the grave, and incense is burnt. then the water carried from the house is sprinkled over the grave, and the procession departs homeward. on their way, they stop at some wayside well, and wash away their defilement, afterwards sitting on the edge of the well to chew betel and eat sweetmeats. they may also pay a visit to the temple, where they again sit and gossip, but perform no worship. if the deceased be a woman leaving a husband, the talk will be about arrangements for the marriage which will shortly take place. immediately the body is taken from the house for burial, the lamp which was first lighted is extinguished, and another lighted in its place. then those who stay at home (the women do not usually attend a funeral) clean sweep the house, plastering it with cow-dung. after this, they wait outside the house for the return of the burial party. the blood relations who have attended the burial come, and, without entering the house, glance at the newly-lighted lamp, afterwards going to their own homes, where, before entering, and without touching any of the pots, they must bathe in hot water. toddy flows freely at the close of a funeral. indeed, this is one of the occasions when excess is most common. from now until the fifth day, when the divasalu ceremony takes place, fire and a lamp are lighted at the grave each evening at sunset. "the divasalu ceremony, which is observed by all castes which follow the ramanuja matham or satani cult, is generally performed at the dead of night, and with as much ceremony as possible. all the namdaris in the village are invited, each being separately called by the kondigadu, who is a kind of messenger belonging to the dasari or mala priest. in former days, many of the sudras used to attend this ceremony, but of late, either through malas more openly eating the flesh of cows, or for some other reason, they rarely attend, and, if they do so, it is with great secrecy. the nambi, however, who is a satani, should attend. indeed, it is he who is the performer of the ceremony. the flesh required for the sacrifice is found by slaughtering a sheep or a goat. before killing it, holy water is poured into its mouth, and incense is burnt before it. when the animal has been dismembered, the head, guts, and blood are cooked in one pot, the bones in another, the flesh in a third, whilst in a fourth pot bread is baked. toddy and arrack (native spirit) are also placed in readiness. after these preparations, the nambi draws upon the floor, on the spot where the death occurred, the ashtakshari (eight-cornered) mantram, repeating the while magical words. the mantram is usually drawn with treble lines, one black, one yellow, and one white. at each corner are placed a cocoanut, betel, dates, and a lump of molasses, whilst a rupee is placed in the middle at one side. the words repeated are in tamil, and, roughly translated, are as follows: 'this is the mantram of manar nambi. this is the holy water of the sacred feet of ... nambi. this is the secret of holiness of the sacred places. these are the means for obtaining heaven. they are for the saving of the sinner. this drawing is the seal of the saints. countless sins have i committed; yet by thought on the saints is sin cleansed.' after the completion of the drawing, the officiating priest puts the holy mark of vishnu on the foreheads of those who bring the vessels of cooked food. then, to the east side of the drawing, he makes two little piles of millet. he then asks (in tamil) for the pot containing the head, and for the toddy. the two bearers bring the pots, keeping exactly together, and, as they reach the nambi, each must exchange places with the other. the priest then inscribes on one pot the wheel (chakra), and on the other the conch shell, these being the sacred symbols of vishnu. before doing so, he wets the leaves of the tulasi plant (ocimum sanctum) in a rice plate, and places them in a brass vessel containing holy water by his side. then, with the conch shell which he carries, he pours some of the holy water into each pot, afterwards placing the pots upon the heaps of millet. next, a leaf plate is placed in the middle of the drawing. upon it is placed some of each variety of food cooked, along with milk and ghi. over all, another plate is placed as a cover. during this time, so that no one may see the ceremony, a sheet or blanket is held up before the nambi as a screen. he then takes two little sticks with cotton-wool in a notch at the end, and puts them to steep in castor-oil. whilst they are steeping, he takes a cocoanut, and, after breaking it, pours the milk into the vessel containing holy water, and places the two pieces by the side of the heaps of grain upon which are the two pots. then, taking up the two sticks, and having made passes with them over the whole drawing, he lights them and holds them aloft above the screen, so that the people on the other side may see them. all then bow down, and worship the two lights. then the bearers of the corpse are invested with the namam, after which the whole of those assembled drink of the holy water in the brass vessel. a little holy water, betel, etc., are now put into the rice plate, which is afterwards covered with soil upon the top of the grave. the party then eat the small portion of food which may be left, and, after trimming the lamp, proceed to their homes. the nambi who officiates is supposed to be particularly holy. if he is wicked and unclean, and yet draws and sits upon the magic diagrams, he will bring loss and sorrow upon his own head. "there is no other ceremony until the night of the twelfth day. on this day, not only is the floor plastered with cow-dung, but the whole house is cleaned outside and in. all the inmates of the house bathe, shave, and put on clean clothes. then, as on the fifth day, an animal is killed, and the flesh is cooked exactly as before. in the north-east or god's corner, the panchakshari (five cornered) diagram is inscribed, and a handful of rice is put in the middle. as before, cocoanuts, etc., are placed at the five corners, and before the drawing are placed five copper images. the dasari who performs the ceremony places two leaf plates before these images, and, breaking a couple of cocoanuts, sacrifices to them. after this, the nambi, dasaris, kondigadu, corpse-bearers, and bearers of the pots, each drink two measures of toddy, and eat some of the flesh cooked in the second pot. the party, consisting entirely of males, now take as much food as will be required for the forthcoming ceremony, and proceed towards the grave, which has been previous to this plastered and decorated, and a little shrine erected at the head. on their arrival, a diagram, called panchakshari is drawn on the grave in black, yellow, and white. at the five corners are placed cocoanut, lime, etc. in the middle is placed a leaf plate with food on it, and a cocoanut is offered, the two halves being placed one on each side of the plate. a lamp is now lighted, and placed in the little shrine at the head of the grave, which the nambi worships. it may be noted that the ashtakshari diagram is the sign of vishnu or narayanamurti, and the panchakshari is the sign of siva. the reason for both being used is that vishnu is the preserver, and siva the destroyer. if siva alone is worshipped, he will only cease from destroying; if vishnu alone is worshipped, he cannot keep from destruction. hence there is a sort of compromise, so that the benefits rendered by each god may be reaped. the nambi now invests all the males present with the namam, and, if there is a widow, she is made to put on the bottu or small circular mark, the symbol most often being associated with siva. the widow is made to sit in the middle of the house, with a leaf plate set before her. there she is stripped of all the jewels she wore as a married woman. afterwards she is taken inside by some widows, and, after bathing, dons a cloth which has been brought for her by her brothers. her own cloth is left outside, and must be sent from there to the washerman. it afterwards becomes a perquisite of the dasari. if the deceased was a married woman, the widower would be deprived of his toe-ring, bathed, and clothed in a new cloth. "on the occasion of divasalu, blood relatives are all supposed to be present, and the ceremony is an expensive one, poor people often spending on this occasion alone as much as they can earn in a couple of months. the first ceremony is not so expensive, and will only cost about five rupees. all the male relatives of the dead man, or the brothers-in-law of a dead woman, must bring a little rice and some sticks of incense. if they are quite unable to attend the ceremony, they will clean their own houses, and will then perform some ceremony to the deceased. the relatives of the wife who come to the ceremony will not proceed to the house, or even to the caste quarters, but will go to the toddy shop, whence they send word of their arrival. as soon as the head of the house hears of this, he also proceeds to the toddy shop, and each one treats the other to drink. if they do not wish to drink, the one will pour a little liquor into the palm of the other. this ceremony is called chedupaputa (the taking away of bitterness), and without it they cannot visit one another's houses. these relatives must only partake of food on the night of their arrival and next day, but on no account must they linger till the light is lit on the thirteenth day. "the above ceremony is that performed by the namdaris or vishnuvites, who are not afraid of pollution, but who must do all things according to a prescribed ritual. we will now consider the ceremonies of the mondis or saivites, who think little of ceremony, but much of defilement. these take the dying person outside, and, as soon as it is realised that the end is near, all arrangements are made as to who is to cook, carry the corpse, etc. before the breath has left the body, some go to the bazaar to purchase a new cloth. the women smear themselves with turmeric as at a wedding, and put a circular red mark (bottu) on the forehead, whilst the men smear ashes on their foreheads. as soon as the food is cooked, the dead body is washed, and placed upon a bier. most of the vishnuvites do not use a bier. the corpse is carried to the grave, accompanied with fire and water as in the vishnuvite ceremony. shortly before the grave-yard is reached, a halt is made. the cloth which has been placed over the face is torn, and a cooking pot is broken, after which the body is taken to the grave, and buried without covering, lying prone on the face. after the earth has been filled in, the son of the deceased takes an earthen water-pot full of water, and bores a hole in it, so that the water may escape. he then makes three circuits of the grave, allowing the water to flow on the ground. after each circuit, he makes a fresh hole in the pot. he then goes away without looking back on the grave. when the funeral party, which consists only of men, reaches the house, they find that some of the old women have made a heap of cow-dung, at the top of which is a little hollow filled with water. those who have returned from the grave dip their great toes in this water, and then linger on the threshold to worship the lamp which is inside. after this, the lamp is taken, and thrown outside the village, and, on their return, they bathe in hot water. the saivites perform the first ceremony for the dead on the third day, and they have neither nambi nor priest, but perform the whole ceremony themselves. like the vishnuvites, they thoroughly cleanse and plaster the house. there is no animal sacrifice, but food is prepared with vegetables. a tray is plaited from the twigs of the tamarind tree (tamarindus indica), and in this is placed a leaf plate containing food, frankincense, betel, etc. this food offering is carried to the grave along with fire and water at about eight o'clock in the morning. the man who carries the food must wear only a torn cloth, and yet with this he must manage to cover his head. on reaching the grave, they worship. the tray is left at the head of the grave, and the people retire a short distance, and there wait until a crow or a kite comes, and takes food from the tray. the more quickly this occurs, the greater the merit obtained by the deceased. they never go away until either the one or the other of these birds comes. they afterwards proceed to the well, and bathe fully. on the twelfth day, another ceremony is performed. in the morning, all those taking part in the ceremony proceed to some place outside the village where they shave, and put on clean clothes which have come direct to that place from the washerman. they then go to some temple, and there obtain a little holy water, with which they afterwards sprinkle themselves, the widow, and the house of the deceased. the widow is then arrayed in all her clothes and jewels, and is taken weeping to the 'widow's harbour.' there a stone image is set up, and worshipped. then the woman's jewels are taken off, and her bracelets broken. sweet food is cooked and partaken of, all bathe, and return to their homes. after this ceremony, poor people will stay in their houses for three days, and rich people for a much longer period. for several years, on the anniversary of the death, some little ceremony is usually performed." in connection with mala dasaris, to whom reference has already been made, mr. nicholson writes as follows. "there is a considerable number of individuals who obtained their living through religious mendicancy. they are known as dasaris. there is usually a nambi or dasari for every three or four villages. some few dasaris have inam (rent-free) lands, but the majority live on the charity of the people. they do not ask alms, but sing hymns in honour of chennudu or pedda muni. they also officiate as a sort of priest, and their services are requisitioned at the time of death, marriage, hair-cutting, and the creation of basavis and dasaris. the dasari who officiates at a wedding ceremony cannot act in a case of death. there is, in the west telugu country, a class called varapu dasari, who act as pujaris for the sudras, and in all places the dasari receives certain emoluments from sudras for singing at weddings and funerals. they receive alms from all classes. occasionally disturbances take place on account of the saivites objecting to the dasaris coming into their streets, and it is at such times as these that pavadamu is said to take place. it is firmly believed that, if a dasari is offended, he will revenge himself in smaller offences by piercing his cheeks or side, for a serious offence by killing himself, generally by severing the head from the body. if one kills himself in this way, the news is said to be immediately and miraculously communicated to every dasari and nambi in the country. they all come to the place where the body lies. until their arrival, this has been kept covered with a new cloth, and water is constantly sprinkled over it, to keep the wounds from drying up. when the gurus, dasaris, and others are collected, they show their magic power by frying fish, which come to life again on being placed in water, and by cutting limes in two and making them join together, while the remainder sing hymns to chennudu, and call on the name of govinda. the gurus then dig a hole, and in it light the sacred fire of sandal-wood, which must be kindled by the friction of two pieces of wood. all assemble before this sacred fire, and join in singing or reciting the dandakamu, after which the dasaris dance a dance called the request dance. a lotus flower is simulated by arranging betel leaves in a small chembu (metal vessel), and this is placed in a plate along with the severed head. the tray is then carried three times round the corpse by the wife of the deceased if he was married; if not, by his mother; and, if he had no kin, by a basavi. the head is then taken by the guru, and fixed properly to the trunk, the junction being plentifully daubed with sacred earth (tirumani). a new cloth is then spread over the corpse, and a network of flowers over all. the dasaris again walk round the corpse, calling on tembaru manara, repeating at the same time a mantram. then kurumayya, the caste guru, strokes the corpse from head to foot three times with his staff, after which he places his foot on the head of the corpse, and calls on the body to rise. the ability of the dasaris to perform this marvel is implicitly believed in. some i have asked have seen it attempted, but on one occasion it failed because the wife was unwell (under menstrual pollution). on another occasion, the ceremony was not carried out with fitting reverence, and failed in consequence. "the chief people among the dasaris are guru, annalayya, godugulayya (umbrella men), and tuttulayya (horn-blowers). the dasaris have got certain badges of office, which are supposed to have been given by chennudu on the conquest of vijayanagar. [according to tradition, between the th and th centuries a.d. there was great rivalry between the saivite and vishnuvite sects, and it is supposed that kurumayya, fighting on the side of the vishnuvites, by the aid of the god chennudu was able to suppress and overcome the followers of siva. he thus became the guru of the malas.] the dasari's insignia consist of an iron staff, copper pot, tiger skin, antelope skin, etc. besides these, some of the chief dasaris are said to possess copper inscriptions given to them by the kings of vijayanagar, but these they refuse to allow any one to see." concerning the practice of making basavis (dedicated prostitutes), mr. nicholson writes as follows. "the origin of the basavis is said to be thus. in former times, the asadhis had the duty and privilege of dancing and singing before the god, but this office was always performed by a male. on one occasion, there was no male to take up the duties, and, as there was no prospect of further children, one of the daughters was appointed to the work, so that the livelihood would not be lost. then no one came forward to marry the girl, and she found it impossible to live a good life. the fact, however, that she was a servant of the god kept her from disgrace, and from that time it has been customary to dedicate these girls to the god's service. nowadays, the girl goes through a ceremony with a knife, which is placed in front of the god, and, as at ordinary weddings, there are all the various ceremonies performed, and feasts eaten. if at the time of the wedding, any man wishes to have a sort of proprietary right, he may obtain the same by paying a sort of dowry. the elders of the village must give their consent to the dedication, and usually signify this by eating out of the same plate as the bride. in the west telugu country, parents who have good looking daughters, no matter what their class, give them as basavis. but, in the east telugu country, only the asadhi, beineni, and pambala people do so. a basavi can never be widowed, and people say they are consecrated to the god. consequently, their life, though a life of sin, is not considered so by the gods. yet by a strange inconsistency, men consorting with basavis are immediately branded as loose men. the first few years of a basavi's life are full of profit, and it is probably for this reason that parents are willing thus to sacrifice their daughters. afterwards, when the charms of youth are passed, the basavi resorts to begging, or, with two or three more, obtains a precarious livelihood by music and dancing. their children have a share in the maternal father's property. "the above account of a basavi's dedication applies to the asadhis or singing beggars. the following is a more detailed description of the ceremony as performed by the dasaris. the girl to be dedicated is dressed in a white ravike and cloth, after which she is conducted to the priest who is to officiate. he burns the signs of a chank and chakram on the girl's shoulders, presenting to her at the same time holy water. after this, the priest receives the guruvu kanika, which consists not only of five rupees, but also five seers of rice, five cocoanuts, five garlics, and a quarter of a seer of betel nuts. the person giving the girl away now receives permission from the people and guruvu, and attaches the marriage symbol to the girl's neck. before the tali is tied, the girl is made to sit on a blanket, upon which has been drawn the 'throne,' with her hands which clasp the garuda stambha tied together with a wreath of flowers. before the hands are unbound, in place of the usual dowry of about twenty rupees, five duddu (copper coins) are given into the hand of the priest. all assembled now worship the beggar's staff, and, on proceeding to the place of lodging, food is given to the dasaris. usually the ceremonies are performed before the village shrine, but, at times of festival, they are performed before the god, in honour of whom the festival is being held. on returning to the village, the girl is obliged, for five consecutive saturdays, to go round the village accompanied by a dasari, to whose food and comfort she has to attend. this is, no doubt, a public announcement of the profession the girl has had put upon her. when puberty is arrived at, a feast is given, and thenceforward the girl is her own mistress." the malas worship a variety of deities, including gurappa, subbarayadu, gunnathadu, sunkalamma, poleramma, gangamma, and gontiyalamma. in connection with the worship of the goddess gontiyalamma, mr. f. r. hemingway writes, in a note on the malas of the godavari district, that "the special caste deity is gontiyalamma, the mother of the five pandava brethren. they say that bhima threatened to kill his mother, who took refuge under an avireni pot (painted pot used at weddings) in a mala's house. for this she was solemnly cursed by her sons, who said that she should remain a mala woman for ever. in commemoration of this story, a handful of growing paddy (rice) is pulled up every year at the dasara festival, and, eight days later, the earth adhering to its roots is mixed with turmeric and milk, made into an image of the goddess, and hidden under the avireni pot. for the next six months this image is worshipped every sunday by all the villagers in turn, and, on the sivaratri night, it is taken round the village, accompanied by all the malas bearing pots of rice and other food carried in a kavadi, and is finally thrown with much ceremony into a river or tank (pond or lake). this rite is supposed to mean that the goddess is the daughter of the caste, that she has lived with them six months, and that they are now sending her back with suitable gifts (the rice, etc.) to her husband. a common form of religious vow among malas is to promise to send a cloth and a cow with the goddess on the last day of the rite, the gifts being afterwards presented to a married daughter." it is noted by mr. hemingway that both malas and madigas hold a feast in honour of their ancestors at pongal--an uncommon rite. in the godavari district scarcity of rain is dealt with in various ways. "it is considered very efficacious if the brahmans take in procession round the village an image of varuna (the god of rain) made of mud from the tank of a river or tank. another method is to pour , pots of water over the lingam in the siva temple. malas tie a live frog to a mortar, and put on the top of the latter a mud figure representing gontiyalamma. they then take these objects in procession, singing 'mother frog, playing in water, pour rain by pots full.' the villagers of other castes then come and pour water over the malas." [ ] mr. nicholson writes that, to produce rain in the telugu country, "two boys capture a frog, and put it into a basket with some nim (melia azadirachta) leaves. they tie the basket to the middle of a stick, which they support on their shoulders. in this manner they make a circuit of the village, visiting every house, singing the praises of the god of rain. the greater the noise the captive animal makes, the better the omen, and the more gain for the boys, for, at every house, they receive something in recognition of their endeavour to bring rain upon the village fields." mala arayan.--the mala arayans are described, in the travancore census report, , as "a class of hill tribes, who are a little more civilized than the mannans, and have fixed abodes on the slopes of high mountain ranges. their villages are fine-looking, with trees and palms all round. they are superior in appearance to most other hill tribes, but are generally short in stature. some of the arayans are rich, and own large plots of cultivated grounds. they seldom work for hire, or carry loads. a curious custom with them is that every man in the family has his own room separate from the rest, which only he and his wife are permitted to enter. they are very good hunters and have a partiality for monkey flesh. as wizards they stand very high, and all the low-country people cherish a peculiar dread for them. makkathayam is the prevailing form of inheritance (from father to son), but among a few families marumakkathayam (inheritance through the female line) obtains as an exception. their language is a corrupt form of malayalam. their marriage ceremony is simple. the bridegroom and bride sit and eat on the same plantain leaf, after which the tali (marriage badge) is tied. the bride then seizes any ornament or cooking vessel in the house, saying that it is her father's. the bridegroom snatches it from her, and the marriage rite is concluded. birth pollution is of considerable importance. it lasts for a whole month for the father, and for seven days for the mother. the arayans bury their dead. drinking is a very common failing." it is recorded by mr. m. j. walhouse [ ] that "on the higher ranges in travancore there are three of parasurama's cairns, where the mala arraiyans still keep lamps burning. they make miniature cromlechs of small slabs of stone, and place within them a long pebble to represent the deceased. dr. livingstone noticed a similar custom in africa. 'in various villages we observed miniature huts about two feet high, very neatly thatched and plastered. here we noticed them in dozens. on inquiry we were told that, when a child or relative dies, one is made, and, when any pleasant food is cooked or beer brewed, a little is placed in the tiny hut for the departed soul, which is believed to enjoy it.' so the mala arraiyans offer arak (liquor) and sweetmeats to the departed spirit believed to be hovering near the miniature cromlech." in a detailed account of the mala arayans, the rev. s. mateer writes as follows. [ ] "the arayans bury their dead; consequently there are many ancient tumuli in these hills, evidently graves of chiefs, showing just the same fragments of pottery, brass figures, iron weapons, etc., as are found in other similar places. these tumuli are often surrounded with long splintered pieces of granite, from eight to twelve or fifteen feet in length, set up on end, with sacrificial altars and other remains, evidently centuries old. numerous vaults, too, called pandi kuri, are seen in all their hills. they stand north and south, the circular opening being to the south; a round stone is fitted to this aperture, with another acting as a long lever, to prevent its falling out; the sides, as also the stones of the top and bottom, are single slabs. to this day the arayans make similar little cells of pieces of stone, the whole forming a box a few inches square; and, on the death of a member of any family, the spirit is supposed to pass, as the body is being buried, into a brass or silver image, which is shut into this vault; if the parties are very poor, an oblong smooth stone suffices. a few offerings of milk, rice, toddy, and ghee (clarified butter) are made, a torch is lighted and extinguished, the figure placed inside the cell, and the covering hastily put on; then all leave. on the anniversary, similar offerings being made, the stone is lifted off, and again hastily closed. the spirit is thus supposed to be enclosed; no one ventures to touch the cell at any other time. "the objects of arayan worship are the spirits of their ancestors, or certain local demons supposed to reside in rocks or peaks, and having influence only over particular villages or families. the religious services rendered to these are intended to deprecate anger rather than to seek benefits; but in no case is lust to be gratified, or wickedness practiced, as pleasing to these deities. one of their ancestors is represented by a brass image about three inches in height, the back of the head hollow, the hands holding a club and a gun. this represents a demonized man of wicked character, who lived about a century ago. he is said to have beaten his wife to death with a club; wherefore the people joined to break his skull, and he became a malignant demon. another image carried an umbrella and staff, and had a milder countenance--this was a good demon. one such image is kept in each family, in which the spirit is supposed actually to reside. they were also put into the little square chambers described above. the rev. w. j. richards, of cottayam, has favoured me with the following history, which throws much light upon this curious superstition. 'talanani was a priest or oracle-revealer of the hunting deity, ayappan, whose chief shrine is in savarimala, a hill among the travancore ghats. the duty of talanani was to deck himself out in his sword, bangles, beads, etc., and, highly frenzied with excitement and strong drink, dance in a horrid convulsive fashion before his idols, and reveal in unearthly shrieks what the god had decreed on any particular matter. he belonged to the hill arayan village of eruma-para (the rock of the she-buffalo), some eight miles from melkavu, and was most devoted to his idolatry, and rather remarkable in his peculiar way of showing his zeal. when the pilgrims from his village used to go to savarimala--a pilgrimage which is always, for fear of the tigers and other wild beasts, performed in companies of forty or fifty--our hero would give out that he was not going, and yet, when they reached the shrine of their devotions, there before them was the sorcerer, so that he was both famous among his fellows and favoured of the gods. now, while things were in this way, talanani was killed by the neighbouring chogans during one of his drunken bouts, and the murderers, burying his body in the depths of the jungle, thought that their crime would never be found out; but the tigers--ayappan's dogs--in respect to so true a friend of their master, scratched open the grave, and removing the corpse, laid it on the ground. the wild elephants found the body, and reverently took it where friends might discover it, and, a plague of small-pox having attacked the chogans, another oracle declared it was sent by sastavu (the travancore hill boundary god, called also chattan or sattan) in anger at the crime that had been committed; and that the evil would not abate until the murderers made an image of the dead priest, and worshipped it. this they did, placing it in a grave, and in a little temple no bigger than a small dog kennel. the image itself is about four inches high, of bronze. the heir of talanani became priest and beneficiary of the new shrine, which was rich in offerings of arrack, parched rice, and meat vowed by the arayans when they sallied out on hunting expeditions. all the descendants of talanani are christians, the result of the rev. henry baker's work. the last heir who was in possession of the idol, sword, bangle, beads, and wand of the sorcerer, handed them over to the rev. w. j. richards in .' "lamps to the memory of their ancestors were kept burning in little huts, and at stones used to represent the spirits of their ancestors. at one spot, where the genii were supposed to reside, there was a fragment of granite well oiled, and surrounded by a great number of extinguished torches. a most fearful demon was said to reside in a hollow tree, which had been worshipped by thousands of families. they did not know the precise hole in which the symbol was to be found; when discovered, it looked like the hilt of an old sword. one deity was said by the priest of a certain hill to have placed three curious looking rocks as resting-places for himself on his journey to the peak. cocoanuts are offered to famous demons, residing in certain hills. it has been observed that, in cases of sickness, sometimes arayans will make offerings to a hindu god, and that they attend the great feasts occasionally; but in no case do they believe that they are under any obligation to do so, their own spirits being considered fully equal to the hindu gods. each village has its priest, who, when required, calls on the 'hill' (mala), which means the demon resident there, or the pretham, ghost. if he gets the afflatus, he acts in the usual way, yelling and screaming out the answers sought. the devil-dancer wears the kudumi, and has a belt, bangles, and other implements; and invokes the demons in case of sickness. "they have some sacred groves, where they will not fire a gun, or speak above a breath; they have certain signs also to be observed when fixing on land for cultivation or the site of a house, but no other elaborate religious rites. in choosing a piece of ground for cultivation, before cutting the jungle they take five strips of bark of equal length, and knot all the ends together, holding them in the left hand by the middle. if all, when tied, form a perfect circle, the omen is lucky, and the position in which the cord falls on the ground is carefully noted by the bystanders." mala nayakkan.--a name returned by tamil malaiyalis at times of census. mala vedan.--see vedan. malai-kanda.--a sub-division of vellala. malaiman.--see udaiyan. malaiyadi (foot of the hills).--a sub-division of konga vellala. malakkar.--it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "the malakkars, also called malamuttanmar and malapanikkar, are a comparatively superior tribe of jungle cultivators and hunters found in the calicut and ernad hills. they follow the marumakkathayam system (of inheritance in the female line), and observe pollution for twelve days. they call their huts illams, and, if they leave them to go down to the plains, must bathe before returning. they consider themselves polluted by all castes below nayars. the name muttan is properly a title, meaning elder, confirmed on their headman by their janmis (landlords). their chief god is maladevan. they are good forest watchers and elephant catchers." malara (a bundle of glass bangles, as carried about for sale).--an exogamous sept of gauda. malasar.--the malasars or malsars are found in the coimbatore district, and in the cochin state. the following account of them was given by buchanan a century ago. [ ] "the forests here are divided into puddies, each of which has its boundary ascertained, and contains one or more families of a rude tribe, called malasir. both the puddy and its inhabitants are considered as the property of some landlord, who farms out the labour of these poor people, with all they collect, to some trader (chitty or manadi). having sent for some of these poor malasirs, they informed me that they live in small villages of five or six huts, situated in the skirts of the woods on the hills of daraporam, ani-malaya, and pali-ghat. they speak a mixture of the tamul and malayala languages. they are a better looking people than the slaves, but are ill-clothed, nasty, and apparently ill-fed. they collect drugs for the trader, to whom they are let, and receive from him a subsistence, when they can procure for him anything of value. he has the exclusive right of purchasing all that they have for sale, and of supplying them with salt and other necessaries. a great part of their food consists of wild yams (dioscorea), which they dig when they have nothing to give to the trader for rice. they cultivate some small spots in the woods after the cotu-cadu fashion, both on their own account and on that of the neighbouring farmers, who receive the produce, and give the malasirs hire. the articles cultivated in this manner are ragi (eleusine coracana), avaray (dolichos lablab), and tonda (ricinus communis). they are also hired to cut timber and firewood. the god of their tribe is called mallung, who is represented by a stone that is encircled by a wall, which serves for a temple. once a year, in april, a sacrifice of goats, and offerings of rice, honey, and the like, are made by the malasir to this rude idol. if this be neglected, the god sends elephants and tigers to destroy both them and their houses." the malasars are described, in the madras census report, , as "a forest tribe living by hill cultivation and day labour. they are good at game-tracking, and very handy with their axes, with the help of which they will construct a bamboo house for the wandering sportsman in a few hours. they reside in hamlets known as pathis, each of which has a headman, called vendari, who exercises the usual authority, with the assistance of a panchayat (council). one of the punishments inflicted by panchayats is to make the culprit carry a heavy load of sand for some distance, and then stand with it on his head and beg for forgiveness. they worship kali and mariamman, the small-pox goddess, but their special deity is manakadatta, to whom they sacrifice fowls and sheep in the masi. a man of the tribe acts as priest on these occasions, and keeps the heads of the offerings as his perquisite. an unusual item in their wedding ceremonies is the tying of an iron ring to the bridegroom's wrist. they will eat and drink almost anything, except vermin and cobras. the kadans regard themselves as superior to the malasars." it is noted, in the manual of the coimbatore district, that "the malasars live at a much lower elevation than the kadars. they are found almost down on the plains, and along the slopes near the foot of the hills. they are somewhat sturdier in general build, but have not the characteristic features of regular hillmen. they are not to be depended on in any way, but will desert en masse on the smallest excuse. they commit dacoities whenever they see an opportunity, and, in fact, even to this day, the roads near the foot of the hills are rarely traversed by low-country natives except in small bands, from fear of the malasars. on the other hand, the malasars are useful as being excellent axemen; and as baggage coolies they can hardly be dispensed with. they carry for the most part on their heads like low-country coolies, but unlike the kadars and puliyars, who, when they can be induced to carry at all, carry loads on their backs." there may be said to be three grades of malasars, viz., the malai (hill) malasars, who live on the hills (e.g., at mount stuart on anaimalais), and the malasars who live on the slopes and the plains. it is said that kadirs and eravalars are admitted into the malasar caste. the kadirs abstain from eating the flesh of the 'bison' and cow, whereas the malasars will eat the carrion of these animals. the settlements of the malasars are called padhis or pathis, and their streets salais. these are tamil names, denoting villages and rows. the padhis are named after the owners of the land on which they are built, e.g., sircar (government) padhi, karuppa goundan padhi. on the hills, the dwelling huts are made of bamboo matting thatched with grass and teak leaves, whereas on the plains the walls are made of mud, and are roofed with grass and bamboo. like the yanadis and chenchus, the malasars seem to have an objection to well-built houses, and a malasar forester prefers his own rude hut to government quarters. some malasars work as coolies, while others are employed as agricultural labourers, or in collecting honey. a landlord keeps under him a number of malasars, to whom he gives land free of rent, on which they raise their food-crops. in return, they are expected to work in the fields, and do other services for their landlord (mannadi), who exercises absolute control over them. sometimes, if a landholder has a grievance against another, it is not difficult to induce his malasars to damage the crops of his enemy. the operations connected with the catching and taming of wild elephants are carried out by malasars. they are proverbially lazy, and will take a week's wages in advance, and spend a good portion thereof on drink on the same day. with the remainder provisions are purchased, and they may only put in three or four days' work in the week. like other hill tribes, they dig up yams when food is scarce. marriage is generally adult, though infant marriage is not prohibited. the malasars of the plains perform the marriage ceremonies at the home of the bride. monday is considered an auspicious day for their celebration. on the previous day, the contracting couple stand on a pestle, and are anointed, and bathe. two balls of cooked rice, coloured red and black, are placed in a tray, and lighted wicks are stuck into them. the flames from the two wicks should be of the same height, or the omens would be considered unfavourable. the lights are waved in front of the bride and bridegroom, to ward off the evil eye. after bathing, the couple are seated on a dais within the marriage pandal (booth), and the bridegroom ties the tali (marriage badge) on the neck of the bride, and their hands are joined by the muppan (headman). the tali consists of a brass disc, tied to a string dyed with turmeric. the couple eat from the same leaf or plate, and the ceremony is at an end. the malai malasars bring the bride to the home of the bridegroom for the marriage ceremonies. the bridegroom goes on a wednesday to the bride's house and takes her to his home on the following day. a pandal, made of sorghum and bamboo stems, is erected. towards evening, the tali is tied, and the fingers of the contracting couple are linked together (kaidharam). they eat together from the same plate. the bridegroom should feed his relations and friends at his own house, as well as at that of the bride. he generally presents his mother-in-law with a female cloth, with an eight anna bit tied in the skirt thereof. ancestor worship is important among the malayans. before commencing their ceremonies, cooked rice and the flesh of the fowl are offered to the ancestors on seven leaves. on the occasion of a marriage, a little of the food is eaten by the bridegroom on a wednesday, before he proceeds to the home of the bride. when a girl reaches maturity, she occupies a separate hut for seven days. on the seventh day, she bathes and goes to the dwelling hut. a measure and a lamp are placed before the hut, and the girl has to go over them with her right foot foremost. she then steps backwards, and again goes over them before entering the hut. the dead are usually buried, face upward. if the dead person was an elder, his personal effects, such as pillows, walking-stick, and clothes, are buried with him, or his corpse is cremated. sometimes, the dead are buried in a sitting posture, in a niche excavated on one side of the grave. in the case of the malasars of the plains, the widow chews betel leaf and areca nuts, and spits the betel over the eyes and neck of the corpse. on the third day after death, cooked rice and meat are offered to the soul of the deceased on seven arka (calotropis gigantea) leaves. the male members of the family then eat from the same leaf. the malasars who live in the plains consider the ficus glomerata tree sacred, and worship it once a year. at least one branch thereof should be used in the construction of the marriage pandal, and the menstrual hut should be made of it. the malasars of the plains also avoid the use of the pongamia glabra tree for any purpose. the hill malasars worship, among other deities, ponnalamman (mariamma), pullarappachi (ganesa), and kaliamman. to ponnalamman, pigs and buffaloes are sacrificed once a year. the deity worshipped by the malasars of the plains is mariayi (mariamma), at whose festival a stake is fixed in the ground, and eventually shaken by the malasars, and removed by paraiyans. the malasar women of the plains wear glass bangles only on the left wrist. if a woman puts such bangles on both wrists, the paraiyans are said to break them, and report the matter to the muppan, who is expected to fine the woman. as paraiyan women, like the malasars, only wear glass bangles on one wrist, they take the wearing of bangles on both wrists by malasar women, who are only their equals, as an insult. the following graphic account of a kama mystery play, in which malasars are represented, has been given by mr. s. g. roberts. [ ] "the play, as the writer saw it in a little village on the banks of the amravati river, was at once a mystery or miracle play, a mime, a tragedy that strangely recalled the greek choral tragedies, and a satyric drama. these various ingredients gave it a quaint nebulous character, the play now crystallising into mere drama, and again dissolving into a religious rite. just as an understanding of the greek mythology is necessary for the full grasping of the meaning of a greek tragedy, so it is necessary to portray the legend which is the basis of this mystery, all the more as the characters are hindu gods. kama, then, is the hindu cupid, not a tiny little child like the roman god of love, but more like eros. he has beautiful attributes. his bow is of the sugar-cane; his arrows are tipped with flowers; and his bow-string is a chain of bees--a pretty touch that recalls the swallow song of the homeric bowstring. for all that, the genius of the country has modified the local idea of eros. he has long ago found his psyche: in point of fact, this hindu eros is a married man. his wife, rathi, is the other speaking character, and she certainly displays a beautiful eloquence not unfitting her position. moreover, like every married man, kama has a father-in-law, and here the tragedy begins to loom out of the playful surroundings of a god of love of whatever nation or clime. siva, the destroyer, he of the bright blue neck, the dweller, as kama tauntingly says, among graves and dead men's ashes; siva, mighty in penance, is father of rathi. in the play itself, he is not even a muta persona; he does not appear at all. what he does is only adumbrated by the action or song of the other characters. the legend strikingly illustrates the hindu view of penance. briefly stated, it is that anyone who performs any penance for a sufficiently long time acquires such a store of power and virtue, that the very gods themselves cannot stand against it. hindu mythology affords many examples of this belief. siva himself, in one of his incarnations, saved the whole indian olympus and the universe at large from a demi-god, who, by years of penance, had become charged, as it were, with power, like a religious electric 'accumulator.' the early sages and heroes of indian story had greater facilities for the acquisition of this reserve of power, in that their lives lasted for centuries or even æons. it may be imagined that three centuries of penance increased the performer's strength to a degree not expressible in modern figures! in this case, the gods had viewed with alarm a penance which siva had begun, and which threatened to make him master of all creation. in spite of a few grotesque attributes, the mythology lends to siva a character at once terrific and awe-inspiring. when his third eye was closed on one occasion, the universe was involved in darkness, and the legend under discussion presents a solemn picture of the god, sitting with his rosary in sackcloth and ashes, immersed in his unending penance. kama was deputed to break the spell. accompanied by his nymphs, he sported before the recluse, taking all shapes that could 'shake the saintship of an anchorite,' till this oriental st. anthony, but too thoroughly aroused, opened his tremendous frontal eye, and, with a flashing glance of rage, consumed the rash intruder on his solitude. such is the legend which supplies the closing scene of the life of kama, a life that is celebrated, as march begins, with several days' rejoicing in every town and village of southern india. the writer had seen the heap of bricks that support the kama pillar in a village which he visited a few months after first landing in india. as march came round, he saw them in whatever village his work brought him, and the legend was impressed on his memory by a case in court, in which the momentous word 'kamadakshinasivalingamedai' (or the high place of the emblem of siva who consumed kama) was pronounced by the various witnesses. it was not, however, till the spring of that an opportunity presented itself for witnessing the performance of the kama mystery. the time of representation was the night, the playtime for old and young in india. it has this special advantage, from a theatrical point of view, that everything in a village street takes on an adventitious beauty. the heaps of dust, the ragged huts, lose their prominence, the palm trees become beautiful, and the tower of the temple grows in majesty. everything that is ugly or incongruous seems to disappear, till the façade of a wealthy hindu's house wears the dignity of the old grecian palace proscenium. the rag torches give a soft strong light, that adds effect to the spangled and laced robes of the actors, and leaves the auditory in semi-darkness, quite in accordance with wagnerian stage tradition. kama was represented in full dress, with a towering, crocketed, gilded mitre or helmet, such as is worn by the images of south indian gods. he is not like the unadorned eros of the greeks, and he shows his indian blood by the green which paints the upper half of his face. kama had the bow of sugar-cane, and rathi, otherwise dressed like a wealthy hindu bride, also bore a smaller bow of the same. the buffoon must not be omitted. he figures in every indian play, and here, besides the distinction of a girdle of massive cow bells gracefully supporting his paunch, he showed his connection with this love drama by a small bow of sugar-cane fastened upright, by one tip, to the peak of a high dunce's cap. the play began by kama boastfully, and at great length, announcing his intention of disturbing siva's penance. rathi did her best to dissuade him, but every argument she could use only stirred up his pride, and made him more determined on the adventure. the dialogue was sometimes sustained by the characters themselves; sometimes they sang with dreadful harshness; sometimes they but swayed to and fro, as if in a roman mimus, while the best voice in the company sang their songs for them. now and then, the musicians would break into a chorus, which strikingly recalled, but for the absence of dancing, the greek tragic chorus, especially in their idea of inevitable destiny, and in their lamentations over the disastrous end of the undertaking. meanwhile, the buffoon played his part with more or less success, and backed up the astonishingly skilful and witty acting of the players, who provided the comic relief. in most tamil dramas the action of the play is now and again suspended, while one or more comedians stroll on to the stage, and amuse the audience by a vesham, i.e., an impersonation of different well-known street characters representing men (and women) not only of different castes, but of different nations. needless to say, the parts they play have little or nothing to do with the subject of the drama, but they afford great scope for delineation of character. there is not, of course, in southern india, the uniformity in dress that we notice in england of the present day. a man's trade, profession, religion, and sect are expressed by his dress and ornament--or lack of both. to mention three of the different veshangal shown on this occasion, there were a mahrattah tattooing-woman, a north country fakir, and a man and woman of the malsar caste, each of the parts being dressed to perfection, and admirably sustained. the malsars are a low caste, and employed in certain parts as bearers of announcements of death (written on palm leaves) from the family of the deceased to relatives at a distance. as they hobbled about, bending over their short crooked crutch sticks, with turbans of twisted straw and bark, and girt with scanty and dirty sackcloth kilts, they would have made a mummy laugh; and they were equally mirth-provoking when they broke into a rough song and dance peculiar to chucklers (leather-workers) when more than usually intoxicated. when kama had finally declared his unalterable determination to engage in his contest with siva--a point which was only reached after discussion almost as interminable as a dialogue of euripides--the performers, and part of the audience, moved off in a procession, which slowly perambulated the town, and halted for prayer before the village temple. the 'stage wait' was filled up by some simple playing and singing by a few local amateurs. this brought on the climax of the tragedy. the kama stake, to give it an appropriate english name, was now ready. this was a slight stake or pole, a little above a man's height, planted among a few bricks, and made inflammable by a thatching or coating of cholum straw bound round it. the top of this straw pillar was composed of a separate sheaf. when all was ready, and the chorus had sung a strain expressive of grief at kama's doom, a rocket, representing siva's fiery glance, shot along a string, and (with some external assistance) lighted the kama stake, thus closely following the procedure in an italian church festival. the player who represented kama now retired into the background, as he was supposed to be dead, and the rest, hopping and dancing, circled slowly round the fire wailing for his fate. it seemed to be a matter of special import to the audience that the stake should be completely consumed. this was an omen of prosperity in the coming year. the funeral dance round the fire continued for a long while, and, when it was but a short time to sunrise, the mummers were still beating their breasts round the smouldering ashes. it seemed that, though some of the songs were composed for the occasion, a great part of the play was traditional, and the audience knew what to expect at any given period in the performance. at one stage it was whispered that now the giant would come in, and lift up a sheep with his teeth. in a few moments he made his appearance, and proved to be a highly comic monster. his arms, legs, and body were tightly swathed in neatly twisted straw ropes, leaving only his feet and hands bare. his head was covered by a huge canvas mask, flat on front and back, so that the actor had the appearance of having introduced his head into the empty shell of some gigantic crab. on the flat front of this mask-dial was painted a terrible giant's face with portentous tusks. thus equipped, the giant skipped round the various characters, to the terror of the buffoon, brandishing a quarter-staff, and executing vigorous moulinets. an unwilling sheep was pushed into the ring, and the giant, after much struggling, tossed the animal bodily over his head with a dexterous fling that convinced most of the onlookers that he had really performed the feat with his teeth." malava.--the malavas or mala bhovis are a small cultivating caste in south canara, "the members of which were formerly hunters and fishermen. they profess vaishnavism, and employ shivalli brahmans as their priests. hanuman is their favourite deity. like the bants and other castes of tuluva, they are divided into exogamous septs called balis, and they have the dhare form of marriage. they speak canarese." [ ] they are said to be really mogers, who have separated from the fishing community. the term bhovi is used to denote mogers who carry palanquins, etc. malavarayan.--a title of ambalakkaran. malayali.--the malayalis or malaialis, whom i examined in the salem district, dwell on the summits and slopes of the shevaroy hills, and earn their living by cultivating grain, and working on coffee estates. suspicious and superstitious to a degree, they openly expressed their fear that i was the dreaded settlement officer, and had come to take possession of their lands in the name of the government, and transport them to the andaman islands (the indian penal settlement). when i was engaged in the innocent occupation of photographing a village, the camera was mistaken for a surveying instrument, and a protest raised. many of them, while willing to part with their ornaments of the baser metals, were loth to sell or let me see their gold and silver jewelry, from fear lest i should use it officially as evidence of their too prosperous condition. one man told me to my face that he would rather have his throat cut than submit to my measuring operations, and fled precipitately. the women stolidly refused to entrust themselves in my hands. nor would they bring their children (unwashed specimens of brown humanity) to me, lest they should fall sick under the influence of my evil eye. in the account which follows i am largely indebted to mr. h. lefanu's admirable, and at times amusing, manual of the salem district. the word malaiali denotes inhabitant of the hills (malai = hill or mountain). the malaialis have not, however, like the todas of the nilgiris, any claim to be considered as an ancient hill tribe, but are a tamil-speaking people, who migrated from the plains to the hills in comparatively recent times. as a shrewd, but unscientific observer put it concisely to me, they are tamils of the plains with the addition of a kambli or blanket; which kambli is a luxury denied to the females, but does duty for males, young and old, in the triple capacity of great coat, waterproof, and blanket. according to tradition, the malaialis originally belonged to the vellala caste of cultivators, and emigrated from the sacred city of kanchipuram (conjeeveram) to the hills about ten generations ago, when muhammadan rule was dominant in southern india. when they left kanchi, they took with them, according to their story, three brothers, of whom the eldest came to the shevaroy hills, the second to the kollaimalais, and the youngest to the pachaimalais (green hills). the malaialis of the shevaroys are called the peria (big) malaialis, those of the kollaimalais the chinna (little) malaialis. according to another version "the malaiali deity kariraman, finding himself uncomfortable at kanchi, took up a new abode. three of his followers, named periyanan, naduvanan, and chinnanan (the eldest, the middle-man, and the youngest) started with their families to follow him from kanchi, and came to the salem district, where they took different routes, periyanan going to the shevaroys, naduvanan to the pachaimalais and anjur hills, and chinnanan to manjavadi." a further version of the legendary origin of the malaialis of the trichinopoly district is given by mr. f. r. hemingway, who writes as follows. "their traditions are embodied in a collection of songs (nattukattu). the story goes that they are descended from a priest of conjeeveram, who was the brother of the king, and, having quarrelled with the latter, left the place, and entered this country with his three sons and daughters. the country was then ruled by vedans and vellalans, who resisted the new-comers. but 'the conch-shell blew and the quoit cut,' and the invaders won the day. they then spread themselves about the hills, the eldest son (periyanan), whose name was sadaya kavundan, selecting the shevaroys in salem, the second son (naduvanan, the middle brother) the pachaimalais, and the youngest (chinnanan) the kollaimalais. they married women of the country, periyanan taking a kaikolan, naduvanan a vedan, and chinnanan a 'deva indra' pallan. they gave their sister in marriage to a tottiyan stranger, in exchange for some food supplied by him after their battle with the men of the country. some curious customs survive, which are pointed to in support of this story. thus, the women of the pachaimalai malaiyalis put aside a portion of each meal in honour of their vedan ancestors before serving their husbands, and, at their marriages, they wear a comb, which is said to have been a characteristic ornament of the vedans. bridegrooms place a sword and an arrow in the marriage booth, to typify the hunting habits of the vedans, and their own conquest of the country. the malaiyalis of the kollaimalais are addressed by pallan women as brother-in-law (macchan), though the malaiyalis do not relish this. it is also said that tottiyan men regard malaiyalis as their brothers-in-law, and always treat them kindly, and that the tottiyan women regard the malaiyalis as their brothers, but treat them very coldly, in remembrance of their having sold their sister 'for a mess of pottage.'" the account, which the malaialis of the javadi hills in north arcot give of their origin, is as follows. [ ] "in s.s. ( a.d.) some of the vedars of kangundi asked that wives should be given them by the karaikkat vellalas of conjeeveram. they were scornfully refused, and in anger kidnapped seven young vellala maidens, whom they carried away to kangundi. to recover them, seven vellala men set out with seven dogs, leaving instructions with their wives that, if the dogs returned alone, they should consider that they had perished, and should cause the funeral ceremonies to be performed. arriving at the palar, they found the river in flood, and crossed it with difficulty ; but their dogs, after swimming half way, turned back and returned to conjeeveram. the men, however, continued their journey, and killed the vedars who had taken away their maidens, after which they went back to their homes, but found that they had been given up as lost, their wives had become widows, their funeral ceremonies performed, and they were in consequence outcastes. under these circumstances, they contracted marriages with some vedar women, and retired to the javadis, where they took to cultivation, and became the ancestors of the malaiali caste. this account has been preserved by the malaialis in a small palm-leaf book." there is, mr. francis writes, [ ] a tradition in the south arcot district that "the hills were inhabited by vedans, and that the malaialis killed the men, and wedded the women; and at marriages a gun is still fired in the air to represent the death of the vedan husband." the malaialis returned themselves, at the last census, as karaikkat vellalas. the malaialis of south arcot call themselves kongu vellalas. all the branches of the community agree in saying that they are vellalans, who emigrated from kanchipuram, bringing with them their god kariraman, and, at the weddings of the kalrayans in south arcot, the presiding priest sings a kind of chant just before the tali is tied, which begins with the words kanchi, the (sacred) place, and kariraman in front. copper sasanams show that the migration occurred at least as early as the beginning of the sixteenth century. the malaialis of the shevaroys call themselves kanchimandalam. many, at the last census, returned themselves as vellala and karalan. malakkaran and mala nayakkan are also used as synonyms for malaiali. all have goundan as their second name, which is universally used in hailing them. the first name is sometimes derived from a hindu god, and my notes record mr. green, mr. black, mr. little, mr. short, mr. large, and mr. big nose. as regards the conditions under which the malaialis of the salem district hold land, i learn from the manual that, in , the collector fixed an area around each village for the cultivation of the malaialis exclusively, and, in view to prevent aggression on the part of the planters, had the boundaries of these areas surveyed and demarcated. this area is known as the "village green." with this survey the old system of charging the malaialis on ploughs and hoes appears to have been discontinued, and they are now charged at one rupee per acre on the extent of their holdings. the lands within the green are given under the ordinary darakhast [ ] rules to the malaialis, but outside it they are sold under the special waste land rules of . in the board of revenue decided that, where the lands within the green are all occupied, and the malaialis require more land for cultivation, land outside the limits of the green may be given them under the ordinary darakhast rules. in it was discovered that the planters tried to get lands outside the green by making the malaialis first apply for it, thereby evading the waste land rules. the board then ordered that, if there was reason to suspect that a malaiali was applying for lands outside the green on account of the planters, the patta (deed of lease) might be refused. subscribing vaguely to the hindu religion, the malaialis, who believe that their progenitors wore the sacred thread, give a nominal allegiance to both siva and vishnu, as well as to a number of minor deities, and believe in the efficacy of a thread to ward off sickness and attacks by devils or evil spirits. "in the year ," mr. lefanu writes, "a searching enquiry into the traditions, customs, and origin of these malaialis was made. they then stated that smearing the face with ashes indicates the religion of siva, and putting namam that of vishnu, but that there is no difference between the two religions; that, though sivaratri sacred to siva, and sriramanavami and gokulashtami sacred to vishnu, appear outwardly to denote a difference, there is really none. though they observe the saturdays of the month peratasi sacred to vishnu, still worship is performed without reference to vishnu or siva. they have, indeed, certain observances, which would seem to point to a division into vaishnavas and saivas, the existence of which they deny; as for instance, some, out of respect to siva, abstain from sexual intercourse on sundays and mondays; and others, for the sake of vishnu, do the same on fridays and saturdays. so, too, offerings are made to vishnu on fridays and saturdays, and to siva on sundays and mondays; but they denied the existence of sects among them." "on the kalrayans," mr. francis writes, [ ] "are very many shrines to the lesser gods. the malaialis themselves do the puja (worship). the deities include mariamma, draupadi, and many other village goddesses. in some of the temples are placed the prehistoric celts and other stone implements which are found on these hills. the people do not understand what these are, and reverence them accordingly. the practice of taking oaths before these shrines to settle disputes is common. the party makes a solemn affidavit of the truth of his case in the presence of the god, holding some burning camphor in his hand. having made his statement, he blows out the flame to signify that, if he is lying, the god is welcome to snuff him out in the same sudden manner." in april , i paid a visit to the picturesquely situated village of kiliur, not far distant from the town of yercaud, on the occasion of a religious festival. the villagers were discovered, early in the morning, painting pseudo-sect-marks on their foreheads with blue and pink coal-tar dyes, with the assistance of hand looking-glasses of european manufacture purchased at the weekly market, and decorating their turbans and ears with the leafy stems of artemisia austriaca, var. orientalis, and hedge-roses. the scene of the ceremonial was in a neighbouring sacred grove of lofty forest trees, wherein were two hut temples, of which one contained images of the goddess draupadi and eight minor deities, the other images of perumal and his wife. all the gods and goddesses were represented by human figures of brass and clay. two processional cars were gaily decorated with plantain leaves and flags, some made in germany. as the villagers arrived, they prostrated themselves before the temples, and whiled away the time, till the serious business of the day began, in gossiping with their friends, and partaking of light refreshment purchased from the fruit and sweetmeat sellers, who were doing a brisk trade. at a.m. the proceedings were enlivened by a band of music, which played at intervals throughout the performance, and the gods were decorated with flowers and jewelry. an hour later, puja was done to the stone image of the god vigneswara, within a small shrine built of slabs of rock. before this idol cooked rice was offered, and camphor burnt. the plantain stems, with leaves, were tied to a tree in the vicinity of the temples, and cooked rice and cocoanuts placed beneath the tree. a man holding a sword, issued forth, and, in unison with the collected assemblage, screamed out "govinda, govinda" (the name of their god). the plantain stems were next removed from the tree, carried in procession with musical honours, and placed before the threshold of one of the temples. then some men appeared on the scene to the cry of "govinda," bearing in one hand a light, and ringing a bell held in the other. holy water was sprinkled over the plantain stems, and puja done to the god perumal by offering samai (grain) and burning camphor. outside one of the temples a cloth was spread on the ground, and the images of draupadi and other deities placed therein. from the other temple perumal and his wife were brought forth in state, and placed on two cars. a yellow powder was distributed among the crowd, and smeared over the face. a cocoanut was broken, and camphor burnt before perumal. then all the gods, followed by the spectators, were carried in procession round the grove, and a man, becoming inspired and seized with a fine religious frenzy, waved a sword wildly around him, but with due respect for his own bodily safety, and pointed it in a threatening manner at the crowd. asked, as an oracle, whether the omens were propitious to the village, he gave vent to the oracular (and true) response that for three years there would be a scarcity of rain, and that there would be famine in the land, and consequent suffering. this performance concluded, a bamboo pole was erected, bearing a pulley at the top, with which cocoanuts and plantains were connected by a string. by means of this string, the fruits were alternately raised and lowered, and men, armed with sticks, tried to hit them, while turmeric water was dashed in their faces just as they were on the point of striking. the fruits, being at last successfully hit, were received as a prize by the winner. the gods were then taken back to their temple, and three men, overcome by a mock convulsive seizure, were brought to their senses by stripes on the back administered with a rope by the pujari (officiating priest). a sheep being produced, mantrams (prayers) were recited over it. the pujari, going to a pool close by, bathed, and smeared turmeric powder over his face. a pretence was made to cut the sheep's throat, and blood drawn with a knife. the pujari, after sucking the blood, returned to the pool, and indulged in a ceremonial ablution, while the unhappy sheep was escorted to the village, and eventually eaten at a banquet by the villagers and their guests. an annual festival, in honour of the god servarayan, is held at the shrine on the summit of the shevarayan hill, past which a stream flows. at this festival, in , "on one side of the temple, two long rows of fruit, flower, and grain stalls were erected. supported on two posts was a merry-go-round with wooden seats instead of boats, the cost of a ride thereon being a quarter of an anna. women carried their children to a pool of water beside the temple, known as the wishing well, and, after sprinkling some of the holy fluid on themselves and their offspring, spoke their wishes aloud, fully believing that they would be granted. suddenly there was a beating of drums, and blowing of trumpets, and horns, which announced the time when the god was to be brought out, and shown to the people, who made a rush to the temple, to obtain a good view. the god was carried by two priests robed in white, with garlands of jasmine round their necks. then followed two other priests, clothed in the same manner, who bore the goddess on their shoulders. another carried the holy water and fire in silver vessels from the temple, sprinkling the former in front of the deities, and the latter they passed before them. these services being completed, each deity was placed on a wooden horse with gay trappings, and carried to the top of the hill, where they were met with shouts from the people. the deities were placed in a palanquin, and carried to the four points of the hill, and, at each point, the men put their burden down, and cocoanuts were broken in front of them, and fruit, grain, and even copper coins were scattered. those who wished to take the vow to be faithful to their god had to receive fifteen lashes on their bare backs with a stout leather thong, administered by the chief priest. when questioned about the pain, they answered, 'oh, it is nothing. it is just like being scratched by an ant.' the god and goddess were then carried back into the temple." [ ] of this festival, as celebrated in may, , the following account has been given. [ ] "the annual malayali festival was held on the top of shevarayan. it was the occasion of the marriage anniversary of the god servarayan, after whom the shevaroy hills have been named, to a goddess, the presiding deity of the cauvery river. this hill is believed by the malayalis to be the place where their god servarayan lived, died, and was buried. on one side of the hill, the temple of the god nestles in the midst of a sacred grove of trees. some say that there is a secret tunnel leading from the shrine to another part of the hill, and a second one opening lower down into bear's cave. it was an interesting sight to watch visitors and devotees as they came from the four quarters of the shevaroys. a few hill-men danced a serpentine dance, stepping to the music supplied by village drums, and occasional shrill blasts from the horns. huge cauldrons were sending up blue wreaths of smoke into the sky, which, it was explained to us, contained food to be dispensed as charity to the poor. the temple yard was hung with flowers and leaves, with which also the rude structure known as the temple gate was decorated. on the summit of the hill, wares of all sorts and conditions were displayed to tempt purchasers. the articles for sale consisted of fruits, palm sugar, cocoanuts, monkey nuts, and other nuts, mirrors which proved very popular among the fair sex, fancy boxes, coloured powder for caste marks, cloth bags, strings of sweet-scented flowers, rattles for children, etc.... we were startled by hearing the noise of loud drums and shrill trumpets, and were told that the god was about to be brought forth. this was accompanied by shouting, clapping, and the beating of drums. the god and goddess were placed in two chariots, bedecked with flowers, jewels and tapestries, and umbrellas and fans also figured prominently. the procession passed up to the left of the temple, the deities being supported on the shoulders of sturdy malayalis. as the people met it, they threw fruit, nuts, and cocoanut water after the cars. the god was next placed by the temple pujari (priest) in the triumphal car, and was led with the goddess to that part of the hill from which the cauvery can best be seen. here the procession halted while the priest recited some incantations. then it marched down the hill, sometimes resting the god on cairns specially built for the purpose, from where a view of the outlying villages is obtained. the belief is that, as the god glances at these villages, he invokes blessings on them, and the villagers will always live in prosperity." to mr. w. mahon daly, i am indebted for the following account of a malaiali bull dance, at which he was present as an eye-witness. "it is the custom on the shevaroy hills, as well as the plains, to have a bull dance after the pongal festival, and i had the pleasure of witnessing one in a malaiali village. it was held in an open enclosure called the manthay, adjoining the village. it faces the mariamma shrine, and is the place of resort on festive occasions. the village councils, marriages, and other ceremonies are held here. on our arrival, we were courteously invited to sit under a wide spreading fig-tree. the bull dance would literally mean a bull dancing, but i give the translation of the tamil 'yerothu-attum,' the word attum meaning dance. this is a sport which is much in vogue among the malaialis, and is celebrated with much éclat immediately after pongal, this being the principal festival observed by them. no doubt they have received the custom from those in the plains. a shooting excursion follows as the next sport, and, if they be so fortunate as to hunt down a wild boar or deer, or any big game, a second bull dance is got up. we were just in time to see the tamasha (spectacle). the manthay was becoming crowded, a regular influx of spectators, mostly women arrayed in their best cloths, coming in from the neighbouring villages. these were marshalled in a circle round the manthay, all standing. i was told that they were not invited, but that it was customary for them to pour in of their own accord when any sports or ceremonial took place in a village; and the inhabitants of the particular village were prepared to expect a large company, whom they fed on such occasions. after the company had collected, drums were beaten, and the long brass bugles were blown; and, just at this juncture, we saw an elderly malaiali bring from his hut a coil of rope made of leather, and hand it over to the pujari or priest in charge of the temple. the latter placed it in front of the shrine, worshipped it thrice, some of the villagers following suit, and, after offering incense, delivered it to a few respectable village men, who in turn made it over to a lot of malaiali men, whose business it was to attach it to the bulls. this rope the oldest inhabitant of the village had the right to keep. the bulls had been previously selected, and penned alongside of the manthay, from which they were brought one by one, and tied with the rope, leaving an equal length on either side. the rope being fixed on, the bull was brought to the manthay, held on both sides by any number who were willing, or as many as the rope would permit. more than fifteen on either side held on to a bull, which was far too many, for the animal had not the slightest chance of making a dart or plunge at the man in front, who was trying to provoke it by using a long bamboo with a skin attached to the end. when the bull was timid, and avoided his persecutors, he was hissed and hooted by those behind, and, if these modes of provocation failed to rouse his anger, he was simply dragged to and fro by main force, and let loose when his strength was almost exhausted. a dozen or more bulls are taken up and down the manthay, and the tamasha is over. when the manthay happens to have a slope, the malaialis have very little control over the bull, and, in some instances, i have seen them actually dragged headlong to the ground at the expense of a few damaged heads. the spectators, and all the estate coolies who were present, were fed that night, and slept in the village. if a death occurs in the village a few days before the festival, i am told that the dance is postponed for a week. this certainly, as far as i know, is not the custom in the plains." the man of highest rank is the guru, who is invited to settle disputes in villages, to which he comes, on pony-back or on foot, with an umbrella over him, and accompanied by music. the office of guru is hereditary, and, when he dies, his son succeeds him, unless he is a minor, in which case the brother of the deceased man steps into his shoes. if, in sweeping the hut, the broom touches any one, or when a malaiali has been kicked by a european or released from prison, he must be received back into his caste. for this purpose he goes to the guru, who takes him to the temple, where a screen is put up between the guru and the applicant for restoration of caste privileges. holy water is dedicated to the swami(god), by the guru, and a portion thereof drunk by the man, who prostrates himself before the guru, and subsequently gives a feast of pork, mutton, and other delicacies. the malaialis, it may be noted, will eat sheep, pigs, fowls, various birds, and black monkeys. each village on the shevaroys has its own headman, an honorary appointment, carrying with it the privilege of an extra share of the good things, when a feast is being held. a kangani is appointed to do duty under the headman, and receives annually from every hut two ballams of grain. when disputes occur, e.g., between two brothers regarding a woman or partition of property, the headman summons a panchayat (village council), which has the power to inflict fines in money, sheep, etc., according to the gravity of the offence. for every group of ten villages there is a pattakaran (head of a division), who is expected to attend on the occasion of marriages and car festivals. a bridegroom has to give him eight days before his marriage a rupee, a packet of betel leaves, and half a measure of nuts. serving under the pattakaran is the maniakaran, whose duty it is to give notice of a marriage to the ten villages, and to summon the villagers thereto. in april , on receipt of news of a wedding at a distant village, i proceeded thither through coffee estates rich with white flowers bursting into flower under the grateful influence of a thunderstorm. en route, a view was obtained of the golden horn, an overhanging rock with a drop of a thousand feet, down which the malaialis swing themselves in search for honey. on the track through the jungle a rock, known from the fancied resemblance of the holes produced by weathering to hoof-marks as the kudre panji (horse's footprints), was passed. concerning this rock, the legend runs that a horse jumped on to it at one leap from the top of the shevarayan hill, and at the next leap reached the plains at the foot of the hills. the village, which was the scene of the festivities, was, like other malaiali villages, made up of detached bee-hive huts of bamboo, thatched with palm-leaves and grass, and containing a central room surrounded by a verandah--the home of pigs, goats, and fowls. other huts, of similar bee-hive shape, but smaller, were used as storehouses for the grain collected at the harvest-season. these grain-stores have no entrance, and the thatched roof has to be removed, to take out the grain for use. tiled roofs, such as are common in the badaga villages on the nilgiris, are forbidden, as their use would be an innovation, which would excite the anger of the malaiali gods. the malaialis have religious scruples against planing or smoothing with an adze the trees which they fell. the area of lands used to be ascertained by guesswork, not measurement, and much opposition was made to an attempt to introduce chain measurements, the malaialis expressing themselves willing to pay any rent imposed, if their lands were not measured. huts built on piles contain the flocks, which, during the day, are herded in pens which are removable, and, by moving the pens, the villagers manage to get the different parts of their fields manured. round the village a low wall usually runs, and, close by, are the coffee, tobacco, and other cultivated crops. outside the village, beneath a lofty tree, was a small stone shrine, capped with a stone slab, wherein were stacked a number of neolithic celts, which the malaialis reverence as thunderbolts from heaven. i was introduced to the youthful and anxious bridegroom, clad in his wedding finery, who stripped before the assembled crowd, in order that i might record his jewelry and garments. on the first day, the bridegroom, accompanied by his relations, takes the modest dowry of grain and money (usually five rupees) to the bride's village, and arranges for the performance of the nalangu ceremony on the following day. if the bride and bridegroom belong to the same village, this ceremony is performed by the pair seated on a cot. otherwise it is performed by each separately. the elders of the village take a few drops of castor-oil, and rub it into the heads of the bride and bridegroom; afterwards washing the oil off with punac (bassia oil-cake) and alum water. one of the elders then dips betel-leaves and arugum-pillu (cynodon dactylon) in milk, and with them describes a circle round the heads of the young couple, who do obeisance by bowing their heads. the proceedings wind up with a feast of pork and other luxuries. on the following day, the ceremony of tying the tali (marriage emblem) round the bride's neck is performed. the bride, escorted by her party, comes to the bridegroom's village, and remains outside it, while the bridegroom brings a light, a new mat, and three bundles of betel leaves and half a measure of areca nuts, which are distributed among the crowd. the happy pair then enter the village, accompanied by music. beneath a pandal (booth) there is a stone representing the god, marked with the namam, and decorated with burning lamps and painted earthen pots. before this stone the bride and bridegroom seat themselves in the presence of the guru, who is seated on a raised dais. flowers are distributed among the wedding guests, and the tali, made of gold, is tied round the bride's neck. this done, the feet of both bride and bridegroom are washed with alum water, and presents of small coin received. the contracting parties then walk three times round the stone, before which they prostrate themselves, and receive the blessing of the assembled elders. the ceremony concluded, they go round the village, riding on the same pony. the proceedings again terminate with a feast. i gather that the bride lives apart from her husband for eleven or fifteen days, during which time he is permitted to visit her at meal times, with the object, as my interpreter expressed it, of "finding out if the bride loves her husband or not. if she does not love him, she is advised by the guru and headman to do so, because there are many cases in which the girls, after marriage, if they are matured, go away with other malaialis. if this matter comes to the notice of the guru, she says that she does not like to live with him. after enquiry, the husband is permitted to marry another girl." a curious custom prevailing among the malaialis, which illustrates the hindu love of offspring, is thus referred to by mr. le fanu. "the sons, when mere children, are married to mature females, and the father-in-law of the bride assumes the performance of the procreative function, thus assuming for himself and his son a descendant to take them out of put. when the putative father comes of age, and, in their turn, his wife's male offspring are married, he performs for them the same office which his father did for him. thus, not only is the religious idea involved in the words putra and kumaran carried out, but also the premature strain on the generative faculties, which this tradition entails, is avoided. the accommodation is reciprocal, and there is something on physiological grounds to recommend it." putra means literally one who saves from put, a hell into which those who have not produced a son fall. hindus believe that a son can, by the performance of certain rites, save the souls of his ancestors from this place of torture. hence the anxiety of every hindu to get married, and beget male offspring. kumaran is the second stage in the life of an individual, which is divided into infancy, childhood, manhood, and old age. writing to me recently, a native official assures me that "the custom of linking a boy in marriage to a mature female, though still existing, has, with the advance of the times, undergone a slight yet decent change. the father-in-law of the bride has relieved himself of the awkward predicament into which the custom drove him, and now leaves the performance of the procreative function to others accepted by the bride." widow remarriage among the peria malaialis is, i am informed, forbidden, though widows are permitted to contract irregular alliances. but, writing concerning the malaialis of the dharmapuri taluk of the salem district, mr. le fanu states that "it is almost imperative on a widow to marry again. even at eighty years of age, a widow is not exempted from this rule, which nothing but the most persistent obstinacy on her part can evade. it is said that, in case a widow be not remarried at once, the pattakar sends for her to his own house, to avoid which the women consent to re-enter the state of bondage." of the marriage customs of the malaialis of the javadi hills the same author writes that "these hills are inhabited by malaialis, who style themselves vellalars and pachai vellalars, the latter being distinguished by the fact that their females are not allowed to tattoo themselves, or tie their hair in the knot called 'kondai.' the two classes do not intermarry. in their marriage ceremonies they dispense with the service of a brahman. monday is the day chosen for the commencement of the ceremony, and the tali is tied on the following friday, the only essential being that the monday and friday concerned must not follow new-moon days. they are indifferent about choosing a 'lakkinam' (muhurtham or auspicious day) for the commencement of the marriage, or for tying the tali. widows are allowed to remarry. when a virgin or a widow has to be married, the selection of a husband is not left to the woman concerned, or to her parents. it is the duty of the urgoundan to inquire what marriageable women there may be in the village, and then to summon the pattan, or headman of the caste, to the spot. the latter, on his arrival, convenes a panchayat of the residents, and, with their assistance, selects a bridegroom. the parents of the happy couple then fix the wedding day, and the ceremony is performed accordingly. the marriage of a virgin is called 'kalianam' or 'marriage proper'; that of a widow being styled 'kattigiradu' or 'tying' (cf. anglice noose, nuptial knot). adultery is regarded with different degrees of disfavour according to the social position of the co-respondents. if a married woman, virgin or widow, commits adultery with a man of another caste, or if a male vellalan commits adultery with a woman of another caste, the penalty is expulsion from caste. where, however, the paramour belongs to the vellala caste, a caste panchayat is held, and the woman is fined rs. - - , and the man rs. . after the imposition of the fine, brahman supremacy is recognised, the guru having the privilege of administering the tirtam, or holy water, to the culprits for their purification. for the performance of this rite his fee varies from annas to rupees. the tirtam may either be administered by the guru in person, or may be sent by him to the nattan for the purpose. the fine imposed on the offenders is payable by their relatives, however distant; and, if there be no relatives, then the offenders are transported from their village to a distant place. where the adulteress is a married woman, she is permitted to return to her husband, taking any issue she may have had by her paramour. in special cases a widow is permitted to marry her deceased husband's brother. should a widow remarry, her issue by her former husband belong to his relatives, and are not transferable to the second husband. the same rule holds good in successive remarriages. where there may be no relatives of the deceased husband forthcoming to take charge of the children, the duty of caring for them devolves on the urgoundan, who is bound to receive and protect them. the vellalars generally bury their dead, except in cases where a woman quick with child, or a man afflicted with leprosy has died, the bodies in these cases being burnt. no ceremony is performed at child-birth; but the little stranger receives a name on the fifteenth day. when a girl attains puberty, she is relegated to a hut outside the village, where her food is brought to her, and she is forbidden to leave the hut either day or night. the same menstrual and death customs are observed by the peria malaialis, who bury their dead in the equivalent of a cemetery, and mark the site by a mound of earth and stones. at the time of the funeral, guns are discharged by a firing party, and, at the grave, handfuls of earth are, as at a christian burial service, thrown over the corpse." if a woman among the malaialis of the javadi hills commits adultery, the young men of the tribe are said to be let loose on her, to work their wicked way, after which she is put in a pit filled with cow-dung and other filth. an old man naively remarked that adultery was very rare. at a wedding among the malaialis of the south arcot district, "after the tali is tied, the happy couple crook their little fingers together, and a two-anna bit is placed between the fingers, and water is poured over their hands. the priest offers betel and nut to kari raman, and then a gun is fired into the air." [ ] the father of a would-be bridegroom among the malaialis of the yelagiris, when he hears of the existence of a suitable bride, repairs to her village, with some of his relations, and seeks out the urgoundan or headman, between whom and the visitors mutual embraces are exchanged. the object of the visit is explained, and the father says that he will abide by the voice of four in the matter. if the match is fixed up, he gives a feast in honour of the event. when the visitors enter the future bride's house, the eldest daughter-in-law of the house appears on the threshold, and takes charge of the walking-stick of each person who goes in. she then, with some specially prepared sandal-paste, makes a circular mark on the foreheads of the guests, and retires. the feast then takes place, and she again appears before the party retire, and returns the walking-sticks. [ ] at a marriage among the malai vellalas of the coimbatore district, the bride has to cry during the whole ceremony, which lasts three days. otherwise she is considered an "ill woman." when she can no longer produce genuine tears, she must bawl out. if she does not do this, the bridegroom will not marry her. in the north arcot district, mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "a malaiali bride is sometimes carried off by force, but this custom is viewed with much disfavour, and the bridegroom who resorts to it must paint his face with black and white dots, and carry an old basket filled with broken pots and other rubbish, holding a torn sieve over him as an umbrella, before the celebration of the marriage. at the wedding, the bridegroom gives the girl's father a present of money, and a pile of firewood sufficient for the two days' feast. on the first day the food consists of rice and dhal (cajanus indicus), and on the second day pork curry is consumed. at sunrise on the third day the bridegroom produces the tali. a sword is then laid on the laps of the bridal pair, and the nattan (headman), or an elderly man blesses the tali, and gives it to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck. before marriage, a man has to serve for at least a year in the house of the bride, in order to receive the consent of her parents." "the north arcot malaialis," mr. stuart writes, "occupy eighteen nadus or districts. the nattan (headman) of kanamalai nadu is called the periya (big) nadan, and is the headman of the caste. he has the power to nominate nattans for other nadus, to call caste panchayats, to preside over any such meetings, and to impose fines, and excommunicate any malaiali. he can inflict corporal punishment, such as whipping with a tamarind switch, on those persons who violate their tribal customs. this power is sometimes delegated by him to the other nattans. of the fines collected, the periya nattan takes two shares, and the rest is distributed equally among the urans (village heads). the village precincts are considered sacred, and even brahmans are desired to walk barefoot along their alleys. they are both saivites and vaishnavites, and worship kali and perumal, wearing the namam and sacred ashes alike. their worship is somewhat peculiar, and kept more or less a mystery. its chief object is kali, in whose honour they celebrate a feast once a year, lasting for fifteen days. during this time no people of the plains venture near them, believing that no intruder will ever leave the spot alive. even the malaiali women are studiously debarred from witnessing the rites, and those who take part in them are not permitted to speak to a woman, even should she be his wife. the ceremonies take place in the open air, at a particular spot on the hills, where the goddess is to be adored in the shape of a stone called vellandiswami. the nature of the rites it is difficult to learn. in the village they worship, also excluding women, small images of venkateswara of tirupati, which are carefully concealed in caskets, and not allowed to be seen by people of other castes. a few bundles of tobacco are buried with the dead. when any one falls ill, the malaialis do not administer medicine, but send for a pujari, and ask him which god or goddess the patient had offended. the assessment paid to government by them is a fixed charge for each plough or hoe possessed, without reference to the extent of land cultivated. they collect jungle produce, particularly the glandular hairs of the fruits of a certain flower (mallotus philippinensis), which is used by the rangaris for dyeing silk a rich orange, and the roots of a plant called shenalinsedi, supposed to possess wonderful medicinal virtues, curing, among other things, snake-bite." the malaialis of the javadi hills in the north arcot district also earn a living by felling bamboos and sandal trees. the malaialis snare with nets, and shoot big game--deer, tigers, leopards, bears, and pigs--with guns of european manufacture. mr. le fanu narrates that, during the pongal feast, all the malaialis of the kalrayans go hunting, or, as they term it, for parvettai. should the palaiagar fail to bring something down, usage requires that the pujari should deprive him of his kudumi or top-knot. he generally begs himself off the personal degradation, and a servant undergoes the operation in his stead. a few years ago, a party of malaialis of the shevaroys went out shooting with blunderbusses and other quaint weapons, and bagged a leopard, which they carried on a frame-work, with jaws wide open and tail erect, round yercaud, preceded by tom-toms, and with men dancing around. the malaiali men on the shevaroys wear a turban and brown kumbli (blanket), which does duty as great coat, mackintosh, and umbrella. a bag contains their supply of betel and tobacco, and they carry a bill-hook and gourd water-vessel, and a coffee walking-stick. as ornaments they wear bangles, rings on the fingers and toes, and in the nose and ears. the women are tattooed by korava women who come round on circuit, on the forehead, outside the orbits, cheeks, arms, and hands. golden ornaments adorn their ears and nose, and they also wear armlets, toe-rings, and bangles, which are sometimes supplemented by a tooth-pick and ear-scoop pendent from a string round the neck. for dress, a sari made of florid imported cotton fabric is worn. i have seen women smoking cheroots, made from tobacco locally cultivated, wrapped up in a leaf of gmelina arborea. tattooing is said to be forbidden among the malaialis of the javadi hills in north arcot. concerning the malaialis of the trichinopoly district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes as follows. "as far as this district is concerned, they are inhabitants of the pachaimalais and kollaimalais. the malaialis of the two ranges will not intermarry, but have no objection to dining together. for purposes of the caste discipline, the villages of both sub-divisions are grouped into nadus. each nadu contains some twenty or thirty villages. each village has a headman called on the pachaimalais muppan, and on the kollaimalais ur-kavundan or kutti-maniyam. again, on the pachaimalais, every five or ten villages make up a sittambalam, over which is a kavundan, and each nadu is ruled by a periya kavundan. in the kollaimalais there are no sittambalams, but the nadu there is also presided over by a periya kavundan, who is sometimes called a sadi kavundan. again, on the kollaimalais, the first four nadus are grouped into one pattam under the pattakaran of valappur, and the other three into another under the pattakaran of sakkiratti. the nadu headmen on the pachaimalais also do duty as pattakarans. all these appointments are hereditary. the permission of the pattakaran has to be obtained before a marriage can take place, but, on the kollaimalais, he deputes this power to the sadi kavundan. the pattakarans of both ranges have recognised privileges, such as the right to ride on horseback, and use umbrellas, which are denied to the common folk. "the malaiyalis recognise the sanctity of the large vishnu temple at srirangam, and of the siva temple at anaplesvaran kovil on the kollaimalais. to the festival of the latter in adi (july-august) the malaiyalis of all three divisions flock. in every village is a temple or image of perumal. kali is also commonly worshipped, but the malaiyalis do not connect her with siva. almost every village further contains temples to mariyayi, the goddess of cholera, and to the village goddess pidari. on the kollaimalais, kali is also looked upon as a village goddess, but she has no attendant karuppans, nor is she worshipped by shedding blood. pidari is often called manu pidari on the pachaimalais, and is represented by a heap of mud. at midnight, a sheep and some cooked rice are taken to this, a man cleaning the pathway to the temple by dragging a bunch of leaves. the sheep is killed, and its lungs are inflated and placed on the heap. on the kollaimalais two other goddesses, nachi and kongalayi, are commonly worshipped. at the worship of the former, perfect silence must be observed, and women are not allowed to be in the village at the time. it is supposed that, if anyone speaks during the ceremony, he will be stung by bees or other insects. the goddess has no image, but is supposed to appear from the surface of the ground, and to glitter like the comb of a cock. kongalayi has an image, and her worship is accompanied by music. all these goddesses are worshipped every year before the ground is cultivated. the malaiyalis, like the people of the plains, worship pattavans. but, on the kollaimalais, instead of thinking that these are people who have died a violent death, they say they are virtuous men and good sportsmen, who have lived to a ripe old age. the test of the apotheosis of such a one is that his castemen should have a successful day's sport on some day that they have set aside in his honour. they sometimes offer regular sacrifices to the pattavans, but more usually offer the head of any game they shoot. sometimes a man will dream of some evil spirit turning pattavan, and then he is taken to a strychnos nux-vomica tree, and his hair nailed to the trunk and cut. this is supposed to free the caste from further molestation. the same practice is observed on the pachaimalais, if the ghost appears in a dream accompanied by a panchama. on the kollaimalais, holy bulls, dedicated to the srirangam temple, are taken round with drums on their backs by men with feathers stuck in their hair, and alms are collected. when these animals die, they are buried, and an alari tree is planted over the grave. this practice is, however, confined to vaishnavites, and to a few families. saivites set free bulls called poli yerudu in honour of the anaplesvaram god. these bulls are of good class, and, like the tamatams, are honoured at their death. "the malaiyali houses are built of tattis (mats) of split bamboo, and roofed with jungle grass. the use of tiles or bricks is believed to excite the anger of the gods. the kollaimalai houses seem always to have a loft inside, approached by a ladder. the eaves project greatly, so as almost to touch the ground. in the pial (platform at the entrance) a hole is made to pen fowls in. on the tops of the houses, tufts of jungle grass and rags are placed, to keep off owls, the ill-omened kottan birds. the villages are surrounded with a fence, to keep the village pigs from destroying the crops outside. the pachaimalai women wear the kusavam fold in their cloth on the right side, but do not cover the breasts. the kollaimalai women do not wear any kusavam, but carefully cover their breasts, especially when at work outside the village site, for fear of displeasing the gods. the pachaimalai people tattoo, but this custom is anathema on the kollaimalais, where the malaiyalis will not allow a tattooed person into their houses for fear of offending their gods. "all the malaiyalis are keen sportsmen, and complain that sport is spoilt by the forest rules. the kollaimalai people have a great beat on the first of ani (june-july), and another on the day of the first sowing of the year. the date of the latter is settled by the headman of each village, and he alone is allowed to sow seeds on that day, everyone else being debarred on pain of punishment from doing any manner of work, and going out to hunt instead. on the kollaimalais, bull-baiting is practiced at the time of the mariyayi festival in masi (february-march). a number of bulls are taken in front of the goddess, one after the other, and, while some of the crowd hold the animals with ropes, a man in front, and another behind, urge it on to unavailing efforts to get free. when one bull is tired out, another is brought up to take its place. "the malaiyalis have a good many superstitions of their own, which are apparently different from those of the plains. if they want rain, they pelt each other with balls of cow-dung, an image of pillaiyar (ganesa) is buried in a manure pit, and a pig is killed with a kind of spear. when the rain comes, the pillaiyar is dug up. if a man suffers from hemicrania, he sets free a red cock in honour of the sun on a tuesday. a man who grinds his teeth in his sleep may be broken off the habit by eating some of the food offered to the village goddess, brought by stealth from her altar. people suffering from small-pox are taken down to the plains, and left in some village. cholera patients are abandoned, and left to die. lepers are driven out without the slightest mercy, to shift for themselves. "with regard to marriage, the malaiyalis of the trichinopoly district recognise the desirability of a boy's marrying his maternal aunt's daughter. this sometimes results in a young boy marrying a grown-up woman, but the malaiyalis in this district declare that the boy's father does not then take over the duties of a husband. on the kollaimalais, a wife may leave her husband for a paramour within the caste, but her husband has a right to the children of such intercourse, and they generally go to him in the end. you may ask a man, without giving offence, if he has lent his wife to anyone. both sections practice polygamy. a betrothal on the pachaimalais is effected by the boy's taking an oil bath, followed by a bath in hot water at the bride's house, and watching whether there is any ill omen during the process. on the kollaimalais, the matter is settled by a simple interview. on both hill ranges, the wedding ceremonies last only one day, and on the pachaimalais a thursday is generally selected. the marriage on the latter range consists in all the relatives present dropping castor-oil on to the heads of the pair with a wisp of grass, and then pronouncing a blessing on them. the terms of the blessing are the same as those used by the konga vellalas. the bridegroom ties the tali. on the kollaimalais, the girl is formally invited to come and be married by the other party's taking her a sheep and some rice. on the appointed day, offerings of a cock and a hen are made to the gods in the houses of both. the girl then comes to the other house, and she and the bridegroom are garlanded by the leading persons present. the bridegroom ties the tali, and the couple are then made to walk seven steps, and are blessed. the garlands are then thrown into a well, and, if they float together, it is an omen that the two will love each other. "both sections bury their dead. on the kollaimalais, a gun is fired when the corpse is taken out for burial, and tobacco, cigars, betel and nut, etc., are buried with the body. "two curious customs in connection with labour are recognised on both ranges. if a man has a press of work, he can compel the whole village to come and help him, by the simple method of inviting them all to a feast. he need not pay them for their services. a different custom is that, when there is threshing to be done, any labourer of the caste who offers himself has to be taken, whether there is work for him or not, and paid as if he had done a good day's work. this is a very hard rule in times of scarcity, and it is said that sometimes the employer will have not only to pay out the whole of the harvest, but will also have to get something extra from home to satisfy the labourers." it is noted by mr. garstin [ ] that "in his time ( ) the malaialis of the south arcot district kept the accounts of their payments of revenue by tying knots in a bit of string, and that some of them once lodged a complaint against their village headman for collecting more from them than was due, basing their case on the fact that there were more knots in the current year's string than in that of the year preceding. the poligars, he adds, used to intimate the amount of revenue due by sending each of the cultivators a leaf bearing on it as many thumb-nail marks as there were rupees to be paid." malayali.--a territorial name, denoting an inhabitant of the malayalam country. it is noted, in the mysore census report, , that this name came in very handy to class several of the malabar tribes, who have immigrated to the province, and whose names were unfamiliar to census officials. there is, in the city of madras, a malayali club for inhabitants of the malayalam country, who are there employed in government services, as lawyers, or in other vocations. i read that, in , the malabar onam festival was celebrated at the victoria public hall under the auspices of this club, and a dramatised version of the malayalam novel indulekha was performed. malayan.--concerning the malayans, mr. a. r. loftus-tottenham writes as follows. "the malayans are a makkathayam caste, observing twelve days' pollution, found in north malabar. their name, signifying hill-men, points to their having been at one time a jungle tribe, but they have by no means the dark complexion and debased physiognomy characteristic of the classes which still occupy that position. they are divided into nine exogamous illams, five of which have the names kotukudi, velupa, cheni, palankudi, and kalliath. the men do not shave their heads, but allow the hair to grow long, and either part it in the middle, or tie it into a knot behind, like the castes of the east coast, or tie it in a knot in front in the genuine malayali fashion. the principal occupation of the caste is exorcism, which they perform by various methods. "if any one is considered to be possessed by demons, it is usual, after consulting the astrologer in order to ascertain what murti (form, i.e., demon) is causing the trouble, to call in the malayan, who performs a ceremony known as tiyattam, in which they wear masks, and, so disguised, sing, dance, tom-tom, and play on a rude and strident pipe. another ceremony, known as ucchaveli, has several forms, all of which seem to be either survivals, or at least imitations of human sacrifice. one of these consists of a mock living burial of the principal performer, who is placed in a pit, which is covered with planks, on the top of which a sacrifice is performed, with a fire kindled with jack wood (artocarpus integrifolia) and a plant called erinna. in another variety, the malayan cuts his left forearm, and smears his face with the blood thus drawn. malayans also take part with peruvannans (big barbers) in various ceremonies at badrakali and other temples, in which the performer impersonates, in suitable costume, some of the minor deities or demons, fowls are sacrificed, and a velicchapad pronounces oracular statements." as the profession of exorcists does not keep the malayans fully occupied, they go about begging during the harvest season, in various disguises, of which that of a hobby-horse is a very common one. they further add to their income by singing songs, at which they are very expert. like the nalkes and paravas of south canara, the malayans exorcise various kinds of devils, with appropriate disguises. for nenaveli (bloody sacrifice), the performer smears the upper part of his body and face with a paste made of rice-flour reddened with turmeric powder and chunam (lime) to indicate a bloody sacrifice. before the paste dries, parched paddy (unhusked rice) grains, representing small-pox pustules, are sprinkled over it. strips of young cocoanut leaves, strung together so as to form a petticoat, are tied round the waist, a ball of sacred ashes (vibhuthi) is fixed on the tip of the nose, and two strips of palmyra palm leaf are stuck in the mouth to represent fangs. if it is thought that a human sacrifice is necessary to propitiate the devil, the man representing nenaveli puts round his neck a kind of framework made of plantain leaf sheaths; and, after he has danced with it on, it is removed, and placed on the ground in front of him. a number of lighted wicks are stuck in the middle of the framework, which is sprinkled with the blood of a fowl, and then beaten and crushed. sometimes this is not regarded as sufficient, and the performer is made to lie down in a pit, which is covered over by a plank, and a fire kindled. a malayan, who acted the part of nenaveli before me at tellicherry, danced and gesticulated wildly, while a small boy, concealed behind him, sang songs in praise of the demon whom he represented, to the accompaniment of a drum. at the end of the performance, he feigned extreme exhaustion, and laid on the ground in a state of apparent collapse, while he was drenched with water brought in pots from a neighbouring well. the disguise of uchchaveli is also assumed for the propitiation of the demon, when a human sacrifice is considered necessary. the malayan who is to take the part puts on a cap made of strips of cocoanut leaf, and strips of the same leaves tied to a bent bamboo stick round his waist. his face and chest are daubed with yellow paint, and designs are drawn thereon in red or black. strings are tied tightly round the left arm near the elbow and wrist, and the swollen area is pierced with a knife. the blood spouts out, and the performer waves the arm, so that his face is covered with the blood. a fowl is waved before him, and decapitated. he puts the neck in his mouth, and sucks the blood. the disguises are generally assumed at night. the exorcism consists in drawing complicated designs of squares, circles, and triangles, on the ground with white, black, and yellow flour. while the man who has assumed the disguise dances about to the accompaniment of drums, songs are sung by malayan men and women. malayan.--a division of panikkans in the tamil country, whose exogamous septs are known by the malayalam name illam (house). maldivi.--a territorial name, meaning a native of the maldive islands, returned by twenty-two persons in tanjore at the census, . male kudiya.--a synonym of kudiya, denoting those who live in the hills. maleru.--it is noted, in the mysore census report, , that "in some temples of the malnad there exists a set of females, who, though not belonging to the natuva class, are yet temple servants like them, and are known by the name of maleru. any woman who eats the sacrificial rice strewn on the balipitam (sacrificial altar) at once loses caste, and becomes a public woman, or maleru." the children of malerus by brahmans are termed golakas. any maleru woman cohabiting with one of a lower caste than her own is degraded into a gaudi. in the madras census report, , male or malera is returned as a sub-caste of stanika. they are said, however, not to be equal to stanikas. they are attached to temples, and their ranks are swelled by outcaste brahman and konkani women. maleyava.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small canarese-speaking caste of beggars. in the south canara manual, it is stated that they are "classed as mendicants, as there is a small body of malayalam gypsies of that name. but there may have been some confusion with malava and male kudiya." mali.--"the malis," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are now mostly cultivators, but their traditional occupation (from which the caste name is derived) is making garlands, and providing flowers for the service of hindu temples. they are especially clever in growing vegetables. their vernacular is uriya." it is noted, in the census report, , that the temple servants wear the sacred thread, and employ brahmans as priests. it is further recorded, in the census report, , that "the malis are, as their name denotes, gardeners. they chose for their settlements sites where they were able to turn a stream to irrigate a bit of land near their dwellings. here they raise fine crops of vegetables, which they carry to the numerous markets throughout the country. their rights to the lands acquired from the parjas (porojas) are of a substantial nature, and the only evidence to show their possessions were formerly parja bhumi (poroja lands) is perhaps a row of upright stones erected by the older race to the memory of their village chiefs." for the following note, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the malis say that their ancestors lived originally at kasi (benares), whence they emigrated to serve under the raja of jeypore. they are divided into the following sub-divisions:--bodo, pondra, kosalya, pannara, sonkuva, and dongrudiya. the name pondra is said to be derived from podoro, a dry field. i am informed that, if a pondra is so prosperous as to possess a garden which requires the employment of a picottah, he is bound to entertain as many men of his caste as choose to go to his house. a man without a picottah may refuse to receive such visits. a picottah is the old-fashioned form of a machine still used for raising water, and consists of a long lever or yard pivotted on an upright post, weighted on the short arm, and bearing a line and bucket on the long arm. among the bodo malis, a man can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage, which takes place before the girl reaches puberty. a jholla tonka (bride-price) of forty rupees is paid, and the girl is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, in front of which a pandal (booth) has been erected, with nine pots, one above the other, placed at the four corners and in the centre. in the middle of the pandal a mattress is spread, and to the pandal a cloth, with a myrabolam (terminalia fruit), rice, and money tied up in it, is attached. the contracting couple sit together, and a sacred thread is given to the bridegroom by the officiating priest. the bride is presented with necklaces, nose-screws, and other ornaments by the bridegroom's party. they then repair to the bridegroom's house. the ceremonies are repeated during the next three days, and on the fifth day the pair are bathed with turmeric water, and repair to a stream, in which they bathe. on their return home, the bridegroom is presented with some cheap jewelry. among the pondra malis, if a girl is not provided with a husband before she reaches puberty, a mock marriage is performed. a pandal (booth) is erected in front of her house, and she enters it, carrying a fan in her right hand, and sits on a mattress. a pot, containing water and mango leaves, is set in front of her, and the females throw turmeric-rice over her. they then mix turmeric powder with castor-oil, and pour it over her from mango leaves. she next goes to the village stream, and bathes. a caste feast follows after this ceremonial has been performed. the girl is permitted to marry in the ordinary way. a bodo mali girl, who does not secure a husband before she reaches puberty, is said to be turned out of the caste. in the regular marriage ceremony among the pondra malis, the bridegroom, accompanied by his party, proceeds to the bride's village, where they stay in a house other than that of the bride. they send five rupees, a new cloth for the bride's mother, rice, and other things necessary for a meal, as jholla tonka (present) to the bride's house. pandals, made of four poles, are erected in front of the houses of the bride and bridegroom. towards evening, the bridegroom proceeds to the house of the bride, and the couple are blessed by the assembled relations within the pandal. on the following day, the bridegroom conducts the bride to her pandal. they take their seat therein, separated by a screen, with the ends of their cloths tied together. ornaments, called maguta, corresponding to the bashinga, are tied on their foreheads. at the auspicious moment fixed by the presiding desari, the bride stretches out her right hand, and the bridegroom places his thereon. on it some rice and myrabolam fruit are laid, and tied up with rolls of cotton thread by the desari. on the third day, the couple repair to a stream, and bathe. they then bury the magutas. after a feast, the bride accompanies the bridegroom to his village, but, if she has not reached puberty, returns to her parents. widow remarriage is permitted, and a younger brother usually marries the widow of his elder brother. the dead are burnt, and death pollution lasts for ten days, during which those who are polluted refrain from their usual employment. on the ninth day, a hole is dug in the house of the deceased, and a lamp placed in it. the son, or some other close relative, eats a meal by the side of the hole, and, when it is finished, places the platter and the remains of the food in the hole, and buries them with the lamp. on the tenth day, an oriya brahman purifies the house by raising the sacred fire (homam). he is, in return for his services, presented with the utensils of the deceased, half a rupee, rice, and other things. mali further occurs as the name of an exogamous sept of holeya. (see also ravulo.) maliah (hill).--a sub-division of savaras who inhabit the hill-country. malighai chetti.--a synonym of acharapakam chettis. in the city of madras, the malighai chettis cannot, like other beri chettis, vote or receive votes at elections or meetings of the kandasami temple. malik.--a sect of muhammadans, who are the followers of the imam abu 'abdi 'llah malik ibn anas, the founder of one of the four orthodox sects of sunnis, who was born at madinah, a.h. (a.d. ). malle.--malle, malli, mallela, or mallige, meaning jasmine, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of bestha, holeya, kamma, korava, kurni, kuruba, madiga, mala, odde, and tsakala. the tsakalas, i am informed, will not use jasmine flowers, or go near the plant. in like manner, besthas of the malle gotra may not touch it. malumi.--a class of muhammadan pilots and sailors in the laccadive islands. (see mappilla.) mamidla (mango).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. mana (a measure).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. manavalan (bridegroom).--a sub-division of nayar. manayammamar.--the name for mussad females. mana means a brahman's house. mancha.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a musalman tribe in the laccadive islands. manchala (cots).--an exogamous sept of odde. the equivalent mancham occurs as a sept of panta reddis, the members of which avoid sleeping on cots. manchi (good).--an exogamous sept of padma sale and yanadi. mandadan chetti.--there are at gudalur near the boundary between the nilgiri district and malabar, and in the wynad, two classes called respectively mandadan chettis and wynad chettis (q.v.). the following account of the mandadan chettis is given in the gazetteer of the nilgiris. "they speak a corrupt canarese, follow the makkatayam law of inheritance (from father to son), and seem always to have been natives of the wynaad. mandadan is supposed to be a corruption of mahavalinadu, the traditional name still applied to the country between nellakottai and tippakadu, in which these chettis principally reside. these chettis recognise as many as eight different headmen, who each have names and a definite order of precedence, the latter being accurately marked by the varying lengths of the periods of pollution observed when they die. they are supposed to be the descendants in the nearest direct line of the original ancestors of the caste, and they are shown special respect on public occasions, and settle domestic and caste disputes. marriages take place after puberty, and are arranged through go-betweens called madhyastas. when matters have been set in train, the contracting parties meet, and the boy's parents measure out a certain quantity of paddy (unhusked rice), and present it to the bride's people, while the madhyastas formally solicit the approval to the match of all the nearest relatives. the bride is bathed and dressed in a new cloth, and the couple are then seated under a pandal (booth). the priest of the nambalakod temple comes with flowers, blesses the tali, and hands it to the bridegroom, who ties it round the bride's neck. sometimes the young man is made to work for the girl as jacob did for rachael, serving her father for a period (generally of from one to four years), the length of which is settled by a panchayat (council). in such cases, the father-in-law pays the expenses of the wedding, and sets up the young couple with a house and some land. married women are not prohibited from conferring favours on their husbands' brothers, but adultery outside the caste is severely dealt with. adoption seems to be unknown. a widow may remarry. if she weds her deceased husband's brother, the only ceremony is a dinner, after which the happy pair are formally seated on the same mat; but, if she marries any one else, a pandal and tali are provided. divorce is allowed to both parties, and divorcées may remarry. in their cases, however, the wedding rites are much curtailed. the dead are usually burnt, but those who have been killed by accidents or epidemics are buried. when any one is at death's door, he or she is made to swallow a little water from a vessel in which some rice and a gold coin have been placed. the body is bathed and dressed in a new cloth, sometimes music is played and a gun fired, and in all cases the deceased's family walk three times round the pyre before it is fired by the chief mourner. when the period of pollution is over, holy water is fetched from the nambalakod temple, and sprinkled all about the house. these chettis are saivites, and worship betarayasvami of nambalakod, the airu billi of the kurumbas, and one or two other minor gods, and certain deified ancestors. these minor gods have no regular shrines, but huts provided with platforms for them to sit upon, in which lamps are lit in the evenings, are built for them in the fields and jungles. chetti women are often handsome. in the house they wear only a waist-cloth, but they put on an upper cloth when they venture abroad. they distend the lobes of their ears, and for the first few years after marriage wear in them circular gold ornaments somewhat resembling those affected by the nayar ladies. after that period they substitute a strip of rolled-up palm leaf. they have an odd custom of wearing a big chignon made up of plaits of their own hair cut off at intervals in their girlhood." mandadi.--a title of golla. mandai.--an exogamous section of kallan named after mandai karuppan, the god of the village common (mandai). mandha.--mandha or mandhala, meaning a village common, or herd of cattle collected thereon, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of bedar, karna sale, and madiga. mandi (cow).--a sept of poroja. mandiri.--a sub-division of domb. mandula.--the mandulas (medicine men) are a wandering class, the members of which go about from village to village in the telugu country, selling drugs (mandu, medicine) and medicinal powders. some of their women act as midwives. of these people an interesting account is given by bishop whitehead, [ ] who writes as follows. "we found an encampment of five or six dirty-looking huts made of matting, each about five feet high, eight feet long and six feet wide, belonging to a body of mandalavaru, whose head-quarters are at masulipatam. they are medicine men by profession, and thieves and beggars by choice. the headman showed us his stock of medicines in a bag, and a quaint stock it was, consisting of a miscellaneous collection of stones and pieces of wood, and the fruits of trees. the stones are ground to powder, and mixed up as a medicine with various ingredients. he had a piece of mica, a stone containing iron, and another which contained some other metal. there was also a peculiar wood used as an antidote against snake-bite, a piece being torn off and eaten by the person bitten. one common treatment for children is to give them tiles, ground to powder, to eat. in the headman's hut was a picturesque-looking woman sitting up with an infant three days old. it had an anklet, made of its mother's hair, tied round the right ankle, to keep off the evil eye. the mother, too, had a similar anklet round her own left ankle, which she put on before her confinement. she asked for some castor-oil to smear over the child. they had a good many donkeys, pigs, and fowls with them, and made, they said, about a rupee a day by begging. some time ago, they all got drunk, and had a free fight, in which a woman got her head cut open. the police went to enquire into the matter, but the woman declared that she only fell against a bamboo by accident. the whole tribe meet once a year, at masulipatam, at the sivaratri festival, and then sacrifice pigs and goats to their various deities. the goddess is represented by a plain uncarved stone, about four-and-a-half or five feet high, daubed with turmeric and kunkuma (red powder). the animals are killed in front of the stone, and the blood is allowed to flow on the ground. they believe that the goddess drinks it. they cook rice on the spot, and present some of it to the goddess. they then have a great feast of the rest of the rice and the flesh of the victims, get very drunk with arrack, and end up with a free fight. we noted that one of the men had on an anklet of hair, like the woman's. he said he had been bitten by a snake some time ago, and had put on the anklet as a charm." the mandula is a very imposing person, as he sits in a conspicuous place, surrounded by paper packets piled up all round him. his method of advertising his medicines is to take the packets one by one, and, after opening them and folding them up, to make a fresh pile. as he does so, he may be heard repeating very rapidly, in a sing-song tone, "medicine for rheumatism," etc. mandulas are sometimes to be seen close to the moore market in the city of madras, with their heaps of packets containing powders of various colours. mangala.--"the mangalas and ambattans," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are the barber castes, and are probably of identical origin, but, like the potters, they have, by difference of locality, separated into telugus and tamilians, who do not intermarry. both are said to be the offspring of a brahman by a vaisya woman. the telugu name is referred to the word mangalam, which means happiness and also cleansing, and is applied to barbers, because they take part in marriage ceremonies, and add to the happiness on the occasion by the melodious sounds of their flutes (nagasaram), while they also contribute to the cleanliness of the people by shaving their bodies. the telugus are divided into the reddibhumi, murikinadu, and kurichinadu sub-divisions, and are mostly vaishnavites. they consider the tamilians as lower than themselves, because they consent to shave the whole body, while the telugus only shave the upper portions. besides their ordinary occupation, the members of this caste pretend to some knowledge of surgery and of the properties of herbs and drugs. their females practice midwifery in a barbarous fashion, not scrupling also to indulge largely in criminal acts connected with their profession. flesh-eating is allowed, but not widow marriage." "mangalas," mr. stuart writes further, [ ] "are also called bajantri (in reference to their being musicians), kalyanakulam (marriage people), and angarakudu. the word angaramu means fire, charcoal, a live coal, and angarakudu is the planet mars. tuesday is mars day, and one name for it is angarakavaramu, but the other and more common name is mangalavaramu. now mangala is a sanskrit word, meaning happiness, and mangala, with the soft l, is the telugu for a barber. mangalavaramu and angarakavaramu being synonymous, it is natural that the barbers should have seized upon this, and given themselves importance by claiming to be the caste of the planet mars. as a matter of fact, this planet is considered to be a star of ill omen, and tuesday is regarded as an inauspicious day. barbers are also considered to be of ill omen owing to their connection with deaths, when their services are required to shave the heads of the mourners. on an auspicious occasion, a barber would never be called a mangala, but a bajantri, or musician. their titles are anna and gadu." anna means brother, and gadu is a common suffix to the names of telugus, e.g., ramigadu, subbigadu. a further title is ayya (father). for the following note on the mangalas, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the caste is divided into two endogamous divisions, telaga and kapu, the ancestors of which were half brothers, by different mothers. they will eat together, but will not intermarry, as they regard themselves as cousins. the primary occupation of the caste is shaving the heads of people belonging to the non-polluting castes, and, for a small consideration, razors are lent to madigas and malas. a mangala, in the vizagapatam district, carries no pollution with him, when he is not actually engaged in his professional duties, and may often be found as storekeeper in hindu households, and occupying the same position as the bhondari, or oriya barber, does in the oriya country. unlike the tamil ambattan, the mangala has no objection to shaving europeans. he is one of the village officials, whose duties are to render assistance to travellers, and massage their limbs, and, in many villages, he is rewarded for his services with a grant of land. he is further the village musician, and an expert at playing on the flute. boys are taught the art of shaving when they are about eight years old. an old chatty (earthen pot) is turned upside down, and smeared with damp earth. when this is dry, the lad has to scrape it off under the direction of an experienced barber. mangala pujari.--the title of the caste priest of the mogers. mangalyam.--a sub-division of marans, who, at the tali-kettu ceremony of the nayars, carry the ashtamangalyam or eight auspicious things. these are rice, paddy (unhusked rice), tender leaves of the cocoanut, a mimic arrow, a metal looking-glass, a well-washed cloth, burning fire, and a small round wooden box called cheppu. mangalyam occurs as the name for marans in old travancore records. mangalakkal.--this and manigramam are recorded, in the travancore census report, , as sub-divisions of nayar. manikala (a measure).--an exogamous sept of yanadi. manikattal.--a synonym of deva-dasi applied to dancing-girls in the tamil country. maniyakkaran.--maniyakkaran or maniyagaran, meaning an overseer, occurs as a title or synonym of parivaram and sembadavan. as a name of a sub-division of the idaiyan shepherds, the word is said to be derived from mani, a bell, such as is tied round the necks of cattle, sheep, and goats. maniyakkaran has been corrupted into monegar, the title of the headman of a village in the tamil country. manjaputtur.--a sub-division of chettis, who are said to have emigrated to the madura district from cuddalore (manjakuppam). manla (trees).--an exogamous sept of chenchu. mannadi.--a title of kunnavans of the palni hills, often given as the caste name. also a title of pallans and muttans. mannadiyar.--a trading sub-division of nayar. mannan.--the mannans are a hill tribe of travancore, and are said to have been originally dependents of the kings of madura, whom they, like the uralis and muduvans, accompanied to neriyamangalam. "later on, they settled in a portion of the cardamom hills called makara-alum. one of the chiefs of poonyat nominated three of these mannans as his agents at three different centres in his dominions, one to live at tollairamalai with a silver sword as badge and with the title of varayilkizh mannan, a second to live at mannankantam with a bracelet and the title of gopura mannan, and a third at utumpanchola with a silver cane and the title of talamala mannan. for these headmen, the other mannans are expected to do a lot of miscellaneous services. it is only with the consent of the headmen that marriages may be contracted. persons of both sexes dress themselves like maravans. silver and brass ear-rings are worn by the men. necklets of white and red beads are worn on the neck, and brass bracelets on the wrist. mannans put up the best huts among the hill-men. menstrual and puerperal impurity is not so repelling as in the case of the uralis. about a year after a child is born, the eldest member of the family ties a necklet of beads round its neck, and gives it a name. the mannans bury their dead. the coffin is made of bamboo and reeds, and the corpse is taken to the grave with music and the beating of drums. the personal ornaments, if any, are not removed. before filling in the grave, a quantity of rice is put into the mouth of the deceased. a shed is erected over the site of burial. after a year has passed, an offering of food and drink is made to the dead. the language of the mannans is tamil. they have neither washermen nor barbers, but wash clothes and shave for one another. the mannans stand ahead of the other hill-men from their knowledge of medicine, though they resort more to chattu than to herbs. drinking is a very common vice. marumakkathayam is the prevailing form of inheritance (in the female line); but it is customary to give a portion to the sons also. marriage takes the form of tali-tying. the tali (marriage badge) is removed on the death of the husband. women generally wait for two years to marry a second husband, after the death of the first. a mannan claims the hand of his maternal uncle's daughter. the sasta of sabarimala and periyar is devoutly worshipped. the mannans are experts in collecting honey. they eat the flesh of the monkey, but not that of the crocodile, snake, buffalo or cow. they are fast decreasing in numbers, like the other denizens of the hills." [ ] concerning the mannans, mr. o. h. bensley writes as follows. [ ] "i enjoy many pleasant reminiscences of my intercourse with these people. their cheery and sociable disposition, and enjoyment of camp life, make it quite a pleasure to be thrown into contact with them. short, sturdy, and hairless, the mannans have all the appearances of an 'aboriginal' race. the mannan country extends southward from the limit occupied by the muduvans on the cardamom hills to a point south of the territory now submerged by the periyar works. [ ] they have, moreover, to keep to the east of the periyar river. smallpox ravages their villages, and fever lives in the air they breathe. within the present generation, three of their settlements were at the point of extinction, but were recruited from other more fortunate bands. very few attain to old age, but there were until lately three old patriarchs among them, who were the headmen of three of the most important sections of the tribe. the muduvans and mannans pursue the same destructive method of cultivation, but, as the latter are much fewer in numbers, their depredations are not so serious. none of the tribes east of the periyar pay any tax to the government, but are expected, in return for their holdings, to perform certain services in the way of building huts and clearing paths, for which they receive fixed payment. they have also to collect forest produce, and for this, too, they obtain fixed rates, so that their treatment by the government is in reality of the most liberal kind. mannans do not always look at things in quite the light one would expect. for example, the heir to an english earldom, after a pleasant shooting trip in travancore, bestowed upon a mannan who had been with him a handsome knife as a memento. next day, the knife was seen in the possession of a cooly on a coffee estate, and it transpired that the mannan had sold it to him for three rupees, instead of keeping it as an heirloom. a remarkable trait in the character of the mannans is the readiness with which they fraternise with europeans. most of the other tribes approach with reluctance, which requires considerable diplomacy to overcome. not so the mannan. he willingly initiates a tyro and a stranger into the mysteries of the chase. though their language is tamil, and the only communication they hold with the low country is on the madura side, they have this custom in common with the malayalis, that the chieftainship of their villages goes to the nephew, and not to the son. one does not expect to find heroic actions among these simple people. but how else could one describe the following incident? a mannan, walking with his son, a lad about twelve years old, came suddenly upon a rogue elephant. his first act was to place his son in a position of safety by lifting him up till he could reach the branch of a tree, and only then he began to think of himself. but it was too late. the elephant charged down upon him, and in a few seconds he was a shapeless mass." mannan (washerman caste).--see vannan and velan. mannedora (lord of the hills).--a title assumed by konda doras. manne sultan is a title of the maharaja of travancore and the raja of vizianagram. the konda doras also style themselves mannelu, or those of the hills. mannepu-vandlu.--said [ ] to be the name, derived from mannemu, highland, for malas in parts of the godavari district. mannu (earth).--a sub-division of oddes, who are earth-workers. manti, which has also been returned by them at times of census, has a similar significance (earthen). man udaiyan occurs as a synonym of kusavan, and manal (sand) as an exogamous sept of kappiliyan. man kavarai is recorded in the salem manual as the name of a class of salt makers from salt-earth. mantalayi.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. mappilla.--the mappillas, or moplahs, are defined in the census report, , as the hybrid mahomedan race of the western coast, whose numbers are constantly being added to by conversion of the slave castes of malabar. in , the census superintendent wrote that "among some of them there may be a strain of arab blood from some early generation, but the mothers throughout have been dravidian, and the class has been maintained in number by wholesale adult conversion." concerning the origin of the mappillas, mr. lewis moore states [ ] that "originally the descendants of arab traders by the women of the country, they now form a powerful community. there appears to have been a large influx of arab settlers into malabar in the ninth century a.d. and the numbers have been constantly increased by proselytism. the mappillas came prominently forward at the time of the portuguese invasion at the end of the fifteenth century a.d." "the muhammadan arabs," dr. burnell writes, [ ] "appear to have settled first in malabar about the beginning of the ninth century; there were heathen arabs there long before that in consequence of the immense trade conducted by the sabeans with india." "there are," mr. b. govinda nambiar writes, [ ] "many accounts extant in malabar concerning the introduction of the faith of islam into this district. tradition says that, in the ninth century of the christian era, a party of moslem pilgrims, on their way to a sacred shrine in ceylon, chanced to visit the capital of the perumal or king of malabar, that they were most hospitably entertained by that prince, and that he, becoming a convert to their faith, subsequently accompanied them to arabia (where he died). it is further stated that the perumal, becoming anxious of establishing his new faith in malabar, with suitable places of worship, sent his followers with letters to all the chieftains whom he had appointed in his stead, requiring them to give land for mosques, and to endow them. the perumal's instructions were carried out, and nine mosques were founded and endowed in various parts of malabar. whatever truth there may be in these accounts, it is certain that, at a very early period, the arabs had settled for commercial purposes on the malabar coast, had contracted alliances with the women of the country, and that the mixed race thus formed had begun to be known as the mappillas. these mappillas had, in the days of the zamorin, played an important part in the political history of malabar, and had in consequence obtained many valuable privileges. when vasco da gama visited calicut during the closing years of the fifteenth century, we find their influence at court so powerful that the portuguese could not obtain a commercial footing there. the numerical strength of the mappillas was greatly increased by forcible conversions during the period when tippu sultan held sway over malabar." [at the installation of the zamorin, some mappilla families at calicut have certain privileges; and a mappilla woman, belonging to a certain family, presents the zamorin with betel nuts near the kallai bridge, on his return from a procession through the town.] according to one version of the story of the perumal, cheraman perumal dreamt that the full moon appeared at mecca on the night of the new moon, and that, when on the meridian, it split into two, one half remaining in the air, and the other half descending to the foot of a hill called abu kubais, where the two halves joined together. shortly afterwards, a party of pilgrims, on their way to the foot-print shrine at adam's peak in ceylon, landed in cheraman perumal's capital at kodungallur, and reported that by the same miracle, muhammad had converted a number of unbelievers to his religion. the cephalic index of the mappillas is lower than that of the other muhammadan classes in south india which i have examined, and this may probably be explained by their admixture with dolichocephalic dravidians. the figures are as follows:-- number examined. cephalic index. mappilla . sheik muhammadan . saiyad muhammadan . daira muhammadan . pathan muhammadan . from the measurement of a very few mappillas, members of the hyderabad contingent, and marathas, who went to england for the coronation in , mr. j. gray arrived at the conclusion that "the people on the west coast and in the centre of the deccan, namely the moplas, maharattas, and hyderabad contingent, differ considerably from the tamils of the east coast. their heads are considerably shorter. this points to admixture of the dravidians with some mongolian element. there is a tradition that the moplas are descended from arab traders, but the measurements indicate that the immigrants were turkish, or of some other mongolian element, probably from persia or baluchistan." [ ] the cephalic indices, as recorded by mr. gray, were:-- number examined. cephalic index. tamils . moplas . hyderabad contingent maharattas the number of individuals examined is, however, too small for the purpose of generalisation. in the census report, , it is noted that some mappillas have returned "putiya islam," meaning new converts to islam. these are mostly converts from the mukkuvan or fisherman caste, and this process of conversion is still going on. most of the fishermen of tanur, where there is an important fish-curing yard, are mukkuvan converts. they are sleek and well-nourished, and, to judge from the swarm of children who followed me during my inspection of the yard, eminently fertile. one of them, indeed, was polygynous to the extent of seven wives, each of whom had presented him with seven sons, not to mention a large consignment of daughters. on the east coast the occurrence of twins is attributed by the fishermen to the stimulating properties of fish diet. in malabar, great virtue is attributed to the sardine or nalla mathi (good fish, clupea longiceps), as an article of dietary. "conversion to muhammadanism," mr. logan writes, [ ] "has had a marked effect in freeing the slave caste in malabar from their former burthens. by conversion a cheruman obtains a distinct rise in the social scale, and, if he is in consequence bullied or beaten, the influence of the whole muhammadan community comes to his aid." the same applies to the nayadis, of whom some have escaped from their degraded position by conversion to islam. in the scale of pollution, the nayadi holds the lowest place, and consequently labours under the greatest disadvantage, which is removed with his change of religion. as regards the origin and significance of the word mappilla, according to mr. lewis moore, it means, "( ) a bridegroom or son-in-law; ( ) the name given to muhammadan, christian, or jewish colonists in malabar, who have intermarried with the natives of the country. the name is now confined to muhammadans." it is noted by mr. nelson [ ] that "the kallans alone of all the castes of madura call the muhammadans mappilleis, or bridegrooms." in criticising this statement, yule and burnell [ ] state that "nelson interprets the word as bridegroom. it should, however, rather be son-in-law. the husband of the existing princess of tanjore is habitually styled by the natives mappillai sahib, as the son-in-law of the late raja." "some," mr. padmanabha menon writes, [ ] "think that the word mappila is a contracted form of maha (great) and pilla (child), an honorary title as among nairs in travancore (pilla or pillay). mr. logan surmises that maha pilla was probably a title of honour conferred on the early muhammadans, or possibly on the still earlier christian immigrants, who are also down to the present day called mappilas. the muhammadans generally go by the name of jonaga mappilas. jonaka is believed to stand for yavanaka, i.e., greek!" [ ] [in the gazetteer of the tanjore district, yavana is recorded as meaning ionia.] it is, indeed, remarkable that in the payyanorepat, perhaps the earliest malayalam poem extant, some of the sailors mentioned in it are called chonavans. (the jews are known as juda mappila.) dr. day derives the word mapilla from ma (mother) and pilla (child). [wilson gives mapilla, mother's son, as being sprung from the intercourse of foreign colonists, who were persons unknown, with malabar women.] duncan says that a qazi derived the name from ma (mother) and pilla a (puppy) as a term of reproach! maclean, in the asiatic researches, considered that the word came from maha or mohai (mocha) and pilla (child), and therefore translated it into children or natives (perhaps outcasts) of mohai or mocha. a more likely, and perhaps more correct derivation is given by mr. percy badger in a note to his edition of the varthema. "i am inclined to think," he says, "that the name is either a corruption of the arabic muflih (from the root fallah, to till the soil), meaning prosperous or victorious, in which sense it would apply to the successful establishment of those foreign mussalmans on the western coast of india; or that it is a similar corruption of maflih (the active participial form of the same verb), an agriculturist--a still more appropriate designation of moplahs, who, according to buchanan, are both traders and farmers. in the latter sense, the term, though not usually so applied among the arabs, would be identical with fella'h." by mr. c. p. brown the conviction was expressed that mappilla is a tamil mispronunciation of the arabic mu'abbar, from over the water. "the chief characteristic of the mappillas," mr. govinda nambiar writes, "as of all mussalmans, is enthusiasm for religious practices. they are either sunnis or shiahs. the sunnis are the followers of the ponnani tangal, the chief priest of the orthodox party, while the shiahs acknowledge the kondotti tangal as their religious head. there are always religious disputes between these sects, and the criminal courts are not seldom called in to settle them." in an account of the mappillas, [ ] mr. p. kunjain, a mappilla government official (the first mappilla deputy collector), states that "there are a few moplahs in the ernad and waluwanad taluks who are the followers of the kondotti tangal, and are, therefore, believed to be heretics (shias). the number of these is dwindling. the reason why they are believed to be heretics, and as such outcasted, is that they are enjoined by their preceptor (the tangal) to prostrate before him. prostration (sujud), according to strict doctrines, is due to god alone." at mulliakurichi in the walluwanad taluk there are two mosques. one, the pazhaya palli, or old mosque, belongs to, or is regarded as belonging to the kondotti sect of mappillas. the other is called puthan palli, or new mosque. this mosque is asserted by the ponnani sect of mappillas to have been erected for their exclusive use. the kondotti sect, on the other hand, claim that it was erected by them, as the old mosque was not large enough for the growing congregation. they do not claim exclusive use of the new mosque, but a right to worship there, just like any other muhammadan. the ponnani sect, however, claim a right to exclude the kondotti people from the new mosque altogether. in september, , there was a riot at the mosque between members of the rival sects. the mappillas have a college at ponnani, the chief seat of their religious organisation, where men are trained in religious offices. this institution, called the jammat mosque, was, it is said, founded in the twelfth or thirteenth century a.d. by an arab divine for the purpose of imparting religious instruction to youths of the muhammadan community. the head of the institution selects the ablest and most diligent from among the students, and confers on him the title of musaliar. he is then appointed to preach in mosques, and to explain the meaning of the koran and other sacred writings. there are other religious offices, as those of the kazi, katib, and mulla. the highest personages of divinity among them are known as tangals. in the middle of the last century there was a very influential tangal (mambram tangal), who was suspected of fomenting outbreaks, and who conferred his blessing on the murderous projects of his disciples. of him it is stated that he was regarded as imbued with a portion of divinity, and that the mappillas swore by his foot as their most solemn oath. earth on which he had spat or walked was treasured up, and his blessing was supremely prized. even among the higher class of mappillas, his wish was regarded as a command. mr. a. r. loftus-tottenham informs me that "it is quite common now for mappillas to invoke mambram tangal when in difficulties. i have heard a little mappilla, who was frightened at my appearance, and ran away across a field, calling out 'mambram tangal, mambram tangal.' the tangal, who had to be induced to leave malabar, went off to constantinople, and gained great influence with the sultan." in it was recorded [ ] by mr. baber, in a circuit report, that the tarramal and condotty tangals "pretend to an extraordinary sanctity, and such is the character they have established, that the people believe it is in their power to carry them harmless through the most hazardous undertakings, and even to absolve them of the most atrocious crimes. to propitiate them, their votaries are lavish in their presents, and there are no description of delinquents who do not find an asylum in the mosques wherein these tangals take up their abode, whether pursued by the police, or by their own evil consciences." there is a legend current on the kavarathi island of the laccadives that a tangal of that island once cursed the crows for dropping their excrement on his person, and now there is not a crow on the island. on another occasion, hearing the cries of a woman in labour, the tangal prayed to god that the women of the island might suffer from no such pains in future. so strong is the belief in the immunity from the pangs of child-birth which was thus obtained, that the women of the neighbouring islands go over to kavarathi for delivery, in order to have an easy confinement. [ ] in connection with mappilla superstition, mr. tottenham writes as follows. "a beggar died (probably of starvation) by the roadside in walluvanad taluk. when alive, no one worried about him. but, after he died, it was said that celestial voices had been heard uttering the call to prayer at the spot. the mappillas decided that he was a very holy man, whom they had not fed during his life, and who should be canonised after death. a little tomb was erected, and a light may be seen burning there at night. small banners are deposited by the faithful, who go in numbers to the place, and there is, i think, a money-box to receive their contributions." mr. tottenham writes further that "the holy place at malappuram is the tomb of the sayyids (saints or martyrs) who were killed in a battle by a local military chieftain. these sayyids are invoked. at kondotti there is a very pretentious, and rather picturesque tomb--a square building of gneiss surmounted by a cupola--to one of the tangals. near it is a small tank full of more or less tame fish. it is one of the sights of the place to see them fed. at the great festival called neercha (vow), the mappillas go in procession, headed by banners, elephants (if they possess them), and music, and carrying offerings to the head-quarters (malappuram and kondotti are the principal ones) of some tangal, where they deposit the banners, i think at the tomb of the local saint, and present the offerings to the tangal. at malappuram, an enormous crowd of ten to twenty thousand assembles, and there is a great tamasha (popular excitement). you will sometimes see a man with his hair uncut, i.e., he does not cut it till he has fulfilled the vow." there is a tradition that, some centuries ago, one sheik mahomed tangal died. one night, some mappillas dreamt that his grave, which was near the reefs, was in danger of being washed away, and that they should remove the body to a safe place. they accordingly opened the grave, and found the body quite fresh, with no sign of decomposition. the remains were piously re-interred in another place, and a mosque, known as sheikkinde palli, built. the mappillas of calicut celebrate annually, on the th day of rajub, the anniversary of the death of sheik mahomed tangal, the date of which was made known through inspiration by an ancestor of the mambram tangal. the ancestor also presented the mullah of the mosque with a head-dress, which is still worn by successive mullahs on the occasion of the anniversary festival. "the festival goes by the name of appani (trade in bread). a feature of the celebration is that every moplah household prepares a supply of rice cakes, which are sent to the mosque to be distributed among the thousands of beggars who gather for the occasion. a very brisk trade is also carried on in these rice cakes, which are largely bought by the charitable for distribution among the poor. on the day of the anniversary, as well as on the day following, prayers are offered up to the souls of the departed. according to a legend, the pious sheik, during his travels in foreign lands, arrived at achin disguised as a fakir. one day, some servants of the local sultan came to him, recognising in him a holy man, and begged his help in a serious difficulty. their sultan, they said, had a favourite parrot which used to be kept in a golden cage, and, the door of this cage having been inadvertently left open, the parrot had escaped. on hearing of the loss of his favourite bird, the sultan had threatened his ministers and servants with dire punishment, if they failed to recover the bird. sheik mahomed koya directed the servants to place the cage in the branches of a neighbouring tree, assuring them that the parrot would come and enter his cage. saying this, the holy man departed. the servants did as he had bidden them, and had the gratification of seeing the bird fly into the cage, and of recovering and conveying it to their master. the sultan asked the bird why it went away when it had a beautiful golden cage to live in, and a never failing supply of dainty food to subsist upon. the parrot replied that the beautiful cage and the dainty food were not to be compared with the delights of a free and unfettered life spent under the foliage of feathery bamboos, swayed by gentle breezes. the sultan then asked the bird why it had come back, and the bird made answer that, while it was disporting itself with others of its species in a clump of bamboos, a stifling heat arose, which it feared would burn its wings, but, as it noticed that on one side of the clump the atmosphere was cool, it flew to that spot to take shelter on a tree. seeing the cage amidst the branches, it entered, and was thus recaptured and brought back. the sultan afterwards discovered that it was the fakir who had thus miraculously brought about the recovery of his bird, and further that the fakir was none other than the saintly sheik mahomed koya tangal. when the news of the tangal's death was subsequently received, the sultan ordered that the anniversary of the day should be celebrated in his dominions, and the moplahs of calicut believe that the faithful in achin join with them every year in doing honour to the memory of their departed worthy." [ ] it is recorded, in the annual report of the basel medical mission, calicut, , that "cholera and smallpox were raging terribly in the months of august and september. it is regrettable that the people, during such epidemics, do not resort to hospital medicines, but ascribe them to the devil's scourge. especially the ignorant and superstitious moplahs believe that cholera is due to demoniac possession, and can only be cured by exorcism. an account of how this is done may be interesting. a thangal (moplah priest) is brought in procession, with much shouting and drumming, to the house to drive out the cholera devil. the thangal enters the house, where three cholera patients are lying; two of these already in a collapsed condition. the wonder-working priest refuses to do anything with these advanced cases, as they seem to be hopeless. the other patient, who is in the early stage of the disease, is addressed as follows. 'who are you?'--'i am the cholera devil'. 'where do you come from?'--'from such and such a place'. 'will you clear out at once or not?'--'no, i won't'. 'why?'--'because i want something to quench my thirst'. 'you want blood?'--'yes'. then the thangal asks his followers and relatives to give him what he asks. a young bull is brought into the room and killed on the spot, and the patient is made to drink the warm blood. then the thangal commands him to leave the place at once. the patient, weak and exhausted, gathers up all his strength, and runs out of the house, aided by a cane which is freely applied to his back. he runs as far as he can, and drops exhausted on the road. then he is carried back, and, marvellous to say, he makes a good recovery." "the most important institution," mr. a. s. vaidyanatha aiyar writes, [ ] "among the mappilas of malabar is the office of the mahadun (makhdum) at ponnani, which dates its origin about four centuries ago, the present mahadun being the twenty-fifth of his line. [the line of the original makhdum ended with the eighteenth, and the present makhdum and his six immediate predecessors belong to a different line.] in the mahadun there was a sect of religious head for the mappilas from kodangalur to mangalore. his office was, and is still held in the greatest veneration. his decrees were believed to be infallible. (his decrees are accepted as final.) the zamorins recognised the mahadunship, as is seen from the presentation of the office dress at every succession. in the famous jamath mosque they (the mahaduns) have been giving instruction in koran ever since they established themselves at ponnani. students come here from different parts of the country. after a certain standard of efficiency, the degree of musaliar is conferred upon the deserving mullas (their name in their undergraduate course). this ceremony consists simply in the sanction given by the mahadun to read at the big lamp in the mosque, where he sometimes gives the instruction personally. the ceremony is known as vilakkath irikka (to sit by the lamp). when the degree of musaliar is conferred, this sacred lamp is lit, and the mahadun is present with a number of musaliars. these musaliars are distributed through the length and breadth of the land. they act as interpreters of the koran, and are often appointed in charge of the mosques. when i visited the jamath, there were about three hundred students. there is no regular staff of teachers. students are told off into sections under the management of some senior students. the students are confined to the mosque for their lodgings, while most of them enjoy free boarding from some generous mappilla or other." i am informed by mr. kunjain that "mulla ordinarily means a man who follows the profession of teaching the koran to children, reading it, and performing petty religious ceremonies for others, and lives on the scanty perquisites derived therefrom. the man in charge of a mosque, and who performs all petty offices therein, is also called a mulla. [ ] this name is, however, peculiar to south malabar. at quilandi and around it the teacher of the koran is called muallimy, at badagara moiliar (musaliar), at kottayam seedi, at cannanore kalfa, and north of it mukri. the man in charge of a mosque is also called mukir in north malabar, while in south malabar mukir is applied to the man who digs graves, lights lamps, and supplies water to the mosque." the mosques of the mappillas are quite unlike those of any other muhammadans. "here," mr. fawcett writes, [ ] "one sees no minarets. the temple architecture of malabar was noticed by mr. fergusson to be like that of nepal: nothing like it exists between the two places. and the mappilla mosque is much in the style of the hindu temple, even to the adoption of the turret-like edifice which, among hindus, is here peculiar to the temples of siva. the general use nowadays of german mission-made tiles is bringing about, alas! a metamorphosis in the architecture of hindu temples and mappilla mosques, the picturesqueness disappearing altogether, and in a few years it may be difficult to find one of the old style. the mosque, though it may be little better than a hovel, is always as grand as the community can make it, and once built it can never be removed, for the site is sacred ever afterwards. every mappilla would shed his blood, rather than suffer any indignity to a mosque." the mosques often consist of "several stories, having two or more roofs, one or more of the upper stories being usually built of wood, the sides sloping inwards at the bottom. the roof is pent and tiled. there is a gable end at one (the eastern) extremity, the timber on this being often elaborately carved." one section of mappillas at calicut is known as "clap the hand" (keikottakar) in contradistinction to another section, which may not clap hands (keikottattakar). on the occasion of wedding and other ceremonies, the former enjoy the privilege of clapping their hands as an accompaniment to the processional music, while the latter are not permitted to do so. [ ] it is said that at one time the differences of opinion between the two sections ran so high that the question was referred for decision to the highest ecclesiastical authorities at mecca. the mappillas observe the ramazan, bakrid, and haj. "they only observe the ninth and tenth days of muharam, and keep them as a fast; they do not make taboots. [ ] a common religious observance is the celebration of what is called a mavulad or maulad. a maulad is a tract or short treatise in arabic celebrating the birth, life, works and sayings of the prophet, or some saint such as shaik mohiuddin, eleventh descendant of the prophet, expounder of the koran, and worker of miracles, or the mambram tangal, father of sayid fasl. for the ceremony a mulla is called in to read the book, parts of which are in verse, and the congregation is required to make responses, and join in the singing. the ceremony, which usually takes place in the evening, concludes with, or is preceded by a feast, to which the friends and relations are invited. those who can afford it should perform a maulad in honour of shaik mohiuddin on the eleventh of every month, and one in honour of the prophet on the twelfth. a maulad should also be performed on the third day after death. it is also a common practice to celebrate a maulad before any important undertaking on which it is desired to invoke a blessing, or in fulfilment of some vows; hence the custom of maulads preceding outbreaks." [ ] for a detailed account of the fanatical [ ] outbreaks in the mappilla community, which have long disturbed the peace of malabar from time to time, i must refer the reader to the district manual and gazetteer. from these sources, and from the class handbook (mappillas) for the indian army, [ ] the following note relating to some of the more serious of the numerous outbreaks has been compiled. [ ] towards the end of the seventeenth century, the mappillas massacred the chief of anjengo, and all the english gentlemen belonging to the settlement, when on a public visit to the queen of altinga. [ ] in , seven or eight mappillas killed two hindus, and took post in a mosque, setting the police at defiance. they, and some of their co-religionists who had joined them, were shot down by a party of sepoys. in the same month, some two thousand mappillas set at defiance a police guard posted over the spot where the above criminals had been buried, and forcibly carried off their bodies, to inter them with honours in a mosque. an outbreak, which occurred in , was celebrated in a stirring ballad. [ ] a series of mappilla war-songs have been published by mr. fawcett. [ ] in october, , a peon (orderly) was found with his head and hand all but cut off, and the perpetrators were supposed to have been mappilla fanatics of the sect known as hal ilakkam (frenzy raising), concerning which the following account was given in an official report, . "in the month of metam last year, one alathamkuliyil moidin went out into the fields before daybreak to water the crops, and there he saw a certain person, who advised him to give up all his work, and devote his time to prayer at the mosque. moidin objected to this, urging that he would have nothing to live upon. whereupon, the above-mentioned person told him that a palm tree, which grew in his (moidin's) compound, would yield sufficient toddy, which he could convert into jaggery (crude sugar), and thus maintain himself. after saying this, the person disappeared. moidin thought that the person he saw was god himself, and felt frantic (hal). he then went to taramal tangal, and performed dikkar and niskaram (cries and prayers). after two or three days, he complained to the tangal that kafirs (a term applied by muhammadans to people of other religions) were making fun of him. the tangal told him that the course adopted by him was the right one, and, saying 'let it be as i have said,' gave him a spear to be borne as an emblem, and assured him that nobody would mock him in future. subsequently several mappillas, affecting hal ilakkam, played all sorts of pranks, and wandered about with canes in their hands, without going to their homes or attending to their work. after several days, some of them, who had no means of maintaining themselves unless they attended to their work, returned to their former course of life, while others, with canes and ernad knives (war knives) in their hands, wandered about in companies of five, six, eight, or ten men, and, congregating in places not much frequented by hindus, carried on their dikkar and niskaram. the mappillas in general look upon this as a religious vow, and provide these people with food. i hear of the mappillas talking among themselves that one or two of the ancestors of taramal tangal died fighting, that, the present man being advanced in age, it is time for him to follow the same course, and that the above-mentioned men affected with hal ilakkam, when their number swells to four hundred, will engage in a fight with kafirs, and die in company with the tangal. one of these men (who are known as halar), by name avarumayan, two months ago collected a number of his countrymen, and sacrificed a bull, and, for preparing meals for these men, placed a copper vessel with water on the hearth, and said that rice would appear of itself in the vessel. he waited for some time. there was no rice to be seen. those who had assembled there ate beef alone, and dispersed. some people made fun of avarumayan for this. he felt ashamed, and went to taramal tangal, with whom he stayed two or three days. he then went to the mosque at mambram, and, on attempting to fly through the air into the mosque on the southern side of the river at tirurangadi, fell down through the opening of the door, and became lame of one leg, in which state he is reported to be still lying. while the halar of munniyur desam were performing niskaram one day at the tomb of chemban pokar muppan, a rebel, they declared that in the course of a week a mosque would spring up at night, and that there would be complete darkness for two full days. mappillas waited in anxious expectation of the phenomenon for seven or eight days and nights. there was, however, neither darkness nor mosque to be seen. again, in the month of karkigadam last, some of the influential mappillas led their ignorant hindu neighbours to believe that a ship would arrive with the necessary arms, provisions, and money for forty thousand men; and that, if that number could be secured meanwhile, they could conquer the country, and that the hindus would then totally vanish. it appears that it was about this time that some tiyyar (toddy-drawers) and others became converts. none of the predictions having been realised, mappillas, as well as others, have begun to make fun of the halar, who, having taken offence at this, are bent upon putting an end to themselves by engaging in a fight." since the outbreak near manjeri in , when two companies of sepoys were routed after firing a few shots, european troops have always been engaged against the mappillas. on the occasion of that outbreak, one of the mappillas had his thigh broken in the engagement. he remained in all the agony of a wound unattended to for seven days, and was further tortured by being carried in a rough litter from the manjeri to the angadipuram temple. yet, at the time of a further fight, he was hopping to the encounter on his sound leg, and only anxious to get a fair blow at the infidels before he died. it is recorded that, on one occasion, when a detachment of sepoys was thrown into disorder by a fierce rush of death-devoted mappillas, the drummer of the company distinguished himself by bonneting an assailant with his drum, thereby putting the mappilla's head into a kind of straight jacket, and saving his own life. [ ] in mr. strange was appointed special commissioner to enquire into the causes of, and suggest remedies for, the mappilla disturbances. in his report he stated, inter alia, that "a feature that has been manifestly common to the whole of these affairs is that they have been, one and all, marked by the most decided fanaticism, and this, there can be no doubt, has furnished the true incentive to them. the mappillas of the interior were always lawless, even in the time of tippu, were steeped in ignorance, and were, on these accounts, more than ordinarily susceptible to the teaching of ambitious and fanatical priests using the recognised precepts of the koran as handles for the sanction to rise and slay kafirs, who opposed the faithful, chiefly in the pursuit of agriculture. the hindus, in the parts where outbreaks have been most frequent, stand in such fear of the mappillas as mostly not to dare to press for their rights against them, and there is many a mappilla tenant who does not pay his rent, and cannot, so imminent are the risks, be evicted." mr. strange stated further that "the most perverted ideas on the doctrine of martyrdom, according to the koran, universally prevail, and are fostered among the lower classes of the mappillas. the late enquiries have shown that there is a notion prevalent among the lower orders that, according to the mussalman religion, the fact of a janmi or landlord having in due course of law ejected from his lands a mortgagee or other substantial tenant, is a sufficient pretext to murder him, become sahid (saint), and so ensure the pleasures of the muhammadan paradise. it is well known that the favourite text of the banished arab priest or tangal, in his friday orations at the mosque in tirurangadi, was 'it is no sin, but a merit, to kill a janmi who evicts.'" mr. strange proposed the organisation of a special police force exclusively composed of hindus, and that restrictions should be put on the erection of mosques. neither of these proposals was approved by government. but a policy of repression set in with the passing of acts xxii and xxiv of . the former authorised the local authorities to escheat the property of those guilty of fanatical rising, to fine the locality where outrages had occurred, and to deport suspicious persons out of the country. the latter rendered illegal the possession of the mappilla war-knife. mr. conolly, the district magistrate, proceeded, in december, , on a tour, to collect the war-knives through the heart of the mappilla country. in the following year, when he was sitting in his verandah, a body of fanatics, who had recently escaped from the calicut jail, rushed in, and hacked him to pieces in his wife's presence. he had quite recently received a letter from lord dalhousie, congratulating him on his appointment as a member of the governor's council at madras. his widow was granted the net proceeds of the mappilla fines, amounting to more than thirty thousand rupees. in an account of an outbreak in , it is noted that one of the fanatics was a mere child. and it was noticed, in connection with a more recent outbreak, that there were "several boys who were barely fourteen years old. one was twelve; some were seventeen or eighteen. some observers have said that the reason why boys turn fanatics is because they may thus avoid the discomfort, which the ramzan entails. a dispensation from fasting is claimable when on the war-path. there are high hopes of feasts of cocoanuts and jaggery, beef and boiled rice. at the end of it all there is paradise with its black-eyed girls." [ ] in , act no. xx for the suppression of outrages in the district of malabar was passed. in , government appointed mr. logan, the head magistrate of malabar, to enquire into the general question of the tenure of land and tenant right, and the question of sites for mosques and burial-grounds in the district. mr. logan expressed his opinion that the mappilla outrages were designed "to counteract the overwhelming influence, when backed by the british courts, of the janmis in the exercise of the novel powers of ouster, and of rent-raising conferred upon them. a janmi who, through the courts, evicted, whether fraudulently or otherwise, a substantial tenant, was deemed to have merited death, and it was considered a religious virtue, not a fault, to have killed such a man, and to have afterwards died in arms, fighting against an infidel government." mr. macgregor, formerly collector of malabar, had, some years before, expressed himself as "perfectly satisfied that the mappilla outrages are agrarian. fanaticism is merely the instrument, through which the terrorism of the landed classes is aimed at." in an outbreak occurred near malappuram, and it was decided by government to disarm the taluks of ernad, calicut, and walluvanad. notwithstanding the excited state of the mappillas at the time, the delicate operation was successfully carried out by the district officers, and , arms, including , fire-arms of various kinds, were collected. in the following year, the disarming of the ponnani taluk was accomplished. of these confiscated arms, the madras museum possesses a small collection, selected from a mass of them which were hoarded in the collector's office, and were about to be buried in the deep sea. in a serious outbreak occurred at manjeri, and two or three notoriously objectionable landlords were done away with. the fanatics then took up a position, and awaited the arrival of the british troops. they took no cover, and, when advancing to attack, were mostly shot down at a distance of to yards, every man wounded having his throat cut by his nearest friend. in the outbreak of , a mappilla youth was wounded, but not killed. the tidings was conveyed to his mother, who merely said, with the stern majesty of the spartan matron of old, 'if i were a man, i would not come back wounded.' [ ] "those who die fighting for the faith are reverenced as martyrs and saints, who can work miracles from the paradise to which they have attained. a mappilla woman was once benighted in a strange place. an infidel passed by, and, noticing her sorry plight, tried to take advantage of it to destroy her virtue. she immediately invoked the aid of one of the martyrs of malappuram. a deadly serpent rushed out of a neighbouring thicket, and flew at the villain, who had dared to sully the chastity of a chosen daughter. once, during a rising, a mappilla, who preferred to remain on the side of order and government, stood afar off, and watched with sorrow the dreadful sight of his co-religionists being cut down by the european soldiery. suddenly his emotions underwent a transformation, for there, through his blinding tears and the dust and smoke of the battle, he saw a wondrous vision. lovely houris bent tenderly over fallen martyrs, bathed their wounds, and gave them to drink delicious sherbet and milk, and, with smiles that outshone the brightness of the sun, bore away the fallen bodies of the brave men to the realms beyond. the watcher dashed through the crowd, and cast in his lot with the happy men who were fighting such a noble fight. and, after he was slain, these things were revealed to his wife in a vision, and she was proud thereat. these, and similar stories, are believed as implicitly as the koran is believed." [ ] it is noted by mr. logan [ ] that the custom of the nayars, in accordance with which they sacrificed their lives for the honour of the king, "was readily adopted by the mappillas, who also at times--as at the great mahamakham twelfth year feast at tirunavayi--devoted themselves to death in the company of nayars for the honour of the valluvanad raja. and probably the frantic fanatical rush of the mappillas on british bayonets is the latest development of this ancient custom of the nayars." the fanatical outbreaks of recent times have been exclusively limited to the ernad and walluvanad taluks. there are quartered at the present time at malappuram in the ernad taluk a special assistant collector, a company of british troops, and a special native police force. in , government threw open scholarships, on the results of the second and third standard examinations, to mappilla pupils of promise in the two taluks mentioned above, to enable them to prosecute their studies for the next higher standard in a recognised school connected with the madras educational department. twenty scholarships were further offered to mappillas in the special class attached to the government school of commerce, calicut, where instruction in commercial arithmetic, book-keeping, commercial practice, etc., is imparted in the malayalam language. in , a mappilla sanskrit school was founded at puttur, some of the pupils at which belong to the families of hereditary physicians, who were formerly good sanskrit scholars. at a loyalty meeting of mappillas held at ponnani in under the auspices of the mannath-ul-islam sabha, the president spoke as follows. "when the moplahs are ranged on the side of order, the peace of the country is assured. but the moplah is viewed with suspicion by the government. he has got a bad name as a disturber of the peace. he is liable to fits, and no one knows when he may run amock. from this public platform i can assure the government as well as the public that the proper remedy has at last been applied, and the moplah fits have ceased, never to return. what the remedy was, and who discovered it, must be briefly explained. every moplah outbreak was connected with the relapse of a convert. in the heat of a family quarrel, in a moment of despair, a hindu thought to revenge himself upon his family by becoming a convert to islam. in a few days, repentance followed, and he went back to his relatives. an ignorant mullah made this a text for a sermon. a still more ignorant villager found in it an opportunity to obtain admission into the highest paradise. an outbreak results. the apostate's throat is cut. the moplah is shot. deportation and punitive police follow. the only rational way to put a final stop to this chronic malady was discovered by a hindu gentleman. the hasty conversions must be stopped. those who seek conversion must be given plenty of time to consider the irrevocable nature of the step they were going to take. the mullahs must be properly instructed. their interpretation of the koran was wrong. there is absolutely nothing in our scriptures to justify murders of this kind, or opposition to the ruling power. the ignorant people had to be taught. there was no place in paradise for murderers and cut-throats. their place was lower down. three things had to be done. conversion had to be regulated; the mullahs had to be instructed; the ignorance of the people had to be removed. ponani is the religious head-quarters of the moplahs of the west coast, including malabar, south canara, and the native states of cochin and travancore. the jarathingal thangal at ponani is the high priest of all the moplahs; the mahadoom thangal of ponani is the highest authority in all religious matters. it is he that sanctifies the musaliars. the mannath-ul-islam sabha at ponani was started under the auspices of the jarathingal thangal and the mahadoom thangal. two schools were opened for the education of new converts, one for boys and the other for girls. strict enquiries were made as to the state of mind and antecedents of all who seek conversion. they are kept under observation long enough, and are admitted only on the distinct understanding that it is a deliberate voluntary act, and they have to make up their minds to remain. some six thousand converts have passed through our schools since the sabha was started. the musaliars are never sanctified until they are thoroughly grounded in the correct principles of our religion, and an assurance is obtained from them that they will never preach rebellion. no musaliar will break a promise given to the thangal. the loyalty of the musaliars and mullahs is thus assured. where there is no musaliar to bless them, there is no moplah to die as a martyr. the mullahs are also taught to explain to all villagers that our scriptures condemn opposition to the ruling power, and that loyalty to the sovereign is a religious duty. we are also trying to spread education among the ignorant villagers. in order further to enlist the sympathies of the people, extensive charities have been organised. sixteen branches of the sabha have been opened all over south malabar and the states of travancore and cochin. a very large number of domestic quarrels--divorce cases, partition cases, etc.--have been settled by arbitration through these branch associations. it is an immense power for good." the mappillas have been summed up, as regards their occupations, as being traders on the coast, and cultivators in the interior, in both of which callings they are very successful and prosperous. "in the realm of industry," it has been said, "the moplah occupies a position, which undoubtedly does him credit. poverty is confined almost exclusively to certain wild, yet picturesque tracts in the east of malabar, where the race constitutes the preponderating element of the population, and the field and farm furnish the only means of support to the people. and it is just in those areas that one may see at their best the grit, laboriousness, and enterprise of the moplah. he reclaims dense forest patches, and turns them into cultivated plots under the most unfavourable conditions, and, in the course of a few years, by hard toil and perseverance, he transforms into profitable homesteads regions that were erstwhile virgin forest or scrubby jungle. or he lays himself out to reclaim and plant up marshy lands lying alongside rivers and lagoons, and insures them from destruction by throwing up rough but serviceable dykes and dams. in these tracts he is also sometimes a timber merchant, and gets on famously by taking out permits to fell large trees, which he rafts down the rivers to the coast. the great bulk of the moplahs in these wild regions belong purely to the labouring classes, and it is among these classes that the pinch of poverty is most keenly felt, particularly in the dull monsoon days, when all industry has to be suspended. in the towns and coast ports, the moplahs are largely represented in most branches of industry and toil. a good many of them are merchants, and get on exceedingly well, being bolder and more speculative than the hindus of the district. the bulk of petty traders and shop-keepers in malabar are also moplahs, and, in these callings, they may be found at great distances from home, in rangoon, ceylon, the straits and elsewhere, and generally prospering. almost everywhere in their own district they go near monopolising the grocery, hardware, haberdashery, and such other trades; and as petty bazar men they drive a profitable business on the good old principle of small profits and quick returns. no native hawker caters more readily to mr. thomas atkins (the british soldier) than the moplah, and, in the military stations in malabar, 'poker' (a moplah name) waxes fat and grows rich by undertaking to supply tommy with tea, coffee, lemonade, tobacco, oilman stores, and other little luxuries." "some mappillas," mr. a. chatterton writes, [ ] "have taken to leather-working, and they are considered to be specialists in the making of ceruppus or leather shoes. in malabar the trade in raw hides and skins is chiefly in the hands of mappillas. weekly fairs are held at several places, and all the available hides and skins are put up for sale, and are purchased by muhammadans." some mappillas bind books, and others are good smiths. "the small skull caps, which are the universal head-gear of mappilla men and boys, are made in different parts of malabar, but the best are the work of mappilla women at cannanore. they are made of fine canvas beautifully embroidered by hand, and fetch in the market between rs. and rs. ." [ ] the mappillas take an active share in the fish-curing operations along the west coast, and the mukkuvans, who are the hereditary fishermen of malabar, are inclined to be jealous of them. a veteran mukkuvan, at the time of my inspection of the badagara fish-curing yard in , put the real grievance of his brethren in a nutshell. in old days, he stated, they used salt-earth for curing fishes. when the fish-curing yards were started, and government salt was issued, the mukkuvans thought that they were going to be heavily taxed. they did not understand exactly what was going to happen, and were suspicious. the result was that they would have nothing to do with the curing-yards. the use of salt-earth was stopped on the establishment of government salt, and some of the fishermen were convicted for illegal use thereof. they thought that, if they held out, they would be allowed to use salt-earth as formerly. meanwhile, the mappillas, being more wide-awake than the mukkuvans, took advantage of the opportunity (in ), and erected yards, whereof they are still in possession. a deputation of mukkuvans waited on me. their main grievance was that they are hereditary fishermen, and formerly the mappillas were only the purchasers of fish. a few years ago, the mappillas started as fishermen on their own account, with small boats and thattuvala (tapping nets), in using which the nets, with strips of cocoanut leaves tied on to the ropes, are spread, and the sides of the boats beaten with sticks and staves, to drive the fish into the net. the noise made extends to a great distance, and consequently the shoals go out to sea, too far for the fishermen to follow in pursuit. in a petition, which was submitted to me by the mukkuvan fish-curers at badagara, they asked to have the site of the yard changed, as they feared that their women would be 'unchastised' at the hands of the mappillas. "small isolated attempts," major holland-pryor writes, "to recruit mappillas were made by various regiments quartered in malabar some years ago, but without success. this was probably owing to the fact that the trial was made on too small a scale, and that the system of mixed companies interfered with their clannish propensities. the district officers also predicted certain failure, on the ground that mappillas would not serve away from their own country. their predictions, however, have proved to be false, and men now come forward in fair numbers for enlistment." in , the experiment of recruiting mappillas for the th madras infantry was started, and the responsible task of working up the raw material was entrusted to colonel burton, with whose permission i took measurements of his youthful warriors. as was inevitable in a community recruited by converts from various classes, the sepoys afforded an interesting study in varied colouration, stature and nasal configuration. one very dark-skinned and platyrhine individual, indeed, had a nasal index of . later on, the sanction of the secretary of state was obtained for the adoption of a scheme for converting the th and th regiments of the madras infantry into mappilla corps, which were subsequently named the th and th moplah rifles. "these regiments," major holland-pryor continues, "at present draw their men principally from ernad and valuvanad. labourers from these parts are much sought after by planters and agents from the kolar gold-fields, on account of their hardiness and fine physique. some, however, prefer to enlist. the men are generally smaller than the coast mappillas, and do not show much trace of arab blood, but they are hardy and courageous, and, with their superior stamina, make excellent fighting material." in the th moplah rifles were transferred to dera ismail khan in the punjab, and took part in the military manoeuvres before h.r.h. the prince of wales at rawalpindi. it has been observed that "the moplahs, in dark green and scarlet, the only regiment in india which wears the tarbush, are notable examples of the policy of taming the pugnacious races by making soldiers of them, which began with the enlistment of the highlanders in the black watch, and continued to the disciplining of the kachins in burma. in the general overhauling of the indian army, the fighting value of the moplahs has come into question, and the th regiment is now at dera ismail khan being measured against the crack regiments of the north." in , the colours of the th madras infantry, which was formed at fort st. george in , and had had its name changed to th moplah rifles, were, on the regiment being mustered out, deposited in st. mark's church, bangalore. it has been said of the mappillas [ ] that "their heads are true cocoanuts; their high foreheads and pointed crowns are specially noticeable for being kept shaven, and, when covered, provided with only a small gaily embroidered skull-cap." the dress of the mappillas is thus described in the gazetteer of malabar. "the ordinary dress of the men is a mundu or cloth, generally white with a purple border, but sometimes orange or green, or plain white. it is tied on the left (hindus tie it on the right), and kept in position by a nul or waist string, to which are attached one or more elassus (small cylinders) of gold, silver, or baser metal, containing texts from the koran or magic yantrams. a small knife is usually worn at the waist. persons of importance wear in addition a long flowing garment of fine cotton (a kind of burnoos), and over this again may be worn a short waistcoat like jacket, though this is uncommon in south malabar, and (in the case of tangals, etc.) a cloak of some rich coloured silk. the european shirt and short coat are also coming into fashion in the towns. a small cap of white or white and black is very commonly worn, and round this an ordinary turban, or some bright coloured scarf may be tied. mappillas shave their heads clean. beards are frequently worn, especially by old people and tangals. hajis, or men who have made their pilgrimage to mecca, and other holy men, often dye the beard red. women wear a mundu of some coloured cloth (dark blue is most usual), and a white loose bodice more or less embroidered, and a veil or scarf on the head. in the case of the wealthy, the mundu may be of silk of some light colour. women of the higher classes are kept secluded, and hide their faces when they go abroad. the lower classes are not particular in this respect. men wear no jewellery, except the elassus already mentioned, and in some cases rings on the fingers, but these should not be of pure gold. women's jewellery is of considerable variety, and is sometimes very costly. it takes the form of necklaces, ear-rings, zones, bracelets, and anklets. as among tiyans and mukkuvans, a great number of ear-rings are worn. the rim of the ear is bored into as many as ten or a dozen holes, in addition to the one in the lobe. nose-rings are not worn. "incredibly large sums of money," mr. p. kunjain writes, [ ] "are spent on female ornaments. for the neck there are five or six sorts, for the waist five or six sorts, and there are besides long rows of armlets, bracelets, and bangles, and anklets and ear ornaments, all made of gold. as many as ten or fourteen holes are bored in each ear, one being in the labia (lobe) and the remainder in the ala (helix). the former is artificially widened, and a long string of ornaments of beautiful manufacture suspended to it. as strict sunnis of the shafi school, the boring of the nose is prohibited." i have in my possession five charm cylinders, which were worn round the waist by a notorious mappilla dacoit, who was shot by the police, and whom his co-religionists tried to turn into a saint. it is noted, in the gazetteer of malabar, that, though magic is condemned by the koran, the mappilla is very superstitious, and witchcraft is not by any means unknown. many tangals pretend to cure diseases by writing selections from the koran on a plate with ink or on a coating of ashes, and then giving the ink or ashes mixed with water to the patient to swallow. they also dispense scrolls for elassus, and small flags inscribed with sacred verses, which are set up to avert pestilence or misfortune. the mappilla jins and shaitans correspond to the hindu demons, and are propitiated in much the same way. one of their methods of witchcraft is to make a wooden figure to represent the enemy, drive nails into all the vital parts, and throw it into sea, after curses in due form. a belief in love philtres and talismans is very common, and precautions against the evil eye are universal. in , a life-size nude female human figure, with feet everted and turned backwards, carved out of the wood of alstonia scholaris, was washed ashore at calicut. long nails had been driven in all over the head, body and limbs, and a large square hole cut out above the navel. inscriptions in arabic characters were scrawled over it. by a coincidence, the corpse of a man was washed ashore close to the figure. quite recently, another interesting example of sympathetic magic, in the shape of a wooden representation of a human being, was washed ashore at calicut. the figure is eleven inches in height. the arms are bent on the chest, and the palms of the hands are placed together as in the act of saluting. a square cavity, closed by a wooden lid, has been cut out of the middle of the abdomen, and contains apparently tobacco, ganja (indian hemp), and hair. an iron bar has been driven from the back of the head through the body, and terminates in the abdominal cavity. a sharp cutting instrument has been driven into the chest and back in twelve places. "the mappillas of north malabar," mr. lewis moore writes, [ ] "follow the marumakkathayam system of inheritance, while the mappillas of south malabar, with some few exceptions, follow the ordinary muhammadan law. among those who profess to follow the marumakkathayam law, the practice frequently prevails of treating the self-acquisitions of a man as descendible to his wife and children under muhammadan law. among those who follow the ordinary muhammadan law, it is not unusual for a father and sons to have community of property, and for the property to be managed by the father, and, after his death, by the eldest son. mr. logan [ ] alludes to the adoption of the marumakkathayam law of inheritance by the nambudris of payyanur in north malabar, and then writes 'and it is noteworthy that the muhammadans settled there (mappillas) have done the same thing.' mr. logan here assumes that the mappillas of north malabar were muhammadans in religion before they adopted the marumakkathayam law of inheritance. there can, however, be but little doubt that a considerable portion, at all events, of these so-called mappillas were followers of marumakkathayam rules and customs long before they embraced the faith of islam." "in the case of the mappillas," mr. vaidyanatha writes, "it is more than probable that there were more numerous conversions from marumakkathayam families in the north than in the south. the number of makkathayam adherents has always been small in the north. according to marumakkathayam, the wife is not a member of the husband's family, but usually resides in her family house. the makkathayam mappillas, curiously enough, seldom take their wives home. in some parts, such as calicut, a husband is only a visitor for the night. the mappillas, like the nayars, call themselves by the names of their houses (or parambas)." it is noted by mr. p. kunjain [ ] that the present generation of moplahs following marumakkathayam is not inclined to favour the perpetuation of this flagrant transgression of the divine law, which enjoins makkathayam on true believers in unequivocal terms. with the view of defeating the operation of the law, the present generation settled their self-acquisition on their children during their lifetime. a proposal to alter the law to accord with the divine law will be hailed with supreme pleasure. this is the current of public opinion among moplahs. it is recorded in the gazetteer of malabar that "in north malabar, mappillas as a rule follow the marumakkathayam system of inheritance, though it is opposed to the precepts of the koran; but a man's self-acquisitions usually descend to his wife and family in accordance with the muhammadan law of property. the combination of the two systems of law often leads to great complications. in the south, the makkatayam system is usually followed, but it is remarkable that succession to religious stanams, such as that of the valiya tangal of ponnani, usually goes according to the marumakkathayam system. there seems to be a growing discontent with the marumakkathayam system; but, on the other hand, there is no doubt that the minute sub-division of property between a man's heirs, which the koran prescribes, tends to foster poverty, especially amongst petty cultivators, such as those of ernad and walavanad." it is unnecessary to linger over the naming, tonsure, circumcision, and ear-boring ceremonies, which the mappilla infant has to go through. but the marriage and death customs are worthy of some notice. [ ] "boys are married at the age of or as a rule in north malabar, and girls at or . in south malabar, early marriages are more common, boys being married between and , and girls between and . in exceptional cases, girls have been known to be married at the age of / , but this only happens when the girl's father is in extremis, since an orphan must remain unmarried till puberty. the first thing is the betrothal or settlement of the dowry, which is arranged by the parents, or in north malabar by the karnavans. large dowries are expected, especially in north malabar, where, in spite of polygamy, husbands are at a premium, and a father with many daughters needs to be a rich man. the only religious ceremony necessary is the nikka, which consists in the formal conclusion of the contract before two witnesses and the kazi, who then registers it. the nikka may be performed either on the day of the nuptials or before it, sometimes months or years before. in the latter case, the fathers of the bride and bridegroom go to the bride's family mosque and repeat the necessary formula, which consists in the recital of the kalima, and a formal acceptance of the conditions of the match, thrice repeated. in the former case, the kazi, as a rule, comes to the bride's house where the ceremony is performed, or else the parties go to the kazi's house. in north malabar, the former is the rule; but in calicut the kazi will only go to the houses of four specially privileged families. after the performance of the nikka, there is a feast in the bride's house. then the bridegroom and his attendants are shown to a room specially prepared, with a curtain over the door. the bridegroom is left there alone, and the bride is introduced into the room by her mother or sister. in north malabar, she brings her dowry with her, wrapped in a cloth. she is left with the bridegroom for a few minutes, and then comes out, and the bridegroom takes his departure. in some cases, the bride and bridegroom are allowed to spend the whole night together. in some parts of south malabar, it is the bride who is first conducted to the nuptial chamber, where she is made to lie down on a sofa, and the bridegroom is then introduced, and left with her for a few minutes. in north malabar and calicut, the bride lives in her own house with her mother and sisters, unless her husband is rich enough to build her a house of her own. in south malabar, the wife is taken to the husband's house as soon as she is old enough for cohabitation, and lives there. polygamy is the rule, and it is estimated that in south malabar per cent. of the husbands have two wives or more, and per cent. three or four. in north malabar, it is not usual for a man to have more than two wives. the early age at which girls are married in south malabar no doubt encourages polygamy. it also encourages divorce, which in south malabar is common, while in the north it is comparatively rare, and looked upon with disfavour. all that is required is for the husband to say, in the presence of the wife's relations, or before her kazi, that he has 'untied the tie, and does not want the wife any more,' and to give back the stridhanam or dowry. divorce by the wife is rare, and can be had only for definite reasons, such as that the husband is incapable of maintaining her, or is incurably diseased or impotent. widows may remarry without limit, but the dearth of husbands makes it difficult for them to do so. "when a man dies, his body is undressed, and arranged so that the legs point to mecca. the two big toes are tied together, and the hands crossed on the chest, the right over the left; the arms are also tied with a cloth. mullas are called in to read the koran over the corpse, and this has to be continued until it is removed to the cemetery. when the relatives have arrived, the body is washed and laid on the floor on mats, over which a cloth has been spread. cotton wool is placed in the ears, and between the lips, the fingers, and the toes, and the body is shrouded in white cloths. it is then placed on a bier which is brought from the mosque, and borne thither. at the mosque the bier is placed near the western wall; the mourners arrange themselves in lines, and offer prayers (niskaram) standing. the bier is then taken to the grave, which is dug north and south; the body is lowered, the winding sheets loosened, and the body turned so as to lie on its right side facing mecca. a handful of earth is placed below the right cheek. the grave is then covered with laterite stones, over which each of the mourners throws a handful of earth, reciting the kalima and passages from the koran. laterite stones are placed at the head and foot of the grave, and some mailanji (henna: lawsonia alba) is planted at the side. a mulla then seats himself at the head of the grave, and reads certain passages of the koran, intended to instruct the dead man how to answer the questions about his faith, which it is supposed that the angels are then asking him. the funeral concludes with distribution of money and rice to the poor. for three days, a week, or forty days, according to the circumstances of the deceased, mullas should read the koran over the grave without ceasing day and night. the koran must also be read at home for at least three days. on the third day, a visit is made to the tomb, after which a maulad is performed, the mullas are paid, alms are distributed, and a feast is given to the relations, including the deceased's relations by marriage, who should come to his house that day. a similar ceremony is performed on the fortieth day, which concludes the mourning; and by the rich on anniversaries. widows should keep secluded in their own houses for three months and ten days, without seeing any of the male sex. after that period, they are at liberty to remarry." concerning the mappillas of the laccadives, mr. h. a. stuart writes as follows. [ ] "the customs of the mappillas of the laccadive islands are peculiar. the people are not called mappilas, but ( ) koya, ( ) malumi, ( ) urukkaran, ( ) takru, ( ) milikhan, and ( ) melac'cheri. no. is the land and boat owning class, and is superior to the rest. nos. to are pilots and sailors, and, where they are cultivators, cultivate under no. . no. were the slaves of the first division; now they cultivate the koyas' lands, take the produce of those lands in boats to the mainland, and pay per cent. of the sale-proceeds to the koya owners. the islanders generally dress like ordinary mappilas. the melac'cheris, however, may use only a coarser kind of cloth, and they are not allowed intermarriage with the other classes. if any such marriage takes place, the offender is put out of caste, but the marriage is deemed a valid one. the current tradition is that these laccadive mappilas were originally the inhabitants of malabar--nambudiris, nayars, tiyyas, etc.--who went in search of cheraman perumal when the latter left for mecca, and were wrecked on these islands. the story goes that these remained hindus for a long time, that obeidulla, the disciple of caliph abu bakr, having received instructions from the prophet in a dream to go and convert the unbelievers on these islands, left for the place and landed on ameni island, that he was ill-treated by the people, who were all brahmans, but that, having worked some miracles, he converted them. he then visited the other islands, and all the islanders embraced the moslem faith. his remains are said to be interred in the island of androth. among this section of the mappilas, succession is generally--in fact almost entirely--in the female line. girls are married when they are six or seven years old. no dowry is given. they are educated equally with the boys, and, on marriage, they are not taken away from school, but continue there until they finish the course. in the island of minicoy, the largest of the islands, the women appear in public, and take part in public affairs. the women generally are much more educated than the ordinary mappila males of the mainland. the koyas are said to be descendants of nambudiris, melach'cheris of tiyyans and mukkuvans, and the rest of nayars. whatever the present occupation of koyas on these islands, the tradition that koyas were originally brahmans also confirms the opinion that they belong to the priestly class." in a note on the laccadives and minicoy, [ ] mr. c. w. e. cotton writes that "while it would appear that the maldives and minicoy were long ago peopled by the same wave of aryan immigration which overran ceylon, tradition ascribes the first settlements in the northern group to an expedition shipwrecked on one of the atolls so late as a.d. this expedition is said to have set out from kodungallur (cranganore) in search of the last of the perumal viceroys of malabar, a convert either to buddhism or islam, and included some nambudris, commonly employed, as duarte barbosa tells us, on account of their persons being considered sacrosanct, as envoys and messengers in times of war, and perhaps also for dangerous embassies across the seas. some support may be found for this tradition in the perpetuation of the name illam for some of the principal houses in kalpeni, and in the existence of strongly marked caste divisions, especially remarkable among communities professing mahomedanism, corresponding to the aristocrats, the mariners, and the dependants, of which such an expeditionary force would have been composed. the tarwad islands, ameni, kalpeni, androth, and kavarathi, were probably peopled first, and their inhabitants can claim high-caste hindu ancestry. there has been no doubt everywhere considerable voluntary immigration from the coast, and some infusion of pure arab blood; but the strain of negro introduced into the maldives by zanzibar slaves is nowhere traceable in minicoy or the northern archipelago." in a further note, mr. cotton writes as follows. [ ] "the inhabitants of androth, kalpeni, kavaratti and agatti, are mappillas, almost undistinguishable, except in the matter of physical development, from those on the mainland. the admixture of arab blood seems to be confined to a few of the principal families in the two 'tarwad' islands, kalpeni and androth. the islanders, though muhammadans, perpetuate the old caste distinctions which they observed before their conversion to islam. the highest caste is called koya, in its origin merely a religious title. the koyas represent the aristocracy of the original colonists, and in them vests the proprietorship of most of the cocoanut trees and the odams (ships), which constitute the chief outward and visible signs of wealth on the islands. they supply each amin with a majority of his council of hereditary elders (karanavans). the lowest and largest class is that of the melacheris (lit. high climbers), also called thandels in kavaratti, the villeins in the quasi-feudal system of the islands, who do the tree-tapping, cocoanut plucking, and menial labour. they hold trees on kudiyan service, which involves the shipping of produce on their overlord's boat or odam, the thatching of his house and boat-shed, and an obligation to sail on the odam to the mainland whenever called upon. intermediately come the malumis (pilots), also called urakars, who represent the skilled navigating class, to which many of the karnavans in kavaratti belong. intermarriage between them and the less prosperous koyis is now permitted. monogamy is almost the universal rule, but divorces can be so easily obtained that the marriage tie can scarcely be regarded as more binding than the sambandham among the hindus on the coast. the women go about freely with their heads uncovered. they continue to live after marriage in their family or tarwad houses, where they are visited by their husbands, and the system of inheritance in vogue is marumakkathayam as regards family property, and makkatayam as regards self-acquisitions. these are distinguished on the islands under the terms velliyaricha (friday) and tingalaricha (monday) property. the family house is invariably called pura in contradistinction to vidu--the wife's house. intermarriage between the inhabitants of different islands is not uncommon. the islanders are very superstitious, and believe in ghosts and hobgoblins, about the visible manifestations of which many stories are current; and there is an old mamul (established) rule on all the islands forbidding any one to go out after nightfall. phantom steamers and sailing ships are sometimes seen in the lagoons or rowed out to on the open sea; and in the prayers by the graves of his ancestors, which each sailor makes before setting out on a voyage, we find something akin to the roman worship of the manes. the moidin mosque at kalpeni, and the big west pandaram at androth are believed to be haunted. there are jarams (shrines) in cheriyam and cheriyakara, to which pilgrimages are made and where vows are taken, and it is usual to chant the fateah [ ] on sighting the jamath mosque in androth, beneath the shadow of which is the tomb of mumba mulyaka, the arab apostle to the laccadives." in his inspection report of the laccadives, , mr. g. h. b. jackson notes that "the caste barrier, on the island of androth, between the koya and the malumi class and the melacheris is as rigid as ever. it divides capital from labour, and has given the upper classes much of the appearance of an effete aristocracy." in a more recent inspection report ( ), mr. c. w. e. cotton writes as follows. "muhammadans, owing to their inordinate love of dress, are apt to give an exaggerated impression of wealth, but i should think that, despite the laziness of all but the melacheris, the majority of the inhabitants (of androth) are well-to-do, and, in this respect, compare very favourably with those of the other islands. the qazi and several other karnavars, who have a smattering of the koran, go to the mainland, and, in centres of superstition, earn considerable sums by their profession of extreme learning and piety. the long satin coats (a canary yellow is the fashionable tint) procured in bombay or mangalore are evidence of the financial success of their pilgrimages. it is perhaps fortunate that the koyas have discovered this additional source of income, for, though they continue to own nearly all the cargo-carrying odams (boats), their position as jenmis (landlords) has been seriously jeopardised owing to the repudiation of their obligations as kudians by many of the enterprising melacheri community. the melacheris are now alive to the fact that, as their tenure is not evidenced by documents and rests upon oral assertions, they have a very reasonable chance of freeing themselves of their overlords altogether. the mukhyastars are quite a representative lot. sheikindevittil muthu koya is a fine specimen of the sea-faring moplah, and the qazi, twenty-fourth in descent from mumby moolyaka, the arab who converted the islanders to islam, struck me as a man of very considerable attainments. in his report on the dispensary at androth ( ), mr. k. ibrahim khan, hospital assistant, states that "the quacks are said to be clever enough to treat cases both by their drugs and by their charms. they actually prevent other poor classes seeking medical and surgical treatment in the dispensary, and mislead them by their cunning words. most of the quacks come to the dispensary, and take medicines such as santonine powders, quinine pills, purgatives, etc. they make use of these for their own cases, and thus earn their livelihood. the quacks are among the koya class. the koyas are jenmis, and the malims and melacheris are their tenants. the latter, being low classes, always believe them, and depend upon their landlords, who are also their physicians, to treat them when they fall sick. the islanders, as a rule, have no faith in english medical treatment. the rich folks who can afford it go to malabar for native treatment; only the poorer classes, who have neither means to pay the quacks here nor to go to malabar, attend the dispensary with half inclination." marakallu.--marakallu or marakadu, meaning fishermen, has been recorded as a sub-division of pallis engaged as fishermen in the telugu country. the equivalent of mukku marakkaleru is a title or synonym of moger and marakkan of mukkuvan. marakkayar is a title of labbai boatmen. notes [ ] madras census report, . [ ] original inhabitants of bharatavarsa, . [ ] account of the primitive tribes and monuments of the nilgiris, . [ ] ind. ant., ii, . [ ] aboriginal tribes of the nilgiri hills, . [ ] tribes inhabiting the neilgherry hills. by a german missionary. [ ] the todas, . [ ] a singular aboriginal race of the nilagiris. [ ] tribes of the neilgherries, . [ ] at kotamale there are three temples, two dedicated to kamataraya and one to kalikai. [ ] goa and the blue mountains, . [ ] tribes inhabiting the neilgherry hills. by a german missionary. [ ] reise nach süd-indien, . [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] ind. ant., iii, . [ ] cf. pendukkumekki and valasu sub-divisions of the idaiyan caste. [ ] the present note is mainly based on the articles by the rev. j. cain in the indian antiquary v, , and viii, ; and the madras christian college magazine, v, - , and vi, - . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] calcutta christian observer, may and june, , second edition, by the rev. j. m. descombes and j. a. grierson, calcutta, . [ ] gazetteer of the godavari district. [ ] gazetteer of the godavari district. [ ] notes for a lecture on the tribes and castes of bombay, . [ ] manual of the godavari district. [ ] rev. w. taylor. iii. . [ ] this account is taken from a note by mr. n. subramani aiyar. [ ] ethnog. survey of cochin. monograph no. ii, kshatriyas, . [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] monograph, ethnog. survey of cochin, kootan, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] indian forester, xxxii, . [ ] this account is taken from a note by mr. n. subramani aiyar. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] ind. ant., iv, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] not collectors of art pottery, but collectors or district magistrates. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] mysore and coorg gazetteer. [ ] manual of the salem district. [ ] ind. ant., x, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] gazetteer of the anantapur district. [ ] gazetteer of the bellary district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] w.f.s. ind. ant., vi, . [ ] madras mail, november . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] manual of the nilgiri district. [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] journey through mysore, canara, and malabar, . [ ] asian, . [ ] manual of the nilgiri district. [ ] aboriginal race of the neilgherry hills, . [ ] ind. ant., vi, . [ ] rude stone monuments. [ ] police admn. report, . [ ] agricult. ledger series, no. , . [ ] comptes rendus des séances de la société de biologie, t. lviii, . [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] op. cit. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] tennent, ceylon. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] journ. roy. asiat. soc., , - . [ ] madras pottery. journ. ind. arts, vii, . [ ] brahmanism and hinduism. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] ind. law reports, madras series, xvii, . [ ] a native. pen and ink sketches of native life in s. india. [ ] madras mail. [ ] trans. s. ind. branch, brit. med. association, xiv, . [ ] classified collection of tamil proverbs, . [ ] j. s. f. mackenzie. ind. ant., iv, . [ ] historical sketches of the south of india, mysore, - . [ ] mem. asiat. soc., bengal, miscellanea ethnographica, i, . [ ] journ. and proc. asiatic society of bengal, i, no. , . [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] mysore census report, , . [ ] gazetteer of the bombay presidency, xv, part i, . [ ] hindu feasts, fasts and ceremonies, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] linguistic survey of india, ix, . [ ] from kashmir to the madras presidency. [ ] notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency. [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] ind. ant. viii, . [ ] gazetteer of the bellary district. [ ] narrative of the operations of little's detachment against tippoo sultan, . [ ] shells of cypræa moneta. [ ] s. m. natesa sastri, calcutta review, . [ ] narrative of a journey through the upper provinces of india, . [ ] hindu manners, customs, and ceremonies. [ ] historical sketches of the south of india: mysore. [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] report on public instruction, mysore, - ; and mysore census report, . [ ] manual of the cuddapah district. [ ] jeypur, breklum, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] gazetteer of the anantapur district. [ ] ind. ant., viii., . [ ] ind. ant., xxx., . [ ] narrative of little's detachment, . [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] section iii, inhabitants, madras government press, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] manual of mysore and coorg. [ ] lilly, renaissance types. [ ] j. f. fleet, epigraphia indica. v, - . [ ] the proceedings, partly in canarese and partly in english, were published at the star press, mysore, in . [ ] madras journal of literature and science, xi, . [ ] r. sewell. a forgotten empire, vijayanagar, . [ ] indian review, may, . [ ] madras series, vii, . [ ] madras series, viii, . [ ] bombay gazetteer. [ ] manual of the nellore district. [ ] manual of the kurnool district, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] while wearing sandals, or tales of a telugu pariah tribe. [ ] madras christ. coll. mag., xxiii (new series v), . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] a. chatterton, monograph of tanning and working in leather, madras, . [ ] manual of the kurnool district. [ ] manual of the bellary district. [ ] madras museum bull. v. , . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] dynasties of the kanarese districts of the bombay presidency, . [ ] manual of the cuddapah district. [ ] manual of the bellary district. [ ] manual of the bellary district. [ ] manual of the bellary district. [ ] gazetteer of the anantapur district. [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] notes from a diary, - . [ ] manual of the kurnool district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras diocesan record, . [ ] gazetteer of the godavari district. [ ] madras museum bull. v. , . [ ] east and west, th may . [ ] gazetteer of the anantapur district. [ ] madras and tinnevelly dioces. mag., june, . [ ] gochi, a clout, a truss or flap; a waist-cloth. c. p. brown, telugu dictionary. [ ] gazetteer of the godavari district. [ ] ind. ant., iii, ; vi, . [ ] native life in travancore, . [ ] journey from madras through the countries of mysore, canara, and malabar, . [ ] calcutta review, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] darakhast: application for land for purposes of cultivation; or bid at an auction. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] c. hayavadana rao, ms. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] manual of the south arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras diocesan magazine, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] travancore census report, . [ ] lecture delivered at trivandrum. [ ] see a. t. mackenzie. history of the periyar project. madras, . [ ] rev. j. cain. ind. ant., viii, . [ ] malabar law and custom. rd ed., . [ ] elements of south indian palæography. [ ] madras review, . [ ] man, . [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] hobson-jobson. [ ] ind. ant., xxxi, . [ ] cf. javan, genesis x, ; isaiah, lxvi, ; ezekiel, xxvii, , . [ ] malabar quart. review, . [ ] vide correspondence on moplah outrages, - . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] malabar quart. review, . [ ] when not officially attached to a mosque, the mulla is said to be called nattu (country) mulla. [ ] ind. ant., xxx, . [ ] p. v. ramunni, loc. cit. [ ] the taboot is "a kind of shrine, or model of a mahomedan mausoleum, of flimsy material, intended to represent the tomb of husain at kerbela, which is carried in procession during the mohurram." yule and burnell, hobson-jobson. [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] fanatical (fanum, a temple). possessed by a deity or devil, frantic, mad, furious. murray. new english dictionary. [ ] major holland-pryor, . [ ] see also government orders, judicial department, nos. , th may, ; , th september, ; , th september, ; and , th may, . [ ] forbes' oriental memoirs. [ ] manual of malabar, , p. . [ ] ind. ant., xxx, . [ ] general burton. an indian olio. [ ] calcutta review, . [ ] calcutta review, . [ ] ibid. [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] monograph on tanning and working in leather, . [ ] gazetteer of malabar. [ ] general burton. op. cit. [ ] loc. cit. [ ] op. cit. [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] loc. cit. [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] malabar quarterly review, vol. , . [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] the recital of the first chapter of the koran. gutenberg. castes and tribes of southern india by edgar thurston, c.i.e., superintendent, madras government museum; correspondant Étranger, société d'anthropologie de paris; socio corrispondante, societa, romana di anthropologia. assisted by k. rangachari, m.a., of the madras government museum. volume vi--p to s government press, madras . castes and tribes of southern india. volume vi. p palli or vanniyan.--writing concerning this caste the census superintendent, , records that "a book has been written by a native to show that the pallis (pullies or vanniar) of the south are descendants of the fire races (agnikulas) of the kshatriyas, and that the tamil pullies were at one time the shepherd kings of egypt." at the time of the census, , a petition was submitted to government by representatives of the caste, praying that they might be classified as kshatriyas, and twenty years later, in connection with the census, , a book entitled 'vannikula vilakkam: a treatise on the vanniya caste,' was compiled by mr. t. aiyakannu nayakar, in support of the caste claim to be returned as kshatriyas, for details concerning which claim i must refer the reader to the book itself. in , a book entitled varuna darpanam (mirror of castes) was published, in which an attempt is made to connect the caste with the pallavas. kulasekhara, one of the early travancore kings, and one of the most renowned alwars reverenced by the sri vaishnava community in southern india, is claimed by the pallis as a king of their caste. even now, at the parthasarathi temple in triplicane (in the city of madras), which according to inscriptions is a pallava temple, pallis celebrate his anniversary with great éclat. the pallis of komalesvaranpettah in the city of madras have a kulasekhara perumal sabha, which manages the celebration of the anniversary. the temple has recently been converted at considerable cost into a temple for the great alwar. a similar celebration is held at the chintadripettah adikesava perumal temple in madras. the pallis have the right to present the most important camphor offering of the mylapore siva temple. they allege that the temple was originally theirs, but by degrees they lost their hold over it until this bare right was left to them. some years ago, there was a dispute concerning the exercise of this right, and the case came before the high court of madras, which decided the point at issue in favour of the pallis. one of the principal gopuras (pyramidal towers) of the ekamranatha temple at big conjeeveram, the ancient capital of the pallavas, is known as palligopuram. the pallis of that town claim it as their own, and repair it from time to time. in like manner, they claim that the founder of the chidambaram temple, by name sweta varman, subsequently known as hiranya varman (sixth century a.d.) was a pallava king. at pichavaram, four miles east of chidambaram, lives a palli family, which claims to be descended from hiranya varman. a curious ceremony is even now celebrated at the chidambaram temple, on the steps leading to the central sanctuary. as soon as the eldest son of this family is married, he and his wife, accompanied by a local vellala, repair to the sacred shrine, and there, amidst crowds of their castemen and others, a homam (sacrificial fire) is raised, and offerings are made to it. the couple are then anointed with nine different kinds of holy water, and the vellala places the temple crown on their heads. the vellala who officiates at this ceremony, assisted by the temple priests, is said to belong to the family of a former minister of a descendant of hiranya varman. it is said that, as the ceremony is a costly one, and the expenses have to be paid by the individual who undergoes it, it often happens that the eldest son of the family has to remain a bachelor for half his lifetime. the pallis who reside at st. thomé in the city of madras allege that they became christians, with their king kandappa raja, who, they say, ruled over mylapore during the time of the visit of st. thomas. in , mr. t. varadappa nayakar, the only high court vakil (pleader) among the palli community practising in madras, brought out a tamil book on the history of the connection of the caste with the ancient pallava kings. in reply to one of a series of questions promulgated by the census superintendent, it was stated that "the caste is known by the following names:--agnikulas and vanniyas. the etymology of these is the same, being derived from the sanskrit agni or vahni, meaning fire. the following, taken from dr. oppert's article on the original inhabitants of bharatavarsa or india, explains the name of the caste with its etymology:--'the word vanniyan is generally derived from the sanskrit vahni, fire. agni, the god of fire, is connected with regal office, as kings hold in their hands the fire-wheel or agneya-chakra, and the vanniyas urge in support of their name the regal descent they claim.' the existence of these fire races, agnikula or vahnikula (vanniya), in north and south india is a remarkable fact. no one can refuse to a scion of the non-aryan warrior tribe the title of rajputra, but in so doing we establish at once aryan and non-aryan rajaputras or rajputs. the vanniyan of south india may be accepted as a representative of the non-aryan rajput element." the name vanniyan is, mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "derived from the sanskrit vanhi (fire) in consequence of the following legend. in the olden times, two giants named vatapi and mahi, worshipped brahma with such devotion that they obtained from him immunity from death from every cause save fire, which element they had carelessly omitted to include in their enumeration. protected thus, they harried the country, and vatapi went the length of swallowing vayu, the god of the winds, while mahi devoured the sun. the earth was therefore enveloped in perpetual darkness and stillness, a condition of affairs which struck terror into the minds of the devatas, and led them to appeal to brahma. he, recollecting the omission made by the giants, directed his suppliants to desire the rishi jambava mahamuni to perform a yagam, or sacrifice by fire. the order having been obeyed, armed horse men sprung from the flames, who undertook twelve expeditions against vatapi and mahi, whom they first destroyed, and afterwards released vayu and the sun from their bodies. their leader then assumed the government of the country under the name rudra vanniya maharaja, who had five sons, the ancestors of the vanniya caste. these facts are said to be recorded in the vaidiswara temple in the tanjore district." the vaidiswara temple here referred to is the vaidiswara kovil near shiyali. mr. stuart adds that "this tradition alludes to the destruction of the city of vapi by narasimha varma, king of the pallis or pallavas." vapi, or va-api, was the ancient name of vatapi or badami in the bombay presidency. it was the capital of the chalukyas, who, during the seventh century, were at feud with the pallavas of the south. "the son of mahendra varman i," writes rai bahadur v. venkayya, "was narasimha varman i, who retrieved the fortunes of the family by repeatedly defeating the cholas, keralas, kalabhras, and pandyas. he also claims to have written the word victory as on a plate on pulikesin's [ ] back, which was caused to be visible (i.e., which was turned in flight after defeat) at several battles. narasimha varman carried the war into chalukyan territory, and actually captured vatapi their capital. this claim of his is established by an inscription found at badami, from which it appears that narasimha varman bore the title mahamalla. in later times, too, this pallava king was known as vatapi konda narasingapottaraiyan. dr. fleet assigns the capture of the chalukya capital to about a.d. . the war of narasimha varman with pulikesin is mentioned in the sinhalese chronicle mahavamsa. it is also hinted at in the tamil periyapuranam. the well-known saint siruttonda, who had his only son cut up and cooked in order to satisfy the appetite of the god siva disguised as a devotee, is said to have reduced to dust the city of vatapi for his royal master, who could be no other than the pallava king narasimha varman." i gather, from a note by mr. f. r. hemingway, that the pallis "tell a long story of how they are descendants of one vira vanniyan, who was created by a sage named sambuha when he was destroying the two demons named vatapi and enatapi. this vira vanniyan married a daughter of the god indra, and had five sons, named rudra, brahma, krishna, sambuha, and kai, whose descendants now live respectively in the country north of the palar in the cauvery delta, between the palar and pennar. they have written a puranam and a drama bearing on this tale. they declare that they are superior to brahmans, since, while the latter must be invested with the sacred thread after birth, they bring their sacred thread with them at birth itself." "the vanniyans," mr. nelson states, [ ] "are at the present time a small and obscure agricultural caste, but there is reason to believe that they are descendants of ancestors who, in former times, held a good position among the tribes of south india. a manuscript, abstracted at page of the catalogue raisonné (mackenzie manuscripts), states that the vanniyans belong to the agnikula, and are descended from the muni sambhu; and that they gained victories by means of their skill in archery. and another manuscript, abstracted at page , shows that two of their chiefs enjoyed considerable power, and refused to pay the customary tribute to the rayar, who was for a long time unable to reduce them to submission. armies of vanniyans are often mentioned in ceylon annals. and a hindu history of ceylon, translated in the royal as. soc. journal, vol. xxiv, states that, in the year of the kali yuga, a pandya princess went over to ceylon, and married its king, and was accompanied by sixty bands of vanniyans." the terms vanni and vanniyan are used in tamil poems to denote king. thus, in the classical tamil poem kalladam, which has been attributed to the time of tiruvalluvar, the author of the sacred kural, vanni is used in the sense of king. kamban, the author of the tamil ramayana, uses it in a similar sense. in an inscription dated a.d., published by dr. e. hultzsch, [ ] vanniya nayan appears among the titles of the local chief of tiruchchuram, who made a grant of land to the vishnu temple at manimangalam. tiruchchuram is identical with tiruvidaichuram about four miles south-east of chingleput, where there is a ruined fort, and also a siva temple celebrated in the hymns of tirugnana sambandhar, the great saiva saint who lived in the th century. local tradition, confirmed by one of the mackenzie manuscripts, [ ] says that this place was, during the time of the vijayanagar king krishna raya ( - a.d.), ruled over by two feudal chiefs of the vanniya caste named kandavarayan and sendavarayan. they, it is said, neglected to pay tribute to their sovereign lord, who sent an army to exact it. the brothers proved invincible, but one of their dancing-girls was guilty of treachery. acting under instructions, she poisoned kandavarayan. his brother sendavarayan caught hold of her and her children, and drowned them in the local tank. the tank and the hillock close by still go by the name of kuppichi kulam and kuppichi kunru, after kuppi the dancing-girl. an inscription of the vijayanagar king deva raya ii ( - a.d.) gives him the title of the lord who took the heads of the eighteen vanniyas. [ ] this inscription records a grant by one muttayya nayakan, son of mukka nayakan of vanniraya gotram. another inscription, [ ] dated a.d., states that, when one raja vallabha ruled at conjeeveram, a general, named vanniya chinna pillai, obtained a piece of land at sattankad near madras. reference is made by orme [ ] to the assistance which the vaniah of sevagherry gave muhammad yusuf in his reduction of tinnevelly in . the vaniah here referred to is the zamindar of sivagiri in the tinnevelly district, a vanniya by caste. vanniyas are mentioned in ceylon archives. wanni is the name of a district in ceylon. it is, mr. w. hamilton writes, [ ] "situated towards trincomalee in the north-east quarter. at different periods its wannies or princes, taking advantage of the wars between the candian sovereigns and their european enemies, endeavoured to establish an authority independent of both, but they finally, after their country had been much desolated by all parties, submitted to the dutch." further, sir j. e. tennent writes, [ ] that "in modern times, the wanny was governed by native princes styled wannyahs, and occasionally by females with the title of wunniches." the terms sambhu and sambhava rayan are connected with the pallis. the story goes that agni was the original ancestor of all kings. his son was sambhu, whose descendants called themselves sambhukula, or those of the sambhu family. some inscriptions [ ] of the time of the chola kings kulottunga iii and raja raja iii record sambukula perumal sambuvarayan and alagiya pallavan edirili sola sambuvarayan as titles of local chiefs. a well-known verse of irattayar in praise of conjeeveram ekamranathaswami refers to the pallava king as being of the sambu race. the later descendants of the pallavas apparently took sambuvarayar and its allied forms as their titles, as the pallis in tanjore and south arcot still do. at conjeeveram there lives the family of the mahanattar of the vanniyans, which calls itself "of the family of vira sambu." "the name vanniyan," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] seems to have been introduced by the brahmans, possibly to gratify the desire of the pallis for genealogical distinction. padaiyachi means a soldier, and is also of late origin. that the pallis were once an influential and independent community may be admitted, and in their present desire to be classed as kshatriyas they are merely giving expression to this belief, but, unless an entirely new meaning is to be given to the term kshatriya, their claim must be dismissed as absurd. after the fall of the pallava dynasty, the pallis became agricultural servants under the vellalas, and it is only since the advent of british rule that they have begun to assert their claims to a higher position." further, mr. w. francis writes [ ] that "this caste has been referred to as being one of those which are claiming for themselves a position higher than that which hindu society is inclined to accord them. their ancestors were socially superior to themselves, but they do not content themselves with stating this, but in places are taking to wearing the sacred thread of the twice-born, and claim to be kshatriyas. they have published pamphlets to prove their descent from that caste, and they returned themselves in thousands, especially in godavari, as agnikula kshatriyas or vannikula kshatriyas, meaning kshatriyas of the fire race." "as a relic," it has been said, [ ] "of the origin of the vannikula kshatriyas from fire, the fire-pot, which comes in procession on a fixed day during the annual festivities of draupadi and other goddesses, is borne on the head of a vanniya. also, in dramatic plays, the king personæ (sic) has always been taken by a kshatriya, who is generally a vanniya. these peculiarities, however, are becoming common now-a-days, when privileges peculiar to one caste are being trenched upon by other caste men. in the tirupporur temple, the practice of beating the mazhu (red-hot iron) is done by a dancing-girl serving the vanniya caste. the privilege of treading on the fire is also peculiar to the vanniyas." it is recorded by mr. francis [ ] that, in the south arcot district, "draupadi's temples are very numerous, and the priest at them is generally a palli by caste, and pallis take the leading part in the ceremonies at them. why this should be so is not clear. the pallis say it is because both the pandava brothers and themselves were born of fire, and are therefore related. festivals to draupadi always involve two points of ritual--the recital or acting of a part of the mahabharata and a fire-walking ceremony. the first of these is usually done by the pallis, who are very fond of the great epic, and many of whom know it uncommonly well. [in the city of madras there are several draupadi amman temples belonging to the pallis. the fire-walking ceremony cannot be observed thereat without the help of a member of this caste, who is the first to walk over the hot ashes.] kuvvakkam is known for its festival to aravan (more correctly iravan) or kuttandar, which is one of the most popular feasts with sudras in the whole district. aravan was the son of arjuna, one of the five pandava brothers. local tradition says that, when the great war which is described in the mahabharata was about to begin, the kauravas, the opponents of the pandavas, sacrificed, to bring them success, a white elephant. the pandavas were in despair of being able to find any such uncommon object with which to propitiate the gods, until arjuna suggested that they should offer up his son aravan. aravan agreed to yield his life for the good of the cause, and, when eventually the pandavas were victorious, he was deified for the self-abnegation which had thus brought his side success. since he died in his youth, before he had been married, it is held to please him if men, even though grown up and already wedded, come now and offer to espouse him, and men who are afflicted with serious diseases take a vow to marry him at his annual festival in the hope of thereby being cured. the festival occurs in may, and for eighteen nights the mahabharata is recited by a palli, large numbers of people, especially of that caste, assembling to hear it read. on the eighteenth night, a wooden image of kuttandar is taken to a tope (grove), and seated there. this is the signal for the sacrifice of an enormous number of fowls. every one who comes brings one or two, and the number killed runs literally into thousands. such sacrifices are most uncommon in south arcot, though frequent enough in other parts of the presidency--the ceded districts for example--and this instance is noteworthy. while this is going on, all the men who have taken vows to be married to the deity appear before his image dressed like women, make obeisance, offer to the priest (who is a palli by caste) a few annas, and give into his hands the talis (marriage badges) which they have brought with them. these the priest, as representing the god, ties round their necks. the god is brought back to his shrine that night, and when in front of the building he is hidden by a cloth being held before him. this symbolises the sacrifice of aravan, and the men who have just been married to him set up loud lamentations at the death of their husband. similar vows are taken and ceremonies performed, it is said, at the shrines to kuttandar at kottattai (two miles north-west of porto novo), and adivarahanattum (five miles north-west of chidambaram), and, in recent years, at tiruvarkkulam (one mile east of the latter place); other cases probably occur." the pallis, mr. francis writes further, [ ] "as far back as tried to procure a decree in pondicherry, declaring that they were not a low caste, and of late years they have, in this (south arcot) district, been closely bound together by an organisation managed by one of their caste, who was a prominent person in these parts. in south arcot they take a somewhat higher social rank than in other places--tanjore, for example--and their esprit de corps is now surprisingly strong. they are tending gradually to approach the brahmanical standard of social conduct, discouraging adult marriage, meat-eating, and widow re-marriage, and they also actively repress open immorality or other social sins, which might serve to give the community a bad name. in a document came before one of the courts, which showed that, in the year previous, the representatives of the caste in thirty-four villages in this district had bound themselves in writing, under penalty of excommunication, to refrain (except with the consent of all parties) from the practices formerly in existence of marrying two wives, and of allowing a woman to marry again during the lifetime of her first husband. some of the caste have taken to calling themselves vannikula kshatriyas or agnikula kshatriyas, and others even declare that they are brahmans. these last always wear the sacred thread, tie their cloths in the brahman fashion (though their women do not follow the brahman ladies in this matter), forbid widow remarriage, and are vegetarians." some palli poligars have very high-sounding names, such as agni kudirai eriya raya ravutha minda nainar, i.e., nainar who conquered raya ravutha and mounted a fire horse. this name is said to commemorate a contest between a palli and a ravutha, at which the former sat on a red-hot metal horse. further names are samidurai surappa sozhaganar and anjada singam (fearless lion). some pallis have adopted gupta as a title. a few palli families now maintain a temple of their own, dedicated to srinivasa, at the village of kumalam in the south arcot district, live round the temple, and are largely dependent on it for their livelihood. most of them dress exactly like the temple battars, and a stranger would certainly take them for battar brahmans. some of them are well versed in the temple ritual, and their youths are being taught the sandyavandhana (morning prayer) and vedas by a brahman priest. ordinary palli girls are taken by them in marriage, but their own girls are not allowed to marry ordinary pallis; and, as a result of this practice of hypergamy, the kumalam men sometimes have to take to themselves more than one wife, in order that their young women may be provided with husbands. these kumalam pallis are regarded as priests of the pallis, and style themselves kovilar, or temple people. but, by other castes, they are nicknamed kumalam brahmans. they claim to be kshatriyas, and have adopted the title rayar. other titles, "indicating authority, bravery, and superiority," assumed by pallis are nayakar, varma, padaiyachi (head of an army), kandar, chera, chola, pandya, nayanar, udaiyar, samburayar, etc. [ ] still further titles are pillai, reddi, goundan, and kavandan. some say that they belong to the chola race, and that, as such, they should be called chembians. [ ] iranya varma, the name of one of the early pallava kings, was returned as their caste by certain wealthy pallis, who also gave themselves the title of solakanar (descendant of chola kings) at the census, . in reply to a question by the census superintendent, , as to the names of the sub-divisions of the caste, it was stated that "the vanniyans are either of the solar and lunar or agnikula race, or ruthra vanniyar, krishna vanniyar, samboo vanniyar, brahma vanniyar, and indra vanniyar." the most important of the sub-divisions returned at the census were agamudaiyan, agni, arasu (raja), kshatriya, nagavadam (cobra's hood, or ear ornament of that shape), nattaman, olai (palm leaf), pandamuttu, and perumal gotra. pandamuttu is made by winslow to mean torches arranged so as to represent an elephant. but the pallis derive the name from panda muttu, or touching the pandal, in reference to the pile of marriage pots reaching to the top of the pandal. the lowest pot is decorated with figures of elephants and horses. at a marriage among the pandamuttu pallis, the bride and bridegroom, in token of their kshatriya descent, are seated on a raised dais, which represents a simhasanam or throne. the bride wears a necklace of glass beads with the tali, and the officiating priest is a telugu brahman. other sub-castes of the pallis, recorded in the census report, , are kallangi in chingleput, bearing the title reddi, and kallaveli, or kallan's fence, in the madura district. the occupational title kottan (bricklayer) was returned by some pallis in coimbatore. in the salem district some pallis are divided into anju-nal (five days) and pannendu-nal (twelve days), according as they perform the final death ceremonies on the fifth or twelfth day after death, to distinguish them from those who perform them on the sixteenth day. [ ] another division of pallis in the salem district is based on the kind of ear ornament which is worn. the olai pallis wear a circular ornament (olai), and the nagavadam pallis wear an ornament in shape like a cobra and called nagavadam. the pallis are classed with the left-hand section. but the census superintendent, , records that "the wives of the agricultural labourers (pallis) side with the left hand, while the husbands help in fighting the battles of the right; and the shoe-makers' (chakkiliyan) wives also take the side opposed to their husbands. during these factional disturbances, the ladies deny to their husbands all the privileges of the connubial state." this has not, however, been confirmed in recent investigations into the customs of the caste. the pallis are saivites or vaishnavites, but are also demonolaters, and worship mutyalamma, mariamma, ayanar, muneswara, ankalamma, and other minor deities. writing nearly a century ago concerning the vana pallis settled at kolar in mysore, buchanan states [ ] that "they are much addicted to the worship of the saktis, or destructive powers, and endeavour to avert their wrath by bloody sacrifices. these are performed by cutting off the animal's head before the door of the temple, and invoking the deity to partake of the sacrifice. there is no altar, nor is the blood sprinkled on the image, and the body serves the votaries for a feast. the pallivanlu have temples dedicated to a female spirit of this kind named mutialamma, and served by pujaris (priests) of their own caste. they also offer sacrifices to mariamma, whose pujaris are kurubaru." huge human figures, representing mannarswami in a sitting posture, constructed of bricks and mortar, and painted, are conspicuous objects in the vicinity of the lawrence asylum press, mount road, and in the kottawal bazar, madras. at the village of tirumalavayal near avadi, there is a similar figure as tall as a palmyra palm, with a shrine of pachaiamman close by. mannarswami is worshipped mainly by pallis and beri chettis. an annual festival is held in honour of pachaiamman and mannarswami, in which the beri chettis take a prominent part. during the festivals of village deities, the goddess is frequently represented by a pile of seven pots, called karagam, decorated with garlands and flowers. even when there is an idol in the temple, the karagam is set up in a corner thereof, and taken daily, morning and evening, in procession, carried on the head of a pujari or other person. on the last day of the festival, the karagam is elaborately decorated with parrots, dolls, flowers, etc., made of pith (Æschynomene aspera), and called pu karagam (flower pot). the pallis live in separate streets or quarters distinctively known as the palli teru or kudi teru (ryots' quarter). the bulk of them are labourers, but many now farm their own lands, while others are engaged in trade or in government service. the occupations of those whom i have examined at madras and chingleput were as follows:-- merchant. cultivator. bullock and pony cart driver. printer. lascar. sweetmeat vendor. flower vendor. fitter. sawyer. oil-presser. gardener. polisher. bricklayer. mason. some of the chingleput palli men were tattooed, like the irulas, with a dot or vertical stripe on the forehead. some irulas, it may be noted en passant, call themselves ten (honey) vanniyans, or vana (forest) pallis. like many other castes, the pallis have their own caste beggars, called nokkan, who receive presents at marriages and on other occasions. the time-honoured panchayat system still prevails, and the caste has headmen, entitled perithanakkaran or nattamaikkaran, who decide all social matters affecting the community, and must be present at the ceremonial distribution of pansupari. the kovilars, and some others who aspire to a high social status, practice infant marriage, but adult marriage is the rule. at the betrothal ceremony, the future bridegroom goes to the house of his prospective father-in-law, where the headman of the future bride must be present. the bridegroom's headman or father places on a tray betel, flowers, the bride-price (pariyam) in money or jewels, the milk money (mulapal kuli), and a cocoanut. milk money is the present given to the mother of the bride, in return for her having given nourishment to the girl during her infancy. all these things are handed by the bridegroom's headman to the father or headman of the bride, saying "the money is yours. the girl is ours." the bride's father, receiving them, says "the money is mine. the girl is yours." this performance is repeated thrice, and pan-supari is distributed, the first recipient being the maternal uncle. the ceremony is in a way binding, and marriage, as a rule, follows close on the betrothal. if, in the interval, a girl's intended husband dies, she may marry some one else. a girl may not marry without the consent of her maternal uncle, and, if he disapproves of a match, he has the right to carry her off even when the ceremony is in progress, and marry her to a man of his selection. it is stated, in the vannikula vilakkam, that at a marriage among the pallis "the bride, after her betrothal, is asked to touch the bow and sword of the bridegroom. the latter adorns himself with all regal pomp, and, mounting a horse, goes in procession to the bride's house where the marriage ceremony is celebrated." the marriage ceremony is, in ordinary cases, completed in one day, but the tendency is to spread it over three days, and introduce the standard puranic form of ritual. on the day preceding the wedding-day, the bride is brought in procession to the house of the bridegroom, and the marriage pots are brought by a woman of the potter caste. on the wedding morning, the marriage dais is got ready, and the milk-post, pots, and lights are placed thereon. bride and bridegroom go separately through the nalagu ceremony. they are seated on a plank, and five women smear them with oil by means of a culm of grass (cynodon dactylon), and afterwards with phaseolus mungo (green gram) paste. water coloured with turmeric and chunam (arathi) is then waved round them, to avert the evil eye, and they are conducted to the bathing-place. while they are bathing, five small cakes are placed on various parts of the body--knees, shoulders, head, etc. when the bridegroom is about to leave the spot, cooked rice, contained in a sieve, is waved before him, and thrown away. the bridal couple are next taken three times round the dais, and they offer pongal (cooked rice) to the village and house gods and the ancestors, in five pots, in which the rice has been very carefully prepared, so as to avoid pollution of any kind, by a woman who has given birth to a first child. they then dress themselves in their wedding finery, and get ready for the tying of the tali. meanwhile, the milk-post, made of odina wodier, erythrina indica, or the handle of a plough, has been set up. at its side are placed a grindstone, a large pot, and two lamps called kuda-vilakku (pot light) and alankara-vilakku (ornamental light). the former consists of a lighted wick in an earthenware tray placed on a pot, and the latter of a wooden stand with several branches supporting a number of lamps. it is considered an unlucky omen if the pot light goes out before the conclusion of the ceremonial. it is stated by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] that in the north arcot district "in the marriage ceremony of the vanniyans or pallis, the first of the posts supporting the booth must be cut from the vanni (prosopis spicigera), a tree which they hold in much reverence because they believe that the five pandava princes, who were like themselves kshatriyas, during the last year of their wanderings, deposited their arms in a tree of this species. on the tree the arms turned into snakes, and remained untouched till the owners' return." the prosopis tree is worshipped in order to obtain pardon from sins, success over enemies, and the realisation of the devotee's wishes. when the bride and bridegroom come to the wedding booth dressed in their new clothes, the brahman purohit gives them the threads (kankanam), which are to be tied round their wrists. the tali is passed round to be blessed by those assembled, and handed to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride's neck. while he is so doing, his sister holds a light called kamakshi vilakku. kamakshi, the goddess at conjeeveram, is a synonym for siva's consort parvathi. the music of the flute is sometimes accompanied by the blowing of the conch shell while the tali is being tied, and omens are taken from the sounds produced thereby. the tali-tying ceremony concluded, the couple change their seats, and the ends of their clothes are tied together. rice is thrown on their heads, and in front of them, and the near relations may tie gold or silver plates called pattam. the first to do this is the maternal uncle. bride and bridegroom then go round the dais and milk-post, and, at the end of the second turn, the bridegroom lifts the bride's left foot, and places it on the grindstone. at the end of the third turn, the brother-in-law, in like manner, places the bridegroom's left foot on the stone, and puts on a toe-ring. for so doing, he receives a rupee and betel. the contracting couple are then shown the pole-star (arundhati), and milk and fruit are given to them. towards evening, the wrist-threads are removed, and they proceed to a tank for a mock ploughing ceremony. the bridegroom carries a ploughshare, and the bride a small pot containing conji (rice gruel). a small patch of ground is turned up, and puddled so as to resemble a miniature field, wherein the bridegroom plants some grain seedlings. a miniature pillayar (ganesa) is made with cow-dung, and betel offered to it. the bridegroom then sits down, feigning fatigue, and the bride gives him a handful of rice, which his brother-in-law tries to prevent him from eating. the newly-married couple remain for about a week at the bride's house, and are then conducted to that of the bridegroom, the brother-in-law carrying a hundred or a hundred and ten cakes. before they enter the house, coloured water and a cocoanut are waved in front of them, and, as soon as she puts foot within her new home, the bride must touch pots containing rice and salt with her right hand. a curious custom among the pallis at kumbakonam is that the bride's mother, and often all her relatives, are debarred from attending her marriage. the bride is also kept gosha (in seclusion) for all the days of the wedding. [ ] it is noted by mr. hemingway that some of the pandamuttu pallis of the trichinopoly district "practice the betrothal of infant girls, the ceremony consisting of pouring cow-dung water into the mouth of the baby. they allow a girl to marry a boy younger than herself, and make the latter swallow a two-anna bit, to neutralise the disadvantages of such a match. weddings are generally performed at the boy's house, and the bride's mother does not attend. the bride is concealed from view by a screen." it is said that, some years ago, a marriage took place at panruti near cuddalore on the old svayamvara principle described in the story of nala and damayanti in the mahabharata. according to this custom, a girl selects a husband from a large number of competitors, who are assembled for the purpose. widow remarriage is permitted. at the marriage of a widow, the tali is tied by a married woman, the bridegroom standing by the side, usually inside the house. widow marriage is known as naduvittu tali, as the tali-tying ceremony takes place within the house (naduvidu). to get rid of the pollution of the first menstrual period, holy water is sprinkled over the girl by a brahman, after she has bathed. she seats herself on a plank, and rice cakes (puttu), a pounding stone, and arathi are waved in front of her. sugar and betel are then distributed among those present. the dead are sometimes burnt, and sometimes buried. as soon as an individual dies, the son goes three times round the corpse, carrying an iron measure (marakkal), wherein a lamp rests on unhusked rice. the corpse is washed, and the widow bathes in such a way that the water falls on it. omission to perform this rite would entail disgrace, and there is an abusive phrase "may the water from the woman's body not fall on that of the corpse." the dead man and his widow exchange betel three times. the corpse is carried to the burning or burial-ground on a bamboo stretcher, and, on the way thither, is set down near a stone representing arichandra, to whom food is offered. arichandra was a king who became a slave of the paraiyans, and is in charge of the burial-ground. by some pallis a two-anna piece is placed on the forehead, and a pot of rice on the breast of the corpse. these are taken away by the officiating barber and paraiyan respectively. [ ] men who die before they are married have to go through a post-mortem mock marriage ceremony. a garland of arka (calotropis gigantea) flowers is placed round the neck of the corpse, and mud from a gutter is shaped into cakes, which, like the cakes at a real marriage, are placed on various parts of the body. a curious death ceremony is said by mr. hemingway to be observed by the arasu pallis in the trichinopoly district. on the day after the funeral, two pots of water are placed near the spot where the corpse was cremated. if a cow drinks of the water, they think it is the soul of the dead come to quench its thirst. in some places, palli women live in strict seclusion (gosha). this is particularly the case in the old palaigar families of ariyalur, udaiyarpalaiyam, pichavaram, and sivagiri. the caste has a well-organised sangham (association) called chennai vannikula kshatriya maha sangham, which was established in by leaders of the caste. besides creating a strong esprit de corps among members of the caste in various parts of the madras presidency, it has been instrumental in the opening of seven schools, of which three are in madras, and the others at conjeeveram, madhurantakam, tirukalikundram and kumalam. it has also established chuttrams (rest-houses) at five places of pilgrimage. chengalvaraya nayakar's technical school, attached to pachaiappa's college in madras, was founded in by a member of the palli caste, who bequeathed a large legacy for its maintenance. there is also an orphanage named after him in madras, for palli boys. govindappa nayakar's school, which forms the lower secondary branch of pachaiappa's college, is another institution which owes its existence to the munificence of a member of the palli caste. the latest venture of the pallis is the publication of a newspaper called agnikuladittan (the sun of the agnikula), which was started in . concerning the pallis, pallilu, or palles, who are settled in the telugu country as fishermen, carpenters, and agriculturists, mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] that "it seems probable that they are a branch of the great palli or vanniya tribe, for buchanan refers to the mina (fish) pallis and vana pallis." as sub-castes of these pallis, vada (boatmen), marakkadu and edakula are given in the census report, . in the north arcot manual, palli is given as a sub-division of the telugu kapus. in some places the pallis call themselves palle kapulu, and give as their gotram jambumaharishi, which is a gotram of the pallis. though they do not intermarry, the palle kapulu may interdine with the kapus. concerning the caste-beggars of the pallis, and their legendary history, i read the following account. [ ] "i came upon a noisy procession entering one of the main streets of a town not far from madras. it was headed by spearmen, swordsmen, and banner-bearers, the last carrying huge flags (palempores) with representations of lions, tigers, monkeys, brahmany kites, goblins and dwarfs. the centre of attraction consisted of some half dozen men and women in all the bravery of painted faces and gay clothing, and armed with swords, lances, and daggers. tom-toms, trumpets, cymbals, and horns furnished the usual concomitant of ear-piercing music, while the painted men and women moved, in time with it, their hands and feet, which were encircled by rows of tiny bells. a motley following of the tag-rag and bob-tail of the population, which had been allured thither by the noise and clamour, brought up the rear of the procession, which stopped at each crossing. at each halt, the trumpeters blew a great and sonorous blast, while one of the central figures, with a conspicuous abdominal development, stepped forward, and, in a stentorian voice, proclaimed the brave deeds performed by them in the days gone by, and challenged all comers to try conclusions with them, or own themselves beaten. i was told that the chief personages in the show were jatipillays (literally, children of the caste), who had arrived in the town in the course of their annual tour of the country, for collecting their perquisites from all members of the palli or padiachi caste, and that this was how they announced their arrival. the perquisite levied is known as the talaikattu vari (poll-tax, or literally the turban tax), a significant expression when it is borne in mind that only the adult male members of the caste (those who are entitled to tie a cloth round their heads) are liable to pay it, and not the women and children. it amounts to but one anna per head, and is easily collected. the jatipillays also claim occult powers, and undertake to exhibit their skill in magic by the exorcism of devils, witchcraft and sorcery, and the removal of spells, however potent. this operation is called modi edukkirathu, or the breaking of spells, and sometimes the challenge is taken up by a rival magician of a different caste. a wager is fixed, and won or lost according to the superior skill of the challenger or challenged. entering into friendly chat with one of the leading members of the class, i gleaned the following legend of its origin, and of the homage accorded to it by the pallis. in remote times, when salivahana was king of the chola country, with its capital at conjeeveram, all the principal castes of south india had their head-quarters at the seat of government, where each, after its own way, did homage to the triple deities of the place, namely, kamakshi amman, ekambrasvarar, and sri varadarajaswami. each caste got up an annual car festival to these deities. on one of these occasions, owing to a difference which had arisen between the seniyans (weavers), who form a considerable portion of the population of conjeeveram, on one side, and the pallis or vanniyans on the other, some members of the former caste, who were adepts in magic, through sheer malevolence worked spells upon the cars of the pallis, whose progress through the streets first became slow and tedious, and was finally completely arrested, the whole lot of them having come to a stand-still, and remaining rooted on the spot in one of the much frequented thoroughfares of the city. the pallis put on more men to draw the cars, and even employed elephants and horses to haul them, but all to no purpose. as if even this was not sufficient to satisfy their malignity, the unscrupulous seniyars actually went to king salivahana, and bitterly complained against the pallis of having caused a public nuisance by leaving their cars in a common highway to the detriment of the public traffic. the king summoned the pallis, and called them to account, but they pleaded that it was through no fault of theirs that the cars had stuck in a thoroughfare, that they had not been negligent, but had essayed all possible methods of hauling them to their destination by adding to the number of men employed in pulling them, and by having further tried to accelerate their progress with the aid of elephants, camels, and horses, but all in vain. they further declared their conviction that the seniyars had played them an ill-turn, and placed the cars under a spell. king salivahana, however, turned a deaf ear to these representations, and decreed that it was open to the pallis to counteract the spells of their adversaries, and he prescribed a period within which this was to be effected. he also tacked on a threat that, in default of compliance with his mandate, the pallis must leave his kingdom for good and ever. the pallis sought refuge and protection of the goddess kamakshi amman, whose pity was touched by their sad plight, and who came to their aid. she appeared to one of the elders of the caste in a dream, and revealed to him that there was a staunch devotee of hers--a member of their caste--who alone could remove the spells wrought by the seniyars, and that this man, ramasawmy naikan, was prime minister in the service of the kodagu (coorg) raja. the desperate plight they were in induced the pallis to send a powerful deputation to the raja, and to beg of him to lend them the services of ramasawmy naik, in order to save them from the catastrophe which was imminent. the raja was kind enough to comply. the naik arrived, and, by virtue of his clairvoyant powers, took in the situation at a glance. he found myriads of imps and uncanny beings around each of the car-wheels, who gripped them as by a vice, and pulled them back with their sinewy legs and hands every time an attempt was made to drag them forwards. ramasawmy naik by no means liked the look of things, for he found that he had all his work cut out for him to keep these little devils from doing him bodily harm, let alone any attempt to cast them off by spells. he saw that more than common powers were needed to face the situation, and prayed to kamakshi amman to disclose a way of overcoming the enemy. after long fasting and prayers, he slept a night in the temple of kamakshi amman, in the hope that a revelation might come to him in his slumber. while he slept, kamakshi amman appeared, and declared to him that the only way of overcoming the foe was for the pallis to render a propitiatory sacrifice, but of a most revolting kind, namely, to offer up as a victim a woman pregnant with her first child. the pallis trembled at the enormity of the demand, and declared that they would sooner submit to salivahana's decree of perpetual exile than offer such a horrible sacrifice. ramasawmy naik, however, rose to the occasion, and resolved to sacrifice his own girl-wife, who was then pregnant with her first child. he succeeded in propitiating the deity by offering this heroic sacrifice, and the spells of the seniyars instantly collapsed, and the whole legion of imps and devils, who had impeded the progress of the pallis' car, vanished into thin air. the coast having thus been cleared of hostile influences, ramasawmy naik, with no more help than his own occult powers gave him, succeeded in hauling the whole lot of cars to their destination, and in a single trip, by means of a rope passed through a hole in his nose. the pallis, whose gratitude knew no bounds, called down benedictions on his head, and, falling prostrate before him, begged him to name his reward for the priceless service rendered by him to their community. ramasawmy naik only asked that the memory of his services to the caste might be perpetuated by the bestowal upon him and his descendants of the title jati-pillay, or children of the caste, and of the privilege of receiving alms at the hands of the pallis; and that they might henceforth be allowed the honour of carrying the badges of the caste--banners, state umbrellas, trumpets, and other paraphernalia--in proof of the signal victory they had gained over the seniyars." palli dasari.--a name for tamil-speaking dasaris, as distinguished from telugu-speaking dasaris. palli idiga.--a name given by telugu people to tamil shanans, whose occupation is, like that of idigas, toddy-drawing. pallicchan.--a sub-division of nayars, the hereditary occupation of which is palanquin-bearing. in the cochin census report, the pallicchans are recorded as being palanquin-bearers for brahmans. pallikkillam.--an exogamous sept or illam of tamil panikkans. palua.--a sub-division of badhoyi. pambaikkaran.--an occupational name for paraiyans, who play on a drum called pambai. pambala.--the pambalas, or drum (pamba) people, are malas who act as musicians at mala marriages and festivals in honour of their deities. they also take part in the recitation of the story of ankamma, and making muggu (designs on the floor) at the peddadinamu death ceremony of the gamallas. pammi (a common lamp).--an exogamous sept of devanga. pamula (snake people).--a name for snake-charming koravas, and jogis, who, in the character of itinerant showmen, exhibit snakes to the public. the name also occurs as an exogamous sept of mala and yanadi. panam (palmyra palm: borassus flabellifer.)--a sub-division of shanan. it also occurs as a branch or kothu of kondaiyamkotti maravans. panan.--the tamil panans are said, in the census report, , to be also called mestris. they are "tailors among tamils in madura and tinnevelly. they employ brahmans and vellalas as purohits. though barbers and washermen will not eat food prepared by them, they are allowed to enter hindu temples." the malayalam panans are described in the same report as "exorcists and devil-dancers. the men also make umbrellas, and the women act as midwives. in parts they are called malayans, and they may be descendants of that hill tribe who have settled in the plains." in the south canara manual, the panans are said to be "the malayalam caste corresponding to the nalkes and pombadas. they are numerous in malabar, where they are also known by the name of malayan. the devils whom they personify are supposed to have influence over crops, and at the time of harvest the panans go about begging from house to house, dancing with umbrellas in their hands. on such occasions, however, it is only boys and girls who personify the demons." "the village magician or conjurer," mr. gopal panikkar writes, [ ] "goes by different names, such as panan, malayan, etc. his work consists in casting out petty devils from the bodies of persons (chiefly children) possessed, in writing charms for them to wear, removing the pernicious effects of the evil eye, and so on." on certain ceremonial occasions, the panan plays on an hour-glass shaped drum, called thudi. in an account of the funeral ceremonies of the tiyans, mr. logan writes [ ] that "early on the morning of the third day after death, the kurup or caste barber adopts measures to entice the spirit of the deceased out of the room in which he breathed his last. this is done by the nearest relative bringing into the room a steaming pot of savoury funeral rice. it is immediately removed, and the spirit, after three days' fasting, is understood greedily to follow the odour of the tempting food. the kurup at once closes the door, and shuts out the spirit. the kurup belongs to the panan caste. he is the barber of the polluting classes above cherumans, and by profession he is also an umbrella maker. but, curiously enough, though an umbrella maker, he cannot make the whole of an umbrella. he may only make the framework; the covering of it is the portion of the females of his caste. if he has no female relative of his own capable of finishing off his umbrellas, he must seek the services of the females of other families in the neighbourhood to finish his for him. the basket-makers are called kavaras. nothing will induce them to take hold of an umbrella, as they have a motto, do not take hold of panan's leg." in an account of a ceremonial at the pishari temple near quilandy in malabar, mr. f. fawcett writes [ ] that "early on the seventh and last day, when the morning procession is over, there comes to the temple a man of the panan caste. he carries a small cadjan (palm leaf) umbrella which he has made himself, adorned all round the edges with a fringe of the young leaves of the cocoanut palm. the umbrella should have a long handle, and with this in his hand he performs a dance before the temple. he receives about lbs. of raw rice for his performance." it is further recorded by mr. fawcett that, when a tiyan is cremated, a watch is kept at the burning-ground for five days by panans, who beat drums all night to scare away the evil spirits which haunt such spots. the following account of the panans is given in the gazetteer of malabar. "the name is perhaps connected with pan, music. they follow the makkattayam family system (of inheritance from father to son), and practice fraternal polyandry. in south malabar there are said to be four sub-divisions, called tirurengan, kodaketti (umbrella tying), minpidi (fish catching), and pulluvan, of which the last named is inferior in status to the other three. they are also divided into exogamous illams or kiriyams. they worship kali, and inferior deities such as parakutti, karinkutti, gulikan, and kutti chattan. their methods of exorcism are various. if any one is considered to be possessed by demons, it is usual, after consulting the astrologer, to ascertain what murti (lit. form) is causing the trouble, to call in panans, who perform a ceremony called teyattam, in which they wear masks, and, so attired, sing, dance, tom-tom, and play on rude and strident pipes. other of their ceremonies for driving out devils called ucchaveli seem to be survivals of imitations of human sacrifice, or instances of sympathetic magic. one of these consists of a mock living burial of the principal performer, who is placed in a pit which is covered with planks, on the top of which a sacrifice (homam) is performed with a fire kindled with jack (artocarpus integrifolia) branches. in another variety, the panan cuts his left forearm, and smears his face with the blood thus drawn. panans also take part with mannans in various ceremonies at badrakali and other temples, in which the performers personate, in suitable costumes, some of the minor deities or demons, and fowls are sacrificed, while a velicchapad dances himself into a frenzy, and pronounces oracles." it is further noted, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "to constitute a valid divorce, the husband pulls a thread from his cloth, and gives it to his wife's brother, saying 'your parisha is over.' it is a traditional duty of the panans to furnish a messenger to announce to an izhuvan (or tandan) girl's mother or husband (according to where she is staying) that she has attained puberty." in the census report, , anjuttan (men of the five hundred) and munnuttan (men of the three hundred) are returned as sub-castes of the malayalan panans. for the following account of the panans of travancore, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. the word is of tamil origin, and means a tailor. the title taken by them is panikkan, the usual honorific appellation of most of the industrial castes of malabar. they are supposed to be one with the panans of the tamil country, though much below them in the social scale. they observe a pollution distance of thirty-six feet, but keep mannans and vedans at a distance of eight, and pulayas and paraiyas at a distance of thirty-two feet from them. they are their own barbers and washermen. they will eat food prepared by kammalans, of whom there is a tradition that they are a degraded branch. tiruvarangan, one of the popular sages of malabar, who are reputed to be the descendants of a paraiya woman, is said to have been a panan, and the panans pay him due reverence. in the keralolpatti, the traditional occupation of the panans is said to be exorcism, and in british malabar this occupation seems to be continued at the present day. umbrella-making is a secondary occupation for the men. in travancore, however, the only occupation pursued by the panans is tailoring. the tali-kettu celebration takes place before the girl attains puberty. if this ceremony is intended to signify a real marriage, the girl is taken to her husband's house on the fourth day of the first menstrual period, and they remain thenceforth man and wife. otherwise a sambandham ceremony has to be performed either by the tali-tier or some one else, to establish conjugal relations. inheritance is mostly paternal. the dead are buried, and death pollution lasts for sixteen days. the spirits of deceased ancestors are appeased once a year by the offering of cooked food on the new-moon day in the month of karkatakam (july-august). ancestors who died from some untoward accident are propitiated in the month of avani (august-september) by offerings of flesh and liquor. the latter ceremonial is termed vellamkuli or water drinking. small earthen sheds, called gurusalas or kuriyalas and matams, are erected in memory of some ancestors. the following account of the panans of the cochin state is extracted from a note by mr. l. k. ananta krishna aiyar. [ ] "the panans give, as the traditional account of their origin, a distorted version of the tradition as to the origin of the izhuvans, which is found in the mackenzie manuscripts. the panan version of the story is as follows. one day a washerman of cheraman perumal chanced to wash his dress very clean. on being asked by the perumal as to the cause of it, the washerman said that it was due to the suggestion of a handsome carpenter girl, who saw him while washing. the perumal, pleased with the girl, desired her to be married to his washerman. the parents of the girl were duly consulted, and they could not refuse the offer, as it came from their sovereign. but his fellow carpenters resented it, for, if the proposal was accepted, and the marriage celebrated, it might not only place the members of her family under a ban, but would also bring dishonour to the castemen. to avert the contemplated union, they resorted to the following device. a pandal (marriage booth) was erected and tastefully decorated. just at the auspicious hour, when the bridegroom and his party were properly seated on mats in the pandal, the carpenters brought a puppet exactly resembling the bride, and placed it by his side, when suddenly, by a clever artifice, the carpenters caused the building to tumble down, and thereby killed all those who were in it. they immediately left the perumal's country, and took refuge in the island of ceylon. the ruler was much embarrassed by the disaster to the washerman, and by the flight of the carpenters, for he had none in his country to build houses. a few panans were sent for, and they brought the carpenters back. on their return, they were given some fruit of the palmyra palm, which they ate. they sowed the seeds in their own places, and these grew into large fruit-bearing palms. the panans possessed the privilege of keeping these trees as their own, but subsequently made them over to the izhuvans, who, in memory of this, give even to-day two dishes of food to the panans on all ceremonial occasions in their houses. they have been, on that account, called by the izhuvans nettaries, for their having originally planted these trees. "there are no titles among the panans, but one, who was brought for examination at trichur, told me that one of his ancestors got the title of panikkan, and that he had the privilege of wearing a gold ear-ring, carrying a walking-stick lined with silver, and using a knife provided with a style. kapradan is a title given to the headman in the palghat taluk. in palghat, when the kapradan dies, the raja is informed, and he sends to the chief mourner (the son) a sword, a shield, a spear, a few small guns with some gunpowder, a silver bangle, and a few necklaces. as the dead body is taken to the burial ground, the chief mourner, wearing the ornaments above mentioned, goes behind it. in front go a few persons armed with the weapons referred to. three discharges are made ( ) when the dead body is removed from the house, ( ) when it is placed on the ground, ( ) when it is burnt. the next day, the chief mourner pays his respects to the raja, with an umbrella of his own making, when the raja bestows upon him the title of kapradan. "there are magicians and sorcerers among the panans, who sometimes, at the request even of the high-caste men, practice the black art. some of the panans, like the parayans, engage in magical rites of a repulsive nature, in order to become possessors of a powerful medicine, the possession of which is believed to confer the power of obtaining anything he wishes. they also believe in the existence of a demoniacal hierarchy. changili karuppan, pechi, oodara karuppan, kali, chotala karuppan, chotala bhadrakali, yakshi, gandharvan, and hanuman are the names of the chief demons whom they profess to control with the aid of mantrams (consecrated formulæ) and offerings. they also profess that they can send one or more of these demons into the bodies of men, and cast them out when persons are possessed of them. they profess to cure all kinds of diseases in children with the aid of magic and medicines, and all the castemen believe that harm or even death may be caused to men with the aid of sorcerers. in such cases, an astrologer is consulted, and, according to his calculations, the aid of a magician is sought for. when a person is suffering from what are believed to be demoniacal attacks, he is relieved by the performance of the following ceremony, called pathalahomam. a pit about six feet in length, three feet in depth, and a foot or two in breadth, is dug. a panan, covered with a new piece of cloth, is made to lie in the pit, which is filled in with earth, leaving a small hole for him to breathe. over the middle of his body, the earth is raised and made level. a sacred fire (homam) is made over this with the branches of a jack tree. near it a large square is drawn with sixty-four small divisions, in each of which a small leaf, with some paddy (unhusked rice), rice, flour, and lighted torches, is placed. gingelly (sesamum) seeds, mustard seeds, grains of chama (panicum miliaceum), horse gram (dolichos biflorus), eight fragrant things, the skin of snakes, dung of the elephant, milk of the pala tree, twigs of the banyan tree, dharba grass, nila narakam (naregamia alata) oil, and ghee (clarified butter) are put into it until it burns bright. the sick man is brought in front of it, and the sorcerer authoritatively asks him--or rather the demon residing in his body--to take these things. the sorcerer puts the above mentioned substances into the fire, muttering all the while his mantrams invoking the favour of vira bhadra or kandakaruna. the significance of these is 'oh! kandakaruna, the king of the devas, i have no body, that is, my body is getting weaker and weaker, and am possessed of some demon, which is killing me, kindly help me, and give me strength.' this done, another operation is begun. a fowl is buried, and a small portion of the earth above it is raised and made level. the figure of a man is drawn by the side of it. three homams (sacred fires) are raised, one at the head, one in the middle, and one at the feet. the above mentioned grains, and other substances, are put into the fire. a large square with sixty-four smaller squares in it is drawn, in each of which a leaf, with grains of paddy, rice, and flowers, is placed. another mantram in praise of the demons already mentioned is uttered, and a song is sung. after finishing this, a small structure in the form of a temple is made. a small plantain tree is placed by the side of it. a padmam is drawn, and a puja (worship) is performed for the paradevatha, the queen of demons. the sorcerer makes offerings of toddy, beaten rice, plantains, and cocoanuts, and soon turns oracle, and, as one inspired, tells what the deity wishes, and gives information as regards the departure of the demons from the body. it is now believed that the patient is free from all demoniacal attacks. the buried man is exhumed, and allowed to go home. "in the palghat taluk, the following form of sorcery is practiced, which is believed to relieve persons from demoniacal attacks and disease. if, in the house of any casteman, it is suspected that some malign influence is being exercised by demons, a panan is sent for, who comes in the evening with his colleagues. a homam is lighted with the branches of the trees already mentioned, and into it are thrown six kinds of grains, as well as oil and ghee. as this is being done, kallatikode nili, the presiding archdemon, is propitiated with songs and offerings. the next part of the ceremony consists in bringing a bier and placing a panan on it, and a measure of rice is placed at his head. he is, as in the case of a dead body, covered with a piece of new cloth, and a small plantain tree is placed between the thighs. at his head a sheep and at his feet a fowl are killed. he pretends gradually to recover consciousness. in this state he is taken outside the compound. the panan, lying on the bier, evidently pretends to be dead, as if killed by the attack of some demon. the propitiation with songs and offerings is intended to gratify the demons. this is an instance of sympathetic magic. "some among the panans practice the oti (or odi) cult, like the parayas. the following medicines, with the aid of magic, are serviceable to them in enticing pregnant women from their houses. their preparation is described as follows. a panan, who is an adept in the black art, bathes early in the morning, dresses in a cloth unwashed, and performs puja to his deity, after which he goes in search of a kotuveli plant (manihot utilissima). when he finds such a one as he wants, he goes round it three times every day, and continues to do so for ninety days, prostrating himself every day before it. on the last night, which must be a new-moon night, at twelve o'clock he performs puja to the plant, burning camphor, and, after going round it three times, prostrates himself before it. he then places three small torches on it, and advances twenty paces in front of it. with his mouth closed, and without any fear, he plucks the plant by the root, and buries it in the ashes on the cremation ground, on which he pours the water of seven green cocoanuts. he then goes round it twenty-one times, muttering all the while certain mantrams, after which he plunges himself in the water, and stands erect until it extends to his mouth. he takes a mouthful of water, which he empties on the spot, and then takes the plant with the root, which he believes to possess peculiar virtues. when it is taken to the closed door of a house, it has the power to entice a pregnant woman, when the foetus is removed (cf. article parayan). it is all secretly done on a dark midnight. the head, hands and legs are cut off, and the trunk is taken to a dark-coloured rock, on which it is cut into nine pieces, which are all burned until they are blackened. at this stage, one piece boils, and is placed in a new earthen pot, with the addition of the water of nine green cocoanuts. the pot is removed to the burial-ground. the panan performs a puja here in favour of his favourite deity. here he fixes two poles deep in the earth, at a distance of thirty feet from each other. the poles are connected by a strong wire, from which is suspended the pot to be heated and boiled. seven fire-places are made, beneath the wire. the branches of bamboo, katalati (achyranthes emblica), conga (bauhinea variegata), cocoanut palm, jack tree (artocarpus integrifolia), and pavatta (pavatta indica), are used in forming a bright fire. the mixture in the pot soon boils and becomes oily, at which stage it is passed through a fine cloth. the oil is preserved, and a mark made with it on the forehead enables the possessor to realise anything that is thought of. the sorcerer must be in a state of vow for twenty-one days, and live on a diet of chama kanji. the deity, whose aid is necessary, is propitiated with offerings. "one of the ceremonies which the panans perform is called thukil onarthuka (waking thukil, a kind of drum). in the month of karkadakam (july-august), a panan, with his wife, provided with a drum and kuzhithalam (circular bell-metal cymbals), goes to the houses of brahmans and nayars after midnight, and sings sacred songs. during the week, they sing standing underneath a banyan tree near the western gate of the trichur temple. from the temple authorities they get five measures of paddy, half a measure of rice, some gingelly oil, and a cocoanut. for their services in other houses, they receive a similar remuneration. this is intended to drive evil spirits, if any, from houses. another of their festivals is known as panan kali. the traditional account therefor is as follows. once, when a panan and his wife went to a forest to bring bamboos for the manufacture of umbrellas, they missed their way, night approached, and they could not return. they began to be frightened by the varieties of noise heard by them in the wilderness. they collected pieces of dry bamboo and leaves of trees, and burned them. in the presence of the light thus obtained, the woman caught hold of a creeper hanging from a tree, and danced in honour of bhagavathi, while her husband sang songs praising her. the day dawned at last, and they found their way home in safety. in memory of this incident, the panans organise a party for a regular play. there are ten male and two female actors, and the play is acted during the whole night. "the religion of the panans consists of an all-pervading demonology. their chief gods are mukkan, chathan, kappiri, malankorathi, and kali. pujas are performed to them on the first of medom (april-may), karkadakam (july-august), desara, and on tuesday in makaram (january-february). these deities are represented by stones placed under a tree. they are washed with water on the aforesaid days, and offerings of sheep and fowls, malar (parched rice), plantains, cocoanuts, and boiled rice are made to them. their belief is that these deities are ever prone to do harm to them, and should therefore be propitiated with offerings. the panans also worship the spirits of their ancestors, who pass for their household gods, and whose help they seek in all times of danger. they fast on new-moon nights, and on the eleventh night after full-moon or new-moon. "the panan is the barber of the polluting castes above cherumans. by profession he is an umbrella-maker. panans are also engaged in all kinds of agricultural work. in villages, they build mud walls. their women act as midwives. "as regards social status, the panans eat at the hands of brahmans, nayars, kammalans, and izhuvans. they have to stand at a distance of thirty-two feet from brahmans. panans and kaniyans pollute one another if they touch, and both bathe should they happen to do so. they are their own barbers and washermen. they live in the vicinity of the izhuvans, but cannot live in the nayar tharas. nor can they take water from the wells of the kammalans. they cannot approach the outer walls of brahman temples, and are not allowed to enter the brahman streets in palghat." in the census report, , panan occurs as a sub-division of the paraiyans. their chief occupation as leather-workers is said to be the manufacture of drum-heads. [ ] panasa.--the panasas are a class of beggars in the telugu country, who are said to ask alms only from kamsalas. the word panasa means constant repetition of words, and, in its application to the panasa, probably indicates that they, like the bhatrazu bards and panegyrists, make up verses eulogising those from whom they beg. it is stated in the kurnool manual ( ) that "they take alms from the beri komatis and goldsmiths (kamsalas), and no others. the story goes that, in golkonda, a tribe of komatis named bacheluvaru were imprisoned for non-payment of arrears of revenue. finding certain men of the artificer class who passed by in the street spit betel nut, they got it into their mouths, and begged the artificers to get them released. the artificers, pitying them, paid the arrears, and procured their release. it was then that the kamsalis fixed a vartana or annual house-fee for the maintenance of the panasa class, on condition that they should not beg alms from the other castes." the panasas appear every year in the kurnool district to collect their dues. pancha.--pancha, meaning five, is recorded as a sub-division of the linga balijas, and panchachara or panchamsale as a sub-division of lingayats. in all these, pancha has reference to the five acharas or ceremonial observances of the lingayats, which seem to vary according to locality. wearing the lingam, worshipping it before meals, and paying reverence to the jangam priests, are included among the observances. panchala.--a synonym for canarese kammalans, among whom five (panch) classes of workers are included, viz., gold and silver, brass and copper, iron, and stone. panchalinga (five lingams).--an exogamous sept of boya. the lingam is the symbol of siva. panchama.--the panchamas are, in the madras census report, , summed up as being "that great division of the people, spoken of by themselves as the fifth caste, and described by buchanan and other writers as the pancham bandam." according to buchanan, [ ] the pancham bandum "consist of four tribes, the parriar, the baluan, the shekliar, and the toti." buchanan further makes mention of panchama banijigaru and panchama cumbharu (potters). the panchamas were, in the department of public instruction, called "paraiyas and kindred classes" till . this classification was replaced, for convenience of reference, by panchama, which included chacchadis, godaris, pulayas, holeyas, madigas, malas, pallans, paraiyans, totis, and valluvans. "it is," the director of public instruction wrote in , "for government to consider whether the various classes concerned should, for the sake of brevity, be described by one simple name. the terms paraiya, low caste, outcaste, carry with them a derogatory meaning, and are unsuitable. the expression pancham banda, or more briefly panchama, seems more appropriate." the government ruled that there is no objection to the proposal that paraiyas and kindred classes should be designated panchama bandham or panchama in future, but it would be simpler to style them the fifth class. the following educational privileges according to the various classes classified as panchama may be noted:-- ( ) they are admitted into schools at half the standard rates of fees. ( ) under the result grant system (recently abolished), grants were passed for panchama pupils at rates per cent. higher than in ordinary cases, and per cent. higher in backward localities. ( ) panchama schools were exempted from the attendance restriction, i.e., grants were given to them, however small the attendance. ordinary schools had to have an attendance of ten at least to earn grants. ( ) panchama students under training as teachers get stipends at rates nearly double of those for ordinary hindus. an interesting account of the system of education at the olcott panchama free schools has been written by mrs. courtright. [ ] panchama is returned, in the census reports, and , as a sub-division of balija and banajiga. pancharamkatti.--a sub-division of idaiyan, which derives its name from the neck ornament (pancharam) worn by the women. pandamuttu.--a sub-division of palli. the name is made by winslow to mean a number of torches arranged so as to represent an elephant. the pallis, however, explain it as referring to the pile of pots, which reaches to the top of the marriage pandal (pandal, booth, mutti, touching). the lowest pot is decorated with figures of elephants and horses. pandaram.--pandaram is described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as being "the name rather of an occupation than a caste, and used to denote any non-brahmanical priest. the pandarams seem to receive numerous recruits from the saivite sudra castes, who choose to make a profession of piety, and wander about begging. they are in reality very lax in their modes of life, often drinking liquor and eating animal food furnished by any respectable sudra. they often serve in siva temples, where they make garlands of flowers to decorate the lingam, and blow brazen trumpets when offerings are made, or processions take place. tirutanni is one of the chief places, in which they congregate." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the trichinopoly district, that "the water for the god's bath at ratnagiri is brought by a caste of non-brahmans known as tirumanjana pandarams, who fetch it every day from the cauvery. they say that they are descended from an aryan king, who came to the god with the hope of getting rubies from him. the god, in the guise of a brahman, tested his devotion by making him fill a magic vessel with cauvery water. the vessel would not fill, and the aryan stranger in a fit of anger cut off the brahman's head. the dead body at once turned into a lingam, and the aryan was ordered to carry water for the temple till eternity." pandaram is used both as the name of a caste, and of a class composed of recruits from various castes (e.g., vellala and palli). the pandaram caste is composed of respectable people who have settled down as land-holders, and of sanyasis and priests of certain matams (religious institutions), and managers of richly endowed temples, such as those at tiruvadudurai in tanjore and mailam in south arcot. the common name for these managers is tambiran. the caste pandarams are staunch saivites and strict vegetarians. those who lead a celibate life wear the lingam. they are said to have been originally sozhia vellalas, with whom intermarriage still takes place. they are initiated into the saivite religion by a rite called dhikshai, which is divided into five stages, viz., samaya, nirvana, visesha, kalasothanai, and acharya abhishekam. some are temple servants, and supply flowers for the god, while others sing devaram (hymns to the god) during the temple service. on this account, they are known as meikaval (body-guard of the god), and oduvar (reader). the caste pandarams have two divisions, called abhisheka and desikar, and the latter name is often taken as a title, e.g., kandasami desikar. an abhisheka pandaram is one who is made to pass through some ceremonies connected with saiva agama. the mendicant pandarams, who are recruited from various classes, wear the lingam, and do not abstain from eating flesh. many villages have a pandaram as the priest of the shrine of the village deity, who is frequently a palli who has become a pandaram by donning the lingam. the females are said to live, in some cases, by prostitution. the lingayat pandarams differ in many respects from the true lingayats. the latter respect their jangam, and use the sacred water, in which the feet of the jangam are washed, for washing their stone lingam. to the pandarams, and tamil lingayats in general, this proceeding would amount to sacrilege of the worst type. canarese and telugu lingayats regard a jangam as superior to the stone lingam. in the matter of pollution ceremonies the tamil lingayats are very particular, whereas the orthodox lingayats observe no pollution. the investiture with the lingam does not take place so early among the tamil as among the canarese lingayats. for the following note, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. "dr. h. h. wilson [ ] is of opinion that the word pandaram is 'more properly panduranga, pale complexioned, from their smearing themselves with ashes. it is so used in hemachandra's history of mahavira, when speaking of the saiva brahmans.' a more popular derivation of the name is from bandaram, a public treasury. a good many well-to-do pandarams are managers of siva temples in southern india, and accordingly have the temple treasuries under their care. it is, however, possible that the name has been acquired by the caste by reason of their keeping a yellow powder, called pandaram, in a little box, and giving it in return for the alms which they receive. opinions are divided as to whether the pandarams are lingayats or not. the opinion held by f. w. ellis, the well-known tamil scholar and translator of the kural of tiruvalluvar, is thus summarised by colonel wilks. [ ] "mr. ellis considers the jangam of the upper countries, and the pandaram of the lower, to be of the same sect, and both deny in the most unequivocal terms the doctrine of the metempsychosis. a manuscript in the mackenzie collection ascribes the origin of the pandarams as a sacerdotal order of the servile caste to the religious disputes, which terminated in the suppression of the jain religion in the pandian (madura) kingdom, and the influence which they attained by the aid which they rendered to the brahmans in that controversy, but this origin seems to require confirmation. in a large portion, perhaps in the whole of the brahmanical temples dedicated to siva in the provinces of arcot, tanjore, trichinopoly, madura and tinnevelly, the pandaram is the highest of the temple, and has the entire direction of the revenues, but allows the brahmans to officiate in the ceremonial part according to their own good pleasure, as a concern altogether below his note. he has generally the reputation of an irreproachable life, and is treated by the brahmans of the temple with great reverence, while on his part he looks with compassion at the absurd trifles which occupy their attention. these facts seem to point to some former revolution, in which a jangam government obtained a superiority over the brahmanical establishments, and adopted this mode of superseding the substantial part of their authority. it is a curious instance of the sooder (sudra) being the spiritual lord of the brahman, and is worthy of further historical investigation." dr. wilson [ ] also thinks that the pandarams are lingayats. mr. h. a. stuart [ ] says that they are a class of priests who serve the non-brahman castes. they have returned sub-divisions, of which only two are sufficiently large to require mention, andi of tinnevelly and malabar, and lingadari of chingleput and tinnevelly. andi is a quasi-caste of beggars recruited from all castes, and the lingadari pandarams are the same as jangams. pandaram is, in fact, a class name rather than the name of a caste, and it consists of priests and beggars. mr. c. p. brown [ ] thinks that the pandarams are not lingayats. 'the saiva worshippers among the tamils are called pandarams: these are not vira saivas, nor do they wear the linga or adore basava. i name them here chiefly because they are often mentioned as being vira saivas, whereas in truth they are (like the smartas) purva saivas, and worship the image of siva in their houses.' it must be remarked that mr. brown appears to have had a confused idea of pandarams. pandarams wear the linga on their bodies in one of the usual modes, are priests to others professing the lingayat religion, and are fed by them on funeral and other ceremonial occasions. at the same time, it must be added that they are--more especially the begging sections--very lax as regards their food and drink. this characteristic distinguishes them from the more orthodox lingayats. moreover, lingayats remarry their widows, whereas the pandarams, as a caste, will not. "pandarams speak tamil. they are of two classes, the married and celibate. the former are far more numerous than the latter, and dress in the usual hindu manner. they have the hind-lock of hair known as the kudumi, put on sacred ashes, and paint the point between the eyebrows with a sandal paste dot. the celibates wear orange-tawny cloths, and daub sacred ashes all over their bodies. they allow the hair of the head to become matted. they wear sandals with iron spikes, and carry in their hands an iron trisulam (the emblem of siva), and a wooden baton called dandayudha (another emblem of siva). when they go about the streets, they sing popular tamil hymns, and beat against their begging bowl an iron chain tied by a hole to one of its sides. married men also beg, but only use a bell-metal gong and a wooden mallet. most of these help pilgrims going to the more famous siva temples in the madras presidency, e.g., tirutani, palni, tiruvannamalai, or tirupparankunram. among both sections, the dead are buried in the sitting posture, as among other lingayats. a samadhi is erected over the spot where they are buried. this consists of a linga and bull in miniature, which are worshipped as often as may be found convenient. "the managers of temples and mutts (religious institutions), known as pandara sannadhis, belong to the celibate class. they are usually learned in the agamas and puranas. a good many of them are tamil scholars, and well versed in saiva siddhanta philosophy. they call themselves tambirans--a title which is often usurped by the uneducated beggars." in the census report, , vairavi is returned as a sub-caste of pandaram, and said to be found only in the tinnevelly district, where they are measurers of grains and pujaris in village temples. vairavi is further used as a name for members of the melakkaran caste, who officiate as servants at the temples of the nattukottai chettis. pandaram is a title of the panisavans and valluvan priests of the paraiyans. a class of people called hill pandarams are described [ ] by the rev. s. mateer as "miserable beings without clothing, implements, or huts of any kind, living in holes, rocks, or trees. they bring wax, ivory (tusks), and other produce to the arayans, and get salt from them. they dig roots, snare the ibex (wild goat, hemitragus hylocrius) of the hills, and jungle fowls, eat rats and snakes, and even crocodiles found in the pools among the hill streams. they were perfectly naked and filthy, and very timid. they spoke malayalam in a curious tone, and said that twenty-two of their party had been devoured by tigers within two monsoons." concerning these hill pandarams, mr. n. subramani aiyar writes that they live on the banks of streams in crevices of rocks, caves, and hollows of trees. they are known to the dwellers on the plains as kattumanushyar, or forest men. they clad themselves in the bark of trees, and, in the rainy and cold seasons, protect their bodies with plantain leaves. they speak a corrupt form of tamil. they fear the sight of other men, and try to avoid approaching them. a former european magistrate of the cardamom hills took some of them to his residence, but, during their three days' stay there, they refused to eat or talk. there is a chieftain for every four hills, but his authority is little more than nominal. when women are married, the earth and hills are invoked as witnesses. they have hindu names, such as raman, kittan (krishna), and govindan. in a lecture delivered some years ago at trivandrum, mr. o. h. bensley described the hill pandarams as being "skilful in catching fish, their mode of cooking which is to place the fish on roots on a rock, and cover them with fire. they keep dogs, and, by their aid, replenish their larder with rats, mungooses, iguanas (lizard, varanus), and other delicacies. i was told that the authority recognised by these people is the head arayan, to whom they give a yearly offering of jungle produce, receiving in exchange the scanty clothing required by them. we had an opportunity of examining their stock-in-trade, which consisted of a bill-hook similar to those used by other hillmen, a few earthen cooking-pots, and a good stock of white flour, which was, they said, obtained from the bark of a tree, the name of which sounded like ahlum. they were all small in stature, with the exception of one young woman, and, both in appearance and intelligence, compared favourably with the uralis." pandariyar.--pandariyar or pandarattar, denoting custodians of the treasury, has been returned as a title of nattaman, malaiman, and sudarman. pandava-kulam.--a title, indicative "of the caste of the pandava kings," assumed by jatapus and konda doras, who worship the pandavas. the pandava kings were the heroes of the mahabharata, who fought a great battle with the kauravas, and are said to have belonged to the lunar race of kshatriyas. the pandavas had a single wife named draupadi, whom the pallis or vanniyans worship, and celebrate annually in her honour a fire-walking festival. the pallis claim to belong to the fire race of kshatriyas, and style themselves agnikula kshatriyas, or vannikula kshatriyas. pandi (pig).--recorded as an exogamous sept of asili, boya, and gamalla. pandipattu (pig catchers) and pandikottu (pig killers) occur as exogamous septs of odde. pandito.--pandit or pundit (pandita, a learned man) has been defined [ ] as "properly a man learned in sanskrit lore. the pundit of the supreme court was a hindu law-officer, whose duty it was to advise the english judges when needful on questions of hindu law. the office became extinct on the constitution of the high court (in ). in the mahratta and telugu countries, the word pandit is usually pronounced pant (in english colloquial punt)." in the countries noted, pant occurs widely as a title of brahmans, who are also referred to as pantulu varu. the titles sanskrit pundit, telugu pundit, etc., are still officially recognised at several colleges in the madras presidency. pandit sometimes occurs as an honorific prefix, e.g., pandit s. m. natesa sastri, and panditan is a name given to tamil barbers (ambattan). in some parts of the tamil country, panditar is used as a name for madhva brahmans, because, it is said, many of them were formerly engaged as pandits at the law courts. pandito is further the name of "an oriya caste of astrologers and physicians. they wear the sacred thread, and accept drinking water only from brahmans and gaudos. infant marriage is practiced, and widow marriage is prohibited." [ ] i am informed that these panditos engage brahmans for their ceremonials, do not drink liquor, and eat fish and mutton, but not fowls or beef. the females wear glass bangles. they are known by the name of khodikaro, from khodi, a kind of stone, with which they write figures on the floor, when making astrological calculations. the stone is said to be something like soapstone. pandita occurs as an exogamous sept of stanikas. pandya.--the territorial name pandya, pandiya, pandiyan, or pandi has been returned, at recent times of census, as a sub-division of various tamil classes, e.g., ambattan, kammalan, occhan, pallan, vannan, and vellala. pandiya is further a title of some shanans. in travancore, pandi has been returned by some izhavans. the variant pandiangal occurs as an exogamous sept of the tamil vallambans, and pandu as a tamil synonym for kapu or reddi. panikkar.--panikkar, meaning teacher or worker, has been recorded, in the malayalam country, as a title of barbers, kammalan, maran, nayar, panan, and paraiyan. in former times, the name was applied, in malabar, to fencing-masters, as the following quotations show :-- . "and there are very skilful men who teach this art (fencing), and they are called panicars."--barbosa. . "and when the naire comes to the age of years, he is obliged to go to the fencing-school, the master of which (whom they call panical) they regard as a father, on account of the instruction he gives them."--barros. . "the maisters which teach them be graduates in the weapons which they teach, and they be called in their language panycaes."--castaneda. a class of people called panikkan are settled in the madura and tinnevelly districts. some of them are barbers to shanans. others have taken to weaving as a profession, and will not intermarry with those who are employed as barbers. "the panikkans are," mr. francis writes, [ ] "weavers, agriculturists, and traders. they employ brahmans as priests, but these are apparently not received on terms of equality by other brahmans. the panikkans now frequently call themselves illam vellalas, and change their title in deeds and official papers from panikkan to pillai. they are also taking to wearing the sacred thread and giving up eating meat. the caste is divided into three vagais or endogamous classes, namely, mital, pattanam, and malayalam, and each of these again has five partly exogamous septs or illams (families), namely, muttillam, toranattillam, pallikkillam, manjanattillam, and soliya-illam. it is stated that the mital and pattanam sections will eat together though they do not intermarry, but that the malayalam section can neither dine with nor marry into the other two. they are reported to have an elaborate system of caste government, under which eleven villages form a gadistalam (or stage), and send representatives to its council to settle caste matters; and eleven gadistalams form a nadu (or country), and send representatives to a chief council, which decides questions which are beyond the competence of the gadistalams." the occurrence of malayam as the name of a sub-division, and of the malayalam word illam as that of the exogamous septs, would seem to indicate that the panikkans are immigrants from the westward into the tamil country. panimagan (work children).--a name for mukkuvans who are employed as barbers for members of their caste. panisavan.--panisavan is defined in the salem manual as "a corruption of paniseygiravan (panisaivon), literally meaning one who works (or does service), and is the caste name of the class, whose business it is to carry news of death to the relations of the deceased, and to blow the tharai or long trumpet." according to mr. h. a. stuart, [ ] panisavan appears to answer among the tamilians to the dasaris or tadas of the telugus. it is a mendicant caste, worshipping siva. unlike the tadas, however, they often employ themselves in cultivation, and are, on the whole, a more temperate and respectable class. their priests are brahmans, and they eat flesh, and drink alcoholic liquor very freely. the dead are generally burned. there are two classes of panisavans, of which one works for the right-hand section, and the other for the left. this division is purely professional, and there is apparently no bar to intermarriage between the two classes. the insignia of a panisavan are the conch-shell (turbinella rapa) and tharai, which he supports from the ground by means of a bamboo pole while he blows it. at marriage processions, it is his duty to go in front, sounding the tharai from time to time. on such occasions, and at festivals of the village goddesses, the tharai is decorated with a string bearing a number of small triangular pieces of cloth, and tufts of yak's hair. the cloth should be white for the right-hand section, and of five different colours for the left. at the present day, the panisavan is more in request for funerals than for weddings. in the city of madras, all the materials necessary for the bier are sold by panisavans, who also keep palanquins for the conveyance of the corpse in stock, which are let out on hire. at funerals, the panisavan has to follow the corpse, blowing his conch-shell. the tharai is only used if the deceased was an important personage. when the son goes round the corpse with a pot of water, the panisavan accompanies him, and blows the conch. on the last day of the death ceremonies (karmandhiram), the panisavan should be present, and blow his conch, especially when the tali (marriage badge) is removed from a widow's neck. in some places, the panisavan conveys the news of death, while in others this duty is carried out by a barber. in the chingleput and north arcot districts, the panisavans constitute a separate caste, and have no connection with the nokkans, who are beggars attached to the palli or vanniyan caste. in south arcot and tanjore, on the other hand, the name nokkan is used to signify the caste, which performs the duties of the panisavan, for which it seems to be a synonym. the panisavans of the tinnevelly district have nothing in common with those of the northern districts, e.g., chingleput and north arcot, whose duty it is to attend to the funeral ceremonies of the non-brahman castes. the main occupations of the tinnevelly panisavans are playing in temples on the nagasaram (reed instrument), and teaching deva-dasis dancing. another occupation, which is peculiar to the tinnevelly panisavans, is achu velai, i.e., the preparation of the comb to which the warp threads of a weaving loom are tied. socially the panisavans occupy a lowly position, but they use the title pulavar. their other titles are pandaram, pillai, and mudali. paniyan.--the paniyans are a dark-skinned tribe, short in stature, with broad noses, and curly or wavy hair, inhabiting the wynad, and those portions of the ernad, calicut, kurumbranad and kottayam taluks of malabar, which skirt the base of the ghats, and the mudanad, cherangod, and namblakod amshams of the nilgiri district. a common belief, based on their general appearance, prevails among the european planting community that the paniyans are of african origin, and descended from ancestors who were wrecked on the malabar coast. this theory, however, breaks down on investigation. of their origin nothing definite is known. the nayar janmis (landlords) say that, when surprised in the act of some mischief or alarmed, the paniyan calls out 'ippi'! 'ippi'! as he runs away, and they believe this to have been the name of the country whence they came originally; but they are ignorant as to where ippimala, as they call it, is situated. kapiri (africa or the cape?) is also sometimes suggested as their original habitat, but only by those who have had the remarks of europeans communicated to them. the paniyan himself, though he occasionally puts forward one or other of the above places as the home of his forefathers, has no fixed tradition bearing on their arrival in malabar, beyond one to the effect that they were brought from a far country, where they were found living by a raja, who captured them, and carried them off in such a miserable condition that a man and his wife only possessed one cloth between them, and were so timid that it was only by means of hunting nets that they were captured. the number of paniyans, returned at the census, , was , , and nine sub-divisions were registered; but, as mr. h. a. stuart, the census commissioner, observes:--"most of these are not real, and none has been returned by any considerable number of persons." their position is said to be very little removed from that of a slave, for every paniyan is some landlord's 'man'; and, though he is, of course, free to leave his master, he is at once traced, and good care is taken that he does not get employment elsewhere. in the fifties of the last century, when planters first began to settle in the wynad, they purchased the land with the paniyans living on it, who were practically slaves of the land-owners. the paniyans used formerly to be employed by rich receivers as professional coffee thieves, going out by night to strip the bushes of their berries, which were delivered to the receiver before morning. unlike the badagas of the nilgiris, who are also coffee thieves, and are afraid to be out after dark, the paniyans are not afraid of bogies by night, and would not hesitate to commit nocturnal depredations. my friend, mr. g. romilly, on whose estate my investigation of the paniyans was mainly carried out, assures me that, according to his experience, the domesticated paniyan, if well paid, is honest, and fit to be entrusted with the responsible duties of night watchman. in some localities, where the janmis have sold the bulk of their land, and have consequently ceased to find regular employment for them, the paniyans have taken kindly to working on coffee estates, but comparatively few are thus employed. the word paniyan means labourer, and they believe that their original occupation was agriculture as it is, for the most part, at the present day. those, however, who earn their livelihood on estates, only cultivate rice and ragi (eleusine coracana) for their own cultivation; and women and children may be seen digging up jungle roots, or gathering pot-herbs for food. they will not eat the flesh of jackals, snakes, vultures, lizards, rats, or other vermin. but i am told that they eat land-crabs, in lieu of expensive lotions, to prevent baldness and grey hairs. they have a distinct partiality for alcohol, and those who came to be measured by me were made more than happy by a present of a two-anna piece, a cheroot, and a liberal allowance of undiluted fiery brandy from the meppadi bazar. the women are naturally of a shy disposition, and used formerly to run away and hide at the sight of a european. they were at first afraid to come and see me, but confidence was subsequently established, and all the women came to visit me, some to go through the ordeal of measurement, others to laugh at and make derisive comments on those who were undergoing the operation. practically the whole of the rice cultivation in the wynad is carried out by the paniyans attached to edoms (houses or places) or devasoms (temple property) of the great nayar landlords; and chettis and mappillas also frequently have a few paniyans, whom they have bought or hired by the year at from four to eight rupees per family from a janmi. when planting paddy or herding cattle, the paniyan is seldom seen without the kontai or basket-work protection from the rain. this curious, but most effective substitute for the umbrella-hat of the malabar coast, is made of split reeds interwoven with 'arrow-root' leaves, and shaped something like a huge inverted coal-scoop turned on end, and gives to the individual wearing it the appearance of a gigantic mushroom. from the nature of his daily occupation the paniyan is often brought in contact with wild animals, and is generally a bold, and, if excited, as he usually is on an occasion such as the netting of a tiger, a reckless fellow. the young men of the villages vie with each other in the zeal which they display in carrying out the really dangerous work of cutting back the jungle to within a couple of spear-lengths of the place where the quarry lies hidden, and often make a show of their indifference by turning and conversing with their friends outside the net. years ago it was not unusual for people to come long distance for the purpose of engaging wynad paniyans to help them in carrying out some more than usually desperate robbery or murder. their mode of procedure, when engaged in an enterprise of this sort, is evidenced by two cases, which had in them a strong element of savagery. on both these occasions the thatched homesteads were surrounded at dead of night by gangs of paniyans carrying large bundles of rice straw. after carefully piling up the straw on all sides of the building marked for destruction, torches were, at a given signal, applied, and those of the wretched inmates who attempted to escape were knocked on the head with clubs, and thrust into the fiery furnace. the paniyans settle down happily on estates, living in a settlement consisting of rows of huts and detached huts, single or double storied, built of bamboo and thatched. during the hot weather, in the unhealthy months which precede the advent of the south-west monsoon, they shift their quarters to live near streams, or in other cool, shady spots, returning to their head quarters when the rains set in. they catch fish either by means of big flat bamboo mats, or, in a less orthodox manner, by damming a stream and poisoning the water with herbs, bark, and fruit, which are beaten to a pulp and thrown into the water. the fish, becoming stupified, float on the surface, and fall an easy and unfairly earned prey. it is recorded by mr. h. c. wilson [ ] that the section of the moyar river "stretching from the bottom of the pykara falls down to the sheer drop into the mysore ditch below teppakadu is occupied principally by carnatic carp. in the upper reaches i found traces of small traps placed across side runners or ditches, which were then dry. they had evidently been in use during the last floods, and allowed to remain. constructed of wood in the shape of a large rake head with long teeth close together, they are fastened securely across the ditch or runner at a slight angle with teeth in the gravel. the object is to catch the small fry which frequent these side places for protection during flood times. judging by their primitive nature and poor construction, they are not effective, but will do a certain amount of damage. the nearest hamlet to this place is called torappalli, occupied by a few fisher people called paniyans. these are no doubt the makers of the traps, and, from information i received, they are said to possess better fry and other traps. they are also accredited with having fine-mesh nets, which they use when the waters are low." in , rules were issued, under the indian fisheries act, iv of , for the protection of fish in the bhavani and moyar rivers. these rules referred to the erection and use of fixed engines, the construction of weirs, and the use of nets, the meshes of which are less than one and a half inches square for the capture or destruction of fish, and the prohibition of fishing between the th march and th september annually. notice of the rules was given by beat of tom-tom (drum) in the villages lying on the banks of the rivers, to which the rules applied. the paniyan language is a debased malayalam patois spoken in a curious nasal sing-song, difficult to imitate; but most of the paniyans employed on estates can also converse in kanarese. wholly uneducated and associating with no other tribes, the paniyans have only very crude ideas of religion. believing in devils of all sorts and sizes, and professing to worship the hindu divinities, they reverence especially the god of the jungles, kad bhagavadi, or, according to another version, a deity called kuli, a malignant and terrible being of neither sex, whose shrines take the form of a stone placed under a tree, or sometimes a cairn of stones. at their rude shrines they contribute as offerings to the swami (god) rice boiled in the husk, roasted and pounded, half-a-cocoanut, and small coins. the banyan and a lofty tree, apparently of the fig tribe, are reverenced by them, inasmuch as evil spirits are reputed to haunt them at times. trees so haunted must not be touched, and, if the paniyans attempt to cut them, they fall sick. some paniyans are believed to be gifted with the power of changing themselves into animals; and there is a belief among the paniyan dwellers in the plains that, if they wish to secure a woman whom they lust after, one of the men gifted with this special power goes to her house at night with a hollow bamboo, and encircles the house three times. the woman then comes out, and the man, changing himself into a bull or dog, works his wicked will. the woman, it is believed, dies in the course of two or three days. in some paniyans were employed by a mappilla (muhammadan) to murder his mistress, who was pregnant, and threatened that she would noise abroad his responsibility for her condition. he brooded over the matter, and one day, meeting a paniyan, promised him ten rupees if he would kill the woman. the paniyan agreed to commit the crime, and went with his brothers to a place on a hill, where the mappilla and the woman were in the habit of gratifying their passions. thither the man and woman followed the paniyans, of whom one ran out, and struck his victim on the head with a chopper. she was then gagged with a cloth, carried some distance, and killed. the two paniyans and the mappilla were sentenced to be hanged. monogamy appears to be the general rule among the paniyans, but there is no obstacle to a man taking unto himself as many wives as he can afford to support. apparently the bride is selected for a young man by his parents, and, in the same way that a wealthy european sometimes sends his betrothed a daily present of a bouquet, the more humble paniyan bridegroom-elect has to take a bundle of firewood to the house of the fiancée every day for six months. the marriage ceremony (and the marriage knot does not appear to be very binding) is of a very simple nature. the ceremony is conducted by a paniyan chemmi (a corruption of janmi). a present of sixteen fanams (coins) and some new cloths is given by the bridegroom to the chemmi, who hands them over to the parents of the bride. a feast is prepared, at which the paniyan women (panichis) dance to the music of drum and pipe. the tali (or marriage badge) is tied round the neck of the bride by the female relations of the bridegroom, who also invest the bride with such crude jewelry as they may be able to afford. the chemmi seals the contract by pouring water over the head and feet of the young couple. it is said [ ] that a husband has to make an annual present to his wife's parents; and failure to do so entitles them to demand their daughter back. a man may, i was told, not have two sisters as wives; nor may he marry his deceased wife's sister. remarriage of widows is permitted. adultery and other forms of vice are adjudicated on by a panchayat (or council) of headmen, who settle disputes and decide on the fine or punishment to be inflicted on the guilty. at nearly every considerable paniyan village there is a headman called kuttan, who has been appointed by nayar janmi to look after his interests, and be responsible to him for the other inhabitants of the village. the investiture of the kuttan with the powers of office is celebrated with a feast and dance, at which a bangle is presented to the kuttan as a badge of authority. next in rank to the kuttan is the mudali or head of the family, and they usually constitute the panchayat. both kuttan and mudali are called muppanmar or elders. the whole caste is sometimes loosely spoken of as muppan. in a case of proved adultery, a fine of sixteen fanams (the amount of the marriage fee), and a sum equal to the expenses of the wedding, including the present to the parents of the bride, is the usual form of punishment. the chemmi or shemmi is, i am informed, a sort of priest or minister. he was appointed, in olden days, by the chieftains under whom the paniyans worked, and each chemmi held authority over a group of villages. the office is hereditary, but, should a chemmi family fail, it can be filled up by election. no ceremony takes place in celebration of the birth of children. one of the old women of the village acts as midwife, and receives a small present in return for her services. as soon as a child is old enough to be of use, it accompanies its parents to their work, or on their fishing and hunting expeditions, and is initiated into the various ways of adding to the stock of provisions for the household. the dead are buried in the following manner. a trench, four or five feet deep, and large enough to receive the body to be interred, is dug, due north and south, on a hill near the village. at the bottom of this excavation the earth is scooped out from the western side on a level with the floor throughout the length of the grave, so as to form a receptacle for the corpse, which, placed on a mat, is laid therein upon its left side with the head pointing to the south and the feet to the north. after a little cooked rice has been put into the grave for the use of the departed spirit, the mat, which has been made broad enough for the purpose, is folded up and tucked in under the roof of the cavity, and the trench filled up. it has probably been found by experience that the corpse, when thus protected, is safe from the ravages of scavenger jackals and pariah dogs. for seven days after death, a little rice gruel is placed at distance of from fifty to a hundred yards from the grave by the chemmi, who claps his hands as a signal to the evil spirits in the vicinity, who, in the shape of a pair of crows, are supposed to partake of the food, which is hence called kaka conji or crow's rice. the noombu or mourning ceremonies are the ti polay, seven days after death; the kaka polay or karuvelli held for three years in succession in the month of magaram (january-february); and the matham polay held once in every three or four years, when possible, as a memorial service in honour of those who are specially respected. on all these occasions the chemmi presides, and acts as a sort of master of the ceremonies. as the ceremonial carried out differs only in degree, an account of the kaka polay will do for all. in the month of magaram, the noombukarrans or mourners (who have lost relatives) begin to cook and eat in a pandal or shed set apart from the rest of the village, but otherwise go about their business as usual. they wash and eat twice a day, but abstain from eating meat or fish. on the last day of the month, arrangements are made, under the supervision of the chemmi, for the ceremony which brings the period of mourning to a close. the mourners, who have fasted since daybreak, take up their position in the pandal, and the chemmi, holding on his crossed arms two winnowing sieves, each containing a seer or two of rice, walks round three times, and finally deposits the sieves in the centre of the pandal. if, among the male relatives of the deceased, one is to be found sufficiently hysterical, or actor enough, to simulate possession and perform the functions of an oracle, well and good; but, should they all be of a stolid temperament, there is always at hand a professional corresponding to the komaran or vellichipad of other hindus. this individual is called the patalykaran. with a new cloth (mundu) on his head, and smeared on the body and arms with a paste made of rice flour and ghi (clarified butter), he enters on the scene with his legs girt with bells, the music of which is supposed to drive away the attendant evil spirits (payanmar). advancing with short steps and rolling his eyes, he staggers to and fro, sawing the air with two small sticks which he holds in either hand, and works himself up into a frenzied state of inspiration, while the mourners cry out and ask why the dead have been taken away from them. presently a convulsive shiver attacks the performer, who staggers more violently and falls prostrate on the ground, or seeks the support of one of the posts of the pandal, while he gasps out disjointed sentences, which are taken to be the words of the god. the mourners now make obeisance, and are marked on the forehead with the paste of rice flour and ghi. this done, a mat is spread for the accommodation of the headmen and chemmi; and the patalykaran, from whose legs the bells have been removed and put with the rice in the sieves, takes these in his hands, and, shaking them as he speaks, commences a funeral chant, which lasts till dawn. meanwhile food has been prepared for all present except the mourners, and when this has been partaken of, dancing is kept up round the central group till daybreak, when the pandal is pulled down and the kaka polay is over. those who have been precluded from eating make up for lost time, and relatives, who have allowed their hair to grow long, shave. the ordinary paniyan does not profess to know the meaning of the funeral orations, but contents himself with a belief that it is known to those who are initiated. the women attend the ceremony, but do not take part in the dance. in fact, the nearest approach to a dance that they ever attempt (and this only on festive occasions) resembles the ordinary occupation of planting rice, carried out in dumb show to the music of a drum. the bodies of the performers stoop and move in time with the music, and the arms are swung from side to side as in the act of placing the rice seedlings in their rows. to see a long line of paniyan women, up to their knees in the mud of a rice field, bobbing up and down and putting on the pace as the music grows quicker and quicker, and to hear the wild yells of hou! hou! like a chorus of hungry dogs, which form the vocal accompaniment as they dab the green bunches in from side to side, is highly amusing. the foregoing account of the paniyan death ceremonies was supplied by mr. colin mackenzie, to whom, as also to mr. f. fawcett, mr. g. romilly, and martelli, i am indebted for many of the facts recorded in the present note. from mr. fawcett the following account of a further ceremony was obtained:-- at a paniyan village, on a coffee estate where the annual ceremony was being celebrated, men and boys were dancing round a wooden upright to the music of a small drum hanging at the left hip. some of the dancers had bells round the leg below the knee. close to the upright a man was seated, playing a pipe, which emitted sounds like those of a bagpipe. in dancing, the dancers went round against the sun. at some little distance a crowd of females indulged in a dance by themselves. a characteristic of the dance, specially noticeable among the women, was stooping and waving of the arms in front. the dancers perspired freely, and kept up the dance for many hours to rhythmic music, the tune of which changed from time to time. there were three chief dancers, of whom one represented the goddess, the others her ministers. they were smeared with streaks on the chest, abdomen, arms and legs, had bells on the legs, and carried a short stick about two feet in length in each hand. the sticks were held over the head, while the performers quivered as if in a religious frenzy. now and again, the sticks were waved or beaten together. the paniyans believe that, when the goddess first appeared to them, she carried two sticks in her hands. the mock goddess and her attendants, holding the sticks above the head and shivering, went to each male elder, and apparently received his blessing, the elder placing his hand on their faces as a form of salutation, and then applying his hand to his own face. the villagers partook of a light meal in the early morning, and would not eat again until the end of the ceremony, which concluded by the man-goddess seating himself on the upright, and addressing the crowd on behalf of the goddess concerning their conduct and morality. the paniyans "worship animistic deities, of which the chief is kuli, whom they worship on a raised platform called kulitara, offering cocoanuts, but no blood." [ ] they further worship kattu bhagavati, or bhagavati of the woods. "shrines in her honour are to be found at most centres of the caste, and contain no image, but a box in which are kept the clothing and jewels presented to her by the devout. an annual ceremony lasting a week is held in her honour, at which the komaran and a kind of priest, called nolambukaran, take the chief parts. the former dresses in the goddess' clothing, and the divine afflatus descends upon him, and he prophesies both good and evil." games.--a long strip of cane is suspended from the branch of a tree, and a cross-bar fixed to its lower end. on the bar a boy sits, and swings himself in all directions. in another game a bar, twelve to fourteen feet in length, is balanced by means of a point in a socket on an upright reaching about four feet and-a-half above the ground. over the end of the horizontal bar a boy hangs, and, touching the ground with the feet, spins himself round. some paniyans have a thread tied round the wrist, ankle, or neck, as a charm to ward off fever and other diseases. some of the men have the hair of the head hanging down in matted tails in performance of a vow. the men wear brass, steel, and copper rings on their fingers and brass rings in the ears. the women, in like manner, wear finger rings, and, in addition, bangles on the wrist, and have the lobes of the ears widely dilated, and plugged with cadjan (palm leaf) rolls. in some the nostril is pierced, and plugged with wood. the paniyans, who dwell in settlements at the base of the ghats, make fire by what is known as the malay or sawing method. a piece of bamboo, about a foot in length, in which two nodes are included, is split longitudinally into two equal parts. on one half a sharp edge is cut with a knife. in the other a longitudinal slit is made through about two-thirds of its length, which is stuffed with a piece of cotton cloth. it is then held firmly on the ground with its convex surface upwards, and the cutting edge drawn, with a gradually quickening sawing motion, rapidly to and fro across it by two men, until the cloth is ignited by the incandescent particles of wood in the groove cut by the sharp edge. the cloth is then blown with the lips into a blaze, and the tobacco or cooking fire can be lighted. at pudupadi an elephant mahout was jealously guarding a bit of bamboo stick with notches cut in it, each notch representing a day for which wages were due to him. the stick in question had six notches, representing six days' wages. average height . cm. nasal index (max. . ). the average distance from the tip of the middle finger to the top of the patella was . cm. relative to stature = , which approximates very closely to the recorded results of measurement of long-limbed african negroes. panjai.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a sub-division of pandya vellala. the name panjai, indicating a poverty-stricken individual, is usually applied to mendicant pandarams. panjaram.--panjaram or pancharamkatti is the name of a sub-division of the idaiyans, derived from the peculiar gold ornament, which the women wear. it is said that, in this division, widow marriage is commonly practiced, because krishna used to place a similar ornament round the necks of idaiyan widows of whom he became enamoured, and that this sub-division was the result of his amours with them. panjukkara (cotton-man).--an occupational name of a sub-division of vellalas, who are not at the present day connected with the cotton trade. they call themselves panjukkara chettis. the equivalent panjari (pinjari) or panjukotti occurs as a tamil synonym for dudekula (muhammadan cotton-cleaners). pannadai (sheath of the cocoanut leaf).--a sub-division of vettuvan. pannaiyan.--a title of alavan. pannara.--a sub-division of mali. pannendu nal (twelve days).--a name for those pallis who, like brahmans, perform the final death ceremonies on the twelfth day. pannirendam (twelfth) chetti.--a section of the chettis. pano.--in the madras census report, , the panos are described as "a caste of weavers found in the ganjam district. this caste is no doubt identical with the pans, a weaving, basket-making, and servile caste of orissa and chota nagpore. the panos occupy the same position among the khonds of ganjam as the dombs hold among the inhabitants of the vizagapatam hills, and the words pano and dombo are generally regarded as synonyms [see domb]. the members of the sitra sub-division are workers in metal." it is further noted, in the census report, , that the panos are "an extensive caste of hill weavers found chiefly in the ganjam agency. the khond synonym for this word is domboloko, which helps to confirm the connection between this caste and the dombas of vizagapatam. they speak khond and oriya." in a note on the panos, i read that "their occupations are trading, weaving, and theft. they live on the ignorance and superstition of the khonds as brokers, pedlars, sycophants, and cheats. in those parts where there are no oriyas, they possess much influence, and are always consulted by the khonds in questions of boundary disputes." in a brief account of the panos, mr. c. f. maccartie writes [ ] that "the panos, also known by the title of dombo or sitra in some parts, are supposed to be paraiya [telugu mala] emigrants from the low country. their profession is weaving or brass work, the monotony of which they vary by petty trading in horns, skins and live cattle, and occasionally enliven by house-breaking and theft at the expense of the khonds, who have an incautious trick of leaving their habitations utterly unguarded when they go off to the hills to cultivate. [in the madras census report, , the sitras are said to be supposed to be the progeny of a khond man and a haddi woman, who manufacture the brass rings and bangles worn by the khonds.] the panos are drunken, immoral, and dirty in their habits. the khonds refuse to eat with them, but i do not find that this objection extends to drinking, at which both khond and pano display surprising capabilities. panos are also the professional musicians of the country, and attend weddings, deaths and sacrifices in this character, for which they are recompensed with food, liquor, and cloths. the generality of khond and pano houses are constructed of broad sâl (shorea robusta) logs, hewn out with the axe and thatched with jungle grass, which is impervious to white-ants. in bamboo jungles, of course, bamboo is substituted for sâl. the panos generally affect a detached quarter, known as dombo sai. intermarriage between khonds, panos, and uriyas is not recognised, but cases do occur when a pano induces a khond woman to go off with him. she may live with him as his wife, but no ceremony takes place. [a few years ago, a young khond was betrothed to the daughter of another khond, and, after a few years, managed to pay up the necessary number of gifts. he then applied to the girl's father to name the day for the marriage. before the wedding took place however, a pano went to the girl's father, and said that she was his daughter (she had been born before her parents were married), and that he was the man to whom the gifts should have been paid. the case was referred to a council, which decided in favour of the pano.] if a pano commits adultery with a khond married woman, he has to pay a paronjo, or a fine of a buffalo to the husband (who retains his wife), and in addition a goat, a pig, a basket of paddy (rice), a rupee, and a load of pots. there is close communication between the panos and the khonds, as the former act as the advisers of the latter in all cases of doubt or difficulty. the uriyas live apart from both, and mix but little with either, except on the occasion of sacrifices or other solemn assemblages, when buffaloes are slaughtered for panos and khonds, and goats or sheep for uriya visitors. [it is noted, in the ganjam manual, in connection with khond death ceremonies, that "if a man has been killed by a tiger, purification is made by the sacrifice of a pig, the head of which is cut off with a tangi (axe) by a pano, and passed between the legs of the men in the village, who stand in a line astraddle. it is a bad omen to him, if the head touches any man's legs.] among the products of the jungles may be included myrabolams (terminalia fruits), tasar silk cocoons, and dammer, all of which are bartered by the finders to trading panos in small quantities, generally for salt." in the ganjam maliahs, the jungles are said to be searched by panos for tasar cocoons, and, just across the border in boad, the collection of these cocoons is a regular industry among them. small portions of jungle are regularly reserved, and divided up into small allotments. each of these is given to a pano for rent, and here he cultivates the silkworms, and collects the silk, which is sent to berhampur and sambalpur for manufacture. the panos are divided into two distinct sections, viz., the khonda panos who live amidst the khonds, and the desa panos of the plains. the former have adopted some of the customs of the khonds, while the latter follow the customs of the uriya castes which dwell in the lowland. the khond panos are governed by the molikos (headmen) of the khonds. in some cases, the fines inflicted for breach of caste rules are rather severe. for example, in the neighbourhood of baliguda, a man who is convicted of adultery has to pay two rupees, and give two buffaloes to the council which tries the case. further south, for a similar offence twelve buffaloes are demanded, and the culprit has to pay twice the amount of the bride-price to the injured husband. the desa panos conform to the standard uriya type of caste council, and have a headman called behara, who is assisted by a nayako, and caste servants entitled bhollobaya or gonjari. the marriage ceremonies of the desa panos are closely allied to those of the dandasis and haddis, whereas those of the khonda panos bear a close resemblance to the ceremonies of the khonds. like khond girls, unmarried khond pano girls sleep in quarters (dhangadi) specially set apart for them, and, as among the khonds, wedding presents in the form of gontis are given. it is noted with reference to the khonds, in the ganjam manual, that "the bride is looked upon as a commercial speculation, and is paid for in gontis. a gonti is one of anything, such as a buffalo, a pig, or a brass pot; for instance, a hundred gontis might consist of ten bullocks, ten buffaloes, ten sacks of corn, ten sets of brass, twenty sheep, ten pigs, and thirty fowls." at a khond pano marriage, the fingers of the contracting couple are linked together, and an important item of the ceremonial, which adds dignity thereto, is placing in front of the house at which a marriage is being celebrated a big brass vessel containing water, with which the guests wash their feet. the panos pay reverence to ancestors, to whom, when a death occurs in a family, food is offered. in some pano villages, when a child is born, it is customary to consult a pujari (priest) as to whether the grandfather or great-grandfather is re-born in it. if the answer is in the affirmative, pigs are sacrificed to the ancestors. some panos have adopted the worship of takuranis (village deities), to whom rice and turmeric are offered by placing them before the image in the form of a figure-of-eight. a fowl is sacrificed, and its blood allowed to flow on to one loop of the figure. in some places, dharmadevata and gagnasuni are worshipped, a castrated goat being sacrificed annually to the former, and fowls and an entire goat to the latter. pano women, who live among the khonds, tattoo their faces in like manner, and in other respects resemble khond women. i am informed that, on more than one occasion, panos have been known to rifle the grave of a european, in the belief that buried treasure will be found. panta (a crop).--a sub-division of kapu and yanadi. in the gazetteer of south arcot, pan reddi is recorded as a caste of telugu-speaking ryots (kapus). pantala.--recorded, in travancore, as a sub-division of samantan. the name is said to be derived from bhandarattil, or belonging to the royal treasury. pantari.--recorded, in the travancore census report, as synonymous with the idacheri sub-division of nayar. pantrantu vitan is also there recorded as a sub-division of nayar. pappadam.--people calling themselves pappadam chetti are largely found in malabar, living by the manufacture and sale of cakes called pappadam, which are purchased by all classes, including nambutiri brahmans. pappini.--a name for brahmanis, a class of ambalavasi. pappu (split pulse).--an exogamous sept of balija. paradesi.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a class of malayalam beggars. the name indicates strangers (paradesa, a foreign country), and is applied to the white jews of cochin, in connection with whom it occurs in sirkar (state) accounts and royal writs granted to them. paraiya tada.--recorded, in the north arcot manual, as a name for those who are considered impure valluvans. the name literally means paraiya tadan or dasari. paraiyan.--the paraiyans or, as they are commonly termed, pariahs of the tamil country number, according to recent census returns, over two million souls, and a large proportion of those who returned themselves as native christians are said also to belong to this class. for the following note i am mainly indebted to an account of the paraiyans by the rev. a. c. clayton. [ ] the late bishop caldwell derived the name paraiyan from the tamil word parai a drum, as certain paraiyans act as drummers at marriages, funerals, village festivals, and on occasions when government or commercial announcements are proclaimed. mr. h. a. stuart, however, seems to question this derivation, remarking [ ] that "it is only one section of paraiyans that act as drummers. nor is the occupation confined to paraiyans. it seems in the highest degree improbable that a large, and at one time powerful, community should owe its name to an occasional occupation, which one of its divisions shares with other castes. the word paraiyan is not found in divakaram, a tamil dictionary of the eleventh century a.d., and the word pulayan was then used to denote this section of the population, as it is still in malayalam to this day." in the legend of the saivite saint, nandan is, in the prose version of the periya puranam, called a pulayan, though a native of sholamandalam, which was a distinctly tamil kingdom. mr. w. francis writes [ ] that "the old tamil poems and works of the early centuries of the christian era do not mention the name paraiyan, but contain many descriptions of a tribe called the eyinas, who seem to have been quite distinct from the rest of the population, and did not live in the villages, but in forts of their own. ambur and vellore are mentioned as the sites of two of these. they may perhaps have been the ancestors of the paraiyans of to-day." in a note on the paraiyans, sonnerat, writing [ ] in the eighteenth century, says that "they are prohibited from drawing water from the wells of other castes; but have particular wells of their own near their inhabitations, round which they place the bones of animals, that they may be known and avoided. when an indian of any other caste permits a paraiya to speak to him, this unfortunate being is obliged to hold his hand before his mouth, lest the indian may be contaminated with his breath; and, if he is met on the highway, he must turn on one side to let the other pass. if any indian whatever, even a choutre, by accident touches a paraiya, he is obliged to purify himself in a bath. the brahmans cannot behold them, and they are obliged to fly when they appear. great care is taken not to eat anything dressed by a paraiya, nor even to drink out of the vessel he has used; they dare not enter the house of an indian of another caste; or, if they are employed in any work, a door is purposely made for them; but they must work with their eyes on the ground; for, if it is perceived they have glanced at the kitchen, all the utensils must be broken. the infamy of the paraiyas is reflected on the europeans: last are held in more detestation, because, setting aside the little respect they have for the cow, whose flesh they eat, the indians reproach them with spitting in their houses, and even their temples: that when drinking they put the cup to their lips, and their fingers to their mouths in such a manner that they are defiled with the spittle." paraiyans are to be found throughout the tamil districts from north arcot to tinnevelly, and in the southern extremity of the native state of travancore. in the telugu country the malas and madigas and in the canarese country the holeyas take their place. some of the most common names of paraiyan males are-- kanni or kanniyappan. raman or ramaswami. raju. velu. muttan. mari. kanagan. subban. nondi. tambiran. perumal. viran. sellan. amavasi. among females the most common names are tai, parpathi, ammai, kanni, muttammal, rajammal, ammani, selli, gangammal. in one village, where the paraiyans were almost all vaishnavas, by profession not by practice, mr. clayton found the inhabitants all named after heroes of the mahabharata, and dirty naked children answered to the names of ikshvakan, karnan, bhiman, and draupadi. it is usual to give the father's name when distinguishing one paraiyan from another, e.g., tamburan, son of kannan. in legal documents the prefix para denotes a paraiyan, e.g., para kanni, the paraiyan kanni, but this is a purely clerical formula. the paraiyan delights in nicknames, and men sometimes grow so accustomed to these that they have almost forgotten their real names. the following nicknames are very common :-- nondi, lame. kallan, thief. kullan, dwarf. vellei, white or light complexioned. kannan, with eyes. muthalai, crocodile. kudiyan, drunkard. no name, indicating virtue or merit, is given, lest the wrath of malevolent spirits should be aroused. at the census, , sub-divisions were returned, of which the following were strongest in point of numbers :--amma found chiefly in tanjore and madura; katti in salem and trichinopoly; kizhakkatti (eastern) in salem; koliyan (weavers) in chingleput, tanjore and trichinopoly; konga in salem; korava in coimbatore; kottai (fort) in south arcot; morasu (drum) in salem; mottai in madura; pacchai (green) in coimbatore; samban in south arcot; sangidum (sanku, conch, or chank shell) in coimbatore; sozhia (natives of the sozha or chola country) in tanjore and madura; tangalan in north and south arcot, chingleput, salem, and trichinopoly; and valangamattu in south arcot. the members of the various sub-divisions do not intermarry. it has been suggested to me that the morasu paraiyans, included in the above list, are canarese holeyas, who have settled in the tamil country. in the south their women, like the kallans, wear a horsehair thread round the neck. as additional sub-divisions, the following may be noted :-- aruththukattatha, or those who, having once cut the tali-string, do not tie it a second time, i.e., those who do not permit remarriage of widows. valai (a net).--paraiyans who hunt. sanku (conch-shell).--those who act as conch-blowers at funerals. thatha.--thathan is the name given to mendicants who profess vaishnavism. such paraiyans are vaishnavites, and some are beggars. in the census report, , mr. francis notes that the term paraiyan "is now almost a generic one, and the caste is split up into many sub-divisions, which differ in manners and ways. for example, the koliyans, who are weavers, and the valluvans, who are medicine men and priests and wear the sacred thread, will not intermarry or eat with the others, and are now practically distinct castes." as occupational titles of paraiyans mr. francis gives urumikkaran and pambaikkaran, or those who play on drums (urumi and pambai), and podarayan or podara vannan, who are washermen. the title valangamattan, or people of the right-hand division, is assumed by some paraiyans. mr. clayton states that he knows of no legend or popular belief among the paraiyans, indicating that they believe themselves to have come from any other part of the country than that where they now find themselves. there is, however, some evidence that the race has had a long past, and one in which they had independence, and possibly great importance in the peninsula. mr. stuart mentions [ ] that the valluvans were priests to the pallava kings before the introduction of the brahmans, and even for some time after it. he quotes an unpublished vatteluttu inscription, believed to be of the ninth century, in which it is noted that "sri valluvam puvanavan, the uvacchan (or temple ministrant), will employ six men daily, and do the temple service." the inference is that the valluvan was a man of recognised priestly rank, and of great influence. the prefix sri is a notable honorific. by itself this inscription would prove little, but the whole legendary history of the greatest of all tamil poets, tiruvalluvar, "the holy valluvan," confirms all that can be deduced from it. his date can only be fixed approximately, but it is probable that he flourished not later than the tenth century a.d. it is safe to say that this extraordinary sage could not have attained the fame he did, or have received the honours that were bestowed upon him, had not the valluvans, and therefore the paraiyans, been in the circle of respectable society in his day. this conjecture is strengthened by the legend that he married a vellala girl. the same hypothesis is the only one that will account for the education and the vogue of the sister of the poet, the aphoristic poetess avvei. in the census report, , mr. francis mentions an inscription of the chola king raja raja, dated about the eleventh century a.d., in which the paraiyan caste is called by its own name. it had then two sub-divisions, the nesavu or weavers, and ulavu or ploughmen. the caste had even then its own hamlets, wells and burning-grounds. there are certain privileges possessed by paraiyans, which they could never have gained for themselves from orthodox hinduism. they seem to be survivals of a past, in which paraiyans held a much higher position than they do now. it is noted by mr. m. j. walhouse [ ] that "in the great festival of siva at trivalur in tanjore the headman of the pareyars is mounted on the elephant with the god, and carries his chauri (yak-tail fly fan). in madras, at the annual festival of egatta, the goddess of the black, [ ] now george, town, when a tali is tied round the neck of the idol in the name of the entire community, a pareyan is chosen to represent the bridegroom. at melkotta in mysore, the chief seat of the followers of ramanuja acharya, and at the brahman temple at belur, the holeyas or pareyars have the right of entering the temple on three days in the year specially set apart for them." at melkote, the holeyas and madigas are said to have been granted the privilege of entering the sanctum sanctorum along with brahmans and others on three days by ramanuja. in , however, the right to enter the temple was stopped at the dhvajastambham, or consecrated monolithic column. at both belur and melkote, as soon as the festival is over, the temples are ceremonially purified. at sriperumbudur in the chingleput district, the paraiyans enjoy a similar privilege to those at tiruvalur, in return for having sheltered an image of the locally-worshipped incarnation of vishnu during a muhammadan raid. it is noted by mr. stuart that the lower village offices, the vettiyan, taliari, dandasi or barike, and the toti, are, in the majority of madras villages, held by persons of the paraiyan caste. paraiyans are allowed to take part in pulling the cars of the idols in the great festivals at conjeeveram, kumbakonam, and srivilliputtur. their touch is not reckoned to defile the ropes used, so that other hindus will pull with them. with this may be compared the fact that the telugu malas are custodians of the goddess gauri, the bull nandi, and ganesa, the chief gods of the saiva kapus and balijas. it may also be noted that the komatis, who claim to be vaisyas, are bound to invite madigas to their marriages, though they take care that the latter do not hear the invitation. mr. clayton records that he has heard well-authenticated instances of brahman women worshipping at paraiyan shrines in order to procure children, and states that he once saw a paraiyan exorciser treating a brahman by uttering mantrams (consecrated formulæ), and waving a sickle up and down the sufferer's back, as he stood in a threshing floor. in a note on the paraiyans of the trichinopoly district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes as follows. "they have a very exalted account of their lineage, saying that they are descended from the brahman priest sala sambavan, who was employed in a siva temple to worship the god with offerings of beef, but who incurred the anger of the god by one day concealing a portion of the meat, to give it to his pregnant wife, and was therefore turned into a paraiyan. the god appointed his brother to do duty instead of him, and the paraiyans say that brahman priests are their cousins. for this reason they wear a sacred thread at their marriages and funerals. at the festival of the village goddesses, they repeat an extravagant praise of their caste, which runs as follows. 'the paraiyans were the first creation, the first who wore the sacred thread, the uppermost in the social scale, the differentiators of castes, the winners of laurels. they have been seated on the white elephant, the vira sambavans who beat the victorious drum.' it is a curious fact that, at the feast of the village goddess, a paraiyan is honoured by being invested with a sacred thread for the occasion by the pujari (priest) of the temple, by having a turmeric thread tied to his wrists, and being allowed to head the procession. this, the paraiyans say, is owing to their exalted origin." in times of drought some of the lower orders, instead of addressing their prayers to the rain god varuna, try to induce a spirit or devata named kodumpavi (wicked one) to send her paramour sukra to the affected area. the belief seems to be that sukra goes away to his concubine for about six months, and, if he does not then return, drought ensues. the ceremony consists in making a huge figure of kodumpavi in clay, which is placed on a cart, and dragged through the streets for seven to ten days. on the last day, the final death ceremonies of the figure are celebrated. it is disfigured, especially in those parts which are usually concealed. vettiyans (paraiyan grave-diggers), who have been shaved, accompany the figure, and perform the funeral ceremonies. this procedure is believed to put kodumpavi to shame, and to get her to induce sukra to return, and stay the drought. paraiyans are said [ ] to wail as though they were at a funeral, and to beat drums in the funeral time. the paraiyans are said by mr. francis [ ] to have a curious share in the ceremonies in connection with the annual buffalo sacrifice at the kali shrine at mangalam in south arcot. "eight men of this community are chosen from eight adjoining villages, and one of them is selected as leader. his wife must not be with child at the' time, and she is made to prove that she is above all suspicion by undergoing the ordeal of thrusting her hand into boiling gingelly (sesamum) oil. on each of ten days for which the festival lasts, this paraiyan has to go round some part of the boundaries of the eight villages, and he is fed gratis by the villagers during this time. on the day of the sacrifice itself, he marches in front of the priest as the latter kills the buffaloes. the paraiyans of the eight villages have the right to the carcases of the slaughtered animals." the paraiyans know the village boundaries better than anyone else, and are very expert in this matter, unerringly pointing out where boundaries should run, even when the government demarcation stones are completely overgrown by prickly-pear, or have been removed. mr. stuart records a custom which prevails in some parts of making a paraiyan walk the boundaries of a field with a pot of water on his head, when there is any dispute about their exact position. he thinks that the only satisfactory explanation of this is that the connection of the paraiyans with the soil is of much longer standing than that of other castes. the admitted proprietary right which paraiyans have in the site known as cheri-nattam, on which their huts stand, is a confirmation of this. these sites are entered as such on the official village maps. they cannot be taken from the paraiyans, and date from time immemorial. throughout the whole of the tamil country it is usual to find that the land allotted for house-site (nattam) is in two portions in every village (ur). one part is known by the sanskrit name gramam (village), the inhabited place. the other is called by the dravidian name cheri (gathering place). sometimes the latter is called by the fuller title paracheri (anglice parcheri, parcherry), i.e., the gathering place of the paraiyans. in the gramam live the brahmans, who sometimes dwell, in a quarter by themselves known as the agrahara, and also other hindus. in the paracheri live the paraiyans. the paracheri and the gramam are always separated, at least by a road or lane, and often by several fields. and not only is it usual thus to find that, in every village, the paraiyans as a community possess a house-site, but there are many cases in which more than one cheri is attached to a gramam. this seems to repudiate the suggestion that at some period or periods the higher castes relegated the paraiyans to these cheris. indeed, in some cases, the very names of the cheris suggest what appears to be the more correct view, viz., that the cheris had a distinct origin. for instance, the whole revenue village of teiyar near chingleput consists of one sudra gramam and seven paraiyan cheris, each with a name of its own, periyapilleri, komancheri, etc. in other cases, e.g., ideipalayam in the north of the district, and varadarajapuram near vandalur, only paraiyan hamlets exist; there is no gramam. in south arcot there are at least two villages, govindanallur and andapet, inhabited only by paraiyans, where even the maniyakkaran (munsiff or village headman) is a paraiyan. other instances might be quoted in proof of the same opinion. and, when the ceremonial antipathy between brahman and paraiyan is examined, it points in the same direction. it is well known that a brahman considers himself polluted by the touch, presence, or shadow of a paraiyan, and will not allow him to enter his house, or even the street in which he lives, if it is an agrahara. but it is not so well known that the paraiyans will not allow a brahman to enter the cheri. should a brahman venture into the paraiyan's quarter, water with which cow-dung has been mixed is thrown on his head, and he is driven out. it is stated [ ] by captain j. s. f. mackenzie that "brahmans in mysore consider that great luck will await them if they can manage to pass through the holeya quarter of a village unmolested, and that, should a brahman attempt to enter their quarters, they turn out in a body and slipper him, in former times it is said to death." some brahmans consider a forsaken paracheri an auspicious site for an agrahara. a very peculiar case is that of the gramam founded for, and occupied by the clerks of the earliest collectors (district magistrates) of the jagir of karunguli from to a.d. these clerks were brahmans, and it was called the agraharam. it was deserted when the head-quarters of the collector were removed to conjeeveram. it is now occupied by paraiyans, but is still called the agraharam. the facts, taken together, seem to show that the paraiyan priests (valluvans), and therefore the paraiyans as a race, are very ancient, that ten centuries ago they were a respectable community, and that many were weavers. the privileges they enjoy are relics of an exceedingly long association with the land. the institution of the paracheri points to original independence, and even to possession of much of the land. if the account of the colonisation of tondeimandalam by vellalans in the eighth century a.d. is historic, then it is possible that at that time the paraiyans lost the land, and that their degradation as a race began. the paraiyans have long been a settled race. and, though a number of them emigrate to ceylon, mauritius, south africa, the west indies, the straits settlements, and even to fiji, the vast majority live and die within a mile or two of the spot where they were born. the houses in which they live are not temporary erections, or intended for use during certain seasons of the year only. the rudest form is a hut made by tying a few leaves of the palmyra palm on to a framework of poles or bamboos. the better class of houses are a series of rooms with low mud walls and thatched roof, but generally without doors, surrounding a small courtyard, in which the family goats, buffaloes, and fowls have their homes. the cooking is done anywhere where it is convenient either indoors or out, as there is no fear of pollution from the glance or shadow of any passer-by. very occasionally the walls of the house, especially those facing the street, are whitewashed, or decorated with variegated patterns or figures in red and white. paraiya women, like higher caste women, are much given to tracing exceedingly intricate symmetrical designs (kolam) with rice flour on the smooth space or pathway immediately before the doors of their houses, it is said, to prevent the entrance of evil spirits. mr. s. p. rice writes to me that the patterns on the floor or threshold are generally traced with white powder, e.g., chalk, as rice is too costly; and that the original object of the custom was not to drive away evil spirits, but to provide food for the lowest creatures of creation--ants, insects, etc. admissions to the paraiyan caste from higher castes sometimes occur. mr. clayton records having met an aiyangar brahman who was working as a cooly with some paraiyan labourers at kodaikanal on the palni hills. he had become infatuated with a paraiya woman, and had consequently been excommunicated, and became a paraiyan. in every paraiya settlement a small number of the more important men are known as panakkaran (money-man). the application of the term may, mr. clayton suggests, be due to their comparative opulence, or may have arisen from the custom of paying them a small sum (panam) for various services to the community. but panikkar or panakkar is usually said to be derived from pani, meaning work. they form a committee or council to decide ordinary quarrels, and to amerce the damages in cases of assault, seduction, rape, and adultery. they have power to dissolve marriages on account of the wife, or if the husband has deserted his wife. in these cases their authority is really based on the public opinion of the paracheri, and goes no further than that public opinion will enforce it. there is no headman in a paraiya hamlet corresponding to the munsiff or village magistrate of the hindu village (grama). in modern practice the paraiyans are, for police purposes, under the authority of the munsiff of the grama, and there is a growing tendency on their part to refer all disputes and assaults to the munsiff, or even directly to the police. on the other hand, cases of a more domestic nature, such as disputes about betrothals, seduction, etc., are still dealt with, generally acutely and fairly, by the village council. it should be added that the rank of panakkaran is hereditary, and is regarded as honourable. the paraiyans, like all the other right-hand castes, come under the jurisdiction of the desayi chettis, who have held a sort of censorship since the days of the nawabs of arcot over some twenty-four of these right-hand castes, chiefly in north arcot. the desayi chetti has nominal power to deal with all moral offences, and is supposed to have a representative in every village, who reports every offence. but, though his authority is great in north arcot, and the fines levied there bring in an income of hundreds of rupees yearly, it is not so much dreaded in other districts. the punishment usually inflicted is a fine, but sometimes a delinquent paraiyan will be made to crawl on his hands and knees on the ground between the legs of a paraiya woman as a final humiliation. the punishment of excommunication, i.e., cutting off from fire and water, is sometimes the fate of the recalcitrant, either before the council or the desayi chetti, but it is seldom effective for more than a short time. mr. k. rangachari adds that, in certain places, the desayi chetti appoints the panakkaran, who is subordinate to the desayi, and that a man called the variyan or shalavathi is sometimes appointed as assistant to the panakkaran. he also mentions some other punishments. the fine for adultery is from pagodas fanams to pagodas, when the wronged woman is unmarried. if she is married, the amount ranges from pagodas fanams to pagodas. the fine is said to be divided between the woman, her husband, the members of council, and the panakkarans. formerly an offender against the paraiyan community was tied to a post at the beginning of his trial, and, if found guilty, was beaten. he might escape the flogging by paying a fine of two fanams per stripe. sometimes a delinquent is paraded through the hamlet, carrying a rubbish basket, or is ordered to make a heap of rubbish at a certain spot. or a cord is passed from one big toe over the bowed neck of the culprit, and tied to his other big toe, and then a stone is placed on his bent back. in some places, when an unmarried woman is convicted of adultery, she is publicly given a new cloth and a bit of straw or a twig, apparently in mockery. it is said that formerly, if the chastity of a bride was suspected, she had to pick some cakes out of boiling oil. this she had to do just after the tali had been tied in the wedding ceremony. her hair, nails, and clothes were examined, to see that she had no charm concealed. after lifting the cakes from the oil, she had to husk some rice with her bare hand. if she could do this, her virtue was established. in the south arcot district, according to mr. francis, [ ] the paraiyans "have caste headmen called the periya (big) nattan and the chinna (little) nattan or tangalan (our man), whose posts are usually hereditary. the tangalan carries out the sentence of caste panchayats, administering a thrashing to the accused for example, if such be the order of the court. of the fines inflicted by these assemblies, a fifth is usually handed over to the local mariamma shrine, and the remaining four-fifths are laid out in drinks for the panchayatdars. until recently, a part of the fine was in some cases, in these parts, paid to the local poligar." excommunicated paraiyans are said to go to a mythical place called vinnamangalam. in some documents signed by paraiyans, the words "if i fail to fulfil the conditions of our agreement, i shall go to vinnamangalam" are inserted. in all enquiries by the police, the council, or the desayi chetti, the paraiyan only tells what in his opinion it is expedient to tell. but evidence given after burning a piece of camphor is said to be reliable. the attainment of puberty by girls is a subject of greedy curiosity to most of the women in a paraiya village. this has been said to be due to the fact that "the menstrual fluid is held in horror, dire consequences being supposed to result from not merely the contact, but even the very sight of it. hence the isolation and purification of women during the menstrual period, and the extreme care and anxiety with which the first approach of puberty in a girl is watched." the girl at once begins to wear a covering of some sort, even it be the most pathetic rag, over her left shoulder and breast. till this time, a bit of cotton cloth round her waist has been considered sufficient. among the tangalan paraiyans, when a girl attains puberty, she is kept apart either in the house or in a separate hut. pollution is supposed to last eight days. on the ninth day, the girl is bathed, and seated in the courtyard. ten small lamps of flour paste (called drishti mavu vilakku), to avert the evil eye, are put on a sieve, and waved before her three times. then coloured water (arati or alam) and burning camphor are waved before her. some near female relatives then stand behind her, and strike her waist and sides with puttu (flour cake) tied in a cloth. this is believed to make her strong. at the same time other women strike the ground behind the girl with a rice-pestle. then presents are given to the girl. in some places the girl is beaten within the house by her mother-in-law or paternal aunt. the latter repeatedly asks the girl to promise that her daughter shall marry her paternal aunt's son. in marriages among the paraiyans, difference in religion is of little moment. a christian paraiyan will marry a heathen girl, though it should be said that she is usually baptised at or about the time of the marriage. a christian girl is sometimes married to a heathen paraiyan. mr. clayton thinks that the fact that certain paraiyans paint the namam of vishnu on their foreheads, while others smear their foreheads with the ashes of siva, prevents marriages between them. the bridegroom must be older than the bride. subject to this condition, it is usual for a youth to marry his father's sister's daughter, or his mother's brother's daughter. a girl should be married to her mother's brother's son if he is old enough, but not, as among the konga vellalas and some reddis, if he is a child. in short, paraiyans follow the usual tamil custom, but it is often neglected. marriage contracts are sometimes made by parents while the parties most concerned are still infants, often while they are still children; in the majority of cases when the girl attains the marriageable age. the bridegroom may be many years older than the bride, especially when custom, as noted above, settles who shall be his bride. the bride has absolutely no choice in the matter; but, if the bridegroom is a man of some years or position, his preferences are consulted. the elder sister should be given in marriage before her younger sisters are married. the arrangements are more or less a bargain. presents of clothes, paltry jewels, rice, vegetables, and perhaps a few rupees, are exchanged between the families of the bride and bridegroom. the household that seeks the marriage naturally gives the larger gifts. the actual marriage ceremony is very simple. the essential part is the tying of a small token or ornament (tali), varying in value from a few annas to four or five rupees by a turmeric-stained string, round the neck of the bride. this is done by the bridegroom in the presence of a valluvan, who mutters some kind of blessing on the marriage. a series of feasts, lasting over two or three days, is given to all the relatives of both parties by the parents of the newly-married couple. the bride and bridegroom do not live together immediately, even if the girl is old enough. the exact date at which their life together may begin is settled by the bride's mother. the occasion, called soppana muhurtham, is celebrated by another feast and much merry-making, not always seemly. the following detailed account of the marriage ceremonies among the tangalan paraiyans was furnished by mr. k. rangachari. the parents or near relations of the contracting parties meet, and talk over the match. if an agreement is arrived at, an adjournment is made to the nearest liquor shop, and a day fixed for the formal exchange of betel leaves, which is the sign of a binding engagement. a paraiyan, when he goes to seek the hand of a girl in marriage, will not eat at her house if her family refuse to consider the alliance, to which the consent of the girl's maternal uncle is essential. the paraiyan is particular in the observation of omens, and, if a cat or a valiyan (a bird) crosses his path when he sets out in quest of a bride, he will give her up. the betrothal ceremony, or pariyam, is binding as long as the contracting couple are alive. they may live together as man and wife without performing the marriage ceremony, and children born to them are considered as legitimate. but, when their offspring marry, the parents must first go through the marriage rites, and the children are then married in the same pandal on the same day. at the betrothal ceremony, the headman, father, maternal uncle, and two near relations of the bridegroom-elect, proceed to the girl's house, where they are received, and sit on seats or mats. drink and plantain fruits are offered to them. some conversation takes place between the headmen of the two parties, such as "have you seen the girl? have you seen her house and relations? are you disposed to recommend and arrange the match?" if he assents, the girl's headman says "as long as stones and the kaveri river exist, so that the sky goddess akasavani and the earth goddess bhumadevi may know it; so that the water-pot (used at the marriage ceremony), and the sun and moon may know it; so that this assembly may know it; i ... give this girl." the headman of the bridegroom then says "the girl shall be received into the house by marriage. these thirty-six pieces of gold are yours, and the girl is mine." he then hands betel leaves and areca nuts to the other headman, who returns them. the exchange of betel is carried out three times. near the headmen is placed a tray containing betel nuts, a rupee, a turmeric-dyed cloth in which a fanam ( / annas) is tied, a cocoanut, flowers, and the bride's money varying in amount from seven to twenty rupees. the fanam and bride's money are handed to the headman of the girl, and the rupee is divided between the two headmen. on the betrothal day, the relations of the girl offer flowers, cocoanuts, etc., to their ancestors, who are supposed to be without food or drink. the paraiyans believe that the ancestors will be ill-disposed towards them, if they are not propitiated with offerings of rice and other things. for the purpose of worship, the ancestors are represented by a number of cloths kept in a box made of bamboo or other material, to which the offerings are made. on the conclusion of the ancestor worship, the two headmen go to a liquor shop, and exchange drinks of toddy. this exchange is called mel sambandham kural, or proclaiming relationship. after the lapse of a few days, the girl's family is expected to pay a return visit, and the party should include at least seven men. betel is again exchanged, and the guests are fed, or presented with a small gift of money. when marriage follows close on betrothal, the girl is taken to the houses of her relations, and goes through the nalugu ceremony, which consists of smearing her with turmeric paste, an oil bath, and presentation of betel and sweets. the auspicious day and hour for the marriage are fixed by the valluvan, or priest of the paraiyans. the ceremonial is generally carried through in a single day. on the morning of the wedding day, three male and two married female relations of the bridegroom go to the potter's house to fetch the pots, which have been already ordered. the potter's fee is a fowl, pumpkin, paddy, betel, and a few annas. the bride, accompanied by the headman and her relations, goes to the bridegroom's village, bringing with her a number of articles called petti varisai or box presents. these consist of a lamp, cup, brass vessel, ear-ornament called kalappu, twenty-five betel leaves and areca nuts, onions, and cakes, a lump of jaggery (crude sugar), grass mat, silver toe-ring, rice, a bundle of betel leaves and five cocoanuts, which are placed inside a bamboo box. the next item in the proceedings is the erection of the milk-post, which is made of a pestle of tamarind or soymida febrifuga wood, or a green bamboo. to the post leafy twigs of the mango or pipal (ficus religiosa) are tied. in some places, a pole of the odina wodier tree is said to be set up, and afterwards planted near the house, to see if it will grow. near the marriage dais a pit is dug, into which are thrown nine kinds of grain, and milk is poured. the milk-post is supported on a grindstone painted with turmeric stripes, washed with milk and cow's urine, and worshipped, with the valluvan as the celebrant priest. the post is then set up in the pit by three men and two women. a string with a bit of turmeric (kankanam) is tied to the milk-post, and to it and the dais boiled rice is offered. kankanams are also tied round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom. the bridegroom's party go to the temple or house where the bride is awaiting them, bringing with them a brass lamp, vessel and cup, castor and gingelly oil, combs, confectionery, turmeric, and betel leaves. the procession is headed by paraiyans beating tom-toms, and blowing on trumpets. when their destination is reached, all take their seats on mats, and the various articles which they have brought are handed over to the headman, who returns them. the bride is then taken in procession to the marriage house, which she is the first to enter. she is then told to touch with her right hand some paddy, salt, and rice, placed in three pots inside the house. touching them with the left hand would be an evil omen, and every mishap which might occur in the family would be traced to the new daughter-in-law. the bride and bridegroom next go through the nalugu ceremony, and some of the relations proceed with the ceremony of bringing sand (manal vari sadangu). a cousin of the bridegroom and his wife take three pots called sal karagam and kuresal, and repair to a river, tank (pond) or well, accompanied by a few men and women. the pots are set on the ground, and close to them are placed a lamp, and a leaf with cakes, betel leaves and nuts set on it. puja (worship) is made to the pots by burning camphor and breaking cocoanuts. the vettiyan then says "the sun, the moon, the pots, and the owner of the girl have come to the pandal. so make haste and fill the pot with water." the woman dips a small pot in water, and, after putting some sand or mud into a big pot, pours the water therein. the pots are then again worshipped. after the performance of the nalugu, the bridal couple go through a ceremony for removing the evil eye, called "sige kazhippu." a leaf of ficus religiosa, with its tail downwards, is held over their foreheads, and all the close relations pour water over it, so that it trickles over their faces; or seven cakes are placed by each of the relations on the head, shoulders, knees, feet, and other parts of the body of the bridegroom. the cakes are subsequently given to a washerman. the parents of the bridal couple, accompanied by some of their relations, next proceed to an open field, taking with them the cloths, tali, jewels, and other things which have been purchased for the wedding. a cloth is laid on the ground, and on it seven leaves are placed, and cooked rice, vegetables, etc., heaped up thereon. puja is done, and a goat is sacrificed to the ancestors (tangalanmar). by some the offerings are made to the village goddess pidari, instead of to the ancestors. meanwhile the bridegroom has been taken in procession round the village on horseback, and the headmen have been exchanging betel in the pandal. on the bridegroom's return, he and the bride seat themselves on planks placed on the dais, and are garlanded by their maternal uncle with wreaths of nerium odorum flowers. the maternal uncle of the bride presents her with a ring. in some places, the bride is carried to the dais on the shoulders or in the arms of the maternal uncle. while the couple are seated on the dais the valluvan priest lights the sacred fire (homam), and, repeating some words in corrupt sanskrit, pours gingelly oil into the fire. he then does puja to the tali, and passes it round, to be touched and blessed by those assembled. the bridegroom, taking up the tali, shows it through a hole in the pandal to the sky or sun, and, on receipt of permission from those present, ties it round the neck of the bride. thin plates of gold or silver, called pattam, are then tied on the foreheads of the contracting couple, first by the mother-in-law and sister-in-law. with brahman and non-brahman castes it is customary for the bride and bridegroom to fast until the tali has been tied. with paraiyans, on the contrary, the rite is performed after a good meal. towards the close of the marriage day, fruit, flowers, and betel are placed on a tray before the couple, and all the kankanams, seven in number, are removed, and put on the tray. after burning camphor, the bridegroom hands the tray to his wife, and it is exchanged between them three times. it is then given to the washerman. the proceedings terminate by the two going with linked hands three times round the pandal. on the following day, the bride's relatives purchase some good curds, a number of plantains, sugar and pepper, which are mixed together. all assemble at the pandal, and some of the mixture is given to the headman, the newly married couple, and all who are present. all the articles which constitute the bride's dowry are then placed in the pandal, and examined by the headman. if they are found to be correct, he proclaims the union of the couple, and more of the mixture is doled out. this ceremony is known as sambandham kural or sambandham piriththal (proclaiming relationship). two or three days after the marriage, the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, and remains there for three days. he is stopped at the entrance by his brother-in-law, who washes his feet, puts rings on the second toe, and keeps on pinching his feet until he has extracted a promise that the bridegroom will give his daughter, if one is born to him, in marriage to the son of his brother-in-law. the ring is put on the foot of the bride by her maternal uncle at the time of the marriage ceremony, after the wrist threads have been removed. in some places it is done by the mother-in-law or sister-in-law, before the tali is tied, behind a screen. polygamy is not common among the paraiyans, but mr. clayton has known a few instances in which a paraiyan had two regularly married wives, each wearing a tali. but it is very common to find that a paraiyan has, in addition to his formally married wife, another woman who occupies a recognised position in his household. the first wears the tali. the other woman does not, but is called the second wife. she cannot be dismissed without the sanction of the paracheri council. the man who maintains her is called her husband, and her children are recognised as part of his family. mr. clayton believes that a second wife is usually taken only when the more formally married wife has no children, or when an additional worker is wanted in the house, or to help in the daily work. thus a horsekeeper will often have two wives, one to prepare his meals and boil the gram for the horse, the other to go out day by day to collect grass for the horse. the tamil proverb "the experience of a man with two wives is anguish" applies to all these double unions. there are constant quarrels between the two women, and the man is generally involved, often to his own great inconvenience. it is quite common for a paraiyan to marry his deceased wife's sister, if she is not already married. a paraiya woman usually goes to her mother's house a month or two before she expects the birth of her first child, which is born there. sometimes a medicine woman (maruttuvacchi), who possesses or professes some knowledge of drugs and midwifery, is called in, if the case is a bad one. generally her barbarous treatment is but additional torture to the patient. immediately after the birth of the child, the mother drinks a decoction called kashayam, in which there is much ginger. hence the tamil proverb "is there any decoction without ginger in it?" about a week after the birth, the mother, as a purificatory ceremony, is rubbed with oil and bathed. among sudras there is a family ceremony, to which the sanskrit name simanta has been assigned, though it is not the true simanta observed by brahmans. it occurs only in connection with a first pregnancy. the expectant mother stands bending over a rice mortar, and water or human milk is poured on her back by her husband's elder or younger sister. money is also given to buy jewels for the expected child. the ceremony is of no interest to anyone outside the family. hence the proverb "come, ye villagers, and pour water on this woman's back." this is used when outsiders are called in to do for a member of a family what the relatives ought to do. this ceremony is sometimes observed by paraiyans. among brahmans it is believed to affect the sex of the child. it should be added that it is firmly believed that, if a woman dies during pregnancy or in childbed, her spirit becomes an exceedingly malignant ghost, and haunts the precincts of the village where she dies. a widow does not wear the tali, which is removed at a gathering of relatives some days after her husband's death. "the removal of the tali of a widow," mr. francis writes, [ ] "is effected in a curious manner. on the sixteenth day after the husband's death, another woman stands behind the widow, who stoops forward, and unties the tali in such a way that it falls into a vessel of milk placed to receive it. adoption ceremonies are also odd. the adoptee's feet are washed in turmeric water by the adopter, who then drinks a little of the liquid. adoption is accordingly known as manjanir kudikkiradu, or the drinking of turmeric water, and the adopted son as the manjanir pillai, or turmeric water boy." paraiya women do not wear any distinctive dress when they are widows, and do not shave their heads. but they cease to paint the vermilion mark (kunkumam) on their foreheads, which married women who are living with their husbands always wear, except at times when they are considered ceremonially unclean. the widow of a paraiyan, if not too old to bear children, generally lives with another man as his wife. sometimes she is ceremonially married to him, and then wears the tali. a widow practically chooses her own second husband, and is not restricted to any particular relative, such as her husband's elder or younger brother. the practice of the levirate, by which the younger brother takes the widow of the elder, is non-existent as a custom among paraiyas, though instances of such unions may be found. indeed the popular opinion of the tamil caste credits the paraiyan with little regard for any of the restrictions of consanguinity, either prohibitive or permissive. "the palmyra palm has no shadow: the paraiyan has no regard for seemliness" is a common tamil proverb. it is stated, in the madras census report, , that "the paraiyans have been but little affected by brahmanical doctrines and customs, though in respect to ceremonies they have not escaped their influence. paraiyans are nominally saivites, but in reality they are demon worshippers." the homakulam tank in the south arcot district is reputed to be the place where nanda, the paraiyan saint, bathed before he performed sacrifice preparatory to his transfiguration to brahmanhood. [ ] brahman influence has scarcely affected the paraiyan at all, even in ceremonial. no paraiyan may enter any vaishnava or saiva temple even of the humblest sort, though of course his offerings of money are accepted, if presented by the hands of some friendly sudra, even in such exclusive shrines as that of sri vira raghava swami at tiruvallur. it is true that paraiyans are often termed saivites, but there are many nominal vaishnavas among them, who regularly wear the namam of vishnu on their foreheads. the truth is that the feminine deities, commonly called devata, have been identified by hindus with the feminine energy of siva, and thus the paraiyans who worship them have received the sectarian epithet. as a matter of fact, the wearing of the namam of vishnu, or the smearing of the ashes of siva, is of no meaning to a paraiyan. they are neither saivites nor vaishnavites. like all other dravidians, the paraiyans acknowledge the existence of a supreme, omnipresent, personal spiritual being, the source of all, whom they call kadavul (he who is). kadavul possesses no temples, and is not worshipped, but he is the highest conception of paraiya thought. paraiyans worship at least three classes of godlings or devata, generally called the mothers (amma). sometimes they are worshipped as the virgins (kanniyamma) or the seven virgins. these mothers may be worshipped collectively in a group. they are then symbolised by seven stones or bricks, perhaps within a little enclosure, or on a little platform in the paraiya hamlet, or under a margosa (melia azadirachta) tree, or sheltered by a wattle hut, or even by a small brick temple. this temple is universally known as the amman koil. more usually, one particular mother is worshipped at the paraiya shrine. she is then called the grama devata, or village goddess, of the particular hamlet. the names of these goddesses are legion. each village claims that its own mother is not the same as that of the next village, but all are supposed to be sisters. each is supposed to be the guardian of the boundaries of the cheri or gramam where her temple lies, sometimes of both gramam and cheri. she is believed to protect its inhabitants and its livestock from disease, disaster and famine, to promote the fecundity of cattle and goats, and to give children. in a word, she is called the benefactress of the place, and of all in it who worship her. the following are a few of the names of these village tutelary deities:-- ellamma, goddess of the boundary, worshipped by tamil and telugu paraiyans. mungilamma, bamboo goddess. padeiyattal or padeiyacchi. parrapotamma, a telugu goddess supposed to cure cattle diseases. pidariyamma, sometimes called ellei pidari. the symbol of the goddess may be a conical stone, or a carved idol. occasionally a rude figure of the bull nandi, and an iron trident mark the shrine. a lamp is often lighted before it at night. the ceremonial of worship of all classes of devata is very simple. the worshipper prostrates himself before the symbol of the deity, whether one stone, seven stones, or an image. he anoints it with oil, smears it with saffron, daubs it with vermilion, garlands it with flowers (nerium odorum by preference), burns a bit of camphor, and circumambulates the shrine, keeping his right side towards it. on special occasions he breaks cocoanuts, kills fowls, goats or sheep, of which the two last must be killed at one blow, pours out their blood, perhaps offers a little money, and goes his way, satisfied that he has done his best to propitiate the devata whom he has honoured. special shrines attain very great fame. thus the goddess bavaniyammal of periyapalayam, some sixteen miles from madras, is well known, and crowds come to her annual festival. paraiyans, pallis, and chakkilians form the majority of the worshippers, but of late years sudras and even brahmans are to be found at her shrine. the homage rendered to her is twofold. her worshippers sacrifice some thousands of sheep on the river bank outside her temple, and, entirely divesting themselves of their garments, and covering themselves with bunches of margosa leaves, go round the temple. except on the five sundays, usually in july and august, on which the festival is held, the shrine is forsaken, and the goddess is said to be a vegetarian; but on the five festival sundays she is said to be as greedy for flesh as a leather-dresser's (chakkiliyan) wife. two goddesses hold a position distinct from the mothers as a group, or as tutelary goddesses. these are gangammal and mariyattal, and their peculiarity is that they are itinerant deities. gangammal is often described as the goddess of cholera, and mariyattal, as the goddess of small-pox, though both diseases are frequently ascribed to the latter. mariyattal is worshipped under the names of poleramma and ammavaru by telugus. for instance, near arcotkuppam in the north arcot district, a festival is held in honour of gangammal in the tamil month vaikasi (may-june), in which sudras join. the main feature of the festival is the boiling of new rice as at pongal. men also put on women's clothes, and perform grotesque dances. in the same way, in the ten days' festival in honour of mariyattal held at uttaramallur during the tamil month avani (august), the goddess is carried about by washermen (vannan), who perform a kind of pantomime (vilas) in her honour. there is a curious belief that these goddesses (or gangammal, if they are distinguished) must travel along roads and paths, and cannot go across country, and that they cannot pass over the leaves of the margosa or the stems of the plant called in tamil perandei (vitis quadrangularis). consequently, when cholera is about, and the goddess is supposed to be travelling from village to village seeking victims, branches of margosa and long strings of perandei are placed on all the paths leading into the gramam or cheri. sometimes, also, leaves of the margosa are strung together, and hung across the village street. these are called toranam. besides the deities already referred to, there are a number of ghosts, ghouls, and goblins (pey or pisasu), whom paraiyans propitiate. mathureiviran and virabadran are, for example, two well-known demons. among tamil paraiyans there are families in almost every village, who hold a kind of sacerdotal rank in the esteem of their fellows. they are called valluvans, valluva pandarams, or valluva paraiyans. their position and authority depend largely on their own astuteness. sometimes they are respected even by brahmans for their powers as exorcists. it is often impossible to see any difference between the valluvans and the ordinary paraiyans, except that their houses are usually a little apart from other houses in the cheri. they take a leading part in local paraiya festivals. at marriages they pronounce the blessing when the tali is tied round the bride's neck. in cases of supposed possession by demons, or by the mothers, the valluvan is consulted as to the meaning of the portent, and takes part in driving the spirit out of the victim, sometimes using violence and blows to compel the spirit to deliver its message and be gone. the census report, , states that valluvans do not eat or intermarry with other sections of the paraiyans. mr. clayton is unable to confirm this, and is inclined to doubt whether it is generally true. the dead are buried as a rule, but sometimes the corpses are burnt. a portion of the village waste land is allotted for the purpose. only paraiyans are buried in it. the funeral rites are very simple. the corpse is carried on a temporary litter of palm leaf mats and bamboos, wrapped in a cotton cloth, which is a new one if it can be afforded, and interred or burnt. about the third or fifth day after death, the pal sadangu, or milk ceremony, should take place, when some milk is poured out by the next-of-kin as an offering to the spirit of the deceased. this spirit is then supposed to assume a sort of corporeity, and to depart to the place of respite till fate decrees that it be re-born. this ceremony is accompanied by a family feast. on the fifteenth day after death, another family gathering is held, and food is offered to the spirit of the dead person. this ceremony is called karumantaram, or expiatory ceremony. occasionally, for some months after the death, a few flowers are placed on the grave, and a cocoanut is broken over it; and some attempt is even made to recognise the anniversary of the date. but there is no regular custom and it is probably an imitation of brahmanical usages. the ordinary paraiyan's conception of life after death is merely a vague belief that the departed soul continues its existence somewhere. he has no ordered eschatology. if a first-born male child dies, it is buried close to or even within the house, so that its corpse may not be carried off by a witch or sorcerer, to be used in magic rites, as the body of a first-born child is supposed to possess special virtues. it is noted by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] that "the tangalans profess to have once been a very respectable class, and wear the sacred thread at weddings and funerals, while the other divisions never assume it." the following note on the death ceremonies of the paraiyans at coimbatore was supplied by mr. v. govindan. if the deceased was a married man, the corpse is placed in a sitting posture in a booth made of twigs of margosa and milk-hedge (euphorbia tirucalli), and supported behind by a mortar. the widow puts on all her ornaments, and decorates her hair with flowers. she seats herself on the left side of the corpse, in the hands of which some paddy (unhusked rice) or salt is placed. taking hold of its hands, some one pours the contents thereof into the hands of the widow, who replaces them in those of the corpse. this is done thrice, and the widow then ties the rice in her cloth. on the way to the burial ground (sudukadu), the son carries a new pot, the barber a pot of cooked rice and brinjal (solanum melongena) fruits and other things required for doing puja. the paraiyan in charge of the burial ground carries a fire-brand. the mats and other articles used by the deceased, and the materials of which the booth was made, are carried in front by the washerman, who deposits them at a spot between the house of the deceased and the burial ground called the idukadu, which is made to represent the shrine of arichandra. arichandra was a king, who became a slave of the paraiyans, and is in charge of the burial ground. at the idukadu the corpse is placed on the ground, and the son, going thrice round it, breaks the pot of rice near its head. the barber makes a mark at the four corners of the bier, and the son places a quarter anna on three of the marks, and some cowdung on the mark at the north-east corner. the widow seats herself at the feet of the corpse, and another widowed woman breaks her tali string, and throws it on the corpse. arrived at the grave, the gurukal (priest) descends into it, does puja and applies vibhuti (sacred ashes) to its sides. the body is lowered into it, and half a yard of cloth from the winding-sheet is given to the paraiyan, and a quarter of a yard to an andi (religious mendicant). the grave is filled in up to the neck of the corpse, and bael (Ægle marmelos) leaves, salt, and vibhuti are placed on its head by the gurukal. the grave is then filled in, and a stone and thorny branch placed at the head end. as the son goes, carrying the water-pot, three times round the grave, the barber makes a hole in the pot, which is thrown on the stone. the son and other relations bathe and return to the house, where a vessel containing milk is set on a mortar, and another containing water placed at the door. they dip twigs of the pipal (ficus religiosa) into the milk, and throw them on the roof. they also worship a lighted lamp. on the third day, cooked rice, and other food for which the deceased had a special liking, are taken to the grave, and placed on plantain leaves. puja is done, and the crows are attracted to the spot. if they do not turn up, the gurukal prays, and throws up water three times. on the seventeenth day, the son and others, accompanied by the gurukal, carry a new brick and articles required for puja to the river. the brick is placed under water, and the son bathes. the articles for puja are spread on a plantain leaf, before which the son places the brick. puja is done to it, and a piece of new cloth tied on it. it is then again carried to the water, and immersed therein. the ceremonial concludes with the lighting of the sacred fire (homam). the death ceremonies of the paraiyan, as carried out in the chingleput district, are thus described by mr. k. rangachari. the corpse is washed, dressed, and carried on a bier to the burning or burial ground. just before it is placed on the bier, all the relations, who are under pollution, go round it three times, carrying an iron measure round which straw has been wrapped, and containing a light. on the way to the burial ground, the son or grandson scatters paddy, which has been fried by the agnates. a pot of fire is carried by the vettiyan. at a certain spot the bier is placed on the ground, and the son goes round it, carrying a pot of cooked rice, which he breaks near the head of the corpse. this rice should not be touched by man or beast, and it is generally buried. when the corpse has been placed on the pyre, or laid in the grave, rice is thrown over it by the relations. the son, carrying a pot of water, goes thrice round it, and asks those assembled if he may finish the ceremony. on receiving their assent, he again goes three times round the corpse, and, making three holes in the pot, throws it down, and goes home without looking back. if the dead person is unmarried, a mock marriage ceremony, called kanni kaziththal (removing bachelorhood), is performed before the corpse is laid on the bier. a garland of arka (calotropis gigantea) flowers and leaves is placed round its neck, and balls of mud from a gutter are laid on the head, knees, and other parts of the body. in some places a variant of the ceremony consists in the erection of a mimic marriage booth which is covered with leaves of the arka plant, flowers of which are placed round the neck as a garland. on the third day after death, cooked rice, milk, fruits, etc., are offered to the soul of the departed on two leaves placed one near the head, the other near the feet of the corpse. of these, the former is taken by men, and the latter by women, and eaten. the karmanthiram, or final ceremony, takes place on the twelfth or sixteenth day. all concerned in it proceed to a tank with cooked rice, cakes, etc. a figure of ganesa (pillayar) is made with mud, and five kalasam (vessels) are placed near it. the various articles which have been brought are set out in front of it. two bricks, on which the figures of a man and woman are drawn, are given to the son, who washes them, and does puja to them after an effigy has been made at the waterside by a washerman. he then says "i gave calves and money. enter kailasam (the abode of siva). find your way to paralokam (the other world). i gave you milk and fruit. go to the world of the dead. i gave gingelly (sesamum) and milk. enter yamalokam (abode of the god of death). eleven descendants on the mother's side and ten on the father's, twenty-one in all, may they all enter heaven." he then puts the bricks into the water. on their return home, the sons of the deceased are presented with new clothes. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the tanjore district, that, when a man dies, camphor is not burnt in the house, but at the junction of three lanes. some paraiyans, on the occurrence of a death in a family, put a pot filled with dung or water, a broomstick and a fire-brand at some place where three roads meet, or in front of the house, in order to prevent the ghost from returning. an impression of the dead man's palm is taken in cow-dung, and stuck on the wall. in some places, e.g., at tirutturaippundi, the paraiyans observe a ceremony rather like that observed by valaiyans and karaiyans on the heir's return from the burning-ground on the second day. three rice-pounders and a chembu (vessel) of water are placed outside the door, and the heir sits on these, chews a piece of fish, spits thrice, and then goes and worships a light burning in the house. tattooing is practiced on women and children of both sexes, but not on grown men. with children it is confined to a simple line drawn down the forehead. among paraiyans who have become roman catholics, the device is sometimes a cross. women, like those of other tamil castes, frequently have their arms elaborately tattooed, and sometimes have a small pattern between the breasts. a legend runs to the effect that, many years ago, a paraiyan woman wished her upper arms and chest to be tattooed in the form of a bodice. the operation was successfully carried out till the region of the heart was reached, and then a vulnerable part was punctured by the needles, with the result that the woman died. whence has arisen a superstitious objection to tattooing of the breasts. sometimes an arei-mudi, shaped like the leaf of the puvarasa tree (thespesia populnea), made of silver or silvered brass, is tied round the waist of female infants as an ornament. small, flat plates of copper, called takudu, are frequently worn by children. one side is divided into sixteen squares, in which, what look like the telugu numerals nine, ten, eleven and twelve are engraved. on the other side a circle is drawn, which is divided into eight segments, in each of which a telugu letter is inscribed. this charm is supposed to protect the wearer from harm coming from any of the eight cardinal points of the indian compass. charms, in the form of metal cylinders, are worn for the same purpose by adults and children, and procured from some exorcist. similar or the same charms are worn to avoid the baneful influence of the evil eye. to prevent this from affecting their crops, paraiyans put up scarecrows in their fields. these are usually small broken earthen pots, whitewashed or covered with spots of whitewash, or even adorned with huge clay noses and ears, and made into grotesque faces. they are set up on the end of poles, to attract the eye of the passer-by from the crop. for the same reason more elaborate figures, made of mud and twigs, in human shape, are sometimes set up. before wells are sunk, a charmer (mantirakkaran) is called in to recite spells and find a likely spot, cocoanuts are broken, and the milk thereof poured out to propitiate the gods of the place. the paraiyans are very largely employed as domestic servants by europeans. and it has been said that "so necessary to the comfort of the public is the paraiya that orthodox brahman gentlemen may be seen employing paraiya coachmen and syces (footmen). the christian paraiya has become 'native christian' caste, and has achieved, among other things, university honours, the wearing of the surplice, and the rod of the pedagogue." [ ] vast numbers of paraiyans are agricultural labourers. till a score or so of years ago some were actually bond serfs, and there are instances on record in quite recent years, which show that it was no infrequent thing for a paraiyan to mortgage his son as security for the repayment of a loan. some paraiya families own much land. it is noted by mr. francis [ ] that in the south arcot district, "their numbers, and the comparative wealth which ground-nut (arachis hypogæa) cultivation has brought them, have caused them to take a rather better social position here than elsewhere, and they are actually beginning to copy the social ways of the higher castes, sometimes burning their dead (though those who have died of cholera or small-pox are still always buried), marrying their children when infants, and looking with disfavour on the remarriage of widows." current tamil speech and custom divide the landless labouring paraiyans into padiyal and kuliyal. the padiyal is definitely and hereditarily attached to some land-holding family in the hindu grama. he can work for no one else, and cannot change masters. his privilege is that in times of drought and famine his master must support him. the kuliyal is a mere day labourer, only employed, and therefore only receiving pay (kuli) when required. he has no claim for maintenance in seasons of scarcity, and, though no man's serf, is worse off than the padiyal. three communal servants, the grave-digger (vettiyan), watchman (talaiyari), and scavenger (toti) are all paraiyans. the vettiyan officiates when a corpse is buried or burned. hence the proverb against meddling in what ought to be left to some one else:--"let the vettiyan and the corpse struggle together." the rev. h. jensen notes [ ] in connection with this proverb that "when fire is applied to the pyre at the burning-ground, it sometimes happens that the muscles of the corpse contract in such a fashion that the body moves, and the grave-digger has to beat it down into the fire. it looks as if the two were engaged in a struggle. but no one else should interfere. the grave-digger knows his own work best." it is noted by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] that "among the lower class of vellam paraiyans, who are the village totis, the following legend is current, accounting for the perquisites which they get for performing the menial work of the village. when adi sesha was supporting the earth, he became weary, and prayed to siva for assistance. siva ordered a paraiyan to beat upon his drum, and cry 'let the ripe decay.' the paraiyan enquired what should be his reward, and was granted the following privileges, viz., mankuli (reward for burning corpses), san tuni (a span cloth), vaykkarisi (the rice in the corpse's mouth), pinda soru (morsel of boiled rice), and suttu kuli (fee for bringing firewood). this seemed to the paraiya very little, and so, to increase the death-rate and consequently his perquisites, he cried 'let the ripe and the unripe decay.' the swami (god) remonstrated with him, for the result of his cry was that children and the middle-aged among men died. the man pleaded poverty, and was given four additional privileges, viz., a merkal to measure grain, a rod to measure the ground, a scythe to cut grass, and the privilege of carrying the karagam-pot when annually running over the village boundary. all the above privileges still belong to the village vettis, who receive fees for performing the duties referred to in the legend." some paraiyans eat carrion, and mr. clayton has known them dig up a buffalo which had been buried some hours, and eat its flesh. it is said that even the lowest paraiyans will not eat the flesh of cows, but leave that to the leather-dressers (chakkiliyans). mr. stuart, however, states [ ] that "the konga paraiyans and the vellam paraiyans, who do scavenging work, will eat cows that have died a natural death, while tangalans only eat such as have been slaughtered." in time of famine, the paraiyans dig into ant-hills to rob the ants of their store of grass seed. this is called pillarisi or grass rice. there are many proverbs in tamil, which refer to paraiyans, from which the following are selected:-- ( ) if a paraiyan boils rice, will it not reach god? i.e., god will notice all piety, even that of a paraiyan. ( ) when a paraiya woman eats betel, her ten fingers (will be daubed with) lime. the paraiya woman is a proverbial slut. ( ) though a paraiya woman's child be put to school, it will still say ayye. ayye is vulgar tamil for aiyar, meaning sir. ( ) the palmyra palm has no shadow; the paraiyan has no decency. a contemptuous reference to paraiya morality. ( ) the gourd flower and the paraiyan's song have no savour. paraiyans use this saying about their own singing. ( ) though seventy years of age, a paraiyan will only do what he is compelled. ( ) you may believe a paraiyan, even in ten ways; you cannot believe a brahman. almost the only saying in favour of the paraiyan. ( ) is the sepoy who massacred a thousand horse now living in disgrace with the dogs of the paracheri? ( ) paraiyan's talk is half-talk. a reference to paraiya vulgarisms of speech. ( ) like paraiya and brahman, i.e., as different as possible. ( ) not even a paraiyan will plough on a full moon day. ( ) paracheri manure gives a better yield than any other manure. ( ) the drum is beaten at weddings, and also at funerals. said, according to the rev. h. jensen, of a double-dealing unreliable person, who is as ready for good as for evil. ( ) the harvest of the paraiya never comes home. the term paraiya, it may be noted, is applied to the common dog of indian towns and villages, and to the scavenger kite, milvus govinda. the paraiyans are included by mr. f. s. mullaly in his 'notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency.' "the local criminals," he writes, "throughout the presidency in all villages are the paraiyas, and, though they cannot be considered de facto a criminal tribe, yet a very large proportion of the criminals of the presidency are of this caste, notable among them being the vepur paraiyas of south arcot." for an account of these vepur paraiyas and their methods i must refer the reader to mr. mullaly's description thereof. concerning these criminal paraiyans, mr. francis writes as follows. [ ] "there is one branch of them in suttukulam, a hamlet of cuddalore. they are often known as the tiruttu (thieving) paraiyans. the crimes to which they are most addicted are house-breaking and the theft of cattle, sheep and goats, and the difficulty of bringing them to book is increased by the organised manner in which they carry on their depredations. they are, for example, commonly in league with the very heads of villages, who ought to be doing their utmost to secure their arrest, and they have useful allies in some of the udaiyans of these parts. it is commonly declared that their relations are sometimes of a closer nature, and that the wives of vepur paraiyans who are in enforced retirement are cared for by the udaiyans. to this is popularly attributed the undoubted fact that these paraiyans are often much fairer in complexion than other members of that caste." it is said to be traditional among the vepur paraiyans that the talis (marriage badges) of hindu women and lamps should not be stolen from a house, and that personal violence should not be resorted to, except when unavoidably necessary for the purpose of escape or self-defence. in a kindly note on the paraiya classes, surgeon-major w. r. cornish sums them up as follows. [ ] "a laborious, frugal, and pleasure-loving people, they are the very life-blood of the country, in whatever field of labour they engage in. the british administration has freed them, as a community, from the yoke of hereditary slavery, and from the legal disabilities under which they suffered; but they still remain in the lowest depths of social degradation. the christian missionaries, to their undying honour be it said, have, as a rule, persevered in breaking through the time-honoured custom of treating the paraiya as dirt, and have admitted him to equal rights and privileges in their schools and churches, and, whatever may be the present position of the paraiya community in regard to education, intelligence, and ability to hold a place for themselves, they owe it almost wholly to the christian men and women who have given up their lives to win souls for their great master." paraiyans of malabar, cochin and travancore.--for the following note on the paraiyans or paraiyas of cochin i am indebted to mr. l. k. anantha krishna aiyar. [ ] paraiyas belong to a very low caste of the agrestic serfs of cochin, next to pulayas in order of social precedence. they will eat at the hands of all castes, save ulladans, nayadis, and pulayas. but orthodox pulayas have to bathe five times, and let blood flow, in order to be purified from pollution if they touch a paraiya. in rural parts, a paraiya's hut may be seen far away on the hill-side. at the approach of a member of some higher caste, the inmates run away to the forest. they cannot walk along the public roads, or in the vicinity of houses occupied by the higher castes. it is said that they at times steal the children of nayars, and hide them in the forest, to bring them up as their own. they are extremely filthy in person and habits. they very rarely bathe, or wash their bodies, and a cloth, purchased at harvest time, is worn till it falls to pieces. they will eat the flesh of cattle, and are on this account despised even by the pulayas. they are their own barbers and washermen. a legend runs to the effect that vararuchi, the famous astrologer, and son of a brahman named chandragupta and his brahman wife, became the king of avanthi, and ruled till vikramaditya, the son of chandragupta by his kshatriya wife, came of age, when he abdicated in his favour. once, when he was resting under an ashwastha tree (ficus religiosa), invoking the support of the deity living therein, he overheard the conversation of two gandarvas on the tree, to the effect that he would marry a paraiya girl. this he prevented by requesting the king to have her enclosed in a box, and floated down a river with a nail stuck into her head. the box was taken possession of by a brahman, who was bathing lower down, and, on opening it, he found a beautiful girl, whom he considered to be a divine gift, and regarded as his own daughter. one day the brahman, seeing vararuchi passing by, invited him to mess with him, and his invitation was accepted on condition that he would prepare eighteen curries, and give him what remained after feeding a hundred brahmans. the brahman was puzzled, but the maiden, taking a long leaf, placed thereon a preparation of ginger corresponding to eighteen curries, and with it some boiled rice used as an offering at the vaiswadeva ceremony, as the equivalent of the food for brahmans. knowing this to be the work of the maiden, vararuchi desired to marry her, and his wish was acceded to by the brahman. one day, while conversing with his wife about their past lives, he chanced to see a nail stuck in her head, and he knew her to be the girl whom he had caused to be floated down the stream. he accordingly resolved to go on a pilgrimage with his wife, bathing in rivers, and worshipping at temples. at last they came to kerala, where the woman bore him twelve sons, all of whom, except one, were taken care of by members of different castes. they were all remarkable for their wisdom, and believed to be the avatar (incarnation) of vishnu, gifted with the power of performing miracles. one of them was pakkanar, the great malayalam bard. once, it is said, when some brahmans resolved to go to benares, pakkanar tried to dissuade them from so doing by telling them that the journey to the sacred city would not be productive of salvation. to prove the fruitlessness of their journey, he plucked a lotus flower from a stagnant pool, and gave it to them with instructions to deliver it to a hand which would rise from the ganges, when they were to say that it was a present for the goddess ganga from pakkanar. they did as directed, and returned with news of the miracle. pakkanar then led them to the stagnant pool, and said "please return the lotus flower, oh! ganga," when it appeared in his hand. pakkanar is said to have earned his living by the sale of the wicker-work, which he made. one day he could not sell his baskets, and he had to go starving. a neighbour, however, gave him some milk, which pakkanar accepted, and told the donor to think of him if ever he was in danger. the neighbour had a married daughter living with him, who, some time after, was dying of snake-bite. but her father remembered the words of pakkanar, who came to the rescue, and cured her. one of pakkanar's brothers was named narayana branthan, who pretended to be a lunatic, and whose special delight was in rolling huge stones up a hill, for the pleasure of seeing them roll down. though the son of a brahman, he mixed freely with members of all castes, and had no scruple about dining with them. a nambutiri brahman once asked him to choose an auspicious day for the performance of his son's upanayanam (thread ceremony). he selected a most inauspicious day and hour, when the boy's family assembled and asked narayana whether the rite should be celebrated. he told the father to look at the sky, which became brilliantly illuminated, and a brahman was seen changing his sacred thread. the omen being considered favourable, the investiture ceremony was proceeded with. the paraiyas of malabar and cochin are celebrated for their knowledge of black magic, and are consulted in matters relating to theft, demoniacal influence, and the killing of enemies. whenever anything is stolen, the paraiya magician is consulted. giving hopes of the recovery of the stolen article, he receives from his client some paddy (rice) and a few panams (money), with which he purchases plantain fruits, a cocoanut or two, toddy, camphor, frankincense, and rice flour. after bathing, he offers these to his favourite deity parakutti, who is represented by a stone placed in front of his hut. rattling an iron instrument, and singing till his voice almost fails, he invokes the god. if the lost property does not turn up, he resorts to a more indignant and abusive form of invocation. if the thief has to be caught, his prayers are redoubled, and he becomes possessed, and blood passes out of his nose and mouth. when a person is ill, or under the influence of a demon, an astrologer and a magician named by the former are consulted. the magician, taking a cadjan (palm) leaf or copper or silver sheet, draws thereon cabalistic figures, and utters a mantram (prayer). rolling up the leaf or sheet, he ties it to a thread, and it is worn round the neck in the case of a woman, and round the loins in the case of a man. sometimes the magician, taking a thread, makes several knots in it, while reciting a mantram. the thread is worn round the neck or wrist. or ashes are thrown over a sick person, and rubbed over the forehead and breast, while a mantram is repeated. of mantrams, the following may be cited as examples. "salutation to god with a thousand locks of matted hair, a thousand hands filling the three worlds and overflowing the same. oh! goddess mother, out of the supreme soul, descend. oh! sundara yaksha (handsome she-devil), swaha (an efficacious word)." "salutation to god. he bears a lion on his head, or is in the form of a lion in the upper part of his body. in the mooladhara sits garuda, the lord of birds, enemy of serpents, and vahana (vehicle) of vishnu. he has lakshmana to the left, rama to the right, hanuman in front, ravana behind, and all around, above, below, everywhere he has sri narayana swaha. mayst thou watch over or protect me." the paraiyans are notorious for the performance of marana kriyakal, or ceremonies for the killing of enemies. they resort to various methods, of which the following are examples:-- ( ) make an image in wax in the form of your enemy. take it in your right hand, and your chain of beads in your left hand. then burn the image with due rites, and it shall slay your enemy in a fortnight. ( ) take a human bone from a burial-ground, and recite over it a thousand times the following mantra:--"oh, swine-faced goddess! seize him, seize him as a victim. drink his blood; eat, eat his flesh. oh, image of imminent death! malayala bhagavathi." the bone, thrown into the enemy's house, will cause his ruin. odi or oti cult (breaking the human body) is the name given to a form of black magic practiced by the paraiyans, who, when proficient in it, are believed to be able to render themselves invisible, or assume the form of a bull, cat, or dog. they are supposed to be able to entice pregnant women from their houses at dead of night, to destroy the foetus in the womb, and substitute other substances for it; to bring sickness and death upon people; and so to bewitch people as to transport them from one place to another. a paraiya who wishes to practice the cult goes to a guru (preceptor), and, falling at his feet, humbly requests that he may be admitted into the mysteries of the art. the master first tries to dissuade him, but the disciple persists in the desire to learn it. he is then tried by various tests as to his fitness. he follows his master to the forests and lonely places at midnight. the master suddenly makes himself invisible, and soon appears before him in the form of a terrible bull, a ferocious dog, or an elephant, when the novice should remain calm and collected. he is also required to pass a night or two in the forest, which, according to his firm belief, is full of strange beings howling horribly. he should remain unmoved. by these and other trials, he is tested as to his fitness. having passed through the various ordeals, the guru initiates him into the brotherhood by the performance of puja on an auspicious day to his favourite nili, called also kallatikode nili, through whose aid he works his black art. flesh and liquor are consumed, and the disciple is taught how to prepare pilla thilam and angola thilam, which are the potent medicines for the working of his cult. the chief ingredient in the preparation of pilla thilam, or baby oil, is the sixth or seventh month's foetus of a primipara, who should belong to a caste other than that of the sorcerer. having satisfied himself that the omens are favourable, he sets out at midnight for the house of the woman selected as his victim, and walks several times round it, waving a cocoanut shell containing a mixture of lime and turmeric water (gurusi), and muttering mantrams to secure the aid of the deity. he also draws yantrams (cabalistic devices) on the ground. the woman is compelled to come out of her house. even if the door is locked, she will bang her head against it, and force it open. the sorcerer leads her to a retired spot, strips her naked, and tells her to lie flat on the ground. this she does, and a vessel made of a gourd (lagenaria) is placed close to her vagina. the uterus then contracts, and the foetus emerges. sometimes, it is said, the uterus is filled with some rubbish, and the woman instantly dies. care is taken that the foetus does not touch the ground, as the potency of the drug would thereby be ruined. the foetus is cut to pieces, and smoked over a fire. it is then placed in a vessel provided with a few holes, below which is another vessel. the two are placed in a larger receptacle filled with water, which is heated over a fire. from the foetus a liquid exudes, which is collected in the lower vessel. a human skull is then reduced to a fine powder, which is mixed with a portion of the liquid (thilam). with the mixture a mark is made on the forehead of the sorcerer, who rubs some of it over various parts of his body, and drinks a small quantity of cow-dung water. he then thinks that he can assume the form of any animal he likes, and achieve his object in view, be it murder or bodily injury. the magic oil, called angola thilam, is extracted from the angola tree (alangium lamarckii), which bears a very large number of fruits. one of these is believed to be endowed with life and power of motion, and to be capable of descending and returning to its original position on dark nights. its possession can be attained by demons, or by an expert watching at the foot of the tree. when it has been secured, the extraction of the oil involves the same operations as those for extracting the pilla thilam, and they must be carried out within seven hours. a mark made on the forehead with the oil enables its wearer to achieve his desires, and to transform himself into some animal. when a person has an enemy whom he wishes to get rid of, the paraiya magician is consulted, and the name of the enemy given to him. identifying his residence, the paraiya starts off on a dark night, and anyone whom he comes across is at once dispatched with a blow. the victim comes out of his house in a state of stupefaction, and the magician puts him to death either by a blow on the head, or by suffocating him with two sticks applied to his neck. odi cult is said to have been practiced till only a few years ago in the rural parts of the northern part of the state, and in the taluks of palghat and walluvanad in malabar, and even now it has not entirely died out. but cases of extracting foetuses and putting persons to death are not heard of at the present day, owing to the fear of government officials, landlords, and others. the story is current of a nayar village official, who had two fine bullocks, which a mappila wished to purchase. the nayar, however, was unwilling to part with them. the mappila accordingly engaged some men to steal the animals. availing themselves of the absence of the nayar from home, the robbers went to his house, where they saw a paraiya and his wife practicing the odi cult, and compelling a young woman to come out of the house, and lie on the ground. catching hold of the paraiya, the robbers tied him to a tree, and secured him. the man and his wife were beaten, and the would-be robbers rewarded with a present of the bullocks. the paraiyans have no temples of their own, but worship siva or kali. according to a legend, in tretayuga (the second age), a paraiya named samvara, and his wife pulini were living in a forest, and one day came across a sivalinga (stone lingam) at a dilapidated temple, which they kept, and worshipped with offerings of flesh, and by smearing it with ashes from the burial-ground. on a certain day, no ashes were available, and the woman offered to have her body burnt, so that the ashes thereof might be used. with much reluctance her husband sacrificed her, and performed puja. then he turned round to offer, as usual, the prasadam to his wife forgetting that she was dead, and he was surprised to see her standing before him, receiving his offering (prasadam), in flesh and blood. highly pleased with their conduct, siva appeared in person before them, and gave them absolution. in every small village in the rural parts, is a small bhagavati temple, to the deity of which the paraiyas are devotedly attached, and look to it for protection in times of cholera, small-pox, or other calamities. kodungallur bhagavati is their guardian deity, and they take part in the festivals (yela) at the shrine. a few days before the festival, a piece of cloth is given to the velichapad (oracle), who dresses himself in it, wears a piece of red cloth round his neck, a peculiar dress around his loins, and ties a few small bells (chelamba) round his legs. accompanied by others with drums and fife and a basket, he goes to every nayar house daily for seven days, and receives presents of paddy, wherewith to defray the expenses of the festival. during the celebration thereof, the velichapad and others go to a shed at a distance from the temple (kavu), some dressed up as ghosts, and dance and sing, to the accompaniment of a band, in honour of the deity. in a note on the paraiyans of malabar, mr. t. k. gopaul panikkar writes [ ] that "at certain periods of the year the paraiyas have to assume the garb of an evil deity, with large head-dresses and paintings on the body and face, and tender cocoanut leaves hanging loose around their waists, all these embellishments being of the rudest patterns. with figures such as these, terror-striking in themselves, dancing with tom-toms sounding and horns blowing, representing the various temple deities, they visit the nair houses, professing thereby to drive off any evil deities that may be haunting their neighbourhood. after their dues have been given to them, they go their ways; and, on the last day, after finishing their house-to-house visits, they collect near their special temples to take part in the vela tamasha (spectacle)." on the first of every month, a ceremony called kalasam is performed on behalf of the spirits of the departed. fish, cooked meat, rice, parched grain, plantain fruits, cocoanuts, toddy, and other things, are placed on a leaf with a lighted lamp in front of it. a prayer is then uttered, expressing a hope that the ancestors will partake of the food which has been procured for them with much difficulty, and protect the living. one man, becoming inspired, acts the part of an oracle, and addresses those assembled. the following story is narrated concerning the origin of the elankunnapuzha temple on the island of vypin. when some paraiyas were cutting reeds, one of them discovered a remarkable idol and fell into a trance, under the influence of which he informed the raja of cochin that the idol originally belonged to the trichendur temple in tinnevelly, and that he must build a shrine for it. this was accordingly done, and to the paraiyan who discovered the idol a daily allowance of rice, and a larger quantity of rice during the annual temple festival were given. in return, he had to supply cadjan (palm leaf) umbrellas used at the daily procession, and bamboo baskets required for washing the rice offered to the idol. these allowances were received by the perum or big paraiyan up to a recent date, even if he is not receiving them at the present day. when a paraiyan woman is delivered, she is secluded for two weeks in a temporary hut erected at a short distance from the dwelling hut. on the tenth day, some male member of the family goes to his brahman or nayar landlord, from whom he receives some milk, which is sprinkled over the woman and her infant. she can then come to the verandah of her home, and remains there for five days, when she is purified by bathing. the temporary hut is burnt down. the dead are buried, and the corpse, after being laid in the grave, is covered with a mat. the paraiyas are engaged in the manufacture of wicker baskets, bamboo mats, and cadjan umbrellas. they also take part in all kinds of agricultural work, and, when ploughing, will not use buffaloes, which are regarded as unclean beasts, the touch of which necessitates a ceremonial ablution. many paraiyans become converts to christianity, and thereby receive a rise in the social scale, and a freedom from the disabilities under which their lowly position in the social scale places them. in several natives of malabar were charged with having proceeded, in company with a paraiyan, to the house of a pregnant woman, who was beaten and otherwise ill-treated, and with having taken the foetus out of her uterus, and introduced in lieu thereof the skin of a calf and an earthen pot. the prisoners confessed before the police, but were acquitted, mainly on the ground that the earthen pot was of a size which rendered it impossible to credit its introduction during life. in the inhabitants of several villages in malabar attacked a village of paraiyans on the alleged ground that deaths of people and cattle, and the protracted labour of a woman in childbed, had been caused by the practice of sorcery by the paraiyans. they were beaten inhumanely, with their hands tied behind their backs, so that several died. the villagers were driven, bound, into a river, immersed under water so as nearly to produce suffocation, and their own children were forced to rub sand into their wounds. their settlement was then razed to the ground and they were driven into banishment. the following extract is taken from a note on the paraiyans of travancore by mr. n. subramani aiyar. the paraiyas may be broadly divided into two classes, viz., the tamil-speaking paraiyas of the east coast who are found in considerable numbers in the southern taluks, and the indigenous paraiyas, who mostly abound in central travancore, avoiding the sea-coast taluks. the latter only are considered here. the titles owned by some are velan conferred upon certain families for their skill in magic; panikkan; and muppan. the paraiyas may be mainly divided into four divisions, viz., vellam (water or jaggery?), vel (a lance), natuvile (middle), and pani (work). the last is considered to be the lowest in the social scale, and members thereof are not admitted into the houses of the other divisions. one theory of the origin of the paraiyas is that they were formerly one with the pulayas, from whom they separated on account of their eating beef. the paraiyas have a dialect of their own, with which the pulayas are not familiar, and which would seem to be worthy of study. in the keralolpathi, they are classed as one of the sixteen hill tribes. concerning their origin the following tradition is current. they were originally brahmans, but, on certain coparceners partitioning the common inheritance, the carcase of a cow, which was one of the articles to be partitioned, was burnt as being useless. a drop of oil fell from the burning animal on to one of the parties, and he licked it up with his tongue. for this act he was cast out of society, and his descendants, under the name of paraiyas, became cow-eaters. pakkanar is said to have been born a paraiyan, though subsequent tradition honours him with brahmanical parentage. the houses of the paraiyas are, like those of the pulayas, mean thatched sheds, with a couple of cocoanut leaves often serving as the wall between one room and another. the village sites are shifted from place to place, according to the exigencies of the inhabitants thereof. the paraiyas imbibe freely, and toddy is the drink most scrupulously prescribed for those who are under a vow. like the pulayas, the paraiyas work in the rice fields and cocoanut gardens, and are employed in hill cultivation, and the manufacture of wicker baskets. the sun god is their principal deity, and in his name all solemn oaths are uttered. it is believed that the brahman who originally became a paraiya cursed brahma. to remove the evil effects of the curse, the sun gave to his descendants as objects of worship forty-eight thousand gods and eight special deities. a certain portion of the house is regarded as their own, and to them offerings of beaten rice and toddy are made on the first of every month, and, if convenient, every tuesday and friday. to these deities small shrines are dedicated, whereat the priests, on the th of makaram (january-february), become inspired, and answer questions concerning the future put to them by the assembled paraiyas. the priests are known as kaikkarans, and belong ordinarily to the lowest or pani division. adultery, be it said to the credit of the paraiyas, is an offence which is severely punished. the man is fined, and the erring woman has to jump over a fire which is blazing in a deep pit. this ordeal recalls to mind the smarthavicharam of the namburi brahman. pollution, on the occurrence of the first monthly period, lasts for seven days. the headmen and elders, called jajamanmar and karanavanmar, are invited to attend, and direct four women of the village to take the girl to a hut erected at a considerable distance from the house. this hut is called pachchakottilil kutiyiruttuka, or seating a person within a hut made of green leaves. on the fourth day the girl has a bath, and the kaikkaran waves paddy and flowers in front of her. on the morning of the eighth day the shed is burnt down, and the place occupied by it cleansed with water and cow-dung. the girl bathes, and is thus rendered free from pollution. a woman, during her menses, should remain at a distance of sixty-four feet from others. the paraiyas observe two marriage rites, the tali-kettu and sambandham. the former ceremony must be performed before the girl reaches puberty, and the tali-tier is her maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's son. the kaikkaran invites at least four headmen to be present, and they prescribe the manner in which the ceremony is to be performed. the auspicious time for the marriage celebration is fixed by a kaniyan (astrologer), and, on the day before the wedding, the kaikkaran invites the paraiyas of the village to be present at the tunniruttal, or erection of the pandal (booth). all those who attend are presented with betel, tobacco, and a liberal allowance of toddy. the next item in the programme is the vachchorukkal, or placing beaten and cooked rice, flowers, toddy, and other things in the pandal, under the direction of the kaikkaran. some of the assembled males then sing a song called maranpattu, or song of the god of love. the bride then becomes inspired, and dances, while the sorcerer rolls out mystic hymns. on the following morning, the bridegroom goes to the home of the bride in procession, and is led to a wooden seat in the centre of the pandal, where he is joined by the bride, who seats herself on his left. he then ties the minnu (marriage badge) round her neck, and retires with her to the maniyara, or bedroom, where they remain together for some minutes. on the final day of the ceremonies, the bride is bathed. when a kaikkaran dies, a conch shell is buried with the corpse. once a year, and on some new moon day, offerings are made to all the deceased ancestors. the paraiyas have a dramatic entertainment called paraiyan kali, in which the performer plays his part, standing on a mortar, to the accompaniment of music. paraiyas are required to keep at a distance of feet from brahmans, i.e., double the distance required of a pulaya. but they will not receive food at the hands of the pulayas. in a further note on the "paraiya caste in travancore," the rev. s. mateer writes as follows. [ ] "they were formerly bought and sold like cattle, starved, flogged 'like buffaloes,' made to work all day for a little rice, and kept at a distance as polluted; and they still are in a position of subservience and deep degradation, not vitally differing from that of the pulayas and vedars. one particular characteristic of this caste, and most offensive to others, is that they eat the flesh of bullocks and cows left dead by the roadside. they cut it up, and bear it away; what they leave the vultures and dogs devour. this disgusting practice is to a great extent disappearing among the christian castes. the paraiyas of nevandrum (trivandrum?) district live in clusters of huts, and eat the putrid flesh of dead cattle, tigers, and other animals. their girls are 'married' when very young for mere form to their cousins, but, when grown up, are selected by others, who give them a cloth, and live with them in concubinage. cases of polygamy occur, and sometimes also of polyandry. they eat the seed of ochlandra rheedii, which abounds in an unusually dry season, as does also the bamboo. jungle roots, land crabs, and snails form part of their food. some of them have enough of rice at harvest time, but seldom at any other period of the year. they are zealous devil worshippers, their chief demons being madan (the cow one), rathachamandy mallan (the giant) and muvaratta mallan, karunkali (black kali), chavus (departed spirits), bhutham, mantramurtti, and other murttis (ghosts), with many other evil beings, to whom groves and altars are dedicated. the souls of their deceased ancestors are called marutta (ghosts), for whose worship young cocoanut leaves are tied at the bottom of a tree, and a small shed is erected on poles, and decorated with garlands of flowers. presents of cocoanuts, parched rice, and arrack are offered, and cocks killed in sacrifice. in the devil-dancing they use clubs and rattans, bells, handkerchiefs, and cloths dedicated to their deities. other castes generally dread incurring the displeasure and malice of these deities. sudras and shanars frequently employ the paraiya devil-dancers and sorcerers to exorcise demons, search for and dig out magical charms buried in the earth by enemies, and counteract their enchantments; and, in cases of sickness, send for them to beat the drum, and so discover what demon has caused the affliction, and what is to be done to remove it. sometimes a present of a cow is given for those services. these pretended sorcerers are slightly acquainted with a few medicines, profess to cure snake-bite, and can repeat some tales of the hindu gods. they also profess to discover thieves, who sometimes indeed through fear actually take ill, confess, and restore the property. one priest whom i knew used to pretend that he had a 'bird devil' in his possession, by which he could cast out other devils. on one occasion, however, when he made the attempt in the presence of a large concourse of sudras and others, he utterly failed, and hurt himself severely by beating his chest with a cocoanut and leaping into the fire. he soon after resolved to abandon this course of life, and became a christian. "after the wife's confinement, the husband is starved for seven days, eating no cooked rice or other food, only roots and fruits, and drinking only arrack or toddy. the shed, in which she was confined, is burnt down. "in cases of sickness, the diviner is first consulted as to its cause. he names a demon, and offerings are demanded of rice, fruits, flowers, and fowls. being daily supplied with these articles, the diviner spreads cow-dung thinly over a small space in the yard, where he places the offerings on three plantain leaves, invokes the presence of the demons, dances and repeats mantras, looking towards the east. he catches the demon that is supposed to come in an old piece of cloth filled with flowers and parched rice, and carries both demon and offerings into the jungle, where, again preparing a spot as before, two torches are set, the food arranged, and, after further mantras, a fowl is sacrificed. he takes the whole afterwards for himself, gets a good meal, and is also paid twelve chuckrams (small silver coins) for the service. "in cases of small-pox, one who has had this disease is called in to attend. he takes the patient to a temporary hut in a lonely place, and is well paid, and supplied with all that he requires. through fear, none of the relatives will go near. should the patient die, the attendant buries him on the spot, performing the ceremonies himself, then comes to the house, repeats mantras, and waves his hands round the head of each to remove further alarm. if a woman with child dies, she is buried at a great distance away. occasionally the remains of an aged man are burnt on a funeral pile, as being more honourable than burial, and providing some merit to the soul. "let us pay a visit to one of the rural hamlets of the kolam paraiyans, a considerable sub-division of this caste. the cattle manure is saved, but handed over to the sudra farmers. the paraiyas plant a few trees around their settlement as otti (mortgage) and kurikanam (a kind of tenant right), then pay a sum to the sudra landowner to permit them to enjoy the produce, as it is so difficult for them to get waste lands registered in their own name. some have cleared lands, and possess a few cocoanut and betel-nut palms, mangoes, etc. they may have a few cattle also, and let out a milch cow to the shepherds at one rupee per month. they grow some vegetables, etc., in waste valley lands temporarily cleared and cultivated. they work in the rice fields, sowing, planting, and reaping, for which they are paid in paddy. during the slack season they work at making mats of ochlandra rheedii, for which the men bring loads of the reeds from the hills, and the women do the work of plaiting. this art they are said to have learnt from the kanikar hill-men. "some paraiyas in nanjinad have enjoyed ancestral property for six generations, and a few still have good properties. titles were purchased for money of the rajas of travancore, e.g., sambavan, an old name for pandi paraiyas. the raja gave to such a headman a cane, and authority to claim a double allowance of betel, etc. he, however, had in his turn to give double at funerals and festivals to his visitors. this head paraiyan would be met with drums and marks of honour by his people, and the arrangement would enable the government to rule the paraiyas more easily. it is said that some raja, fleeing in war, hid himself in paraiya huts at changankadei, and was thereby saved, for which he gave them a small grant of land producing a few fanams annually, which they still enjoy. they have a tradition that, in m.e. (a.d. ), one vanji mannan raja granted privileges to paraiyas. during the war with tippu, proclamation was made that every paraiyan in this district must have a nayar or master, and belong to some one or other. all who were not private property would be made slaves of the sirkar (government), which was greatly dreaded on account of the merciless oppression, and obliged to cut grass for the troops, and do other services. many, therefore, became nominally slaves to some respectable man, asking it as a kindness to free them from government slavery. several respectable families begged the namburi high priest, visiting suchindram and other temples, to call them his slaves, for which they paid him one fanam a head per annum. this payment is still kept up. this priest conferred upon them additional benefits, for in their troubles and oppressions, he wrote to the government, requiring from them justice and proper treatment. the slaves of the namburi would also be treated with consideration on account of his sacred position and rank. these families, 'potty slaves,' still intermarry only among themselves, as in this case the wife could not be claimed by a different owner from the husband's. "lastly, as to the paraiyas of north travancore. their condition seems lowest of all, as they enter further into the malayalam country, and enjoy fewer opportunities of escape from caste degradation and from bitter servitude. 'their own tradition,' the rev. g. matthan writes, [ ] 'has it that they were a division of the brahmans, who were entrapped into a breach of caste by their enemies, through making them eat beef. they eat carrion and other loathsome things. the carcases of all domestic animals are claimed by them as belonging to them by right. they frequently poison cows, and otherwise kill them for the sake of their flesh. they are also charged with kidnapping women of the higher castes, whom they are said to treat in the most brutal manner. it is their custom to turn robbers in the month of february, in which month they pretend the wrong was done them, to break into the houses of the brahmans and nairs, and to carry away their women, children, and property, to which they are actuated more by motives of revenge than of interest, and to justify which they plead the injury their caste had received from these parties. in former times, they appear to have been able to perpetrate these cruelties almost with impunity, from the fear of which the people still betray great uneasiness, though the custom has now grown into disuse.'" parasaivan.--a title of occhans, who are saivites, and priests at temples of grama devatas (village deities). in the malayalam country parasava occurs as a title of variyar, a section of ambalavasi. the word indicates the son of a brahman by a sudra woman. parava.--the tulu-speaking paravas of south canara are, like the nalkes and pombadas, devil-dancers, and are further employed in the manufacture of baskets and umbrellas. socially, they occupy a higher position than the nalkes, but rank below the pombadas. the bhuthas (devils) whose disguise they assume are kodamanitaya and the baiderukalu, who may not be represented by nalkes; and they have no objection to putting on the disguise of other bhuthas. paravas are engaged for all kinds of devil-dances when nalkes are not available. (see nalke.) paravan.--concerning the origin of the parava fishing community of the south-east coast, the following legends are current. [ ] the author of the historia ecclesiastica (published in tamil at tranquebar in ) identifies them with the parvaim of the scriptures, and adds that, in the time of solomon, they were famous among those who made voyages by sea; but it does not appear that there is any solid foundation for this hypothesis. it is the general belief among the paravas that their original country was ayodhya, or oudh; and it appears that, previously to the war of mahabharata, they inhabited the territory bordering on the river yamuna or jumna. at present they are chiefly found in the seaport towns of the tinnevelly district in the south of india, and also in some of the provinces on the north-west coast of ceylon. with regard to their origin, there is a variety as well as discordancy of opinions. some of the tantras represent them to be descended from a brahman by a sudra woman, while the jatibedi nul (a work of some celebrity among the tamils) states them to be the offspring of a kurava (or basket-maker) begotten clandestinely on a female of the chetty (or merchant) tribe. but the paravas have among themselves quite a different tradition concerning their origin, which is founded on mythological fable. they relate that their progenitors were of the race varuna (god of the sea), and on the occasion, when siva had called kartikeya (god of arms) into existence, for destroying the overwhelming power of the asuras (evil spirits), they sprang up with him from the sacred lake sarawana, and were like him nursed by the constellation kartika. at the close of the last kalpa, when the whole earth was covered with a deluge, they constructed a dhoni or boat, and by it escaped the general destruction; and, when dry land appeared, they settled on the spot where the dhoni rested; hence it is called dhonipura, or the city of the boat. the paravas were once a very powerful people, and no doubt derived much of their ascendancy over other tribes from their knowledge of navigation. they had a succession of kings among them, distinguished by the title of adiyarasen, some of whom seem to have resided at uttara kosamangay, called at that time the city of mangay, a famous place of hindu pilgrimage in the neighbourhood of ramnad. in the purana entitled valevisu puranam we meet with the following fable. parvati, the consort of siva, and her son kartikeya, having offended the deity by revealing some ineffable mystery, were condemned to quit their celestial mansions, and pass through an infinite number of mortal forms, before they could be re-admitted to the divine presence. on the entreaty of parvati, however, they were allowed, as a mitigation of the punishment, each to undergo but one transmigration. and, as about this time, triambaka, king of the paravas, and varuna valli his consort were making tapas (acts of devotion) to obtain issue, parvati condescended to be incarnated as their daughter under the name of tiryser madente. her son kartikeya, transforming himself into a fish, was roaming for some time in the north sea. it appears, however, that he left the north, and made his way into the south sea, where, growing to an immense size, he attacked the vessels employed by the paravas in their fisheries, and threatened to destroy their trade. whereupon the king triambaka made a public declaration that whoever would catch the fish should have his daughter to wife. siva, now assuming the character of a parava, caught the fish, and became re-united to his consort. in that section of the mahabharata entitled adiparva it is said that the king of the paravas, who resided on the banks of the jumna, having found an infant girl in the belly of a fish, adopted her as his own daughter, giving her the name of machchakindi, and that, when she grew up, she was employed, as was customary with the females of the parava tribe, to ferry passengers over the river. on a certain day, the sage parasara having chanced to meet her at the ferry, she became with child by him, and was subsequently delivered of a son, the famous vyasa who composed the puranas. her great personal charms afterwards induced king santanu of the lunar race to admit her to his royal bed, and by him she became the mother of vichitravirya, the grandsire of the pandavas and kauravas, whose contentions for the throne of hastinapura form the subject of the mahabharata. hence the paravas boast of being allied to the lunar race, and call themselves accordingly, besides displaying at their wedding feasts the banners and emblems peculiar to it. in the drama of alliarasany, who is supposed to have resided at kudremalle on the north-west coast of ceylon, the paravas act a conspicuous part. we find them employed by the princess in fishing for pearls off the coast, and that under a severe penalty they were obliged to furnish her with ten kalams of pearls every season. it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "there are in reality three castes which answer to the name paravan, and which speak tamil, malayalam, and canarese respectively. probably all three are descended from the tamil paravans or paratavans. the tamil paravans are fishermen on the sea coast. their head-quarters is tuticorin, and their headman is called talavan. they are mostly native christians. they claim to be kshatriyas of the pandyan line of kings, and will eat only in the houses of brahmans. the malayalam paravans are shell collectors, lime burners and gymnasts, and their women act as midwives. their titles are kurup, varakurup, and nurankurup (nuru, lime). the canarese paravas are umbrella-makers and devil-dancers." it has been suggested that the west coast paravas are the descendants of those who fled from tinnevelly, in order to avoid the oppression of the muhammadans. in the census report, , the paravas are summed up as being a fishing caste on the madura and tinnevelly coast, who "were found by the portuguese, on their arrival in india, to be groaning under the muhammadan yoke, and were assisted by the portuguese on condition of their becoming christians. this general conversion, for political ends, explains why the fishing population of the present day along the south-east coast is to a considerable extent roman catholic." it is noted by mr. s. p. rice [ ] that the fishermen "who live in the extreme south are devout catholics, and have preserved the portuguese names by which their fathers were baptized into the church, so that, incongruous as it sounds, jose fernandez and maria santiago are but humble folk, catching fish in a primitive way, with no more clothing on than a small loin cloth and a picture of the virgin." concerning the paravas, baldæus [ ] writes as follows. "the kingdom of trevancor borders upon that of coulang: all along the sea-shore inhabit the paruas, who being for the most part christians, you see the shore all along as far as comoryn, and even beyond it to tutecoryn, full of little churches, some of wood, others of stone. these people owe their conversion to franciscus xaverius, he being the first who planted the principles of christianity among them; they being so much taken with the reasonableness of the ten commandments, that they receiv'd baptism in great numbers, tho an accidental quarrel between a parua and a mahometan prov'd a strong motive to their conversion.... the paruas being sorely oppress'd by the mahometans, one john de crus, a native of malabar, but who had been in portugal, and honourably treated by john, the then king of portugal, advised them to seek for aid at cochin against the moors, and to receive baptism. accordingly some of the chief men among them (call'd patangatays in their language) were sent upon that errand to cochin, where being kindly receiv'd, they (in honour of him who had given his advice) took upon them the sirname of crus, a name still retain'd by most persons of note among the paruas. in short, being deliver'd from the moorish yoke, and the pearl-fishery (which formerly belong'd to them) restor'd to the right owners, above , of them receiv'd baptism." "the commencement of the roman catholic mission in tinnevelly," bishop caldwell writes, [ ] "dates from , when certain paravas, representatives of the paravas or fishing caste, visited cochin for the purpose of supplicating the aid of the portuguese against their muhammadan oppressors, and were baptized there by michael vaz, vicar-general of the bishop of goa. the same ecclesiastic, with other priests, accompanied the fleet which sailed for the purpose of chastising the muhammadans, and, as soon as that object was accomplished, set about baptizing the paravas all along the coast, in accordance with the agreement into which their representatives had entered. the entire parava caste adopted the religion of their portuguese deliverers and most of them received baptism. some, however, did not receive baptism for some cause till xavier's time, ten years afterwards. xavier, on his arrival in the south, could not speak tamil, and spent some months in committing to memory tamil translations of the creed, lord's prayer, ave maria, and decalogue. he then proceeded to visit all the villages of the coast, bell in hand, to collect the inhabitants, and gave them christian instruction. the paravas thus christianised--called generally at that time the comorin christians--inhabited thirty villages, and numbered, according to the most credible account, twenty thousand souls. these villages extended all the way along the coast at irregular intervals from cape comorin to the island promontory of ramesvaram, if not beyond. it does not appear that any village in the interior joined in the movement." "it appears," mr. casie chitty states, "that the portuguese treated the paravas with great kindness, permitted intermarriages, and even allowed them to assume their surnames, so that we find among them many da limas, da cruzs, da andrados, da canhas, etc. they gave the chief of the paravas the title of dom, and allowed him the exclusive right of wearing a gold chain with a cross as a badge of nobility. [the name of a recent hereditary chief or jati talaivan or talaivamore of the paravas was gabriel de cruz lazarus motha vas.] as soon as the dutch took possession of tutocoryn (tuticorin) and other adjacent towns where the paravas are found, they employed dr. baldæus and a few other ministers of their persuasion to suppress the roman catholic faith, and to persuade the paravas to adopt their own in its stead; but in this they met with a total failure, and were once very nearly bringing on a general revolt. notwithstanding the intolerance of the dutch with regard to the romish church, the paravas still remember them with gratitude, as they afforded them the means of extensive livelihood by establishing in their principal town (tutocoryn) a public manufactory of cloth, and thus maintaining a considerable working capital." concerning the history of the paravas, and their connection with the pearl-fisheries on the indian side of the gulf of manaar, much information is given by mr. j. hornell, [ ] from whose account the following extracts are taken. "when the portuguese rounded cape comorin, they found the pearl fisheries of the gulf of manaar in the hands of the paravas, whom tradition shows to have had control of this industry from time immemorial. of the origin of these people we know extremely little. we know, however, that in the old days, from b.c. and for , years or more thereafter, the country now comprehended in the districts of madura and tinnevelly formed the great tamil kingdom of pandya. and, in the old tamil work called the kalveddu, the position of the pearl-fishing caste to this monarchy is incidentally mentioned in the following extract: 'vidanarayanen cheddi and the paravu men who fished pearls by paying tribute to alliyarasani, daughter of pandya, king of madura, who went on a voyage, experienced bad weather in the sea, and were driven to the shores of lanka, where they founded karainerkai and kutiraimalai. vidanarayanen cheddi had the treasures of his ship stored there by the paravas, and established pearl fisheries at kadalihilapam and kallachihilapam, and introduced the trees which change iron into gold.' in the maduraik-kanchi the paravas are described as being most powerful in the country round korkai. 'well fed on fish and armed with bows, their hordes terrified their enemies by their dashing valour.' the maduraik-kanchi describes korkai as the chief town in the country of parathavar and the seat of the pearl fishery, with a population consisting chiefly of pearl divers and chank cutters. [ ] when the pandyan kingdom was powerful, the paravas had grants of certain rights from the monarchy, paying tribute from the produce of the fisheries, and receiving protection and immunity from taxation in return. the conditions under which the paravas lived at the opening of the sixteenth century are graphically set forth in a report, dated th december, , written by van reede and laurens pyh, respectively commandant of the coast of malabar and canara and senior merchant and chief of the sea-ports of madura. under the protection of those rajas there lived a people, which had come to these parts from other countries [ ]--they are called paravas--they lived a seafaring life, gaining their bread by fishing and by diving for pearls; they had purchased from the petty rajas small streaks of the shore, along which they settled and built villages, and they divided themselves as their numbers progressively increased. in these purchased lands they lived under the rule of their own headmen, paying to the rajas only an annual present, free from all other taxes which bore upon the natives so heavily, looked upon as strangers, exempt from tribute or subjection to the rajas, having a chief of their own election, whose descendants are still called kings of the paravas, and who drew a revenue from the whole people, which in process of time has spread itself from quilon to bengal. their importance and power have not been reduced by this dispersion, for they are seen at every pearl fishery (on which occasions the paravas assemble together) surpassing in distinction, dignity and outward honours all other persons there. the pearl fishery was the principal resource and expedient from which the paravas obtained a livelihood, but as from their residence so near the sea they had no manner of disposing of their pearls, they made an agreement with the rajas that a market day should be proclaimed throughout their dominions, when merchants might securely come from all parts of india, and at which the divers and sutlers necessary to furnish provisions for the multitude might also meet; and, as this assemblage would consist of two different races, namely, the paravas and subjects of the rajas, as well as strangers and travellers, two kinds of guards and tribunals were to be established to prevent all disputes and quarrels arising during this open market, every man being subject to his own judge, and his case being decided by him; all payments were then also divided among the headmen of the paravas, who were the owners of that fishery, and who hence became rich and powerful; they had weapons and soldiers of their own, with which they were able to defend themselves against the violence of the rajas or their subjects. the moors who had spread themselves over india, and principally along the coasts of madura, were strengthened by the natives professing muhammadanism, and by the arabs, saracens, and the privateers of the sammoryn, [ ] and they began also to take to pearl-diving as an occupation, but being led away by ill-feeling and hope of gain, they often attempted to outreach the paravas, some of whom even they gained to their party and to their religion, by which means they obtained so much importance, that the rajas joined themselves to the moors, anticipating great advantages from the trade which they carried on, and from their power at sea; and thus the paravas were oppressed, although they frequently rose against their adversaries, but they always got the worst of it, until at last in a pearl fishery at tutucoryn, having purposely raised a dispute, they fell upon the moors, and killed some thousands of them, burnt their vessels, and remained masters of the country, though much in fear that the moors, joined by the pirates of calicut, would rise against them in revenge. the portuguese arrived about this time with one ship at tutucoryn; the paravas requested them for assistance, and obtained a promise of it, on conditions that they should become christians; this they generally agreed to, and, having sent commissioners with some of the portuguese to goa, they were received under the protection of that nation, and their commissioners returned with priests, and a naval force conveying troops, on which all the paravas of the seven ports were baptized, accepted as subjects of the king of portugal, and they dwindled thus from having their own chiefs and their own laws into subordination to priests and portuguese, who however settled the rights and privileges of the paravas so firmly that the rajas no longer dared interfere with them, or attempt to impede or abridge their prerogative; on the contrary they were compelled to admit of separate laws for the paravas from those which bound their own subjects. the portuguese kept for themselves the command at sea, the pearl fisheries, the sovereignty over the paravas, their villages and harbours, whilst the naick of madura, who was a subject of the king of the carnatic, made himself master at this time of the lands about madura, and in a short time afterwards of all the lower countries from cape comoryn to tanjore, expelling and rooting out all the princes and land proprietors, who were living and reigning there; but, on obtaining the sovereignty of all these countries, he wished to subject the paravas to his authority, in which attempt he was opposed by the portuguese, who often, not being powerful enough effectually to resist, left the land with the priests and paravas, and went to the islands of manaar and jaffnapatam, from whence they sent coasting vessels along the madura shores, and caused so much disquiet that the revenue was ruined, trade circumscribed, and almost annihilated, for which reasons the naick himself was obliged to solicit the portuguese to come back again. the political government of india, perceiving the great benefit of the pearl fishery, appointed in the name of the king of portugal military chiefs and captains to superintend it, leaving the churches and their administration to the priests. those captains obtained from the fisheries each time a profit of , rix-dollars for the king, leaving the remainder of the income from them for the paravas; but, seeing they could not retain their superiority in that manner over the people, which was becoming rich, luxurious, drunken, with prosperity, and with the help of the priests, who protected them, threatening the captains, which often occasioned great disorders, the latter determined to build a fort for the king at tutucoryn, which was the chief place of all the villages; but the priests who feared by this to lose much of their consequence as well as of their revenue, insisted that, if such a measure was proceeded with, they would all be ruined, on which account they urged on the people to commit irregularities, and made the paravas fear that the step was a preliminary one to the making all of them slaves; and they therefore raised such hindrances to the work that it never could be completed. "the paravas," mr. hornell continues, "although the original holders of the fishery rights, had begun, prior to the arrival of the portuguese, to feel the competition of the restless muhammadan settlers on the coast, who, coming, as many must have done, from the coast of the persian gulf, knew already all there was to know of pearl-fishing. the descendants of these arabs and their proselytes, known as moros to the portuguese, are the moormen or lubbais of to-day. their chief settlement was kayal, a town situated near the mouth of the river tambrapurni, and which in marco polo's time ( - ) was a great and noble city. it shared with tuticorin for fully years the honour of being one of the two great pearl markets of the coast--the one being the moor, the other the parava, head-quarters.... menezes, writing in , states that for many years the fisheries had become extinct because of the great poverty into which the paravas had fallen. tuticorin, and the sovereignty of the pearl banks and of the paravas, passed to the dutch in . in the report of the pearl fishery, , the following entries occur in the list of free stones according to ancient customs:-- / to the naick of madura-- xtian, / moorish; to head moorman of cailpatnam-- xtian, moorish. to theuver-- moorish. to the pattangatyns of this coast--all xtian stones. "the stones," mr. hornell writes, "given to the pattangatyns or headmen of the paravas was in the nature of remuneration to these men for assistance in inspecting the banks, in guarding any oyster banks discovered, in recruiting divers, and in superintending operations during the course of the fishery.... in , the madras government recorded its appreciation of the assistance rendered by the jati talaivan, and directed that his privilege of being allowed the take of two boats be continued. subsequently, in , the government, while confirming the general principle of privilege remuneration to the jati talaivan, adopted the more satisfactory regulation of placing the extent of the remuneration upon the basis of a sliding scale, allowing him but one boat when the government boats numbered or less, two for to boats, three for to boats employed, and so on in this ratio. the value of the jati talaivan's two privilege boats in the fishery was rs. , , in that of only rs. ." the jadi talaivan is said to have been denominated by the dutch the prince of the seven havens. it is noted in the pearl fishery report, , that "the paravas are a constant source of trouble, both on the banks and in the kottoo (shed), where they were constantly being caught concealing oysters, which of course were always confiscated. only one arab was caught doing this, and his companions abused him for disgracing them." according to mr. casie chitty, the paravas are divided into thirteen classes, viz.:-- headmen. dealers in cloth. divers for corals. sailors. divers for pearl-oysters. divers for chanks. packers of cloth. fishers who catch tortoises (turtles). fishers who catch porpoises. fishers who catch sharks and other fish. palanquin bearers. peons, who wait about the person of the chief. fishers, who catch crabs. it is noted by canon a. margoschis that the parava females are famous for the excessive dilatation of the lobes of the ears, and for wearing therein the heaviest and most expensive gold ear jewels made of sovereigns. ordinary jewels are said to cost rs. , but heavy jewels are worth rs. , and even more. the longer the ears, the more jewels can be used, and this appears to be the rationale of elongated ears. in a recent account of a parava wedding in high life, i read [ ] that "the bride and bridegroom proceeded to the church at the head of an imposing procession, with music and banners. the service, which was fully choral, was conducted by a priest from their own community, after which the newly wedded couple went in procession to the residence of the jati talavamore, being escorted by their distinguished host in person. the jati talavamore, who wore a picturesque, if somewhat antiquated, robe, rode in a gorgeously upholstered palanquin, with banners, trophies, elephants, and other emblems of his high office. the bride, who was resplendent with diamonds, was becomingly attired in a purple benares sari with gold floral designs, and wore a superb kincob bodice." in a note on the paravans of travancore, mr. n. subramani aiyar writes that "they are found in most taluks of the state. the title sometimes used by them is kuruppu. the paravans of chengannur and tiruvella call themselves chakka, a word supposed by the castemen to be derived from slaghya or praiseworthy, but perhaps more correctly from chakku, the basket carried by them in their hands. the paravans are divided into numerous sections. in the south, the tamil-speaking division follows the makkathayam, while all the malayalam-speaking sections follow the marumakathayam law of inheritance. there is also a difference in the dress and ornaments of the two sections, the former adopting the fashion of the east coast, and the latter that of the west. the travancore paravas are really one with the tamil-speaking paravas of the east coast. while most of them became converts to christianity, in travancore they have tried to preserve their separate existence, as they had already spread into the interior of the country before the proselytism of st. xavier had made its enduring mark on the sea-coast villages. there is a curious legend about the settlement of the chakkas in central travancore. formerly, it would appear, they were sudras, but, for some social offence committed by them, they were outcasted by the edappalli chieftain. they were once great devotees of sri krishna, the lord of tiruvaranmulai in the tiruvella taluk. the paravas say further that they are descended from a high-caste woman married to an izhava. the word parava is accordingly derived from para, which in sanskrit means foreign. the paravas engage in various occupations, of which the most important in central travancore are climbing palm trees, catching fish, and washing clothes for christians, muhammadans, and depressed classes of hindus. in south travancore they make wicker baskets, rattan chairs, and sofas. women, in all parts of the state, are lime and shell burners. they worship at the aranmula temple, and pay special worship to bhadrakali. their priest is known as parakuruppu, who, having to perform four different functions, is also entitled nalonnukaran. it is his duty to preside at marriage and other rites, to be caste barber, to carry the news of death to the relations, and to perform the priestly functions at funerals. the paravas perform both the tali-kettu and sambandham ceremonies." parel maddiyala.--barbers of the billavas. parenga.--a sub-division of gadaba. pariah.--see paraiyan. parikimuggula.--professional tattooing women in the telugu country. the name refers to the patterns (parika or muggu), which they carry about with them, as designs for tattooing or to be drawn on the floor on occasions of festival and ceremonial. parivara.--a sub-division of bant. parivaram.--it is noted, in the census report, , that "this is a caste, which presents some difficulty. parivaram means 'an army, a retinue,' and it is alleged that the people of this caste were formerly soldiers. parivaram is found as a sub-division of maravan and agamudaiyan, and the parivaras of madura and tinnevelly are probably either a sub-division or an offshoot of the maravans. in coimbatore, the only other district in which the parivaras are numerous, they seem to be a sub-division of toreyas, a fishing caste, and mr. rice, in his gazetteer (of mysore), says that parivara is a synonym of besta." further, in the census report, , it is stated that "the word parivaram means 'a retinue,' and was probably originally only an occupational term. it is now-a-days applied to the domestic servants and the tottiya zamindars in the districts of coimbatore, trichinopoly, madura, and tinnevelly, who are recruited from several castes, but have come to form a caste by themselves. the kotaris of south canara are a somewhat parallel case, and probably in time the paiks among the oriyas, and the khasas, who are servants to the telugu zamindars, will similarly develop into separate castes. the caste is said to require all its members of both sexes to do such service for its masters as they may require. persons of any caste above the paraiyas are admitted into its ranks, and the men in it may marry a woman of any other caste with the permission of the zamindar under whom they serve. they do not habitually employ brahmans as priests, and in places the head of the tottiyan caste conducts their ceremonies. their titles are maniyagaran and servaigaran. the latter is also used by the agamudaiyans." the title servaigaran or servaikaran indicates that members of the caste do servai, or service, and the further title uliyakkaran is a sign that they do uliyam, or menial work. servaikaran is also a title of the tamil ambalakarans, agamudaiyans, kallans, and maravans, and the canarese toreyas, some of whom have settled in the tamil districts of madura and coimbatore. it also occurs as a synonym of the canarese kotegaras. the illegitimate offspring of maravans, kallans, and agamudaiyans, are said to become members of the mixed parivaram caste. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that the parivaram caste "is divided into two endogamous sections; the chinna uliyam (little services) who are palanquin-bearers, and have the title tevan, and the periya uliyam (big services), who are called maniyakaran. the kombai parivarams, who are the servants of the kappiliyan zamindars of kombai and tevaram in the periyakulam taluk, are a separate community, and do not intermarry with the others. when a girl attains maturity, she is kept for sixteen days in a hut, which is guarded at night by her relations. this is afterwards burnt down, and the pots she used are broken into very small pieces, as there is an idea that, if rain-water collects in any of them, the girl will be childless. some of the ceremonies at weddings are unusual. on the first day, a man takes a big pot of water with a smaller empty pot on top of it, and marches three times round the open space in front of the bride's house. with him march the happy couple carrying a bamboo, to which are tied in a turmeric-coloured cloth the nine kinds of grain. after the third journey round, these things are put down at the north-east corner, and the marriage pandal is made by bringing three more poles of the same size. afterwards the wrists of the couple are tied together, and bridegroom's brother carries the pair a short distance. they plunge their hands into a bowl of salt. next the husband takes an ordinary stone rolling-pin, wraps it in a bit of cloth, and gives it to his wife, saying 'take the child; i am going to the palace.' she takes it, replying 'yes, give me the child, the milk is ready.' this has to be repeated three times in a set formula. several other odd rites are observed. brahmans officiate, and the bridegroom's sister, as usual, ties the tali. divorce is allowed to both sides. adultery within the caste, or with the zamindar, is tolerated. the husbands accept as their own any children their wives may bear to the zamindar. such children are called chinna kambalattar, and may marry with tottiyans. but adultery outside the caste is most rigorously prohibited, and sternly punished with excommunication. a mud image of the girl who so offends is made, two thorns are poked into its eyes, and it is thrown away outside the village." pariyari (doctor).--a name given to tamil barbers (ambattan), who practice as barber-surgeons. pariyata.--five individuals were recorded, at the census, , under the name pariyata or parit, as members of a bombay caste of washermen in south canara. parvatha.--parvatha or parvathala, meaning hill or mountain, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of gamalla, kapu, mala, and medara. pasi.--a few members of this bengal caste of toddy-drawers were returned at the madras census, . the name is said to be derived from pasa, a noose or cord, probably in reference to the sling used by them in climbing palm trees. [ ] pasi, meaning coloured glass beads, occurs as a sub-division of idaiyan, and the equivalent pasikatti as a sub-division of valaiyan. pasu.--pasu (cow) or pasula has been recorded as an exogamous sept of boya, mala and madiga, and a sub-division of west coast pulayans, who eat beef. pasupula (turmeric).--pasula or pasupula is an exogamous sept of boya and devanga. pasupuleti occurs as a sub-division of balija. see arashina. patabonka.--a sub-division of bonka. patali.--an occupational name applied to priests of temples and bhuthasthanas (devil shrines), and stanikas in south canara. patha (old).--a sub-division of idiga, and a sept of togata. pathanchitannaya (green pea sept).--an exogamous sept of bant. pathi (cotton).--a sub-division of kurubas, who use a wrist-thread made of cotton and wool mixed during the marriage ceremony. also an exogamous sept of gudala and padma sale. pathinettan.--the pathinettan or eighteen are carpenters in malabar, who "are said to be the descendants of the smiths who remained to attend to the repairs to the eighteen temples, when the rest of the community fled to ceylon, as related in the tradition of the origin of the tiyans". [ ] paththar.--a section of saivite chettis, who wear the lingam, and have separated from the acharapakam chettis. they bury their dead in a sitting posture. a bamboo stick is tied to the kudumi (hair-knot) of the corpse, and the head pulled by its means towards the surface of the grave. paththar is also a name given to goldsmiths by other castes. patnaik.--a title of karnam. patnulkaran.--the patnulkarans are described, in the madras census report, , as "a caste of foreign weavers found in all the tamil districts, but mainly in madura town, who speak patnuli or khatri, a dialect of gujarati, and came originally from gujarat. they have always been known here as patnulkarans, or silk thread people. they are referred to in the inscriptions of kumara gupta (a.d. ) at mandasor, south of gujarat, by the name of pattavayaka, which is the sanskrit equivalent of patnulkaran, and the sasanam of queen mangammal of madura, mentioned below, speaks of them by the same name, but lately they have taken to calling themselves saurashtras from the saurashtra country from which they came. they also claim to be brahmans. they thus frequently entered themselves in the schedules as saurashtra brahmans. they are an intelligent and hard-working community, and deserve every sympathy in the efforts which they are making to elevate the material prosperity of their members and improve their educational condition, but a claim to brahmanhood is a difficult matter to establish. they say that their claim is denied because they are weavers by profession, which none of the southern brahmans are, and because the brahmans of the tamil country do not understand their rites, which are the northern rites. the mandasor inscriptions, however, represent them as soldiers as well as weavers, which does not sound brahmanical, and the tamil brahmans have never raised any objections to the gauda brahmans calling themselves such, different as their ways are from those current in the south. in madura their claim to brahmanhood has always been disputed. as early as a.d. the brahmans of madura called in question the patnulkarans' right to perform the annual upakarma (or renewal of the sacred thread) in the brahman fashion. [eighteen members of the community were arrested by the governor of madura for performing this ceremony.] the matter was taken to the notice of the queen mangammal, and she directed her state pandits to convene meetings of learned men, and to examine into it. on their advice, she issued a cadjan (palm leaf) sasanam (grant) which permitted them to follow the brahmanical rites. but all the twice-born--whether brahmans, kshatriyas, or vaisyas--are entitled to do the same, and the sasanam establishes little. the patnuls point out that, in some cases, their gotras are brahmanical. but, in many instances which could be quoted, kshatriyas had also brahmanical gotras." it is stated, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that the inscription at mandasor in western malwa "relates how the pattavayas, as the caste was then called, were induced to migrate thither from lata on the coast of gujarat by king kumara gupta (or one of his lieutenants), to practice there their art of silk-weaving. the inscription says many flattering things about the community, and poetically compares the city to a beautiful woman, and the immigrants to the silk garments in which she decks herself when she goes to meet her lover. [the inscription further records that, while the noble bandhuvarman was governing this city of dasapura, which had been brought to a state of great prosperity, a noble and unequalled temple of the bright-rayed (sun) was caused to be built by the silk-cloth weavers (pattavayair) as a guild with the stores of wealth acquired by (the exercise of their) craft.] on the destruction of mandasor by the mussalmans, the pattavayas seem to have travelled south to devagiri, the modern daulatabad, the then capital of the yadavas, and thence, when the mussalmans again appeared on the scene at the beginning of the fourteenth century, to vijayanagar, and eventually to madura. a curious ceremony confirming this conjecture is performed to this day at patnulkaran weddings in south india. before the date of the wedding, the bridegroom's party go to the bride's house, and ask formally for the girl's hand. her relations ask them in a set form of words who they are, and whence they come, and they reply that they are from sorath (the old name for saurashtra or kathiawar), resided in devagiri, travelled south (owing to mussalman oppression) to vijayanagar, and thence came to madura. they then ask the bride's party the same question, and receive the same reply. a marathi ms., prepared in at salem under the direction of the then collector, mr. m. d. cockburn, contains the same tradition. mr. sewell's 'a forgotten empire: vijayanagar' shows how common silk clothing and trappings were at vijayanagar in the days of its glory. most of the patnulkarans can still speak telugu, which raises the inference that they must have resided a long time in the telugu country, while their patnuli contains many canarese and telugu words, and they observe the feast of basavanna (or boskanna), which is almost peculiar to the bellary country. after the downfall of vijayanagar, some of the caste seem to have gone to bangalore, for a weaving community called patvegars, who speak a dialect similar to patnuli, still reside there." concerning the patnulis who have settled in the mysore province, it is noted, in the mysore census report, , that "with silk they manufacture a fine stuff called katni, which no other weavers are said to be able to prepare. it is largely used by mussalmans for trousers and lungas (gowns). it is said that haider ali, while returning from his expeditions against madras, forcibly brought with him some twenty-five families of these weavers, who were living in the tanjore district, and established them at ganjam near seringapatam, and, in order to encourage silk and velvet weaving, exempted them from certain taxes. the industry flourished till the fall of seringapatam, when most of the class fled from the country, a few only having survived those troublous times. at present there are only souls returned to these people, employed in making carpets in bangalore." "the patnulkars," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "say that they were originally brahmans, living in a town of surat called devagiri, in which twelve streets were entirely peopled by them. for some reason, of which they profess themselves to be ignorant, the residents of one of these streets were excommunicated by the rest of the caste, and expelled. they travelled southwards, and settled in tirupati, arni, and vellore, as well as in trichinopoly, tanjore, madura, and other large towns, where they carried on their trade of silk-weaving. another story is to the effect that they were bound to produce a certain number of silken cloths at each dipavali feast in devagiri for the goddess lakshmi. one year their supply fell short, and they were cursed by the goddess, who decreed that they should no longer be regarded as brahmans. they, however, still claim to be such, and follow the customs of that caste, though they refuse to eat with them. they acknowledge priests from among themselves, as well as from among brahmans, and profess to look down upon all other castes. in religion they are divided into smartas, vaishnavas, and vyaparis, some among the smartas being lingayats. those who can write usually employ the telugu characters in writing their language." the patnulkarans, according to one tradition, claim descent from a certain brahman sage, known as tantuvardhanar, meaning literally a person who improves threads, i.e., manufactures and weaves them into cloths. this is, it is suggested, probably only an eponymous hero. in the manual of the madura district, the patnulkarans are described as "a caste of surat silk-weavers, whose ancestors were induced to settle in madura by one of the earlier nayakkan kings, or in response to an invitation from tirumala naik, and who have thriven so well that they now form by far the most numerous of all the castes resident in the town of madura. they are very skilful and industrious workmen, and many of them have become very wealthy. they keep altogether aloof from other castes, and live independently of general society, speaking a foreign tongue, and preserving intact the customs of the land of their origin. they are easily distinguished in appearance from tamils, being of a light yellowish colour, and having handsomer and more intelligent features. they are called chettis or merchants by tamils." in a recent note, [ ] the patnulkarans of madura are described as being "exceedingly gregarious; they live together in large numbers in small houses, and their social status in the country is quite unsettled. though they delight to call themselves saurashtra brahmans, the tamils consider them to be a low caste. like the brahmans, they wear the sacred thread, and tack on to their names such titles as iyengar, iyer, rao, bhagavather, sastrigal, and so forth, though the conservatives among them still cling to the time-honoured simple chetti. child marriage is the rule, and widow marriage is never practiced. hindus by religion, they worship indiscriminately both the siva and vaishnava deities, but all of them wear big iyengar namams on their foreheads, even more prominently than do the real iyengars themselves. all of them pass for pure vegetarians. the proud position of madura to this day as second city in the presidency is mainly, if not solely, due to her prosperous and industrious community of saurashtra merchants and silk-weavers, who have now grown into nearly half her population, and who have also come to a foremost place among the ranks of her citizens. they have their representatives to-day in the municipal councils and in the local and district boards. their perseverance has won for them a place in the devastanam committee of one of the most prosperous temples in the district. but, in spite of their affluence and leading position it must be confessed that they are essentially a 'backward class' in respect of english education and enlightenment. they are, however, making steady progress. an english high school for saurashtra boys, and a number of elementary schools for girls, are now maintained by the saurashtra sabha for the proper education of their children." in , a member of the community was appointed a member of the committee of the sri kalla alagar temple in the madura district. in an order of the director of public instruction, in , it was laid down that "saurashtras having been recognised (in ) as a backward class falling under pattunulgars, the manager cannot continue to enjoy the privileges accorded under the grant-in-aid code to schools intended for backward classes, if he returns his pupils as brahmans. if the pupils have been returned as saurashtra brahmans, the manager should be requested to revise, as no such caste is recognised." a deputation had an interview with the director, and it was subsequently ruled that "saurashtras will continue to be treated as a backward class. pupils belonging to the above class should invariably be returned in future as saurashtras, whether the word brahman is added or not." in a "history of the saurashtras in southern india" [ ] it is recorded that "when the saurashtras settled in the south, they reproduced the institutions of their mother country in the new land; but, owing to the influence of the southern dravidians, some of the institutions became extinct. during their migrations, the men were under the guidance of their leader, and the process of migration tended to increase the power of kinship. the people were divided into four heads, called goundas (chiefs), saulins (elders), voyddoos (physicians), and bhoutuls (religious men). some traces of the division still survive in the now neglected institution of goundans. the goundans were supposed to be responsible for the acts and doings of their men. the masses enjoyed the property under the joint undivided hindu family system as prescribed in the code of manu. the chiefs were the judges in both civil and criminal affairs. they were aided in deciding cases by a body of nobles called saulins. the office of the saulins is to make enquiries, and try all cases connected with the community, and to abide by the decision of the chiefs. the voyddoos (pandits) and bhoutuls (josis and kavis also ranked with voyddas and bhoutuls) had their honours on all important occasions, and they are placed in the same rank with the elders. the karestuns, or the commons, are the whole body of the masses. their voice is necessary on certain important occasions, as during the ceremonies of excommunication, and prayaschittas for admitting renegades, and during periodical meetings of the community. the goundans at present are not exercising any of their powers, except in some religious matters. saurashtra brahmans were originally leading a purely religious life, but now they have begun to do business of different descriptions fitted to their position. their chief occupation is agriculture, but some are trading, dyeing and weaving; however, it can be safely affirmed that their business interferes in no way with their religious creed and ceremonies. the name patnulgar means silk weavers, and is sometimes erroneously applied to the saurashtras too; but, on the contrary, the term strictly applies to all classes of weavers in southern india, called seniyars, kaikkolars, devangas, kshatris (khattris), parayas, sengundas, mudaliars, saliyurs, padmasalays, but not to the saurashtras in any way. the saurashtras are now seen as a mercantile community. they are brave but humble, god-fearing, hospitable, fond of festivities and amusement. the saurashtras, it is said, were originally a class of sun worshippers, from soura meaning sun, but the term saurashtra means inhabitants of the fruitful kingdom. their religion is hinduism, and they were originally madhvas. after their settlement in southern india, some of them, owing to the preachings of sankaracharya and ramanujacharya, were converted into saivites and vaishnavites respectively. the saurashtras belong to the aksobhya and sankaracharya matas. the saurashtras, like other nations of india, are divided into four great divisions, viz., brahma, kshatriya, vaisya and sudra. the vaisyas and sudras are to be found in almost all towns and villages, and especially at tirupati, nagari, naranavanam, arni, kottar, palani, palamcottah, vilangudi, and viravanallur." the affairs of the patnulkarans at madura are managed by a saurashtra sabha, which was started in . among the laudable objects for which the sabha was established, the following may be noted:-- (a) to manage the madura saurashtra school, and establish reading-rooms, libraries, etc., with a view to enable members of the saurashtra community to receive, on moderate terms, a sound, liberal, general and technical education. (b) to manage the temple known as the madura sri prasanna venkateswara swami's temple, and contribute towards its maintenance by constructing, repairing and preserving buildings in connection therewith, making jewels, vehicles and other things necessary therefor, and conducting the festivals thereof. (c) to found charitable institutions, such as orphanages, hospitals, poor-houses, choultries (resting-places for travellers), water-sheds, and other things of a like nature for the good of the saurashtra community. (d) to give succour to the suffering poor, and the maimed, the lame, and the blind in the saurashtra community. (e) to give pecuniary grants in aid of upanayanams (thread marriages) to the helpless in the saurashtra community. (f) to erect such works of utility as bathing ghauts, wells, water fountains, and other works of utility for the benefit of the saurashtra community. (g) to fix and raise subscriptions known as mahamais (a sort of income-tax). among the subjects of the lectures delivered in connection with the saurashtra upanyasa sabha at madura in were the life of mrs. annie besant, the paris exhibition of , mr. tata and higher education, saurashtra bank, columbus, and the saurashtra reform hotel. a few years ago, the saurashtra community submitted a memorial to the governor of madras to the effect that "as the backward saurashtra community have not the requisite capital of half a lakh of rupees for imparting to their members both general and technical education, the saurashtra sabha, madura, suggests that a lottery office may be kept for collecting shares at one rupee each from such of the public at large as may be willing to give the same, on the understanding that, every time the collections aggregate to rs. , , rs. should be set apart for the expenses of working the said office, and two-thirds of the remainder for educational purposes, and one-third should be awarded by drawing lots among the subscribers in the shape of five prizes, ranging from rs. , to rs. ." in passing orders on this sporting scheme, the government stated that it was not prepared to authorise the lottery. it has been well said [ ] that the patnulkarans have a very strong esprit de corps, and this has stood them in good stead in their weaving, which is more scientifically carried on, and in a more flourishing condition than is usual elsewhere. for the following note on the patnulkaran weavers of madura, i am indebted to mr. a. chatterton, director of technical enquiries:--"as a general rule, they are in a flourishing condition, and much better off than the saurashtra weavers in salem. this is probably due to the fact that the bulk of the madura trade is in a higher class of cloth than at salem, and the weavers are consequently less affected by fluctuations in demand for their goods due to seasonal variations. in various ways the saurashtras of madura have furnished evidence that they are a progressive community, particularly in the attention which they pay to education, and the keenness with which they are on the look-out for improvements in the methods of carrying out their hereditary craft. nearly all the so-called improvements have been tried at madura, and the fact that they have rejected most of them may be taken to some extent as evidence of their unsuitability for indian conditions. some time ago, one a. a. kuppusawmy iyer invented certain improvements in the native shedding apparatus, whereby ornamental patterns are woven along the borders, and on the ends of the better class of silk and cotton cloths. this apparatus was undoubtedly a material improvement upon that which is ordinarily used by the weaver, and it has been taken up extensively in the town. it is said that there are looms fitted with this shedding apparatus, and the inventor, who has obtained a patent for it, is trying to collect a royalty of rs. - - a month on each loom. but this claim is resisted by a combination of the weavers using this shedding apparatus, and a suit is at the present time ( ) pending in the district court. one of the most important weaving enterprises at madura is the meenakshi weaving company, the partners of which are ramachandra iyer, muthurama iyer, and kuppusawmy iyer. their subscribed capital is rs. , , , of which they are spending no less than rs. , on building a weaving shed and office. the madura dyeing industry is in the hands of the saurashtras, and the modern phase dates back only as far as , when mr. tulsiram started dyeing grey yarn with alizarine red, and, in the twelve years which have since elapsed, the industry has grown to very large proportions. the total sales at madura average at present about lakhs a year. there are from to dye-houses, and upwards of , cwt. of alizarine red is purchased every year from the badische aniline soda fabrik. the yarn is purchased locally, mainly from the madura mills, but, to some extent, also from coimbatore and tuticorin. the mordanting is done entirely with crude native earths, containing a large percentage of potassium salts. drying the yarn presents considerable difficulty, especially in the wet weather. to secure a fast even colour, the yarn is mordanted about ten times, and dyed twice, or for very superior work three times, and between each operation it is essential that the yarn should be dried. the suburbs of madura are now almost entirely covered with drying yards." in a note on the patnulkarans who have settled in travancore, mr. n. subramani aiyar writes as follows. "the patnulkarans are generally of yellowish tinge, and in possession of handsomer and more intellectual features than the tamil castes, from which they may be easily differentiated by even a casual observer. they are, however, more fair than cleanly. they keep in travancore, as elsewhere, aloof from other castes, and live independently of general society, speaking a foreign language. this they have preserved with astonishing attachment, and recently a saurashtra alphabet has been invented, and elementary books have begun to be written in that dialect. they are a very conservative class, religious enthusiasts of a very remarkable order, and skilful and industrious workmen. they take a peculiar pleasure in music, and many of them are excellent songsters. there are many kinds of amusement for both men and women, who generally spend their leisure in singing songs of a devotional nature. they believe largely in omens, of which the following may be noted:-- good.--a pot full of water, a burning light, no brahmans, a sudra, a cow, a married woman, and gold. bad.--a barber, a patient, a person with some bodily defect, fuel, oil, a donkey, a pick-axe, a broom, and a fan. "on entering a patnulkaran's house, we are led to a courtyard, spacious and neat, where all the necessary arrangements are made for weaving purposes. the patnulkarans live in streets. a male patnulkaran resembles a tamil vaishnava brahman in outward appearance, but the women follow the custom of the telugu brahmans alike in their costume and ornaments. their jewels exactly resemble those of the telugu brahman women, and indicate a temporary residence of the caste in the telugu country on the way from gujarat to madura. there is a tamil proverb to the effect that, if a male patnulkaran is seen without his wife, he will be taken for a vaishnava brahman, whereas, in the case of the tatan caste, a woman without her husband will be taken for an aiyangar. children wear the karai round the neck. tattooing prevails on a very large scale. "the patnulkarans may be divided into three classes on a religious basis, viz., ( ) pure vaishnavites, who wear the vertical vaishnavite mark, and call themselves vadakalas or northerners; ( ) those who are mainly smartas; ( ) sankara vaishnavas, who wear gopi (sandal paste) as their sect-mark. it is to the last of these religious sects that the travancore patnulkarans belong, though, in recent times, a few smartas have settled at kottar. all these intermarry and interdine, and the religious difference does not create a distinction in the caste. the chief divinity of the patnulkarans is venkatachalapati of tirupati. the month in which he is most worshipped is kanni (september-october), and all the saturdays and the tiruvonam star of the month are particularly devoted to his adoration. one of their men becomes possessed on any of these days, and, holding a burning torch-light in his hand, touches the foreheads of the assembled devotees therewith. the patnulkarans fast on those days, and take an image of garuda in procession through the street. the dipavali, pannamasi in chittiray, and the vaikuntha ekadasi are other important religious days. the dusserah is observed, as also are the festivals of sri rama navami, ashtami, rohini, avani avittam, and vara lakshmivratam. formal worship of deities is done by those who have obtained the requisite initiation from a spiritual preceptor. women who have husbands fast on full-moon days, mondays, and fridays. the serpent and the banyan tree are specially worshipped. women sing songs in praise of lakshmi, and offer fruits and cocoanuts to her. the patnulkarans have a temple dedicated to sri rama at kottar. this temple is visited even by brahmans, and the priests are aiyangars. the acharya, or supreme religious authority of the patnulkarans, in travancore is a vaishnava brahman known as ubhaya vedanta koti kanyakadana tatachariyar, who lives at aravankulam near tinnevelly, and possesses a large number of disciples. once a year he visits his flock in travancore, and is highly respected by them, as also by the maharaja, who makes a donation of money to him. elders are appointed to decide social disputes, and manage the common property of the caste. in travancore there are said to be only three families of patnulkaran priests. for the higher ceremonies, brahman priests are employed. "a girl's marriage is usually celebrated before puberty, and sometimes when she is a mere child of four or five. great importance is attached to gotras or exogamous septs, and it is said that the septs of the bride and bridegroom are conspicuously inscribed on the walls of a marriage house. in the selection of an auspicious hour (muhurtam) for a marriage, two favourable planetary situations, one closely following the other, are necessary; and, as such occasions are rare, a number of marriages take place at one time. a man may claim his maternal uncle's daughter as his wife, and polygamy is permitted. the marriage ceremonial resembles the brahmanical rites in many points. on the fourth day, a ceremonial observed by telugu brahmans, called nagabali, is performed. the marriage badge, which is tied on the bride's neck, is called bottu. [from a note on the marriage ceremonies among the patnulkarans of madura, i gather that, as among telugu and canarese castes, a number of pots are arranged, and worshipped. these pots are smaller and fewer in number than at a telugu or canarese wedding. a figure of a car is drawn on the wall of the house with red earth or laterite. [ ] on it the name of the gotra of the bridegroom is written. on the fourth day, the nagavali (or offering to devas) is performed. the contracting couple sit near the pots, and a number of lights are arranged on the floor. the pots, which represent the devas, are worshipped.] "the namakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed on the eleventh day after birth. an eighth child, whether male or female, is called krishna, owing to the tradition that krishna was born as the eighth child of vasudeva. babies are affectionately called duddu (milk) or pilla (child). the annaprasana, or first feeding of the child, is sometimes celebrated at the end of the first year, but usually as a preliminary to some subsequent ceremony. sometimes, in performance of a vow, boys are taken to the shrine at tirupati for the tonsure ceremony. the upanayana is performed between the seventh and twelfth years, but neither brahmacharya nor samavartana is observed. "the dead are burnt, and the remains of the bones are collected and deposited under water. death pollution lasts only for ten days. the sradh, or annual ceremony, when oblations are offered to ancestors, is observed. widows are allowed to retain their hair, but remove the bottu. unlike brahman women, they chew betel, and wear coloured cloths, even in old age." the patnulkarans have a secret trade language, concerning which mr. c. hayavadana rao writes as follows. "the most remarkable feature about it is the number of terms and phrases borrowed from the craft, to which special meanings are given. thus a man of no status is stigmatised as a rikhta khandu, i.e., a spindle without the yarn. similarly, a man of little sense is called a mhudha, the name of a thick peg which holds one side of the roller. likewise, a talkative person is referred to as a rhetta, or roller used for winding the thread upon spindles, which makes a most unpleasant creaking noise. kapiniker, from kapini, a technical term used for cutting the loom off, means to make short work of an undesirable person. a man who is past middle age is called porkut phillias, which, in weavers' parlance, means that half the loom is turned." patra.--the patras are an oriya caste, which is divided into two sections, one of which is engaged in the manufacture of silk (pata) waist-threads, tassels, etc., and the other in weaving silk cloths. the members of the two sections do not interdine. the former have exogamous septs or bamsams, the names of which are also used as titles, e.g., sahu, patro, and prushti. the latter have exogamous septs, such as tenga, jaggali, telaga, and mahanayako, and behara and nayako as titles. the chief headman of the cloth-weaving section is called mahanayako, and there are other officers called behara and bhollobaya. the headman of the other section is called senapati, and he is assisted by a dhanapati. infant marriage is the rule, and, if a girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she must, if she belongs to the cloth-weaving section, go through a form of marriage with an old man, and, if to the other section, with an arrow. the telugu patras are summed up, in the madras census report, , as "a telugu caste of hunters and cultivators, found chiefly in the districts of cuddapah and kurnool. it has two divisions, the doras (chiefs), and gurikalas (marksmen), the former of which is supposed to be descended from the old poligars (feudal chiefs), and the latter from their followers and servants. this theory is supported by the fact that, at the weddings of gurikalas, the doras receive the first pan-supari (betel leaf and areca nut). widows may not remarry, nor is divorce recognised. they usually employ brahmans at marriages, and satanis at funerals. though they are vaishnavites, they also worship village deities, such as gangamma and ellamma. they bury their dead, and perform annual sraddhas (memorial services for the dead). they will eat with gollas. their title is naidu." patramela.--patramela, or patradeva, is the name of a class of dancing girls in south canara. patramela, mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] is the name by which the konkani kalavants (courtezans) are known above the ghauts. patro.--the title of the head of a group of villages in ganjam, and also recorded, at times of census, as a title of alia, kalinga komati, dolai, and jaggala. the conferring of a cloth (sadhi) on a patro is said to be emblematic of conferring an estate. the patro, among other perquisites, is entitled to a fee on occasions of marriage. i am informed that, in the ganjam maliahs, if a kondh was unable to pay the fee, he met his love at night beneath two trysting trees, and retired with her into the jungle for three days and nights. patrudu.--the title, meaning those who are fit to receive a gift, of aiyarakulu and nagaralu. pattadhikari.--a class of jangams, who have settled head-quarters. pattan.--the equivalent of the brahman bhatta. a name by which some kammalans, especially goldsmiths, style themselves. pattanavada.--a synonym for the moger fishing caste, the settlements of which are called pattana. pattanavan.--the fishermen on the east coast, from the kistna to the tanjore district, are popularly called karaiyan, or sea-shore people. some karaiyans have, at times of census, returned themselves as taccha (carpenter) karaiyans. pattanavan means literally a dweller in a town or pattanam, which word occurs in the names of various towns on the sea-coast, e.g., nagapattanam (negapatam), chennapattanam (madras). the pattanavans have two main divisions, periya (big) and chinna (small), and, in some places, for example, at nadukuppam in the nellore district, exogamous septs, e.g., gengananga, peyananga, kathananga (children of ganga, peyan, and kathanar), and kullananga (children of dwarfs). in the telugu country, they go by the name of pattapu or tulivandlu. some pattanavans give themselves high-sounding caste titles, e.g., ariyar, ayyayiraththalaivar (the five thousand chiefs), ariya nattu chetti (chettis of the ariyar country), acchu vellala, karaiturai (sea-coast) vellala, varunakula vellala or varunakula mudali after varuna, the god of the waters, or kurukula vamsam after kuru, the ancestor of the kauravas. some pattanavans have adopted the title pillai. the pattanavans are said to be inferior to the sembadavans, who will not accept food at their hands, and discard even an earthen pot which has been touched by a pattanavan. concerning the origin of the caste, there is a legend that the pattanavans were giving silk thread to siva, and were hence called pattanavar, a corruption of pattanaivor, meaning knitters of silk thread. they were at the time all bachelors, and siva suggested the following method of securing wives for them. they were told to go out fishing in the sea, and make of their catch as many heaps as there were bachelors. each of them then stood before a heap, and called for a wife, who was created therefrom. according to another story, some five thousand years ago, during the age of the lunar race, there was one dasa raja, who was ruling near hastinapura, and was childless. to secure offspring, he prayed to god, and did severe penance. in answer to his prayer, god pointed out a tank full of lotus flowers, and told the king to go thither, and call for children. thereon, five thousand children issued forth from the flowers, to the eldest of whom the king bequeathed his kingdom, and to the others money in abundance. those who received the money travelled southward in ships, which were wrecked, and they were cast ashore. this compelled them to make friends of local sea fishermen, whose profession they adopted. at the present day, the majority of pattanavans are sea-fishermen, and catch fish with nets from catamarans. "fancy," it has been written, [ ] "a raft of only three logs of wood, tied together at each end when they go out to sea, and untied and left to dry on the beach when they come in again. each catamaran has one, two or three men to manage it; they sit crouched on it upon their heels, throwing their paddles about very dexterously, but remarkably unlike rowing. in one of the early indian voyager's log-books there is an entry concerning a catamaran: 'this morning, a.m., saw distinctly two black devils playing at single stick. we watched these infernal imps about an hour, when they were lost in the distance. surely this doth portend some great tempest.' it is very curious to watch these catamarans putting out to sea. they get through the fiercest surf, sometimes dancing at their ease on the top of the waters, sometimes hidden under the waters; sometimes the man completely washed off his catamaran, and man floating one way and catamaran another, till they seem to catch each other again by magic." in , a fisherman was going out in his catamaran to fish outside the madras harbour, and was washed off his craft, and dashed violently against a rock. death was instantaneous. of the catamaran, the following account is given by colonel w. campbell. [ ] "of all the extraordinary craft which the ingenuity of man has ever invented, a madras catamaran is the most extraordinary, the most simple, and yet, in proper hands, the most efficient. it is merely three rough logs of wood, firmly lashed together with ropes formed from the inner bark of the cocoanut tree. upon this one, two, or three men, according to the size of the catamaran, sit on their heels in a kneeling posture, and, defying wind and weather, make their way through the raging surf which beats upon the coast, and paddle out to sea at times when no other craft can venture to face it. at a little distance, the slight fabric on which these adventurous mariners float becomes invisible, and a fleet of them approaching the land presents the absurd appearance of a host of savage-looking natives wading out towards the ship, up to their middle in water." "a catamaran," lady dufferin writes, [ ] in an account of a state arrival at madras, "is two logs of wood lashed together, forming a very small and narrow raft. the rower wears a 'fool's cap,' in which he carries letters (also betel and tobacco), and, when he encounters a big wave, he leaves his boat, slips through the wave himself, and picks up his catamaran on the other side of it. some very large deep barges (masula boats), the planks of which are sewn together to give elasticity, and the interstices stuffed with straw, came out for us, with a guard of honour of the mosquito fleet, as the catamarans are called, on either side of them; two of the fool's cap men, and a flag as big as the boat itself, on each one." the present day masula or mussoola boat, or surf boat of the coromandel coast, is of the same build as several centuries ago. it is recorded, [ ] in , that "i went ashore in a mussoola, a boat wherein ten men paddle, the two aftermost of whom are the steers-men, using their paddles instead of a rudder: the boat is not strengthened with knee-timber, as ours are; the bended planks are sowed together with rope-yarn of the cocoe, and calked with dammar so artificially that it yields to every ambitious surf. otherwise we could not get ashore, the bar knocking in pieces all that are inflexible." the old records of madras contain repeated references to europeans being drowned from overturning of masula boats in the surf, through which a landing had to be effected before the harbour was built. in , two madras fishermen were invested with silver wrist bangles, bearing a suitable inscription, which were awarded by the government in recognition of their bravery in saving the lives of a number of boatmen during a squall in the harbour. the following are the fishes, which are caught by the fishermen off madras and eaten by europeans:-- cybium guttatum, bl. schn. seir. cybium commersonii, lacep. seir. cybium lanceolatum, cuv. & val. seir. sillago sihama, forsk. whiting. stromateus cinereus, bloch.-- immature, silver pomfret. adult, grey pomfret. stromateus niger, bloch. black pomfret. mugal subviridis, cuv. & val. mullet. psettodes erumei, bl. schn. 'sole.' lates calcarifer, bloch. cock-up; the begti of calcutta. lutjanus roseus, day. lutjanus marginatus, cuv. & val. polynemus tetradactylus, shaw. chorinemus lysan, forsk. 'whitebait.' the pattanavans are saivites, but also worship various minor gods and grama devatas (village deities). in some places, they regard kuttiyandavan as their special sea god. to him animal sacrifices are not made, but goats are sacrificed to sembu virappan or minnodum pillai, an attendant on kuttiyandavan. in tanjore, the names of the sea gods are pavadairayan and padaithalaidaivam. before setting out on a fishing expedition, the pattanavans salute the god, the sea, and the nets. in the tanjore district, they repair their nets once in eight days, and, before they go out fishing, pray to their gods to favour them with a big catch. on a fixed day, they make offerings to the gods on their return from fishing. the gods pavadairayan and padaithalaidaivam are represented by large conical heaps of wet sand and mud, and ayyanar, ellamma, kuttiyandavar, muthyalrouthar and kiliyendhi by smaller heaps. at the masimakam festival, the pattanavans worship their gods on the sea-shore. the names jattan and jatti are given to children during the jatre or periodic festival of the village goddesses. the pattanavans afford a good example of a caste, in which the time-honoured village council (panchayat) is no empty, powerless body. for every settlement or village there are one or more headmen called yejamanan, who are assisted by a thandakaran and a paraiyan chalavathi. all these offices are hereditary. questions connected with the community, such as disrespect to elders, breach of social etiquette, insult, abuse, assault, adultery, or drinking or eating with men of lower caste, are enquired into by the council. even when disputes are settled in courts of law, they must come before the council. within the community, the headman is all powerful, and his decision is, in most instances, considered final. if, however, his verdict is not regarded as equitable, the case is referred to a caste headman, who holds sway over a group of villages. no ceremony may be performed without the sanction of the local headman, and the details of ceremonies, except the feasting, are arranged by the headman and the thandakaran. in the case of a proposed marriage, the match is broken off if the headman objects to it. he should be present at the funeral rites, and see that the details thereof are properly carried out. it is the duty of the chalavathi to convey the news of a death to the relations. should he come to the shore when the fishes are heaped up, he has the right to take a few thereof as his perquisite. the thandakaran, among other duties, has to summon council meetings. when the members of council have assembled, he ushers in the parties who have to appear before it, and salutes the assembly by prostrating himself on the floor. the parties take a bit of straw, or other object, and place it before the headman in token that they are willing to abide by the decision of the council. this formality is called placing the agreement (muchchilika). the consent of the maternal uncles is necessary before a pair can be united in matrimony. when the wedding day has been fixed, the bridegroom's party distribute grama thambulam (village pan-supari or betel) to the headman and villagers. the marriage milk-post is made of mimusops hexandra, erythrina indica, casuarina equisetifolia, the green wood of some other tree, or even a pestle. in one form of the marriage ceremony, which varies in detail according to locality, the bridegroom, on the arrival of the bride at the pandal (booth), puts on the sacred thread, and the brahman purohit makes the sacred fire, and pours ghi (clarified butter) into it. the bridegroom ties the tali round the bride's neck, and the maternal uncles tie flat silver or gold plates, called pattam, on the foreheads of the contracting couple. rings are put on their second toes by the brother-in-law of the bridegroom and the maternal uncle of the bride. towards evening, the sacred thread, the threads which have been tied to the marriage pots and the milk-post, and grain seedlings used at the ceremony, are thrown into the sea. some pattanavans allow a couple to live together as man and wife after the betrothal, but before the marriage ceremony. this is, however, on condition that the latter is performed as soon as it is convenient. the remarriage of widows is freely permitted. no marriage pandal is erected, and the bridegroom, or a female relation, ties the tali on the bride's neck within the house. such marriage is, therefore, called naduvittu (interior of the house) tali. when a woman, who has been guilty of adultery, is remarried, a turmeric string is substituted for the golden tali, and is tied on the bride's neck by a woman. some pattanavans have adopted the custom of burying their dead in a seated posture (samathi). if a corpse is cremated, fire is carried to the burning-ground by a barber. when the corpse has been laid on the pyre, rice is thrown over it. the son, accompanied by a barber and a panisavan or washerman, and carrying a pot of water on his shoulder, goes thrice round the pyre. at the third round, the panisavan or washerman makes holes in the pot, and it is thrown away. on the day of the funeral, all the agnates shave their heads. on the following day, they go to the burial or burning ground with tender cocoanuts, milk, cakes, etc., and arichandra, who presides over the burial-ground, is worshipped. milk is then poured over the grave, or the remains of the bones, which are thrown into the sea. on the night of the fifteenth day, panisavans blow the conch and horn, and red cloths are presented to the widow of the deceased by her relations. at about a.m., a white cloth is thrown on her neck, and the tali string is cut by an old woman. the tali is removed therefrom, and dropped into a new pot filled with water. hence, a form of abuse among pattanavan women is, may your tali be snapped, and thrown into water. the tali is removed from the pot, which is thrown into the sea. the tali is laid on a dish containing milk, and all those who visit the widow must set eyes on it before they see her. in the city of madras, the pattanavans have the privilege of supplying bearers at temples, and the atmosphere surrounding them as they carry the idols on their sturdy shoulders through triplicane is said to be "redolent of brine and the toddy shop." in a judgment of the high court of judicature, madras, it is recorded that, in the eighteenth century, some boat-owners and boatmen belonging to the curukula vamsha or varunakula mudali caste, who were residing at chepauk in the city of madras, had embraced christianity, and worshipped in a chapel, which had been erected by voluntary contributions. in the site of their village was required for public purposes, and they obtained in lieu of it a grant of land at royapuram, where a chapel was built. partly by taxes levied on boatmen, and partly by tolls they were allowed to impose on persons for frequenting the royapuram bazar, a fund was formed to provide for their spiritual wants, and this fund was administered by the marine board. in , a portion of the fund was expended in the erection of the church of st. peter, royapuram, and the fund was transferred to government. the administration of the fund has been the source of litigation in the high court. [ ] it is noted by mrs. f. e. penny that some of the fisherfolk "adopted xavier as their special patron saint, and, as time passed, almost deified him. in the present day, they appeal to him in times of danger, crying 'xavier! xavier! xavier!' in storm and peril. even if they are unfortunate in their catch when fishing, they turn to their saint for succour." as a numismatist, i resent the practice resorted to by some fishermen of melting old lead coins, and converting them into sinkers for their nets. pattapu.--pattapu for tulivandlu is a name for tamil pattanavans, who have migrated to the telugu country. pattapu also occurs as a sub-division of yerukala. pattar.--the pattars are tamil brahmans, who have settled in malabar. the name is said to be derived from the sanskrit bhatta. it is noted, in the madras census report, , that pattar (teacher) has been recently assumed as a title by some nokkans in tanjore. (see brahman.) pattariar.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a tamil corruption of pattu saliyan (silk-weaver). pattariar or pattalia is a synonym of tamil-speaking saliyans. pattegara (headman).--an exogamous sept of okkiliyan. pattindla (silk house).--an exogamous sept of tota balija. pattola menon.--recorded, in the cochin census report, , as a sub-caste of nayars, who are accountants in aristocratic families. pattukuruppu.--recorded in the travancore census report, , as synonymous with vatti, a sub-division of nayar. pattu sale.--a sub-division of sales, who weave silk (pattu) fabrics. pattuvitan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. patvegara.--the patvegaras or pattegaras (pattu, silk) of south canara are described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as "a canarese caste of silk weavers. they are hindus, and worship both siva and vishnu, but their special deity is durga paramesvari at barkur. they wear the sacred thread, and employ brahmans for ceremonial purposes. they are governed by a body called the ten men, and pay allegiance to the guru of the ramachandra math (religious institution). they are divided into balis (septs) and a man may not marry within his own bali. polygamy is allowed only when a wife is barren, or suffers from some incurable disease, such as leprosy. the girls are married in infancy, and the binding portion of the ceremony is called dhare (see bant). widow marriage is not permitted, and divorce is only allowed in the case of an adulterous wife. they follow the ordinary hindu law of inheritance. the dead are cremated. the sradha (memorial) ceremony is in use, and the mahalaya ceremony for the propitiation of ancestors in general is performed annually. female ancestors are also worshipped every year at a ceremony called vaddap, when meals are given to married women. they eat fish but not meat, and the use of alcohol is not permitted." in the mysore census report, , the patvegars are described as "silk weavers who speak a corrupt marathi conglomerate of guzarati and hindi. they worship all the hindu deities, especially the female energy under the name of sakti, to which a goat is sacrificed on the night of the dasara festival, a musalman slaughtering the animal. after the sacrifice, the family of the patvegar partake of the flesh. many of their females are naturally fair and handsome, but lose their beauty from early marriage and precocity." a few pattegaras, who speak a corrupt form of marathi, are to be found in the anantapur district. pavalamkatti (wearers of corals).--a sub-division of konga vellala. pavini.--see vayani. payyampati.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. pedakanti.--pedakanti or pedaganti is the name of a sub-division of kapu. it is said by some to be derived from a place called pedagallu. by others it is derived from peda, turned aside, and kamma, eye, indicating one who turns his eyes away from a person who speaks to him. yet another suggestion is that it means stiff-necked. pedda (big).--a sub-division of boya, bagata, konda dora, pattapu, and velama. peddammavandlu.--a fancy name taken by some telugu beggars. pedditi.--a sub-division of golla, some members of which earn a livelihood by begging and flattery. pegula (intestines).--an exogamous sept of boya. pekkan.--a division of toda. pendukal (women).--a name applied to deva-dasis in travancore. pengu.--a sub-division of poroja. pennegara.--konkani-speaking rice-beaters in south canara. pentiya.--the pentiyas also call themselves holuva and halaba or halba. in the madras census report, , they are called pantia as well as pentiya, and described as oriya betel-leaf (panno) sellers. their occupation, in the jeypore agency tracts, is that of cultivators. according to mr. c. hayavadana rao, to whom i am indebted for the following note, numbers of them migrated thither from bustar, and settled at pentikonna, and are hence called pentikonaya or pentiya. their language is halba, which is easily understood by those who speak oriya. they are divided into two endogamous sections, called bodo (big or genuine), and sanno (little), of whom the latter are said to be illegitimate descendants of the former. the bodos are further sub-divided into a series of septs, e.g., kurum (tortoise), bhag (tiger), nag (cobra), and surya (sun). the caste is highly organized, and the head of a local centre is called bhatha nayako. he is assisted by a pradhani, an umriya nayako, and dolayi. the caste messenger is called cholano, and he carries a silver baton when he summons the castemen to a meeting. an elaborate ceremony is performed when a person, who has been tried by the caste council, is to be received back into the caste. he is accompanied to the bank of a stream, where his tongue is burnt with a gold or silver wire or ornament by the bhatha nayako, and some offerings from the jagannatha temple at puri are given to him. he is then taken home, and provides a feast, at which the nayako has the privilege of eating first. he has further to make a present of cloths to the assembled elders, and the four heads of the caste receive a larger quantity than the others. the feast over, he is again taken, carrying some cooked rice, to the stream, and with it pushed therein. this ceremonial bath frees him from pollution. girls are married either before or after puberty. a man can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. the bridegroom's party proceed, with the bridegroom, to the bride's village, and take up their abode in a separate house. they then take three cloths for the bride's mother, three rupees for her father, and a cloth and two annas for each of her brothers, and present them together with rice, liquor, and other articles. pandals (booths) are erected in front of the quarters of the bridal couple, that of the bridegroom being made of nine, and that of the bride of five sal (shorea robusta) poles, to which a pot containing myrabolams (terminalia fruits) and rice is tied. the couple bathe, and the bridegroom proceeds to the house of the bride. the desari, who officiates, dons the sacred thread, and divides the pandal into two by means of a screen or curtain. the couple go seven times round the pandal, and the screen is removed. they then enter the pandal, and the desari links their little fingers together. the day's ceremony concludes with a feast. on the following day, the bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and they sprinkle each other with turmeric water. they then bathe in a stream or river. another feast is held, with much drinking, and is followed by a wild dance. the remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. the dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed for ten days, during which the relatives of the deceased are fed by members of another sept. on the tenth day a caste feast takes place. the pentiyas are said [ ] to distribute rice, and other things, to brahmans, once a year on the new-moon day in the month of bhadrapadam (september-october), and to worship a female deity named kamilli on saturdays. no one, i am informed, other, i presume, than a pentiya, would take anything from a house where she is worshipped, lest the goddess should accompany him, and require him to become her devotee. the caste title is nayako. peraka (tile).--an exogamous sept of devanga. perike.--this word is defined, in the madras census report, , as meaning literally a gunny bag, and the perikes are summed up as being a telugu caste of gunny bag (goni) weavers, corresponding to the janappans of the tamil districts. gunny bag is the popular and trading name of the coarse sacking and sacks made from the fibre of jute, much used in indian trade. it is noted, in the census report, , that "the perikes claim to be a separate caste, but they seem to be in reality a sub-division, and not a very exalted sub-division, of balijas, being in fact identical with the uppu (salt) balijas. their hereditary occupation is carrying salt, grain, etc., on bullocks and donkeys in perikes or packs. perike is found among the sub-divisions of both kavarai and balija. some of them, however, have attained considerable wealth, and now claim to be kshatriyas, saying that they are the descendants of the kshatriyas who ran away (piriki, a coward) from the persecution of parasurama. others again say they are kshatriyas who went into retirement, and made hills (giri) their abode (puri)." these perike 'kshatriyas' are known as puragiri kshatriya and giri razu. the periki balijas are described, in the vizagapatam manual, as chiefly carrying on cultivation and trade, and some of them are said to hold a high position at 'the presidency' (madras) and in the vizagapatam district. perike women appear to have frequently committed sati (or suttee) on the death of their husbands in former days, and the names of those who thus sacrificed their lives are still held in reverence. a peculiar custom among the perikes is the erection of big square structures (brindavanam), in which a tulsi (ocimum sanctum) is planted, on the spot where the ashes of the dead are buried after cremation. i am informed that a fine series of these structures may be seen at chipurapalli, close to vizianagram. as a mark of respect to the dead, passers-by usually place a lac bangle or flowers thereon. the usual titles of the perikes are anna and ayya, but some style themselves rao (= raya, king) or rayadu, in reference to their alleged kshatriya origin. for the following note on the perikes of the godavari district, i am indebted to mr. f. r. hemingway. "like some of the kammas, they claim to be of kshatriya stock, and say they are of the lineage of parasu rama, but were driven out by him for kidnapping his sister, while pretending to be gunny-bag weavers. they say that they were brought to this country by king nala of the mahabharata, in gratitude for their having taken care of his wife damayanti when he quitted her during his misfortunes. they support the begging caste of varugu bhattas, who, they say, supported them during their exile, and to whom they gave a sanad (deed of grant) authorising them to demand alms. these people go round the perike houses for their dues every year. the pisu perikes, who still weave gunny-bags, are said not to belong to the caste proper, members of which style themselves racha perikes. "the perikes say that, like the komatis, they have gotras. their marriage ceremonies are peculiar. on the day of the wedding, the bride and bridegroom are made to fast, as also are three male relatives, whom they call suribhaktas. at the marriage, the couple sit on a gunny-bag, and another gunny, on which a representation of the god mailar is drawn or painted, is spread between them. the same god is drawn on two pots, and these, and also a third pot, are filled with rice and dhal (cajanus indicus), which are cooked by two married women. the food is then offered to mailar. next, the three suribhaktas take cotton threads, fasten them together, and tie seven knots in them. the bride and bridegroom are given cloths which have been partly immersed in water coloured with turmeric and chunam (lime), and the suribhaktas are fed with the rice and dhal cooked in the pots. the couple are then taken round the village in procession, and, on their return, the knotted cotton threads are tied round the bride's neck instead of a tali. some perikes style themselves sathu vandlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers. perike muggula is the name of a class of telugu mendicants and exorcists. periya (big).--periya or periyanan has been recorded as a sub-division of karalan, kunnuvan, occhan, and pattanavan. the equivalent peru or perum occurs as a sub-division of the malayalam kollans and vannans and perim of kanikars. periya illom is the name of an exogamous illom of kanikars in travancore. perugadannaya (bandicoot rat sept).--an exogamous sept of bant. perum tali (big tali).--a sub-division of idaiyan, and of kaikolans, whose women wear a big tali (marriage badge). perumal.--perumal is a synonym of vishnu, and the name is taken by some pallis who are staunch vaishnavites. a class of mendicants, who travel about exhibiting performing bulls in the southern part of the madras presidency, is known as perumal madukkaran or perumal erudukkaran. perumalathillom, meaning apparently big mountain house, is an exogamous sept or illom of the kanikars of travancore. pesala (seeds of phaseolus mungo: green gram).--an exogamous sept of jogi. peta (street).--a sub-division of balija. pettigeyavaru (box).--a sub-division of gangadikara vakkaliga. pichiga (sparrow).--an exogamous sept of boya and devanga. the equivalent pital occurs as a sept of mala. pichigunta.--the name pichigunta means literally an assembly of beggars, who are described [ ] as being, in the telugu country, a class of mendicants, who are herbalists, and physic people for fever, stomach-ache, and other ailments. they beat the village drums, relate stories and legends, and supply the place of a herald's office, as they have a reputation for being learned in family histories, and manufacture pedigrees and gotras (house names) for kapus, kammas, gollas, and others. the picchai or pinchikuntar are described in the salem manual as "servants to the kudianavars or cultivators--a name commonly assumed by vellalas and pallis. the story goes that a certain vellala had a hundred and two children, of whom only one was a female. of the males, one was lame, and his hundred brothers made a rule that one would provide him with one kolagam of grain and one fanam (a coin) each year. they got him married to a telugu woman of a different caste, and the musicians who attended the ceremony were paid nothing, the brothers alleging that, as the bridegroom was a cripple, the musicians should officiate from charitable motives. the descendants of this married pair, having no caste of their own, became known as picchi or pinchikuntars (beggars, or lame). they are treated as kudipinnai (inferior) by vellalas, and to the present day receive their prescribed miras (fee) from the vellala descendants of the hundred brothers, to whom, on marriage and other festivals, they do service by relating the genealogies of such vellalas as they are acquainted with. some serve the vellalas in the fields, and others live by begging." [ ] the caste beggars of the tottiyans are known as pichiga-vadu. pidakala (cow-dung cakes or bratties).--an exogamous sept of devanga. dried cow-dung cakes are largely used by natives as fuel, and may be seen stuck on to the walls of houses. pidaran.--a section of ambalavasis, who, according to mr. logan [ ] "drink liquor, exorcise devils, and are worshippers of bhadrakali or of sakti. the name is also applied to snake-catchers, and it was probably conferred on the caste owing to the snake being an emblem of the human passion embodied in the deities they worship." pilapalli.--the pilapallis are a small caste or community in travancore, concerning which mr. s. subramanya aiyar writes as follows. [ ] "the following sketch will show what trifling circumstances are sufficient in this land of parasurama to call a new caste into existence. the word pilapally is supposed to be a corruption of belal thalli, meaning forcibly ejected. it therefore contains, as though in a nutshell, the history of the origin of this little community, which it is used to designate. in the palmy days of the chempakasseri rajas, about the year m.e., there lived at the court of the then ruling prince at ambalappuzha a namburi brahman who stood high in the prince's favour, and who therefore became an eye-sore to all his fellow courtiers. the envy and hatred of the latter grew to such a degree that one day they put their heads together to devise a plan which should at once strip him of all influence at court, and humble him in the eyes of the public. the device hit upon was a strange one, and characteristic of that dim and distant past. the namburi was the custodian of all presents made to the prince, and as such it was a part of his daily work to arrange the articles presented in their proper places. it was arranged that one day a dead fish, beautifully tied up and covered, should be placed among the presents laid before the prince. the victim of the plot, little suspecting there was treachery in the air, removed all the presents as usual with his own hand. his enemies at court, who were but waiting for an opportunity of humbling him to the dust, thereupon caused the bundle to be examined before the prince, when it became evident that it contained a dead fish. now, for a namburi to handle a dead fish was, according to custom, sufficient to make him lose caste. on the strength of this argument, the prince, who was himself a brahmin, was easily prevailed upon to put the namburi out of the pale of caste, and the court favourite was immediately excommunicated. there is another and a slightly different version of the story, according to which the namburi in question was the hereditary priest of the royal house, to whom fell the duty of removing and preserving the gifts. in course of time he grew so arrogant that the prince himself wanted to get rid of him, but, the office of the priest being hereditary, he did not find an easy way of accomplishing his cherished object, and, after long deliberation with those at court in whom he could confide, came at last to the solution narrated above. it is this forcible ejection that the expression belal thalli (afterwards changed into pilapally) is said to import.... it appears that the unfortunate namburi had two wives, both of whom elected to share his fate. accordingly, the family repaired to paravur, a village near kallarkode, where their royal patron made them a gift of land. although they quitted ambalapuzha for good, they seem to have long owned there a madathummuri (a room in a series, in which brahmins from abroad once lived and traded), and are said to be still entitled daily to a measure of palpayasom from the temple, a sweet pudding of milk, rice and sugar, celebrated all over malabar for its excellence. the progeny of the family now count in all about ninety members, who live in eight or nine different houses." pillai.--pillai, meaning child, is in the tamil country primarily the title of vellalas, but has, at recent times of census, been returned as the title of a number of classes, which include agamudaiyan, ambalakaran, golla, idaiyan, nayar, nokkan, panisavan, panikkan, paraiyan, saiyakkaran, sembadavan and senaikkudaiyans. pilla is further used as the title of the male offspring of deva-dasis. many paraiyan butlers of europeans have assumed the title pillai as an honorific suffix to their name. so, too, have some criminal koravas, who pose as vellalas. pillaikuttam.--recorded, in the manual of the north arcot district, as a bastard branch of vaniyan. pillaiyarpatti (ganesa village).--an exogamous section or kovil of nattukottai chetti. pilli (cat).--an exogamous sept of chembadi, mala, and medara. pindari.--in the madras census report, , fifty-nine pindaris are returned as a bombay caste of personal servants. they are more numerous in the mysore province, where more than two thousand were returned in the same year as being engaged in agriculture and government service. the pindaris were formerly celebrated as a notorious class of freebooters, who, in the seventeenth century, attached themselves to the marathas in their revolt against aurangzib, and for a long time afterwards, committed raids in all directions, extending their operations to southern india. it is on record that "in a raid made upon the coast extending from masulipatam northward, the pindaris in ten days plundered villages, burning many, killing and wounding persons, torturing , , and carrying off or destroying property to the amount of £ , ." [ ] they were finally suppressed, in central india, during the viceroyalty of the marquis of hastings, in . pindi (flour).--an exogamous sept of mala. pinjari (cotton-cleaner).--a synonym for dudekula. pinjala (cotton) occurs as an exogamous sept of devanga. pippala (pepper: piper longum).--an exogamous sept or gotra of gamalla and komati. pisharati.--the pisharatis or pisharodis are summed up in the madras census report, , as being a sub-caste of ambalavasis, which makes flower garlands, and does menial service in the temples. as regards their origin, the legend runs to the effect that a swamiyar, or brahman ascetic, once had a disciple of the same caste, who wished to become a sanyasi or anchorite. all the ceremonies prior to shaving the head of the novice were completed, when, alarmed at the prospect of a cheerless life and the severe austerities incidental thereto, he made himself scarce. pishara denotes a sanyasi's pupil, and as he, after running away, was called pisharodi, the children born to him of a parasava woman by a subsequent marriage were called pisharatis. in his 'early sovereigns of travancore,' mr. sundaram pillay says that the pisharati's "puzzling position among the malabar castes, half monk and half layman, is far from being accounted for by the silly and fanciful modern derivation of pisharakal plus odi, pisharakal being more mysterious than pisharati itself." it is suggested by him that pisharati is a corruption of bhattaraka-tiruvadi. according to the jati-nirnaya, the bhattarakas are a community degraded from the brahmans during the treta yuga. as far as we are able to gather from mediæval travancore inscriptions, an officer known as pidara-tiruvadi was attached to every temple. it is known that he used to receive large perquisites for temple service, and that extensive rice-lands were given to the bhattakara of nelliyur. it is noted, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "the traditional etymology of the name pisharodi refers it to a sanyasi novice, who, deterred by the prospects of the hardship of life on which he was about to enter, ran away (odi) at the last moment, after he had been divested of the punul (thread), but before he had performed the final ceremony of plunging thrice in a tank (pond), and of plucking out, one at each plunge, the last three hairs of his kudumi (the rest of which had been shaved off). but the termination 'odi' is found in other caste titles such as adiyodi and vallodi, and the definition is obviously fanciful, while it does not explain the meaning of pishar." the houses of pisharatis are called pisharam. their primary occupation is to prepare garlands of flowers for vaishnava temples, but they frequently undertake the talikazhakam or sweeping service in temples. being learned men, and good sanskrit scholars, they are employed as sanskrit and malayalam tutors in the families of those of high rank, and, in consequence, make free use of the title asan. they are strict vaishnavites, and the ashtakshara, or eight letters relating to vishnu, as opposed to the panchakshara or five letters relating to siva, forms their daily hymn of prayer. they act as their own caste priests, but for the punyaha or purificatory ceremony and the initiation into the ashtakshara, which are necessary on special occasions, the services of brahmans are engaged. the pisharatis celebrate the tali-kettu ceremony before the girl reaches puberty. the most important item therein is the joining of the hands of the bride and bridegroom. the planting of a jasmine shoot is observed as an indispensable preliminary rite. the events between this and the joining of hands are the same as with other ambalavasis. the bride and bridegroom bathe, and wear clothes touched by each other. the girl's mother then gives her a wedding garland and a mirror, with which she sits, her face covered with a cloth. the cherutali, or marriage ornament, is tied by the bridegroom round the girl's neck. if this husband dies, the tali has to be removed, and the widow observes pollution. her sons have to make oblations of cooked rice, and, for all social and religious purposes, the woman is regarded as a widow, though she is not debarred from contracting a sambandham (alliance) with a man of her own caste, or a brahman. if the wife dies, the husband has, in like manner, to observe pollution, and make oblations of cooked rice. there are cases in which the tali-kettu is performed by a pisharati, and sambandham contracted with a brahman. if the tali-tier becomes the husband, no separate cloth-giving ceremony need be gone through by him after the girl has reached puberty. inheritance is in the female line, so much so that a wife and children are not entitled to compensation for the performance of a man's funeral rites. no particular month is fixed for the name-giving rite, as it suffices if this is performed before the annaprasana ceremony. the maternal uncle first names the child. when it is four or six months old, it is taken out to see the sun. on the occasion of the annaprasana, which usually takes place in the sixth month, the maternal uncle gives the first mouthful of cooked rice to the child by means of a golden ring. the yatrakali serves as the night's entertainment for the assembled guests. nambutiris are invited to perform the purificatory ceremony known as punyaha, but the consecrated water is only sprinkled over the roof of the house. the inmates thereof protrude their heads beneath the eaves so as to get purified, as the brahmans do not pour the water over them. the chaula or tonsure takes place at the third year of a child's life. the maternal uncle first touches the boy's head with a razor, and afterwards the maran and barber do the same. the initiation into the ashtakshara takes place at the age of sixteen. on an auspicious day, a brahman brings a pot of water, consecrated in a temple, to the pisharam, and pours its contents on the head of the lad who is to be initiated. the ceremony is called kalasam-ozhuk-kua, or letting a pot of water flow. after the teaching of the ashtakshara, the youth, dressed in religious garb, makes a ceremonial pretence of proceeding on a pilgrimage to benares, as a brahman does at the termination of the brahmacharya stage of life. it is only after this that a pisharati is allowed to chew betel leaf, and perform other acts, which constitute the privileges of a grihastha. the funeral rites of the pisharatis are very peculiar. the corpse is seated on the ground, and a nephew recites the ashtakshara, and prostrates himself before it. the body is bathed, and dressed. a grave, nine feet deep and three feet square, is dug in a corner of the grounds, and salt and ashes, representing all the panchabhutas, are spread. the corpse is placed in the grave in a sitting posture. as in the case of a sanyasi, who is a jivanmukta, or one liberated from the bondage of the flesh though alive in body, so a dead pisharati is believed to have no suitable body requiring to be entertained with any post-mortem offerings. a few memorial rites are, however, performed. on the eleventh day, a ceremony corresponding to the ekoddishta sradh of the brahman is carried out. a knotted piece of kusa grass, representing the soul of the deceased, is taken to a neighbouring temple, where a lighted lamp, symbolical of maha vishnu is worshipped, and prayers are offered. this ceremony is repeated at the end of the first year. [ ] some pisharatis are large land-owners of considerable wealth and influence. [ ] pisu perike.--perikes who weave gunny-bags. pitakalu (dais, on which a priest sits).--an exogamous sept of odde. pittalavadu.--a telugu name for kuruvikkarans. podapotula.--a class of mendicants, who beg from gollas. podara vannan.--the podara, podarayan or pothora vannans are washermen of inferior social status, who wash clothes for pallans, paraiyans, and other low classes. podhano.--recorded, at times of census, as a title of bolasi, gaudo, kalingi, kudumo, and samantiya. the samantiyas also frequently give it as the name of their caste. poduval.--defined by mr. wigram [ ] as one of the ambalavasi castes, the members of which are as a rule employed as temple watchmen. writing concerning the mussads or muttatus, mr. n. subramani aiyar states that they are known as muttatus or mussatus in travancore and cochin, and potuvals (or poduvals) or akapotuvals in north malabar. potuval means a common person, i.e., the representative of a committee, and a muttatu's right to this name accrues from the fact that, in the absence of the nambutiri managers of a temple, he becomes their agent, and is invested with authority to exercise all their functions. the work of an akapotuval always lies within the inner wall of the shrine, while that of the purappotuval, or potuval proper, lies outside. from travancore, poduvan or potuvan is recorded as a synonym or sub-division of marans, who are employed at funerals by various castes. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "pura pothuvals are of two classes, chenda pothuvals or drum pothuvals, and mala pothuvals or garland pothuvals, the names of course referring to the nature of the service which they have to render in the temple. the chenda pothuvals would appear to be closely connected with the marars or marayars, who are also drummers. mala pothuvals follow marumakkattayam (inheritance in the female line), their women having sambandham (alliance) with men of their own caste or with brahmans, while the men can have sambandham in their own caste, or with nayar women of any of the sub-divisions below kiriyattil. their women are called pothuvarassiar or pothuvattimar." it is further recorded [ ] that, in some cases, for instance among mala pothuvals and marars in south malabar, a fictitious consummation is an incident of the tali-kettu ; the girl and manavalan (bridegroom) being made to lie on a bed together, and left there alone for a few moments. amongst the mala pothuvals this is done twice, once on the first and once on the last day, and they apparently also spend the three nights of the ceremony in the same bed-chamber, but not alone, an enangatti sleeping there as chaperone. in these two castes, as in most if not all others, the ceremony also entails the pollution of the girl and her bridegroom. amongst the marars, they are purified by a nambudiri after they leave their quasi-nuptial couch. amongst the mala pothuvals, they are not allowed to bathe or to touch others during the wedding till the fourth day, when they are given mattu (change of cloths) by the veluttedan." podala occurs as a canarese form of poduval. pogandan.--a synonym of pondan. pokanati.--pokanati or pakanati is a sub-division of kapu. poladava.--a synonym of gatti. poligar (feudal chief).--a synonym of palayakkaran. according to yule and burnell, [ ] the poligars "were properly subordinate feudal chiefs, occupying tracts more or less wild, and generally of predatory habits in former days. they are now much the same as zemindars (land-owners) in the highest use of that term. the southern poligars gave much trouble about a hundred years ago, and the 'poligar wars' were somewhat serious affairs. in various assaults on panjalamkurichi, one of their forts in tinnevelly, between and , there fell fifteen british officers." the name poligar was further used for the predatory classes, which served under the chiefs. thus, in munro's 'narrative of military operations' ( - ), it is stated that "the matchlock men are generally accompanied by poligars, a set of fellows that are almost savages, and make use of no other weapon than a pointed bamboo spear, or feet long." the name poligar is given to a south indian breed of greyhound-like dogs in the tinnevelly district. pombada.--a small class of canarese devil-dancers, who are said, [ ] in south canara, to resemble the nalkes, but hold a somewhat higher position, and in devil-dances to represent a better class of demons. unlike the nalkes and paravas, they follow the aliya santana system of inheritance. they speak tulu, and, in their customs, follow those of the billavas. there are two sections among the pombadas, viz., bailu, who are mainly cultivators, and padarti, who are chiefly engaged in devil-dancing. the pombadas are not, like the nalkes and paravas, a polluting class, and are socially a little inferior to the billavas. they do not wear the disguises of the bhuthas (devils) nicha, varte, and kamberlu, who are considered low, but wear those of jumadi, panjurli, jarandaya, mahisandeya, and kodamanithaya. ullaya or dharmadevata is regarded as a superior bhutha, and the special bhutha of the pombadas, who do not allow nalkes or paravas to assume his disguise. during the jumadi kola (festival), the pombada who represents the bhutha jumadi is seated on a cart, and dragged in procession through the streets. (see nalke.) pon chetti (gold merchant).--a synonym of malayalam kammalan goldsmiths. pon (gold) illam.--a section of mukkuvans. pondan.--"there are," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "only twenty-eight persons of this caste in malabar, and they are all in calicut. these are the palanquin-bearers of the zamorin. they are in dress, manners, customs, and language entirely tamilians, and, while the zamorin is polluted by the touch of any ordinary tamilian, these pondans enjoy the privilege of bearing him in a palanquin to and from the temple every day. now there is a sub-division of the tamil idaiyans by name pogondan, and i understand that these pogondans are the palanquin-bearers of the idaiyan caste. it seems probable that the founder, or some early member of the zamorin, obtained palanquin-bearers of his own (cowherd) caste and granted them privileges which no other tamilians now enjoy." pondra.--pondra, or ponara, is a sub-division of mali. ponganadu.--ponganadu and ponguvan have been recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of kapu. a corrupt form of pakanati. ponnambalaththar.--a class of mendicants, who have attached themselves to the kaikolans. ponnara.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. poruvannurkaran.--a class of carpenters in malabar. poroja.--the porojas or parjas are hill cultivators found in the agency tracts of ganjam and vizagapatam. concerning them, it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "there are held to be seven classes of these parjas, which differ from each other in points of language, customs, and traditions. the term parja is, as mr. carmichael has pointed out, merely a corruption of a sanskrit term signifying a subject, and it is understood as such by the people themselves, who use it in contradistinction to a free hill-man. 'formerly,' says a tradition that runs through the whole tribe, 'rajas and parjas were brothers, but the rajas took to riding horses (or, as the barenja parjas put it, sitting still) and we became carriers of burdens and parjas.' it is quite certain, in fact, that the term parja is not a tribal denomination, but a class denomination, and it may be fitly rendered by the familiar epithet of ryot (cultivator). i have laid stress on this, because all native officials, and every one that has written about the country (with the above exception), always talk of the term parja as if it signified a caste. there is no doubt, however, that by far the greater number of these parjas are akin to the khonds of the ganjam maliahs. they are thrifty, hard-working cultivators, undisturbed by the intestine broils which their cousins in the north engage in, and they bear in their breasts an inalienable reverence for their soil, the value of which they are rapidly becoming acquainted with. the parja bhumi (land) is contained almost entirely in the upper level. parts to the south held under pachipenta and madugulu (madgole) are not parja bhumi, nor, indeed, are some villages to the north in the possession of the khonds. their ancient rights to these lands are acknowledged by colonists from among the aryans, and, when a dispute arises concerning the boundaries of a field possessed by recent arrivals, a parja is usually called in to point out the ancient land-marks." the name poroja seems to be derived from the oriya, po, son, and raja, i.e., sons of rajas. there is a tradition that, at the time when the rajas of jeypore rose into prominence at nandapur, the country was occupied by a number of tribes, who, in return for the protection promised to them, surrendered their rights to the soil, which they had hitherto occupied absolutely. i am informed that the porojas, when asked what their caste is, use ryot and poroja as synonymous, saying we are porojas; we are ryot people. the parji language is stated by mr. g. a. grierson [ ] to have "hitherto been considered as identical with bhatri. bhatri has now become a form of oriya. parji, on the other hand, is still a dialect of gondi." the bhatras are a tribe inhabiting the state of bastar in the central provinces. the porojas are not a compact caste, but rather a conglomerate, made up of several endogamous sections, and speaking a language, which varies according to locality. these sections, according to mr. c. hayavadana rao, to whom i am indebted for much of the present note, are-- ( ) barang jhodia, who eat beef and speak oriya. ( ) pengu poroja, subdivided into those who eat the flesh of the buffalo, and those who do not. they speak a language, which is said to bear a close resemblance to kondhs. ( ) khondi or kondi poroja, who are a section of the kondhs, eat beef and the flesh of buffaloes, and speak kodu or kondh. ( ) parengi poroja, who are a section of the gadabas. they are subdivided into those who eat and do not eat the flesh of buffaloes, and speak a gadaba dialect. ( ) bonda, bunda, or nanga poroja, who are likewise a section of the gadabas, call themselves bonda gadaba, and speak a dialect of gadaba. ( ) tagara poroja, who are a section of the koyas or koyis, and speak koya, or, in some places, telugu. ( ) dur poroja, also, it is said, known as didayi poroja, who speak oriya. among the barang jhodias, the gidda (vulture), bagh (tiger), and nag (cobra) are regarded as totems. among the pengu, kondhi and dur divisions, the two last are apparently regarded as such, and, in addition to them, the bonda porojas have mandi (cow). in the barang jhodia, pengu, and kondhi divisions, it is customary for a man to marry his paternal aunt's daughter, but he cannot claim her as a matter of right, for the principle of free love is recognised among them. the dhangada and dhangadi basa system, according to which bachelors and unmarried girls sleep in separate quarters in a village, is in force among the porojas. when a marriage is contemplated among the barang jhodias, the parents of the young man carry two pots of liquor and some rice to the parents of the girl, who accept the present, if they are favourable to the match. if it is accepted, the future bridegroom's party renew the proposal a year later by bringing five kunchams of rice, a new female cloth, seven uddas of liquor, and a sum of money ranging from fifteen to fifty rupees. on the following evening, the bride, accompanied by her relations, goes to the village of the bridegroom. outside his house two poles have been set up, and joined together at the top by a string, from which a gourd (cucurbita maxima) is suspended. as soon as the contracting couple come before the house, a tall man cuts the gourd with his tangi (axe) and it falls to the ground. the pair then enter the house, and the bride is presented with a new cloth by the parents of the bridegroom. opposite the bridegroom's house is a square fence, forming an enclosure, from which the bride's party watch the proceedings. they are joined by the bride and bridegroom, and the parents of the latter distribute ragi (eleusine corocana) liquor and ippa (bassia) liquor. a dance, in which both males and females take part, is kept up till the small hours, and, on the following day, a feast is held. about midday, the bride is formally handed over to the bridegroom, in the presence of the janni and mudili (caste elders). she remains a week at her new home, and then, even though she has reached puberty, returns to her father's house, where she remains for a year, before finally joining her husband. in another form of marriage among the barang jhodias, the bride is brought to the house of the bridegroom, in front of which a pandal (booth), made of six poles, is set up. the central pole is cut from the neredi chettu (eugenia jambolana). at the auspicious moment, which is fixed by the disari, the maternal uncle of the bridegroom sits with the bridegroom on his lap, and the bride at his feet. castor-oil is then applied by the bridegroom's father, first to the bridegroom, and then to the bride. a feast follows, at which fowls and liquor are consumed. on the following day, the newly-married couple bathe, and the ceremonies are at an end. i am informed by mr. h. c. daniel that there is a custom among the porojas, and other classes in vizagapatam (e.g., gadabas, ghasis, and malis), according to which a man gives his services as a goti for a specified time to another, in return for a small original loan. his master has to keep him supplied with food, and to pay him about two rupees at the dussera festival, as well as making him a present of a cloth and a pair of sandals. the servant must do whatever he is told, and is practically a slave until the specified time is over. a man may give his son as a goti, instead of himself. it is also fairly common to find a man serving his prospective father-in-law for a specified time, in order to secure his daughter. men from the plains, usually of the komati caste, who have come to the hills for the purpose of trade, go by the local name of sundi. they are the chief upholders of the goti system, by which they get labour cheap. mr. daniel has never heard of a goti refusing to do his work, the contract being by both sides considered quite inviolable. but a case was recently tried in a munsiff's court, in which a goti absconded from his original master, and took service with another, thereby securing a fresh loan. the original master sued him for the balance of labour due. the language of the bonda porojas, as already indicated, connects them closely with the gadabas, but any such connection is stoutly denied by them. the names bonda and nanga mean naked, and bear reference to the fact that the only clothing of the women is a strip of cloth made from setukudi or ankudi chettu, or kareng fibre. in a note on the bhondas of jaipur, mr. j. a. may informs us [ ] that the female attire "consists of just a piece of cloth, either made of kerong bark and manufactured by themselves, or purchased from the weavers, about a foot square, and only sufficient to cover a part of one hip. it is attached to their waists by a string, on which it runs, and can be shifted round to any side. a most ludicrous sight has often been presented to me by a stampede among a number of these women, when i have happened to enter a village unexpectedly. on my approach, one and all hurried to their respective dwellings, and, as they ran in all directions, endeavoured to shift this rag round to the part most likely to be exposed to me." the bonda women have glass bead and brass ornaments hung round their necks, and covering their bosoms. the legend, which accounts for the scanty clothing of the bondas, runs to the effect that, when sita, the wife of rama, was bathing in a river, she was seen by women of this tribe, who laughed at and mocked her. thereon, she cursed them, and ordained that, in future, all the women should shave their heads, and wear no clothing except a small covering for decency's sake. there is a further tradition that, if the bonda women were to abandon their primitive costume, the whole tribe would be destroyed by tigers. the shaving of the women's heads is carried out, with a knife lent by the village komaro (blacksmith), by a member of the tribe. round the head, the women wear a piece of bamboo tied behind with strings. in one form of marriage, as carried out by the bondas, a young man, with some of his friends, goes to the sleeping apartment of the maidens, where each of them selects a maid for himself. the young men and maidens then indulge in a singing contest, in which impromptu allusions to physical attributes, and bantering and repartee take place. if a girl decides to accept a young man as her suitor, he takes a burning stick from the night fire, and touches her breast with it. he then withdraws, and sends one of his friends to the girl with a brass bangle, which, after some questioning as to who sent it, she accepts. some months later, the man's parents go to the girl's home, and ask for her hand on behalf of their son. a feast follows, and the girl, with a couple of girls of about her own age, goes with the man's parents to their home. they send five kunchams of rice to the parents of the girl, and present the two girls with a similar quantity. the three girls then return to their homes. again several months elapse, and then the man's parents go to fetch the bride, and a feast and dance take place. the pair are then man and wife. in another account of the marriage customs of the nanga porojas, it is stated that pits are dug in the ground, in which, during the cold season, the children are put at night, to keep them warm. the pit is about nine feet in diameter. in the spring, all the marriageable girls of a settlement are put into one pit, and a young man, who has really selected his bride with the consent of his parents, comes and proposes to her. if she refuses him, he tries one after another till he is accepted. on one occasion, a leopard jumped into the pit, and killed some of the maidens. in a note on bhonda marriage, mr. may writes [ ] that "a number of youths, candidates for matrimony, start off to a village, where they hope to find a corresponding number of young women, and make known their wishes to the elders, who receive them with all due ceremony. the juice of the salop (sago palm) in a fermented state is in great requisition, as nothing can be done without the exhilarating effects of their favourite beverage. they then proceed to excavate an underground chamber (if one is not already prepared), having an aperture at the top, admitting of the entrance of one at a time. into this the young gentlemen, with a corresponding number of young girls, are introduced, when they grope about and make their selection, after which they ascend out of it, each holding the young lady of his choice by the forefinger of one of her hands. bracelets (the equivalent of the wedding ring) are now put on her arms by the elders, and two of the young men stand as sponsors for each bridegroom. the couples are then led to their respective parents, who approve and give their consent. after another application of salop and sundry greetings, the bridegroom is permitted to take his bride home, where she lives with him for a week, and then, returning to her parents, is not allowed to see her husband for a period of one year, at the expiration of which she is finally made over to him." in a still further account of marriage among the bondas, i am informed that a young man and a maid retire to the jungle, and light a fire. then the maid, taking a burning stick, applies it to the man's gluteal region. if he cries out am! am! am! he is unworthy of her, and she remains a maid. if he does not, the marriage is at once consummated. the application of the brand is probably light or severe according to the girl's feelings towards the young man. according to another version, the girl goes off to the jungle with several men, and the scene has been described as being like a figure in the cotillion, as they come up to be switched with the brand. widow remarriage is permitted among all the divisions of the porojas, and a younger brother usually marries his elder brother's widow. the jhodia, pengu, and kondhi divisions worship bhumi devata (the earth goddess), who is also known as jakar devata, once in three years. each village offers a cow, goat, pig, and pigeon to her as a sacrifice. she is represented by a stone under a tree outside the village. a casteman acts as pujari (priest), and all the villagers, including the janni and mudili, are present at the festival, which winds up with a feast and drink. the bondas worship takurani in the months of chaitra and magho, and the festival includes the sacrifice of animals. "their religious ceremonies," mr. may writes, "consist in offerings to some nameless deity, or to the memory of deceased relations. at each of the principal villages, the bhondas congregate once a year in some spot conveniently situated for their orgies, when a chicken, a few eggs, and a pig or goat are offered, after which they retire to their houses, and next day assemble again, when the salop juice is freely imbibed till the intoxicating effects have thoroughly roused their pugnacity. the process of cudgelling one another with the branches of the salop now begins, and they apply them indiscriminately without the smallest regard for each other's feelings. this, with the attendant drums and shrieks, would give one the impression of a host of maniacs suddenly set at liberty. this amusement is continued till bruises, contusions, and bleeding heads and backs have reduced them to a comparatively sober state, and, i imagine, old scores are paid off, when they return to their several houses." the dead are, as a rule, burnt. by some of the jhodia porojas, the ashes are subsequently buried in a pit a few feet deep, near the burning-ground, and the grave is marked by a heap of stones. a pole is set up in this heap, and water poured on it for twelve days. on the fourth day, cooked rice and fish are set on the way leading to the spot where the corpse was burned. the celebrants of the death rite then take mango bark, paint it with cow-dung, and sprinkle themselves with it. the ceremony concludes with a bath, feast, and drink. among the bonda porojas, some of the jewelry of the deceased person is burnt with the corpse, and the remainder given to the daughter or daughter-in-law. they observe pollution for three days, during which they do not enter their fields. on the fourth day, they anoint themselves with castor-oil and turmeric, and bathe. mr. g. f. paddison informs me that he once gave medicine to the porojas during an epidemic of cholera in a village. they all took it eagerly, but, as he was going away, asked whether it would not be quicker cure to put the witch in the next village, who had brought on the cholera, into jail. a bonda poroja dance is said to be very humourous. the young men tie a string of bells round their legs, and do the active part of the dance. the women stand in a cluster, with faces to the middle, clap their hands, and scream at intervals, while the men hop and stamp, and whirl round them on their own axes. the following account of a dance by the jhodia poroja girls of the koraput and nandapuram country is given by mr. w. francis. [ ] "picturesque in the extreme," he writes, "is a dancing party of these cheery maidens, dressed all exactly alike in clean white cloths with cerise borders or checks, reaching barely half way to the knee; great rings on their fingers; brass bells on their toes; their substantial but shapely arms and legs tattooed from wrist to shoulder, and from ankle to knee; their left forearms hidden under a score of heavy brass bangles; and their feet loaded with chased brass anklets weighing perhaps a dozen pounds. the orchestra, which consists solely of drums of assorted shapes and sizes, dashes into an overture, and the girls quickly group themselves into a couple of corps de ballet, each under the leadership of a première danseuse, who marks the time with a long baton of peacock's feathers. suddenly, the drums drop to a muffled beat, and each group strings out into a long line, headed by the leader with the feathers, each maiden passing her right hand behind the next girl's back, and grasping the left elbow of the next but one. thus linked, and in time with the drums (which now break into allegro crescendo), the long chain of girls--dancing in perfect step, following the leader with her swaying baton, marking the time by clinking their anklets (right, left, right, clink; left, clink; right, left, right, clink; and so da capo), chanting the while (quite tunefully) in unison a refrain in a minor key ending on a sustained falling note--weave themselves into sinuous lines, curves, spirals, figures-of-eight, and back into lines again; wind in and out like some brightly-coloured snake; never halting for a moment, now backwards, now forwards, first slowly and decorously, then, as the drums quicken, faster and faster, with more and more abandon, and longer and longer steps, until suddenly some one gets out of step, and the chain snaps amid peals of breathless laughter." for the following supplementary note on the bonda porojas, i am indebted to mr. c. a. henderson. these people live in the western portion of malkanagiri taluk, along the edge of the hills, probably penetrating some distance into them. the elder men are not in any way distinguishable from their neighbours. young unmarried men, however, tie a strip of palmyra leaf round their heads in the same way as the women of their own tribe, or of the gadabas. the women are very distinctly dressed. they all shave their heads once a month or so, and fasten a little fillet, made of beads or plaited grass, round them. the neck and chest are covered with a mass of ornaments, by which the breasts are almost concealed. these consist, for the most part, of bead necklaces, but they have also one or more very heavy brass necklaces of various designs, some being merely collections of rings on a connecting circlet, some massive hinged devices tied together at the end with string. they wear also small ear-studs of lead. apart from these ornaments, they are naked to the waist. round the loins, a small thick cloth is worn. this is woven from the fibre of the ringa (oriya sitkodai gotsho). this cloth measures about two feet by eight inches, and is of thick texture like gunny, and variously coloured. owing to its exiguity, its wearers are compelled, for decency's sake, to sit on their heels with their knees together, instead of squatting in the ordinary native posture. this little cloth is supported round the waist by a thread, or light chain of tin and beads, but not totally confined thereby. the upper edge of the cloth behind is free from the chain, and bulges out, exposing the upper portion of the buttocks, the thread or chain lying in the small of the back. it is noted by mr. sandell that "the cloth at present used is of comparatively recent introduction, and seems to be a slight infringement of the tabu. the original cloth and supporting string were undoubtedly made of jungle fibre, and the modern colouring is brought about with cotton thread. similarly, the bonda poroja necklaces of cheap beads, blue and white, must be modern, and most obviously so the fragments of tin that they work into their chains. the women are said to wear cloths in their houses, but to leave them off when they go outside. it seems that the tabu is directed against appearing in public fully clothed, and not against wearing decent sized cloths, as such. the party i saw were mostly unmarried girls, but one of them had been married for a year. when not posing for the camera, or dancing, she tied a small piece of cloth round her neck, so as to hang over the shoulders. this, as far as i could make out, was not because she was married, but simply because she was more shy than the rest. "two houses are kept in the village, for the unmarried girls and young men respectively. apparently marriages are matters of inclination, the parents having no say in the matter. the young couple having contracted friendship (by word of mouth, and not by deed, as it was explained to me), inform their parents of it. the young man goes to make his demand of the girl's parents, apparently without at the time making any presents to them, contrary to the custom of the kondhs and others. then there seem to be a series of promises on the part of the parents to give the girl. but the witnesses were rather confused on the point. i gather that the sort of final betrothal takes place in dyali (the month after dusserah), and the marriage in magha. at the time of marriage, the girl's parents are presented with a pair of bulls, a cloth, and a pot of landa (sago-palm toddy). but no return is made for them. the father gives the girl some ornaments. the married woman, whom i saw, had been given a bracelet by her husband, but it was not a conspicuously valuable one, and in no way indicative of her status." in connection with marriage, mr. sandell adds that "a youth of one village does not marry a maiden of the same village, as they are regarded as brother and sister. the marriage pit is still in use, and may last all through the cold weather. a number of small villages will club together, and have one big pit." in the case observed by mr. sandell, three of the local maidens were shut up in the pit at night, and five stranger youths admitted. the pit may be twelve feet across, and is covered with tatties (mats) and earth, a trap-door being left. "after childbirth, the mother is unclean for some days. the time is, i gather, reckoned by the dropping of the navel-string, and is given as eight to sixteen days. during that period, the woman is not allowed to cook, or even touch her meals. "these people say that they have no puja (worship). but at the time of sowing seed, they sacrifice one egg (for the whole village) to matera hundi, the goddess of harvest, who is represented by a branch of the kusi or jamo (guava) tree planted in the village. the people have no pujaris, and, in this case, the priest was a mattia by caste. he plants the branch, and performs the sacrifice. at the time of nua khau (new eating; first fruits) a sacrifice of an animal of some kind is also made to matera hundi. her aid is, they say, sought against the perils of the jungle, but primarily she is wanted to give them a good crop. the bonda porojas are quite ready to tell the old story of sita (whom they call maha lakshmi), and her curse upon their women, whereby they shave their heads, and may not wear cloths. it is stated by mr. may that a government agent once insisted on a young woman being properly clothed, and she survived the change only three days. i understand that this case has been somewhat misrepresented. the cloth is believed not to have been forced upon the girl, but offered to, and greatly appreciated by her. her death shortly afterwards was apparently not the result of violation of the tabu, but accidental, and due, it is believed, to small-pox. the people whom i saw had not heard of this episode, but said that a woman who wore a cloth out of doors would fall sick, not die. but the possibility of any woman of theirs wearing a cloth obviously seemed to them very remote. the bonda porojas have a sort of belief in ghosts--not altogether devils apparently, but the spirits of the departed (sayire). these may appear in dreams, influence life and health, and vaguely exercise a helpful influence over the crops. i did not find out if they were propitiated in any way. "a dead body is washed, tied to a tatty (mat) hurdle, taken outside the village, and burnt. after eight days (said to be four in the case of rich men), the corpse-bearers, and the family, sit down to a funeral feast, at which drinking is not allowed. a pig, fowl, or goat, according to the circumstances of the family, forms the meal. this is done in some way for the sake of the departed, but how is not quite clear. "the bonda porojas live by cultivation, keep cattle, pigs, etc., and eat beef, and even the domestic pig. they pride themselves, as against their hindu neighbours, in that their women eat with the men, and not of their leavings, and do not leave their village. the women, however, go to shandies (markets)." pothoria.--pothoria or pothriya, meaning stone, is the name of a small class of oriya stone-cutters in ganjam, who are addicted to snaring antelopes by means of tame bucks, which they keep for the purpose of decoying the wild ones. they employ brahmans as purohits. marriage is infant, and remarriage of widows is permitted. the females wear glass bangles. pothu.--pothu or pothula, meaning male, occurs as an exogamous sept of devanga, medara, and padma sale; and pothula, in the sense of a male buffalo, as a sept of madiga. potia.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as oriya mat-makers. they are said to be immigrants from potia in orissa, who call themselves doluvas. the doluvas, however, do not recognise them, and neither eat nor intermarry with them. potta (abdomen).--an exogamous sept of boya. potti (tamil, worshipful).--stated, in the travancore census report, , to be the name applied to all kerala brahmans, who do not come under the specific designation of nambutiris. pouzu (quail).--an exogamous sept of devanga. powaku (tobacco).--an exogamous sept of mala. poyilethannaya (one who removes the evil eye).--an exogamous sept of bant. pradhano (chief).--a title of aruva, benaiyto, odia, kalingi, kevuto, and samantiya. pranopakari (one who helps souls).--a name for barbers in travancore. in the early settlement records, pranu occurs as a corruption thereof. prathamasakha.--it is recorded, [ ] in connection with the village of koiltirumalam or tiru-ambamahalam, that "a new temple has been recently built, and richly endowed by nattukottai chettis. there is, however, an old story connected with the place, which is enacted at the largely attended festival here, and in many popular dramas. this relates that the god of the tiruvalur temple was entreated by a pujari (priest) of this place to be present in the village at a sacrifice in his (the god's) honour. the deity consented at length, but gave warning that he would come in a very unwelcome shape. he appeared as a paraiyan with beef on his back and followed by the four vedas in the form of dogs, and took his part in the sacrifice thus accoutred and attended. all the brahmans who were present ran away, and the god was so incensed that he condemned them to be paraiyans for one hour in the day, from noon till p.m. ever afterwards. there is a class of brahmans called midday brahmans, who are found in several districts, and a colony of whom reside at sedanipuram, five miles west of nannilam. it is believed throughout the tanjore district that the midday paraiyans are the descendants of the brahmans thus cursed by the god. they are supposed to expiate their defilement by staying outside their houses for an hour and a half every day at midday, and to bathe afterwards; and, if they do this, they are much respected. few of them, however, observe this rule, and orthodox persons will not eat with them, because of this omission to remove the defilement. they call themselves the prathamasakha." prithvi (earth).--an exogamous sept of devanga. puchcha.--puccha or puchcha kaya (fruit of citrullus colocynthis) is the name of a gotra or sept of boyas, komatis, and viramushtis, who are a class of mendicants attached to the komatis. the same name, or picchi kaya, denoting the water-melon citrullus vulgaris, occurs as a sept or house-name of panta reddis and seniyans (devangas), the members of which may not eat the fruit. the name desimarada has been recently substituted by the seniyans for picchi kaya. pudamuri (pudaya, a woman's cloth; muri, cuttings).--defined by mr. wigram as a so-called 'marriage' ceremony performed among the nayars in north malabar. (see nayar.) pudu nattan (new country).--a sub-division of idaiyan. pu islam.--see putiya islam. pujari.--pujari is an occupational title, meaning priest, or performer of puja (worship). it is described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as "a name applied to a class of priests, who mostly preside in the temples of the female deities--the grama devatas or ur ammas--and not in those of vishnu or siva. they do not wear the sacred thread, except on solemn occasions." pujari has been recorded as a title of billavas as they officiate as priests at bhutasthanas (devil shrines), and of halepaiks, and pujali as a title of some irulas. some families of kusavans (potters), who manufacture clay idols, are also known as pujari. puja occurs as a sub-division of the gollas. some criminal koravas travel in the guise of pujaris, and style themselves korava pujaris. pula.--a sub-division of cheruman. pula (flowers).--an exogamous sept of boya, padma sale and yerukala. pulan.--barbers of tamil origin, who have settled in travancore. pulavar.--a title of occhan and panisavan. pulayan.--see cheruman and thanda pulayan. puli (tiger).--recorded as an exogamous sept or gotra of balija, golla, kamma, and medara. the equivalent puliattanaya occurs as an exogamous sept of bant. puliakodan.--a class of carpenters in malabar, whose traditional occupation is to construct oil mills. puliasari.--a division of malabar kammalans, the members of which do mason's work (puli, earth). paravas who are engaged in a similar calling are, in like manner, called puli kollan. pulikkal.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. puliyan.--a sub-division of nayar. puliyattu.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as synonymous with pulikkappanikkan, a sub-division of nayar. pullakura (pot-herbs).--an exogamous sept of idiga. pulluvan.--the pulluvans of malabar are astrologers, medicine-men, priests and singers in snake groves. the name is fancifully derived from pullu, a hawk, because the pulluvan is clever in curing the disorders which pregnant women and babies suffer from through the evil influence of these birds. the pulluvans are sometimes called vaidyans (physicians). as regards the origin of the caste, the following tradition is narrated. [ ] agni, the fire god, had made several desperate but vain efforts to destroy the great primeval forest of gandava. the eight serpents which had their home in the forest were the chosen friends of indra, who sent down a deluge, and destroyed, every time, the fire which agni kindled in order to burn down the forest. eventually agni resorted to a stratagem, and, appearing before arjunan in the guise of a brahman, contrived to exact a promise to do him any favour he might desire. agni then sought the help of arjunan in destroying the forest, and the latter created a wonderful bow and arrows, which cut off every drop of rain sent by indra for the preservation of the forest. the birds, beasts, and other creatures which lived therein, fled in terror, but most of them were overtaken by the flames, and were burnt to cinders. several of the serpents also were overtaken and destroyed, but one of them was rescued by the maid-servant of a brahman, who secured the sacred reptile in a pot, which she deposited in a jasmine bower. when the brahman came to hear of this, he had the serpent removed, and turned the maid-servant adrift, expelling at the same time a man-servant, so that the woman might not be alone and friendless. the two exiles prospered under the protection of the serpent, which the woman had rescued from the flames, and became the founders of the pulluvans. according to another story, when the great gandava forest was in conflagration, the snakes therein were destroyed in the flames. a large five-hooded snake, scorched and burnt by the fire, flew away in agony, and alighted at kuttanad, which is said to have been on the site of the modern town of alleppey. two women were at the time on their way to draw water from a well. the snake asked them to pour seven potfuls of water over him, to alleviate his pain, and to turn the pot sideways, so that he could get into it. his request was complied with, and, having entered the pot, he would not leave it. he then desired one of the women to take him home, and place him in a room on the west side of the house. this she refused to do for fear of the snake, and she was advised to cover the mouth of the pot with a cloth. the room, in which the snake was placed, was ordered to be closed for a week. the woman's husband, who did not know what had occurred, tried to open the door, and only succeeded by exerting all his strength. on entering the room, to his surprise he found an ant-hill, and disturbed it. thereon the snake issued forth from it, and bit him. as the result of the bite, the man died, and his widow was left without means of support. the snake consoled her, and devised a plan, by which she could maintain herself. she was to go from house to house, and cry out "give me alms, and be saved from snake poisoning." the inmates would give, and the snakes, which were troubling their houses, would cease from annoying them. for this reason, a pulluvan and his wife, when they go with their pulluva kudam (pot-drum) to a house, are asked to sing, and given money. the pulluvar females, mr. t. k. gopal panikkar writes, [ ] "take a pretty large pitcher, and close its opening by means of a small circular piece of thin leather, which is fastened on to the vessel by means of strings strongly tied round its neck. another string is adjusted to the leather cover, which, when played on by means of the fingers, produces a hoarse note, which is said to please the gods' ears, pacify their anger, and lull them to sleep." in the malabar gazetteer, this instrument is thus described. "it consists of an earthenware chatty with its bottom removed, and entirely covered, except the mouth, with leather. the portion of the leather which is stretched over the bottom of the vessel thus forms a sort of drum, to the centre of which a string is attached. the other end of the string is fixed in the cleft of a stick. the performer sits cross-legged, holding the chatty mouth downwards with his right hand, on his right knee. the stick is held firmly under the right foot, resting on the left leg. the performer strums on the string, which is thus stretched tight, with a rude plectrum of horn, or other substance. the vibrations communicated by the string to the tympanum produce a curious sonorous note, the pitch of which can be varied by increasing or relaxing the tension of the string." this musical instrument is carried from house to house in the daytime by these pulluvar females; and, placing the vessel in a particular position on the ground, and sitting in a particular fashion in relation to the vessel, they play on the string, which then produces a very pleasant musical note. then they sing ballads to the accompaniment of these notes. after continuing this for some time, they stop, and, getting their customary dues from the family, go their own way. it is believed that the music, and the ballads, are peculiarly pleasing to the serpent gods, who bless those for whose sakes the music has been rendered." the pulluvans also play on a lute with snakes painted on the reptile skin, which is used in lieu of parchment. the skin, in a specimen at the madras museum, is apparently that of the big lizard varanus bengalensis. the lute is played with a bow, to which a metal bell is attached. the dwelling-houses of the pulluvans are like those of the izhuvans or cherumas. they are generally mud huts, with thatched roof, and a verandah in front. when a girl attains maturity, she is placed apart in a room. on the seventh day, she is anointed by seven young women, who give an offering to the demons, if she is possessed by any. this consists of the bark of a plantain tree made into the form of a triangle, on which small bits of tender cocoanuts and little torches are fixed. this is waved round the girl's head, and floated away on water. as regards marriage, the pulluvans observe both tali-kettu and sambandham. in the vicinity of palghat, members of the caste in the same village intermarry, and have a prejudice against contracting alliances outside it. thus, the pulluvans of palghat do not intermarry with those of mundur and kanghat, which are four and ten miles distant. it is said that, in former days, intercourse between brother and sister was permitted. but, when questioned on this point, the pulluvans absolutely deny it. it is, however, possible that something of the kind was once the case, for, when a man belonging to another caste is suspected of incest, it is said that he is like the pulluvans. should the parents of a married woman have no objection to her being divorced, they give her husband a piece of cloth called murikotukkuka. this signifies that the cloth which he gave is returned, and divorce is effected. the pulluvans follow the makkathayam law of inheritance (from father to son). but they seldom have any property to leave, except their hut and a few earthen pots. they have their caste assemblies (parichas), which adjudicate on adultery, theft, and other offences. they believe firmly in magic and sorcery, and every kind of sickness is attributed to the influence of some demon. abortion, death of a new-born baby, prolonged labour, or the death of the woman, fever, want of milk in the breasts, and other misfortunes, are attributed to malignant influences. when pregnant women, or even children, walk out alone at midday, they are possessed by them, and may fall in convulsions. any slight dereliction, or indifference with regard to the offering of sacrifices, is attended by domestic calamities, and sacrifices of goats and fowls are requisite. more sacrifices are promised, if the demons will help them in the achievement of an object, or in the destruction of an enemy. in some cases the village astrologer is consulted, and he, by means of his calculations, divines the cause of an illness, and suggests that a particular disease or calamity is due to the provocation of the family or other god, to whom sacrifices or offerings have not been made. under these circumstances, a velichapad, or oracle, is consulted. after bathing, and dressing himself in a new mundu (cloth), he enters on the scene with a sword in his hand, and his legs girt with small bells. standing in front of the deity in pious meditation, he advances with slow steps and rolling eyes, and makes a few frantic cuts on his forehead. he is already in convulsive shivers, and works himself up to a state of frenzied possession, and utters certain disconnected sentences, which are believed to be the utterances of the gods. believing them to be the means of cure or relief from calamity, those affected reverentially bow before the velichapad, and obey his commands. sometimes they resort to a curious method of calculating beforehand the result of a project, in which they are engaged, by placing before the god two bouquets of flowers, one red, the other white, of which a child picks out one with its eyes closed. selection of the white bouquet predicts auspicious results, of the red the reverse. a man, who wishes to bring a demon under his control, must bathe in the early morning for forty-one days, and cook his own meals. he should have no association with his wife, and be free from all pollution. every night, after o'clock, he should bathe in a tank (pond) or river, and stand naked up to the loins in the water, while praying to the god, whom he wishes to propitiate, in the words "i offer thee my prayers, so that thou mayst bless me with what i want." these, with his thoughts concentrated on the deity, he should utter , , , and , times during the period. should he do this, in spite of all obstacles and intimidation by the demons, the god will grant his desires. it is said to be best for a man to be trained and guided by a guru (preceptor), as, if proper precautions are not adopted, the result of his labours will be that he goes mad. a pulluvan and his wife preside at the ceremony called pamban tullal to propitiate the snake gods of the nagattan kavus, or serpent shrines. for this, a pandal (booth) is erected by driving four posts into the ground, and putting over them a silk or cotton canopy. a hideous figure of a huge snake is made on the floor with powders of five colours. five colours are essential, as they are visible on the necks of snakes. rice is scattered over the floor. worship is performed to ganesa, and cocoanuts and rice are offered. incense is burnt, and a lamp placed on a plate. the members of the family go round the booth, and the woman, from whom the devil has to be cast out, bathes, and takes her seat on the western side, holding a bunch of palm flowers. the pulluvan and his wife begin the music, vocal and instrumental, the woman keeping time with the pot-drum by striking on a metal vessel. as they sing songs in honour of the snake deity, the young female members of the family, who have been purified by a bath, and are seated, begin to quiver, sway their heads to and fro in time with the music, and the tresses of their hair are let loose. in their state of excitement, they beat upon the floor, and rub out the figure of the snake with palm flowers. this done, they proceed to the snake-grove, and prostrate themselves before the stone images of snakes, and recover consciousness. they take milk, water from a tender cocoanut, and plantains. the pulluvan stops singing, and the ceremony is over. "sometimes," mr. gopal panikkar writes, "the gods appear in the bodies of all these females, and sometimes only in those of a select few, or none at all. the refusal of the gods to enter into such persons is symbolical of some want of cleanliness in them: which contingency is looked upon as a source of anxiety to the individual. it may also suggest the displeasure of these gods towards the family, in respect of which the ceremony is performed. in either case, such refusal on the part of the gods is an index of their ill-will or dissatisfaction. in cases where the gods refuse to appear in any one of those seated for the purpose, the ceremony is prolonged until the gods are so properly propitiated as to constrain them to manifest themselves. then, after the lapse of the number of days fixed for the ceremony, and, after the will of the serpent gods is duly expressed, the ceremonies close." sometimes, it is said, it may be considered necessary to rub away the figure as many as times, in which case the ceremony is prolonged over several weeks. each time that the snake design is destroyed, one or two men, with torches in their hands, perform a dance, keeping step to the pulluvan's music. the family may eventually erect a small platform or shrine in a corner of their grounds, and worship at it annually. the snake deity will not, it is believed, manifest himself if any of the persons, or articles required for the ceremony, are impure, e.g., if the pot-drum has been polluted by the touch of a menstruating female. the pulluvan, from whom a drum was purchased for the madras museum, was very reluctant to part with it, lest it should be touched by an impure woman. the pulluvans worship the gods of the brahmanical temples, from a distance, and believe in spirits of all sorts and conditions. they worship velayuthan, ayyappa, rahu, muni, chathan, mukkan, karinkutti, parakutti, and others. muni is a well-disposed deity, to whom, once a year, rice, plantains, and cocoanuts are offered. to mukkan, karinkutti, and others, sheep and fowls are offered. a floral device (padmam) is drawn on the floor with nine divisions in rice-flour, on each of which a piece of tender cocoanut leaf, and a lighted wick dipped in cocoanut oil, are placed. parched rice, boiled beans, jaggery (crude sugar), cakes, plantains, and toddy are offered, and camphor and incense burnt. if a sheep has to be sacrificed, boiled rice is offered, and water sprinkled over the head of the sheep before it is killed. if it shakes itself, so that it frees itself from the water, it is considered as a favourable omen. on every new-moon day, offerings of mutton, fowls, rice-balls, toddy, and other things, served up on a plantain leaf, are made to the souls of the departed. the celebrants, who have bathed and cooked their own food on the previous day, prostrate themselves, and say "ye dead ancestors, we offer what we can afford. may you take the gifts, and be pleased to protect us." the pulluvans bury their dead. the place of burial is near a river, or in a secluded spot near the dwelling of the deceased. the corpse is covered with a cloth, and a cocoanut placed with it. offerings of rice-balls are made by the son daily for fifteen days, when pollution ceases, and a feast is held. at the present day, some pulluvans work at various forms of labour, such as sowing, ploughing, reaping, fencing, and cutting timber, for which they are paid in money or kind. they are, in fact, day-labourers, living in huts built on the waste land of some landlord, for which they pay a nominal ground-rent. they will take food prepared by brahmans, nayars, kammalans, and izhuvas, but not that prepared by a mannan or kaniyan. carpenters and izhuvas bathe when a pulluvan has touched them. but the pulluvans are polluted by cherumas, pulayas, paraiyans, ulladans, and others. the women wear the kacha, like izhuva women, folded twice, and worn round the loins, and are seldom seen with an upper body-cloth. [ ] puluvan.--the puluvans have been described [ ] as "a small tribe of cultivators found in the district of coimbatore. puluvans are the learned men among the coimbatore vellalas, and are supposed to be the depositaries of the poet kamban's works. one authority from coimbatore writes that the traditional occupation of this caste is military service, and derives the word from bhu, earth, and valavan, a ruler; while another thinks that the correct word is puruvan, aborigines. their girls are married usually after they attain maturity. in the disposal of the dead, both cremation and burial are in vogue, the tendency being towards the former. they are flesh-eaters. their customs generally resemble those of the konga vellalas." the puluvans call themselves puluva vellalas. punamalli.--the name of a division of vellalas derived from poonamallee, an old military station near madras. puni.--a sub-division of golla. punjala (cock, or male).--an exogamous sept of devanga. puppalli.--see unni. puragiri kshatriya.--a name assumed by some perikes. puramalai, puramalainadu or piramalainadu.--a territorial sub-division of kallan. puranadi.--barbers and priests of the velans of travancore, who are also called velakkuruppu. purattu charna.--a sub-division of nayar. purusha.--see jogi purusha. pusa (beads).--a sub-division of balija. a sub-division of the yerukalas is known as pusalavadu, or sellers of glass beads. pusali.--a title of occhans, or pujaris (priests) at temples of grama devatas (village deities). pusapati.--the family name of the maharajahs of vizianagram. from the kshatriyas in rajputana people of four gotrams are said to have come to the northern circars several centuries ago, having the pusapati family at their head. [ ] the name of the present maharaja is mirza rajah sri pusapati viziarama gajapati raj manya sultan bahadur garu. pushpakan.--a class of ambalavasis in malabar and travancore. "as their name (pushpam, a flower) implies, they are employed in bringing flowers and garlands to the temples." [ ] see unni. puthukka nattar (people of the new country).--a sub-division of idaiyan. putiya islam.--pu islam or putiya islam is the name returned mostly by mukkuvans, in reference to their new conversion to the muhammadan faith. putta (ant-hill).--an exogamous sept of kamma, kuruba, mala, medara, and padma sale. 'white-ant' (termites) hills are frequently worshipped as being the abode of snakes. puttiya.--a sub-division of rona. puttur.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. puzhi tacchan (sand carpenter).--the name of a small section of malabar kammalans. r racha (= raja).--racha or rachu, signifying regal, occurs as the title of various telugu classes, for example, balija, golla, kapu, konda dora, koya, majjulu, and velama. some perikes, who claim to be kshatriyas, call themselves racha perikes. racha is further given as an abbreviated form of mutracha. rachevar.--it is noted, in the mysore census report, , that "there are three broad distinctions founded on the traditional occupation, but there are two main exclusive divisions of telugu and kannada rachevars. one set, called ranagare, are military, and most of them are found employed in his highness the maharaja's rachevar and bale forces. the second, consisting of the chitragaras or bannagaras, make good paintings, decorations, and lacquered ware and toys. the last consists of the sarige, or gold lace makers. these people claim to be kshatriyas--a pretension not generally acquiesced in by the other castes. they trace their origin to a passage in brahmanda purana, wherein it is said that, for an injury done to a brahman, they were condemned to follow mechanical occupations." in connection with recent dasara festivities at mysore, i read that there were wrestling matches, acrobatic feats, dumb-bell and figure exercises by rachevars. in the tanjore manual it is noted that the rachevars are "descendants of immigrants from the telugu country, who apparently followed the nayak viceroys of the vijayanagar empire in the sixteenth century. they are more or less jealous of the purity of their caste. their language is telugu. they wear the sacred thread." in the city of madras, and in other places in tamil country, the rachevars are called razus or mucchis, who must not be confused with the mucchis of mysore and the ceded districts, who are shoe-makers, and speak marathi. in the telugu country, there are two distinct sections of rachevars, viz., saivite and vaishnavite. the saivite rachevars in the kistna district style themselves arya kshatriyalu, but they are commonly called nakash-vandlu, which is a hindustani synonym of chitrakara or jinigiri-vandlu. the vaishnavites are known as jinigiri-vandlu, and are said not to intermarry with the saivites. rafizi.--a term, meaning a forsaker, used by sunni muhammadans for any sect of shiahs. the name appears, in the madras census report, , as rabjee. ragala (ragi: eleusine coracana).--an exogamous sept of chembadi, korava and madiga. the equivalent ragithannaya occurs as an exogamous sept of bant. ragi grain constitutes the staple diet of the poorer classes, who cannot afford rice, and of prisoners in jails, for whom it is ground into flour, and boiled into a pudding about the consistency of blanc-mange. the name is derived from raga, red, in reference to the red colour of the grain. raghindala (pipal: ficus religiosa).--a gotra of gollas, the members of which are not allowed to use the leaves of this tree as food-plates. rajakan.--a sanskrit equivalent of vannan (washerman). rajamahendram.--the name, in reference to the town of rajahmundry in the godavari district, of a sub-division of balija. rajamakan.--a tamil synonym for the telugu razu. rajavasal.--the name, denoting those who are servants of rajas, of a sub-division of agamudaiyans, which has been transformed into rajavamsu, meaning those of kingly parentage. the equivalent rajavamsam is recorded, in the census report, , as being returned by some maravans in madura and kurumbans in trichinopoly. rajakulam, rajabasha, or rajaboga occurs as a sub-division of agamudaiyan. rajpinde.--see arasu. rajpuri.--the rajpuris, or rajapuris, are a konkani-speaking caste of traders and cultivators in south canara. concerning them, mr. h. a. stuart writes as follows. [ ] "the rajapuris, also called balolikars, were originally traders, and perhaps have some claim to be considered vaisyas. in social status they admit themselves to be inferior only to brahmans. they wear the sacred thread, profess the saiva faith, and employ karadi brahmans as priests in all their ceremonies. their girls should be married before the age of puberty, and marriage of widows is not permitted. the marriage ceremony chiefly consists in the hands of the bride and bridegroom being united together, and held by the bride's father while her mother pours water over them. the water should first fall on the bride's hands, and then flow on to those of the bridegroom. this takes place at the bride's house. a curious feature in the ceremony is that for four days either the bride or bridegroom should occupy the marriage bed; it must never be allowed to become vacant. [this ceremony is called pajamadmai, or mat marriage.] on the fourth day, the couple go to the bridegroom's house, where a similar 'sitting' on the marriage bed takes place. they are mostly vegetarians, rice being their chief food, but some use fish, and rear fowls and goats for sale as food. many are now cultivators." it may be noted that, among the shivalli brahmans, the mat is taken to a tank in procession. the bride and bridegroom make a pretence of catching fish, and, with linked hands, touch their foreheads. in the madras census report, , rajapuri konkanasta is given as a synonym of the rajapuris, who are said to be one of the sixty-six classes of konkanasta people, who inhabited the sixty-six villages of the konkan. in the census report, , kudaldeshkara and kudlukara are returned as sub-divisions of rajapuri. the kudlukaras are konkani-speaking confectioners, who follow the brahmanical customs. rajput.--the rajputs (sanskrit, raja-putra, son of a king) have been defined [ ] as "the warrior and land-owning race of northern india, who are also known as thakur, lord, or chhatri, the modern representative of the ancient kshatriya." at the madras census, and , the number of individuals, who returned themselves as rajputs, was , and , . "it needs," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "but a cursory examination of the sub-divisions returned under the head rajput to show that many of these individuals have no claim whatever to the title of rajput. the number of pure rajputs in this presidency must be very small indeed, and i only mention the caste in order to explain that the number of persons returning it is far in excess of the actual number of rajputs." mr. stuart writes further [ ] concerning the rajputs of the north arcot district that "there are but few of this caste in the district, and they chiefly reside in vellore; a few families are also found in chittoor and tirupati. they assert that they are true kshatriyas who came from rajputana with the muhammadan armies, and they, more than any other claimants to a kshatriya descent, have maintained their fondness for military service. almost all are sepoys or military pensioners. their names always end with singh, and in many of their customs they resemble the muhammadans, speaking hindustani, and invariably keeping their wives gosha. they are often erroneously spoken of by the people as bondilis, a term which is applicable only to the vaisya and sudra immigrants from northern india; but doubtless many of these lower classes have taken the title singh, and called themselves rajputs. members of the caste are, therefore, very suspicious of strangers professing to be rajputs. their cooking apartment, called chowka, is kept most religiously private, and a line is drawn round it, beyond which none but members of the family itself may pass. at marriages and feasts, for the same reason, cooked food is never offered to the guests, but raw grain is distributed, which each cooks in a separate and private place." it is noted, [ ] in connection with the battle of padmanabham in the vizagapatam district, in , that "no correct list of the wounded was ever procured, but no less than three hundred and nine were killed. of these two hundred and eight were rajputs, and the bodies of forty rajputs, of the first rank in the country, formed a rampart round the corpse of viziarama razu. padmanabham will long be remembered as the flodden of the rajputs of vizianagram." rakshasa (a mythological giant).--an exogamous sept of toreya. ralla (precious stones).--a sub-division of balijas who cut, polish, and trade in precious stones. a further sub-division into mutiala (pearl) and kempulu (rubies) is said to exist. ramadosa (cucumis melo: sweet melon).--a sept of viramushti. rama kshatri.--a synonym of servegara. ramanuja.--satanis style themselves people of the ramanuja matham (religious sect) in reference to ramanuja, the tamil brahman, who founded the form of vaishnavism which prevails in southern india. ranaratod.--an exogamous sept of the kuruvikkarans, who call themselves ratodi. ranaviran.--a name, meaning a brave warrior, returned by some chakkiliyans. randam parisha (second party).--a section of elayad. rangari.--the rangaris are summed up, in the madras census report, , as being "a caste of dyers and tailors found in almost all the telugu districts. they are of maratha origin, and still speak that language. they worship the goddess ambabhavani. the dead are either burned or buried. their title is rao." in an account of the rangaris of the north arcot district, mr. h. a. stuart writes that "rangari is a caste of dyers, chiefly found in walajapet. they claim to be kshatriyas, who accompanied rama in his conquest of ceylon, from which fact one of their names, langari (lanka, the island, i.e., ceylon), is said to be derived. rama, for some reason or other, became incensed against, and persecuted them. most were destroyed, but a respectable kshatriya lady saved her two sons by taking off their sacred threads and causing one to pretend that he was a tailor sewing, and the other that he was a dyer, colouring his thread with the red betel nut and leaf, which she hurriedly supplied out of her mouth. the boys became the progenitors of the caste, the members of which now wear the thread. the descendants of the one brother are tailors, and of the other, the most numerous, dyers. their chief feasts are the dassara and kaman, the former celebrated in honour of the goddess tuljabhavani and the latter of manmada, the indian cupid, fabled to have been destroyed by the flame of siva's third eye. during the kaman feast, fires of combustible materials are lighted, round which the votaries gather, and, beating their mouths, exclaim 'laba, laba', lamenting the death of cupid. in this feast rajputs, mahrattas, bondilis, and guzeratis also join. the rangaris speak marathi, which they write in the northern character, and name poona and sholapur as the places in which they originally resided. in appearance they do not at all resemble the other claimants to kshatriya descent, the razus and rajputs, for they are poorly developed and by no means handsome. widow remarriage is permitted where children have not been born, but remarried widows are prohibited from taking part in religious processions, which seems a sign that the concession has been reluctantly permitted. in most of their customs they differ but little from the razus, eating meat and drinking spirits, but not keeping their women gosha." all the rangaris examined by me at adoni in the bellary district were tailors. like other maratha classes they had a high cephalic index (av. ; max. ), and it was noticeable that the breadth of the head exceeded cm. in nine out of thirty individuals. in the madras census report, , bahusagara, malla or mulla, and namdev are given as synonyms, and chimpiga (tailor) and unupulavadu (dyer) as sub-castes of rangari. raniyava.--the raniyavas are canarese-speaking holeyas, who are found near kap, karkal, mudibidri, and mulki in south canara. they consider themselves to be superior to the tulu-speaking holeyas, such as the mari and mundala holeyas. the raniyavas regard virabadra swami as their tribal deity, and also worship mari, to whom they sacrifice a buffalo periodically. the bhuta (devil), which is most commonly worshipped, is varthe. they profess to be saivites, because they are the disciples of the lingayat priest at gurupur. marriage is, as a rule, infant, though the marriage of adult girls is not prohibited. the marriage rites are celebrated beneath a pandal (booth) supported by twelve pillars. as among the tulu castes, the chief item in the marriage ceremony is the pouring of water over the united hands of the bridal couple, who are not, like the canarese holeyas in mysore, separated by a screen. women who are found guilty of adultery, or of illicit intercourse before marriage, are not allowed to wear bangles, nose-screw, or black bead necklaces, and are treated like widows. men who have been proved guilty of seduction are not allowed to take part in the caste council meetings. on the occasion of the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for twelve days. eleven girls pour water over her head daily. on the thirteenth day, the castemen are fed, and, if the girl is married, consummation takes place. married men and women are cremated, and unmarried persons buried. on the day of death, toddy must be given to those who assemble. cooked meat and food are offered to the deceased on the third, seventh, and thirteenth days, and, on the seventh day, toddy must be freely given. rao.--the title of desastha brahmans, and various maratha classes, jains, and servegaras. some perikes, who claim kshatriya origin, have also assumed rao (=raya, king) instead of the more humble anna or ayya as a title. rarakkar.--the rarakkars or vicharakkars are exorcisers for the kuravans of travancore. rati (stone).--a sub-division of odde. ratna (precious stones).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. the equivalent ratnala is a synonym of ralla balijas, who deal in precious stones. rattu.--a sub-division of kaikolan. ravari.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a trading section of the nayars. the word is said to be a corruption of vyapari, meaning trader. the equivalent raveri occurs as a class inhabiting the laccadive islands. ravi chettu (pipal tree: ficus religiosa).--an exogamous sept of kalingi. the pipal or aswatha tree may be seen, in many south indian villages, with a raised platform round it, before which hindus remove their shoes, and bow down. on the platform, village council meetings are often held. it is believed that male offspring will be given to childless couples, if they celebrate a marriage of the pipal with the nim tree (melia azadirachta). ravulo.--it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "there are three castes of temple servants among the oriyas, the ravulos, the malis and the munis. the ravulos blow conches (shells of turbinella rapa) in the saivite temples and at brahmans' weddings, sell flowers, and regard themselves as superior to the other two. the malis do service in saivite or vaishnavite temples and sell flowers, but the munis are employed only in the temples of the village goddesses. among the ravulos, infant marriage is compulsory, but widow marriage is allowed, and also divorce in certain cases. a curious account is given of the punishment sometimes inflicted by the caste panchayat (council) on a man who ill-treats and deserts his wife. he is made to sit under one of the bamboo coops with which fish are caught, and his wife sits on the top of it. five pots of water are then poured over the pair of them in imitation of the caste custom of pouring five pots of water over a dead body before it is taken to the burning-ground, the ceremony taking place in the part of the house where a corpse would be washed. the wife then throws away a ladle, and breaks a cooking-pot just as she would have done had her husband really been dead, and further breaks her bangles and tears off her necklace, just as would have been done if she was really a widow. having thus signified that her husband is dead to her, she goes straight off to her parents' house, and is free to marry again. some ravulos wear the sacred thread. they employ brahmans as priests for religious and ceremonial purposes. they eat fish and meat, though not beef or fowls, but do not drink alcohol. nowadays many of them are earth-workers, cart-drivers, bricklayers, carpenters and day labourers." it is further noted, in the census report, that mali is "an oriya caste of vegetable growers and sellers, and cultivators. also a caste belonging to bengal and orissa, the people of which are garland makers and temple servants. the statistics confuse the two." in an account of the ravulos, as given to me, ravulos, munis, and malis are not three castes, but one caste. the munis are said to worship, among others, munis or rishis, sakti, siva, and ganesa. a muni, named sarala doss, was the author of the most popular oriya version of the mahabharata, and he is known as sudra muni, the sudra saint. ravulo occurs further as a title of kurumos who officiate as priests in siva temples in ganjam, and muni as a title of the sipiti temple servants. ravutan.--ravutan, or rowthan, is a title used by labbai, marakkayar, and jonagan muhammadans. the equivalent ravut or raut has been recorded as a sub-caste of balija, and a title of kannadiyan. raya rauturu.--the name of certain chunam [lime] burners in mysore. rayan.--a title assumed by some pallis or vanniyans, who wear the sacred thread, and claim to be kshatriyas. rayi (stone).--an exogamous sept of mala. razu.--the razus, or rajus, are stated, in the madras census report, , to be "perhaps descendants of the military section of the kapu, kamma, and velama castes. at their weddings they worship a sword, which is a ceremony which usually denotes a soldier caste. they say they are kshatriyas, and at marriages use a string made of cotton and wool, the combination peculiar to kshatriyas, to tie the wrist of the happy couple. but they eat fowls, which a strict kshatriya would not do, and their claims are not universally admitted by other hindus. they have three endogamous sub-divisions, viz., murikinati, nandimandalam, and suryavamsam, of which the first two are territorial." according to another version, the sub-divisions are surya (sun), chandra (moon), and nandimandalam. in a note on the razus of the godavari district, the rev. j. cain sub-divides them into suryavamsapu, chandravamsapu, veliveyabadina, or descendants of excommunicated suryavamsapu and razulu. it may be noted that some konda doras call themselves raja (= razu) kapus or reddis, and suryavamsam (of the solar race). "in the godavari delta," mr. cain writes, "there are several families called basava razulu, in consequence, it is said, of their ancestors having accidentally killed a basava or sacred bull. as a penalty for this crime, before a marriage takes place in these families, they are bound to select a young bull and young cow, and cause these two to be duly married first, and then they are at liberty to proceed with their own ceremony." of the razus, mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] that "this is a telugu caste, though represented by small bodies in some of the tamil districts. they are most numerous in cuddapah and north arcot, to which districts they came with the vijayanagar armies. it is evident that razu has been returned by a number of individuals who, in reality, belong to other castes, but claim to be kshatriyas. the true razus also make this claim, but it is, of course, baseless, unless kshatriya is taken to mean the military class without any reference to aryan origin. in religion they are mostly vaishnavites, and their priests are brahmans. they wear the sacred thread, and in most respects copy the marriage and other customs of the brahmans." the razus, mr. stuart writes further, [ ] are "the most numerous class of those who claim to be kshatriyas in north arcot. they are found almost entirely in the karvetnagar estate, the zemindar being the head of the caste. as a class they are the handsomest and best developed men in the country, and differ so much in feature and build from other hindus that they may usually be distinguished at a glance. they seem to have entirely abandoned the military inclinations of their ancestors, never enlist in the native army, and almost wholly occupy themselves in agriculture. their vernacular is telugu, since they are immigrants from the northern circars, from whence most of them followed the ancestors of the karvetnagar zamindar within the last two centuries. in religion they are mostly vaishnavites, though a few follow siva, and the worship of village deities forms a part of the belief of all. their peculiar goddess is called nimishamba who would seem to represent parvati. she is so called because in an instant (nimisham) she once appeared at the prayer of certain rishis, and destroyed some rakshasas or giants who were persecuting them. claiming to be kshatriyas, the razus of course assume the sacred thread, and are very proud and particular in their conduct, though flesh-eating is allowed. in all the more well-to-do families the females are kept in strict seclusion." in the vizagapatam district razus are recognised as belonging to two classes, called konda (hill) and bhu (plains) razu. the former are further divided into the following sections, to which various zamindars belong:--konda, kodu, gaita, muka, yenati. the konda razus are believed to be hill chiefs, who have, in comparatively recent times, adopted the title of razu. for the following note on the razus of the godavari district, i am indebted to mr. f. r. hemingway. "they say they are kshatriyas, wear the sacred thread, have brahmanical gotras, decline to eat with other non-brahmans, and are divided into the three classes, surya (sun), chandra (moon), and machi (fish). of these, the first claim to be descended from the kings of oudh, and to be of the same lineage as rama; the second, from the kings of hastinapura, of the same line as the pandavas; and the third, from hanuman (the monkey god) and a mermaid. their women observe a very strict rule of gosha, and this is said to be carried so far that a man may not see his younger brother's wife, even if she is living in the same house, without violating the gosha rule. the betrothal ceremony is called nirnaya bhojanam, or meal of settlement. written contracts of marriage (subha reka) are exchanged. the wedding is performed at the bride's house. at the pradanam ceremony, no bonthu (turmeric thread) is tied round the bride's neck. the bridegroom has to wear a sword throughout the marriage ceremonies, and he is paraded round the village with it before they begin. the gosha rule prevents his womenfolk from attending the marriage, and the bride has to wear a veil. the ceremonies, unlike those of other castes, are attended with burnt offerings of rice, etc. among other castes, the turmeric-dyed thread (kankanam), which is tied round the wrists of the contracting couple, is of cotton; among the razus it is of wool and cotton. the razus are chiefly employed in cultivation. some of them are said to attain no small proficiency in telugu and sanskrit scholarship. zamindars of this caste regard kali as their patron deity. the razus of amalapuram specially adore lakshmi. some peculiarities in their personal appearance may be noted. their turbans are made to bunch out at the left side above the ear, and one end hangs down behind. they do not shave any part of their heads, and allow long locks to hang down in front of the ears." a colony of razus is settled at, and around rajapalaiyam in the tinnevelly district. they are said to have migrated thither four or five centuries ago with a younger brother of the king of vizianagram, who belonged to the pusapati exogamous sept. to members of this and the gottimukkula sept special respect is paid on ceremonial occasions. the descendants of the original emigrants are said to have served under southern chieftains, especially tirumala naick. concerning the origin of the village rajapalaiyam the following legend is narrated. one chinna raju, a lineal descendant of the kings of vizianagram, settled there with others of his caste, and went out hunting with a pack of hounds. when they reached the neighbouring hill sanjiviparvatham, they felt thirsty, but could find no water. they accordingly prayed to krishna, who at once created a spring on the top of the hill. after quenching their thirst thereat, they proceeded westward to the valley, and the god informed them that there was water there, with which they might again quench their thirst, and that their dogs would there be attacked by hares. at this spot, which they were to consider sacred ground, they were to settle down. the present tank to the westward of rajapalaiyam, and the chavadi (caste meeting-place) belonging to the pusapatis are said to indicate the spot where they originally settled. the rajapalaiyam razus have four gotras, named after rishis, i.e., dhananjaya, kasyapa, kaundinya and vasishta, which are each sub-divided into a number of exogamous septs, named after villages, etc. they are all vadagalai or tengalai vaishnavites, but also worship ayanar, and send kavadi (portable canopy) to palni in performance of vows. their family priests are brahmans. the betrothal ceremony of the razus of rajapalaiyam is generally carried out at the house of the girl. on a raised platform within a pandal (booth), seven plates filled with plantain fruits, betel, turmeric, cocoanuts, and flowers are placed. a plate containing twenty-five rupees, and a ravike (female cloth), is carried by a brahman woman, and set in front of the girl. all the articles are then placed in her lap, and the ceremony is consequently called odi or madi ninchadam (lap-filling). the girl's hair is decked with flowers, and she is smeared with sandal and turmeric. a certain quantity of paddy (unhusked rice) and beans of phaseolus mungo are given to the brahman woman, a portion of which is set apart as sacred, some of the paddy being added to that which is stored in the granary. the remainder of the paddy is husked in a corner of the pandal, and the beans are ground in a mill. on the marriage morning, the bride's party, accompanied by musicians, carry to the house of the bridegroom a number of baskets containing cocoanuts, plantains, betel, and a turban. the bridegroom goes with a purohit (priest), and men and women of his caste, to a well, close to which are placed some milk and the nose-screw of a woman closely related to him. all the women sprinkle some of the milk over his head, and some of them draw water from the well. the bridegroom bathes, and dresses up. just before their departure from the well, rice which has been dipped therein is distributed among the women. at the bridegroom's house the milk-post, usually made from a branch of the vekkali (anogeissus latifolia) tree, is tied to a pillar supporting the roof of the marriage dais. to the top of the milk-post a cross-bar is fixed, to one arm of which a cloth bundle containing a cocoanut, betel and turmeric, is tied. the post is surmounted by leafy mango twigs. just before the milk-post is set up, cocoanuts are offered to it, and a pearl and piece of coral are placed in a hole scooped out at its lower end. the bundle becomes the perquisite of the carpenter who has made the post. only brahmans, razus and the barber musicians are allowed to sit on the dais. after the distribution of betel, the bridegroom and his party proceed to the house of the bride, where, in like manner, the milk-post is set up. they then return to his house, and the bridegroom has his face and head shaved, and nails pared by a barber, who receives as his fee two annas and the clothes which the bridegroom is wearing. after a bath, the bridegroom is conducted to the chavadi, where a gaudy turban is put on his head, and he is decorated with jewels and garlands. in the course of the morning, the purohit, holding the right little finger of the bridegroom, conducts him to the dais, close to which rice, rice stained yellow, rice husk, jaggery (crude sugar), wheat bran, and cotton seed are placed. the brahmanical rites of punyahavaachanam (purification), jatakarma (birth ceremony), namakaranam (name ceremony), chaulam (tonsure), and upanayanam (thread ceremony) are performed. but, instead of vedic chants, the purohit recites slokas specially prepared for non-brahman castes. at the conclusion of these rites, the bridegroom goes into the house, and eats a small portion of sweet cakes and other articles, of which the remainder is finished off by boys and girls. this ceremony is called pubanthi. the kasiyatra (mock flight to benares) or snathakavritham is then performed. towards evening the bridegroom, seated in a palanquin, goes to the bride's house, taking with him a tray containing an expensive woman's cloth, the tali tied to gold thread, and a pair of gold bracelets. when they reach the house, the women who have accompanied the bridegroom throw paddy over those who have collected at the entrance thereto, by whom the compliment is returned. the bridegroom takes his seat on the dais, and the bride is conducted thither by her brothers. a wide-meshed green curtain is thrown over her shoulders, and her hands are pressed over her eyes, and held there by one of her brothers, so that she cannot see. generally two brothers sit by her side, and, when one is tired, the other relieves him. the purohit invests the bridegroom with a second thread as a sign of marriage. damp rice is scattered from a basket all round the contracting couple, and the tali, after it has been blessed by brahmans, is tied round the neck of the bride by the bridegroom and her brothers. at the moment when the tali is tied, the bride's hands are removed from her face, and she is permitted to see her husband. the pair then go round the dais, and the bride places her right foot thrice on a grindstone. their little fingers are linked, and their cloths tied together. thus united, they are conducted to a room, in which fifty pots, painted white and with various designs on them, are arranged in rows. in front of them, two pots, filled with water, are placed, and, in front of the two pots, seven lamps. round the necks of these pots, bits of turmeric are tied. they are called avareti kundalu or avireni kundalu, and are made to represent minor deities. the pots are worshipped by the bridal couple, and betel is distributed among the brahmans and razus, of whom members of the pusapati and gottimukkala septs take precedence over the others. on the following day, the purohit teaches the sandyavandhanam (morning and evening ablutions), which is, however, quite different from the brahmanical rite. on the morning of the third or nagavali day, a quantity of castor-oil seed is sent by the bride's people to the bridegroom's house, and returned. the bride and bridegroom go, in a closed and open palanquin, respectively, to the house of the former. they take their seats on the dais, and the bride is once more blindfolded. in front of them, five pots filled with water are arranged in the form of a quincunx. lighted lamps are placed by the side of each of the corner pots. on the lids of the pots five cocoanuts, plantains, pieces of turmeric, and betel are arranged, and yellow thread is wound seven times round the corner pots. the pots are then worshipped, and the bridegroom places on the neck of the bride a black bead necklace, which is tied by the brahman woman. in front of the bridegroom some salt, and in front of the bride some paddy is heaped up. an altercation arises between the bridegroom and the brother of the bride as to the relative values of the two heaps, and it is finally decided that they are of equal value. the bridal pair then enter the room, in which the avireni pots are kept, and throw their rings into one of the pots which is full of water. the bridegroom has to pick out therefrom, at three dips, his own ring, and his brother-in-law that of the bride. the purohit sprinkles water over the heads of the pair, and their wrist-threads (kankanam) are removed. they then sit in a swing on the pandal for a short time, and the ceremonies conclude with the customary waving of coloured water (arati) and distribution of betel. during the marriage ceremony, razu women are not allowed to sit in the pandal. the wives of the more well-to-do members of the community remain gosha within their houses, and, strictly speaking, a woman should not see her husband during the daytime. many of the women, however, go freely about the town during the day, and go to the wells to fetch water for domestic purposes. the razus of rajapalaiyam have razu as the agnomen, and, like other telugu classes, take the gotra for the first name, e.g., yaraguntala mudduswami razu, gottimukkala krishna razu. the women adhere with tenacity to the old forms of telugu jewelry. the razus, in some villages, seem to object to the construction of a pial in front of their houses. the pial, or raised platform, is the lounging place by day, where visitors are received. the razus, as has been already stated, claim to be kshatriyas, so other castes should not sit in their presence. if pials were constructed, such people might sit thereon, and so commit a breach of etiquette. in the madras census report, , rajamakan is given as a tamil synonym for razu, and razu is returned as a title of the bagata fishermen of vizagapatam. razu is, further, a general name of the bhatrazus. reddi.--see kapu. reddi bhumi (reddi earth).--a sub-division of mala, mangala, and tsakala. rela (fig. ficus, sp.).--a gotra of medara. relli.--see haddi. rendeddu.--a sub-division of ganigas or gandlas, who use two bullocks for their oil-pressing mill. rokkam (ready money).--an exogamous sept of komati. rolan.--rolan, or roli cheruman, is a sub-division of cheruman. rona.--the ronas are a class of oriya-speaking hill cultivators, who are said [ ] to "hold a position superior in the social scale to the parjas (porojas), from whom, by compulsion and cajolery, they have gotten unto themselves estates. they are not of very long standing (in jeypore). every parja village head is still able to point out the fields that have been taken from him to form the rona hamlet; and, if he is in antagonism with a neighbouring parja village on the subject of boundaries, he will include the fields occupied by the rona as belonging de jure to his demesne." in the madras census report, , it is noted that "the ronas are supposed to be the descendants of ranjit, the great warrior of orissa. in social status they are said to be a little inferior to the so-called kshatriyas. some of them serve as armed retainers and soldiers of the native chiefs, and some are engaged in trade and cultivation." for the following note i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the word rona means battle. according to a tradition current among the ronas, their ancestors, who were seven brothers, came many generations ago to nundapur, the former capital of the rajas of jeypore, and made their first settlement in borra. the caste is divided into four endogamous divisions, viz.:-- ( ) rona paiko. ( ) odiya paiko, said to rank a little higher than the preceding. ( ) kottiya paiko, the descendants of rona paikos and women of hill tribes. ( ) pattiya paik, the descendants of kottiya paikos and women of hill tribes. as examples of septs among the ronas, the following may be cited:--kora (sun), bhag (tiger), nag (cobra), khinbudi (bear), and matsya (fish). when a girl reaches puberty, she is placed apart in a portion of the house where she cannot be seen by males, even of the household, and sits in a space enclosed by seven arrows connected together by a thread. on the seventh day she bathes, and is presented with a new cloth. it is customary for a man to marry his paternal uncle's daughter. at the time of marriage, the bridegroom's party repair to the house of the bride with a sheep, goat, rice, and a female cloth with a rupee placed on it, and four quarter-anna bits inserted within its fold. the cloth and money are taken by the bride's mother, and the animals and rice are used for a feast. on the following day, the bride goes to the house of the bridegroom, in front of which a pandal (booth), made out of nine poles of the neredu tree (eugenia jambolana) has been set up. at the auspicious hour, which has been fixed by the desari who officiates, in the absence of a brahman, at the marriage rites, the bride and bridegroom take their seats in the pandal with a curtain between them. the desari joins their hands together, and ties to the ends of their cloths a new cloth to which a quarter-anna piece is attached, betel leaves and nuts, and seven grains of rice. the curtain is then removed, and the pair enter the house. the knotted new cloth is removed, and kept in the house during the next two days, being untied and re-tied every morning. on the third day, the couple again come within the pandal, and the new cloth is again tied to them. they are bathed together in turmeric water, and the cloth is then untied for the last time. the rice is examined to see if it is in a good state of preservation, and its condition is regarded as an omen for good or evil. the remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother usually marries the widow of his elder brother. there is for all the ronas a headman of their caste, called bhatho nayako, at nundapur, who decides offences, such as eating in the house of a man of inferior caste, and performs the ceremonial cleansing of a man who has been beaten with a shoe. divorce and civil suits are settled by a caste council. the ronas worship the deity takurani. they wear the sacred thread, and are said to have bought the right to do so from a former raja of jeypore. they also wear a necklace of tulsi (ocimum sanctum) beads. the necklace is first tied on by oriya brahmans from orissa, or vaishnava brahmans from srikurmam in ganjam, who pay periodic visits to the community, and receive presents of money and food. rona paikos will eat at the hands of brahmans only, whereas puttiya paikos will eat in the houses of koronos, malis, kummaras, and gaudos. all eat animal food, beef and pork excepted. some ronas are still the armed retainers of the jeypore rajas, and their forefathers were versed in the use of the matchlock. some ronas at the present day use bows and arrows. the caste title is nayako. ronguni.--the rongunis are oriya dyers and weavers. the caste name is derived from rangu, dye. a noticeable fact is that they do not eat flesh of any kind, but are vegetarians, pure and simple. they have various titles, e.g., behara, daso, prushti, and sahu, of which some practically constitute exogamous septs. rottala (bread).--an exogamous sept of boya. rowthan.--see ravutan. rudra.--one of the various names of siva. a sub-division of palli. rudrakshala (the drupe of elæocarpus ganitrus).--an exogamous sept of karna sales. the drupes are polished, and worn as a rosary or necklet by saivite brahmans, pandarams, nattukottai chettis, and others. they are supposed to be the tears of ecstasy which siva (rudra) once shed, and are consequently sacred to him. they have a number of lobes (or faces), varying from one to six, divided externally by deep furrows. those with five lobes are the most common, but those with one (eka mukha) or six (shan mukha) are very rare, and have been known to be sold for a thousand rupees. one form of the drupe is called gauri shanka, and is worn in a golden receptacle by dikshitar brahmans at chidambaram, and by some pandarams who are managers of matams (religious institutions). the plate represents a telugu saivite vaidiki brahman clad in a coat of rudraksha beads, wearing a head-dress of the same, and holding in his hand wooden castanets, which are played as an accompaniment to his songs. until he became too old to bear the weight, he wore also a loin-cloth made of these beads. runzu.--runzu, runza, or runja is the name of a class of telugu mendicants, who beat a drum called runjalu, and beg only from kamsalas (q.v.). s sachchari.--a synonym of relli. another form of the word chachchadi. sadaru.--a sub-division of lingayats, found mainly in the bellary and anantapur districts, where they are largely engaged in cultivation. some bedars or boyas, who live amidst these lingayats, call themselves sadaru. it is noted in the mysore census reports that the sadas are "cultivators and traders in grain. a section of these sadas has embraced lingayatism, while the others are still within the pale of hinduism." saddikudu (cold rice or food).--an exogamous sept of golla. sadhana surulu.--sadhanasura is recorded, in the madras census report, , as a synonym of samayamuvadu. in a note on this class of itinerant mendicants, mr. c. hayavadana rao states that, unlike the samayamuvaru, they are attached only to the padma sale section of the sale caste. "they say," he writes, "that their name is an abbreviated form of renuka sakthini sadhinchinavaru, i.e., those who conquered renuka sakthi. according to tradition, renuka was the mother of parasurama, one of the avatars of vishnu, and is identified with the goddess yellamma, whom the padma sales revere. the sadhana surulu are her votaries. ages ago, it is said, they prayed to her on behalf of the padma sales, and made her grant boons to them. since that time they have been treated with marked respect by the padma sales, who pay them annually four annas, and see to their marriages." sadhu (meek or quiet).--a sub-division or exogamous sept of ganiga and padma sale. the equivalent sadhumatam has been recorded, at times of census, by janappans. the name sadhu is applied to ascetics or bairagis. sagarakula.--a synonym of the upparas, who claim descent from a king sagara chakravarthi of the mahabharata. sahavasi.--the sahavasis are described, in the mysore census report, , as "immigrants like the chitpavanas. sahavasi means co-tenant or associate, and the name is said to have been earned by the community in the following manner. in remote times a certain brahman came upon hidden treasure, but, to his amazement, the contents appeared in his eye to be all live scorpions. out of curiosity, he hung one of them outside his house. a little while after, a woman of inferior caste, who was passing by the house, noticed it to be gold, and, upon her questioning him about it, the brahman espoused her, and by her means was able to enjoy the treasure. he gave a feast in honour of his acquisition of wealth. he was subsequently outcasted for his mésalliance with the low caste female, while those that ate with him were put under a ban, and thus acquired the nickname." sahu.--a title of bolasis, godiyas, and other oriya castes. saindla (belonging to the death-house).--a sub-division of mala. sajjana (good men).--a synonym of lingayat ganigas. sajje (millet: setaria italica).--an exogamous sept of devanga. sakala.--see tsakala. sakkereya.--some upparas style themselves mel (western) sakkereya-varu. their explanation is that they used to work in salt, which is more essential than sugar, and that mel sakkare means superior sugar. sakuna pakshi.--for the following note on the sakuna pakshi (prophetic bird) mendicant caste of vizagapatam, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the name of the caste is due to the fact that the members of the caste wear on their heads a plume composed of the feathers of a bird called palagumma, which is probably coracias indica, the indian roller, or "blue jay" of europeans. this is one of the birds called sakuna pakshi, because they are supposed to possess the power of foretelling events, and on their movements many omens depend. concerning the roller, jerdon writes [ ] that "it is sacred to siva, who assumed its form, and, at the feast of the dasserah at nagpore, one or more used to be liberated by the rajah, amidst the firing of cannon and musketry, at a grand parade attended by all the officers of the station. buchanan hamilton also states that, before the durga puja, the hindus of calcutta purchase one of these birds, and, at the time when they throw the image of durga into the river, set it at liberty. it is considered propitious to see it on this day, and those who cannot afford to buy one discharge their matchlocks to put it on the wing." according to their own account, the sakuna pakshis are telagas who emigrated to vizagapatam from peddapuram in the godavari district. a member of the caste, before proceeding on a begging expedition, rises early, and has a cold meal. he then puts the tengalai vaishnava namam mark on his forehead, slings on his left shoulder a deer-skin pouch for the reception of the rice and other grain which will be given him as alms, and takes up his little drum (gilaka or damaraka) made of frog's skin. it is essential for a successful day's begging that he should first visit a mala house or two, after which he begs from other castes, going from house to house. the members combine with begging the professions of devil-dancer, sorcerer, and quack doctor. their remedy for scorpion sting is well-known. it is the root of a plant called thella visari (scorpion antidote), which the sakuna pakshis carry about with them on their rounds. the root should be collected on a new-moon day which falls on a sunday. on that day, the sakuna pakshi bathes, cuts off his loin-string, and goes stark naked to a selected spot, where he gathers the roots. if a supply thereof is required, and the necessary combination of moon and day is not forthcoming, the roots should be collected on a sunday or wednesday. salangukaran.--in the madras census report, , salangaikaran is returned as a synonym of karaiyan or sembadavan fishermen. the word salangu or slangu is used for pearl fisheries, and salangukaran is, i imagine, a name applied to pearl divers. salapu.--the salapus are a small caste of telugu weavers in vizagapatam, for the following note on whom i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the name salapu seems to be a corruption of saluppan, a caste which formerly engaged in the manufacture of gunny-bags and coarse cloths. the salapus at the present day make such cloths, commonly called gamanchalu. like some other weaving castes, they claim descent from markandeya rishi, who was remarkable for his austerities and great age, and is also known as dirghayus. the salapus will not eat, or intermarry with sales. the caste is governed by a headman called senapati. he decides disputes, and, on occasions of marriage, receives the first share of betel and sandal, and is the first to touch the sathamanam (marriage badge) when it is passed round to be blessed by those assembled. he is, at marriages, further presented with a rupee. at caste feasts, it is his privilege to partake of food first. like other telugu castes, the salapus have intiperulu, or exogamous septs. girls are generally married before puberty. the custom of menarikam, by which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is in force. the turmeric ceremony takes place some months before marriage. some male and female relations of the future bridegroom repair to the house of the girl, taking with them a few rupees as the bride-price (voli). the girl bathes, and daubs herself with turmeric paste. a solid silver bangle is then put on her right wrist. the remarriage of widows and divorce are permitted. the salapus are divided into lingavantas and vaishnavas, who intermarry. the former bury their dead in a sitting posture, and the latter practice cremation. jangams officiate for the lingavantas, and satanis for vaishnavas. both sections observe the chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies. the caste title is generally ayya. salapu.--a form of sarapu, an occupational term for those who deal in coins, jewelry, coral, etc. sale.--the sales are the great weaver class among the telugus, for the following note on whom i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the name is derived from sanskrit, salika, a weaver. the sales call themselves senapati (commander-in-chief), and this is further the title of the caste headman. they are divided into two main endogamous sections, padma or lotus, and pattu or silk. between them there are three well-marked points of difference, viz., ( ) the pattu sales wear the sacred thread, whereas the padma sales do not; ( ) the pattu sales do not take food or water at the hands of any except brahmans, whereas the padma sales will eat in kapu, golla, telaga, gavara, etc., houses; ( ) the pattu sales weave superfine cloths, and, in some places, work in silk, whereas padma sales weave only coarse cloths. each section is divided into a number of exogamous septs or intiperulu. both speak telugu, and are divided into vaishnavites and saivites. these religious distinctions are no bar to intermarriage and interdining. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district ( ), that "on the plains, cotton cloths are woven in hundreds of villages by sales, padma sales, pattu sales, devangas, and salapus. the ryots often spin their own cotton into thread, and then hand it over to the weavers to be made into cloths, but large quantities of machine-made yarn are used. in the south, the chief weaving centres are nakkapalli and payakaraopeta in sarvasiddhi taluk, the pattu sales in the latter of which turn out fabrics of fine thread, enriched with much gold and silver 'lace,' which are in great demand in the godavari and ganjam districts. at razam, coloured cloths for women are the chief product, and in the country round this place the white garments so universal everywhere give place to coloured dress. the cloths are sold locally, and also sent in large quantities to berhampur, cuttack, and even calcutta. most of the weaving is in the hands of devangas, but the dyeing of the thread is done with imported aniline and alizarine colours by the balijas of sigadam in chipurupalle taluk and balijapeta in bobbili. in siripuram and ponduru, the pattu sales make delicate fabrics from especially fine thread, called pattu sale nulu, or silk-weaver's thread, which the women of their caste spin for them, and which is as fine as imported . these are much valued by well-to-do natives for their softness and durability. the weaving industry is on the decline throughout the district, except perhaps in razam, and the weaver castes are taking to other means of livelihood. round chipurupalle, for example, the pattu sales have become experts in tobacco-curing, and have made such profits that they are able to monopolise much of the trade and money-lending of the locality." concerning the origin of the sale caste, it is stated, in the andhrapada parijatamu, that it is the result of an union between a kamsala man and a potter woman. according to a current legend, the celestials (devatas), being desirous of securing clothing for themselves and their dependents, asked markandeya rishi to supply them with it. he went to vishnu, and prayed to him. the god directed him to make a sacrificial offering to indra, the celestial king. markandeya accordingly performed a great sacrifice, and from the fire issued bhavana rishi, with a ball of thread in his hands, which he had manufactured, under vishnu's direction, from the fibre of the lotus which sprang from the god's navel. with this ball of thread he proceeded to make cloths for the celestials. he subsequently married bhadravathi, the daughter of surya (the sun), who bore him a hundred and one sons, of whom a hundred became the ancestors of the padma sales, while the remaining man was the ancestor of the pattu sales. the caste worships bhavana rishi. at the close of the year, the caste occupation is stopped before the sankramanam for ten days. before they start work again, the pattu sales meet at an appointed spot, where they burn camphor, and wave it before a ball of thread, which represents bhavana rishi. a more elaborate rite is performed by the padma sales. they set apart a special day for the worship of the deified ancestor, and hold a caste feast. a special booth is erected, in which a ball of thread is placed. a caste-man acts as pujari (priest), and fruits, flowers, camphor, etc., are offered to the thread. the telugu padma sales, and marathi-speaking sukun and suka sales, are, as will be seen from the following table, short of stature, with high cephalic index:-- stature. cm. cephalic index. padma sale . . suka sale . . sukun sale . . the padma and karna sales are dealt with in special articles. writing in the eighteenth century, sonnerat remarks that the weaver fixes his loom under a tree before his house in the morning, and at night takes it home. and this observation holds good at the present day. weaving operations, as they may be seen going on at weaving centres in many parts of southern india, are thus described by mr. h. a. stuart. [ ] "the process of weaving is very simple. the thread is first turned off upon a hand-spindle, and then the warp is formed. bamboo sticks, in number, are fixed upright in the ground, generally in the shade of a tope or grove, at a distance of a cubit from one another, and ten women or children, carrying ratnams (spindles) in their hands, walk up and down this line, one behind the other, intertwining the thread between the bamboos, until , threads of various colours, according to the pattern desired, are thus arranged. for this work each gets half an anna--a small remuneration for walking four miles. to form a warp sufficient for eight women's cloths, forty miles have thus to be traversed. in weaving silk cloths or the finer fabrics, the length of the warp is less than sixty yards. as soon as the threads have been arranged, the bamboos are plucked up, and rolled together with the threads upon them. trestles are then set out in the tope, and upon them the warp with the bamboos is stretched horizontally, and sized by means of large long brushes with ragi starch, and carried along by two men. this having dried, the whole is rolled up, and placed in the loom in the weaver's house. the weaving room is a long, narrow, dark chamber, lighted by one small window close to where the workman sits. the loom is constructed on the simplest principles, and can be taken to pieces in a few minutes, forming a light load for a man. the alternate threads of the warp are raised and depressed, to receive the woof in the following manner. two pairs of bamboos are joined together by thin twine loops, and, being suspended from the roof, are also joined to two pedals near the floor. through the joining loops of one pair of bamboos run half the threads, and through those of the other run the other half. thus, by depressing one pedal with the foot and raising the other, one set of threads is depressed, and the other raised so as to admit of the woof thread being shot across. this thread is forced home by a light beam suspended from the roof, and then, the position of the pedals being reversed, the woof thread is shot back again between the reversed threads of the warp. in this way about three yards can be woven in a day." further mr. j. d. rees writes as follows. [ ] "as you enter a weaver's grove, it appears at first sight as if those occupied in this industry were engaged in a pretty game. rows of women walk up and down the shady aisles, each holding aloft in the left hand a spindle, and in the right a bamboo wand, through a hook at the end of which the thread is passed. alongside are split bamboos reaching as high as their hips, and, as they pass, they unwind the thread from the spindle by means of the wand, and pass it over each alternate upright. the threads, thus separated, are subsequently lifted with their bamboo uprights from the ground, and, while extended from tree to tree in a horizontal position, are washed with rice-water, and carefully brushed. the threads are now ready to be made into cloth, and the actual weaving is carried on by means of primitive hand looms inside the houses." weavers, like many other classes in southern india, are eminently conservative. even so trifling an innovation as the introduction of a new arrangement for maintaining tension in the warp during the process of weaving gave rise a short time ago to a temporary strike among the hand-loom weavers at the madras school of arts. for the following note on the weaving industry, i am indebted to mr. a. chatterton. "the hand-weavers may be divided into two great classes--( ) plain weavers, who weave cloths or fabrics with a single shuttle, which carries the weft from selvage to selvage; ( ) bordered cloth weavers, who weave cloths in which the threads of the weft of the portion of the fabric forming the borders are distinct from the threads of the weft of the main body of the cloth. to manufacture these cloths, three shuttles are employed, and as yet no successful attempt has been made to imitate them on the power loom. the bordered cloth weavers do not suffer from the direct competition of machine-made piece-goods, and the depression in their branch of the industry is due to changes in the tastes of the people. [ ] in the manufacture of a cloth from the raw material there are three distinct processes: spinning, warping, and weaving. modern machinery has absolutely and completely ousted hand-spinning; the primitive native methods of warping have been to a large extent replaced by improved hand-machines, and power looms have displaced hand looms to some extent; but there is still an enormous hand-loom industry, some branches of which are in by no means an unsatisfactory condition. in our efforts to place the hand-weaving industry on a better footing, we are endeavouring to improve the primitive methods of indigenous weavers both in regard to warping and weaving. in respect to weaving we have met with considerable success, as we have demonstrated that the output of the fly-shuttle loom is fully double that of the native hand loom, and it is in consequence slowly making its way in the weaving centres of southern india. in respect to warping, no definite solution has yet been effected, and we are still experimenting. the problem is complicated by the fact that the output of a warping mill must necessarily be sufficient to keep at least a hundred hand looms at work, and at the present time the hand-weaving industry is not organised on any basis, which gives promise of development into co-operative working on so large a scale as would give employment to this number of looms. in madura, coimbatore, madras and salem, attempts are being made to establish organised hand-loom weaving factories, and these represent the direction in which future development must take place. at present all these factories are running with fly-shuttle looms, and various modifications of the old types of hand-warping machinery. the only experiments in warping and sizing are now being conducted, at government expense, in the government weaving factory at salem, and in a small factory established privately at tondiarpet (madras). a warping machinery, suited to indian requirements, has been specially designed for us in england, and there is no doubt but that it will provide a solution to the warping question, but whether it will be satisfactory or not depends upon the efficiency of hank sizing. the superiority of native cloths is commonly attributed to the fact that they are made in hand looms, but in reality it is largely due to the methods of sizing employed by native weavers, and it is still doubtful whether we can attain the same results by any process which involves the production of continuous warps of indefinite length. the ordinary native warp is short, and it is stretched out to its full length in the street, and the size carefully and thoroughly brushed into it. the warps which our machines will produce may be thousands of yards in length, and, if they are successful, will almost entirely do away with the enormous waste of time involved in putting new warps into a loom at frequent intervals. that they will be successful in a sense there is no reasonable doubt, but whether the goods produced in our hand-weaving factories will be what are now known as hand-woven goods, or whether they will partake more of the nature of the power-loom productions, remains to be seen. with the cheap labour available in southern india, there is probably a future for hand-weaving factories, but it will depend almost entirely upon the successful training of the weavers, and experience shows that they are not easily amenable to discipline, and have very rigid objections to anything approaching a factory system." in a speech delivered at salem in , sir arthur lawley, governor of madras, spoke as follows. "i know something of the prosperity of the weaving industry in days gone by, and i regret exceedingly to learn that it is not in so flourishing a condition as at one time it well claimed to be. now, we have all of us heard a good deal of swadeshi, and the government is being constantly urged, from time to time, to do something to foster the industries of this country. we made a beginning here by setting up a weaving institute. we believed that by doing so we should put within the knowledge of the weavers of this district methods whereby their output of cloth would be greater, while the cost was reduced, and that thus their material prosperity would be considerably advanced. now it is somewhat of a surprise, and considerable disappointment to me to learn that this effort which we have made is regarded with suspicion, if not with hostility. i am afraid our motives have been misunderstood, because i need hardly assure you that the idea that the government should enter into competition with any of the industries of the country never suggested itself to us. we desired simply and solely to infuse some fresh spirit into an industry which was languishing." in a note on the weaving industry, mr. e. b. havell writes thus. [ ] "the principle of the danish co-operative system as applied to dairy-farming is the combination of a number of small proprietors for sending their products to a central factory, in which each of them has a share proportionate to the quantity of his contributions. in the management of the factory, each member has an absolutely equal voice, irrespective of his holdings. adapting such a system to the indian weaving industry, each weaving community would have a central establishment under its own control, which would arrange the purchase of material at wholesale rates, prepare warps for the weavers' looms, and organise the sale of the finished products. the actual weaving would be carried on as at present in the weavers' houses by the master weavers and their apprentices. if a system of this kind would retain the economic advantages of the factory system, and eliminate its many evils, it is obvious that a factory, owned and controlled by the weavers themselves, and worked only for their advantage, is a very different thing to a factory controlled by capitalists only for the purpose of exploiting the labour of their employees." as bearing on the general condition of the weaving community, the following extract from the report of the famine in the madras presidency, - , may be quoted. "among the people who felt the distress at the beginning were the weavers. it is a well-known fact that the people of the weaver castes, as well as mussalman weavers, are generally improvident, and consequently poor. in favourable times, the weavers generally earn fair wages. they, however, spend all they earn without caring to lay by anything, so that very few of their caste are in well-to-do circumstances. the same is the case with the mussalman weavers. all these weavers are entirely in the hands of the sowcars (money-lenders), who make advances to them, and get cloths in return. the cloths thus obtained by the sowcars are exported to other parts of the country. it may be taken as a general fact that most of the professional weavers are indebted to the sowcars, and are bound to weave for them. so long as the seasons are favourable, and sowcars get indents for cloths from their customers, they continue their advances to their dependent weavers. but when, owing to any cause, the demand decreases, the sowcars curtail their advances proportionately, and the weavers are at once put to difficulty. according to the fineness and kind of fabrics turned out by the weavers, they may be divided into fine cloth weavers and silk weavers, and weavers of coarse cloths. it is the coarse cloth weavers that would be affected with the first appearance of distress. the consumers of their manufactures are the poorer classes, and, with the appearance of scarcity and high prices, the demand for the coarser kinds of cloths would cease. such was actually the case at the beginning of the recent distress. the weavers are, as a class, not accustomed to hard manual labour, nor are they able to work exposed to heat and sun. if such people are put on earth-work, they would certainly fail to turn out the prescribed task, and consequently earn insufficient wages. they would thus be, as it were, punished for no fault of theirs. this state of things would last at least for some time, until the weavers got accustomed to earth-work. again, these people have, by constant work at their own craft, attained to a certain degree of skill and delicacy, and, if compelled to do earth-work during the temporary unfavourable season, they would certainly lose, to some extent, their skill and delicacy of hand, and would become unfit, in that degree, for their accustomed work when favourable season returns. they would thus be put to inconvenience doubly. during the first part of the distress, their skill of hand, and delicacy of constitution would stand in their way, and, after the return of good season, the loss of manual skill and delicacy would place them at a disadvantage. it can be easily seen that giving relief to the weavers in their own calling is the most economical form of relief. in this form of special relief, government advances materials to the weavers to be woven into different kinds of cloths. government has no doubt to incur a large initial expenditure in the shape of value of materials, and wages for weavers for making these materials into cloths. but all the materials are returned woven into cloths, so that, at the close of the operations, government has a stock of cloths, which can be disposed of without difficulty on the return of favourable times, and the cost incurred recovered. in this way, government not only administers relief to a pretty large section of its poor subjects, but keeps up, with little or no cost to itself, the industrial skill of this section of the people." of proverbs relating to the weaver, one runs to the effect that, "if you want to narrow the breadth of a river, you should plant reeds on its margin; and, if you desire to destroy the sanitation of a village, you should bring weavers to it, and settle them there." when the dyes have to be fixed, and the dyed twist has to be washed, the weavers generally resort to running water, and pollute it. the several processes of twisting and untwisting threads, preparing skeins, etc., make combined labour a necessity in the weaving industry; and, wherever one finds a weaver settlement, he must find there a large number of these people, as is explained by the proverb that "the chetti (merchant) lost by partnership, while the weaver came to grief by isolation." when plying shuttles in the weaving process, the weavers always use their feet in shifting the warp, by treading on a press. thus, if a weaver unfortunately happens to have a sore on his foot, it means loss to him; or, as the proverb says, "if a dog gets a sore on its head, it never recovers from it; and even so a weaver who gets a sore on his foot." [ ] salige (wire).--a gotra of kurni. saliyan.--the saliyan weavers of kornad and ayyampet, in the tanjore district, are a tamil-speaking class, who must not be confused with the telugu sales. they afford an interesting example of how a limited number of families, following the same occupation, can crystallise into a separate caste. they claim to have a puranam relating to their origin, which is said to be found in the sthalapuranam of the nalladai temple. they believe that they are the descendants of one saliya maha rishi, a low-caste man, who did service for one visakar, who was doing penance near nalladai. through the grace of the rishi visakar, saliya became a rishi, and married two wives. the saliyans are said to be descended from the offspring of the first wife, and the mottai saliyans from the offspring of the second. the saliyans have taken to wearing the sacred thread, engage brahman purohits, and are guided by brahman priests. they are said to have had their own caste priests until a brahman from sendangudi, near mayavaram, accepted the office of priest. it is reported that, in former days, the saliyans were not allowed to sell their goods except in a fixed spot called mamaraththumedu, where they set out their cloths on bamboos. high-caste people never touched the cloths, except with a stick. at the present day the saliyans occupy a good position in the social scale, and employ brahman cooks, though no other castes will eat in their houses. a curious feature in connection with the saliyans is that, contrary to the usual rule among tamil castes, they have exogamous septs or vidu (house), of which the following are examples:-- mandhi, black monkey. kottangkachchi, cocoanut shell. thuniyan, cloth. kachchandhi, gunny-bag. vellai parangi, white vegetable marrow. ettadiyan, eight feet. thadiyan, stout. kazhudhai, donkey. thavalai, frog. sappaikalan, crooked-legged. malaiyan, hill. kaththan, an attendant on aiyanar. ozhakkan, a measure. thondhi, belly. munginazhi, bamboo measure. odakkazhinjan, one who defæcated when running. kamban, the tamil poet. ottuvidu, tiled house. kalli, euphorbia tirucalli. sirandhan, a noble person. thambiran, master or lord. kollai, backyard. madividu, storeyed house. murugan, name of a person. the saliyans have further acquired gotras named after rishis, and, when questioned as to their gotra, refer to the brahman purohits. the saliyan weavers of silk kornad women's cloths, who have settled at mayavaram in the tanjore district, neither intermarry nor interdine with the saliyans of the tinnevelly district, though they belong to the same linguistic division. the tinnevelly saliyans closely follow the kaikolans in their various ceremonials, and in their social organisation, and interdine with them. saliya women wear three armlets on the upper arm, whereas kaikola women only wear a single armlet. the saliyans may not marry a second wife during the lifetime of the first wife, even if she does not bear children. they may, however, adopt children. some of the tinnevelly saliyans have taken to trade and agriculture, while others weave coarse cotton cloths, and dye cotton yarn. in the census report, , ataviyar is recorded as "a synonym for, or rather title of the tinnevelly sales." further, pattariyar is described as a tamil corruption of pattu saliyan, returned by some of the tinnevelly sales. the adaviyar or pattalia settis are tamilians, probably an offshoot of the kaikolans, and have no connection with the telugu pattu sales, who, like the padma sales, retain their mother-tongue wherever they settle. it is recorded [ ] in connection with the saliyar of the chingleput district, many of whom are kaikolans, that "a story is current of their persecution by one salva naik (said to have been a brahman). the result of this was that large bodies of them were forced to flee from conjeeveram to madura, tanjore, and tinnevelly, where their representatives are still to be found." the adaviyars follow the tamil puranic type of marriage ceremonies, and have a sirutali (small tali) as a marriage badge. the caste deity is mukthakshiamman. the dead are always cremated. saluppan.--the tamil equivalent of the telugu janappan, which is derived from janapa, the sunn hemp (crotolaria juncea). samagara.--the samagaras have been described [ ] as "the principal class of leather-workers in the south canara district. they are divided into two endogamous groups, the canarese samagaras and the arya samagaras. the latter speak marathi. though the samagaras are in the general estimation as low a caste as the holeyas, and do not materially differ from them in their religious and other ceremonies and customs, they are, as a rule, of much fairer complexion, and the women are often very handsome. the tanning industry is chiefly carried on by the samagaras, and their modus operandi is as follows. the hides are soaked for a period of one month in large earthen vats containing water, to which chunam is added at the rate of two seers per hide. after the expiry of the above period, they are soaked in fresh water for three days, in view to the chunam being removed. they are then put into an earthen vessel filled with water and the leaves of phyllanthus emblica, in which they remain for twelve days. after this, they are removed and squeezed, and replaced in the same vessel, where they are allowed to remain for about a month, after which period they are again removed, washed and squeezed. they are then sewn up and stuffed with the bark of cashew, daddala, and nerale trees, and hung up for a day. after this, the stitching is removed, and the hides are washed and exposed to the sun to dry for a day, when they become fit for making sandals. some of the hides rot in this process to such an extent as to become utterly unfit for use." the badge of the are samagara at conjeeveram is said [ ] to be the insignia of the mochis (or mucchis), a boy's kite. samantan.--"this," the census superintendent, , writes, "may be called the caste of malayalam rajahs and chieftains, but it is hardly a separate caste at all, at any rate at present, for those nayars and others who have at any time been petty chieftains in the country, call themselves samantas. the primary meaning of the word samanta is given by dr. gundert [ ] as the chief of a district." the number of people who returned themselves as samantas (including a few samantan brahmans) at the census, , was , , and in they increased to , . in a suit brought against the collector of malabar (mr. logan) some years ago by one nilambur thachara kovil mana vikrama, alias elaya tirumalpad, the plaintiff entered an objection to his being said by the collector to be of "a caste (nayar), who are permitted to eat fish and flesh, except of course beef." he stated in court that he was "a samantan by caste, and a samantan is neither a brahman, nor a kshatriya, nor a vaisya, nor a sudra." samantan, according to him, is a corruption of samantran, which, he stated, meant one who performs ceremonies without mantrams. he said that his caste observes all the ceremonies that brahmans do, but without mantrams. and he gave the following as the main points in which his caste differs from that of the nayars. brahmans can take their food in the houses of members of his caste, while they cannot do so in those of nayars. at the performance of sradhs in his caste, brahmans are fed, while this is not done in the case of nayars. brahmans can prepare water for the purpose of purification in his house, but not in that of a nayar. if a nayar touches a samantan, he has to bathe in the same way as a brahman would have to do. for the performance of marriages and other ceremonies in his caste, malabar brahmans are absolutely necessary. at marriages the tali is tied by kshatriyas. a samantan has fourteen days' pollution, while a nayar has fifteen. he can only eat what a brahman can eat. he added that he was of the same caste as the zamorin of calicut. a number of witnesses, including the author of the keralavakhsha kramam, were examined in support of his assertions. it was noted by the district judge that no documentary evidence was produced, or reference to public records or works of authority made in support of the theory as to the existence of a caste of samantas who are not nayars, and are classed under kshatriyas, and above the vaisyas. the following account is given by the author of the keralavakhsha kramam of the origin of the samantas. some kshatriyas who, being afraid of parasu rama, were wandering in foreign parts, and not observing caste rules, came to malabar, visited cheraman perumal, and asked for his protection. on this cheraman perumal, with the sanction of the brahmans, and in pursuance of the rules laid down by the maharajas who had preceded him, classed these people as members of the samantra caste. "that this book," the judge observed, "can be looked on as being in any way an authority on difficult and obscure historical questions, or that the story can be classed as more than a myth, there are no grounds for supposing." no linguistic work of recognised authority was produced in support of the derivation of the word samantan from samantran, meaning without mantrams. one exhibit in the case above referred to was an extract from the report of a commission appointed to inspect the state and condition of the province of malabar. it is dated th october, , and in it allusion is made to the 'tichera tiroopaar' who is described as a chief nayar of nilambur in the southern division of the country. evidence was given to show that tichera tiroopaar is the nilambur tirumulpad. and, in a letter from the supervisor of malabar, dated th november, , allusion is made to tichera tiroopaar as a nayar. two extracts from buchanan's well-known work on mysore, canara and malabar, were also filed as exhibits. in one buchanan relates what was told him by the brahmans of the history of 'malayala'. among other things, he mentions that cheraman perumal, having come to the resolution of retiring to mecca, went to calicut. "he was there met by a nayar who was a gallant chief, but who, having been absent at the division, had obtained no share of his master's dominions. cheraman perumal thereupon gave him his sword, and desired him to keep all that he could conquer. from this person's sisters are descended the tamuri rajahs or zamorins." in the second extract, buchanan sums up the result of enquiries that he had made concerning the zamorin and his family. he states that the head of the family is the tamuri rajah, called by europeans the zamorin, and adds: "the tamuri pretends to be of a higher rank than the brahmans, and to be inferior only to the invisible gods, a pretension that was acknowledged by his subjects, but which is held as absurd and abominable by the brahmans, by whom he is only treated as a sudra." an important witness said that he knew the plaintiff, and that he was a sudra. he stated that he had lived for two years in the zamorin's kovilagom, and knew the customs of his family. according to him there was no difference between his own caste customs and those of the zamorin. he said that samantan means a petty chieftain, and drew attention to the 'sukra niti,' edited by dr. oppert, where a samantan is said to be "he who gets annually a revenue of from one to three lakhs karshom from his subjects without oppressing them." there are, according to him, some nayars who call themselves samantas, and he added that when, in , the collector of malabar called for lists of all stanom-holders [ ] in the district, he examined these lists, and found that some of the nayar chiefs called themselves samantan. "a consideration of all the evidence," the judge writes, "appears to me to prove conclusively that the plaintiff is a nayar by caste.... what appears to me, from a consideration of the evidence, to be the safe inference to draw is that the members of the plaintiff's family, and also the descendants of certain other of the old nayar chieftains, have for some time called themselves, and been called by others, samantas, but that there is no distinctive caste of that name, and that the plaintiff is, as the defendant has described him, a nayar by caste." [ ] the samantans are summed up as follows in the gazetteer of malabar. "samantan is the generic name of the group of castes forming the aristocracy of malabar, and it includes the following divisions:--nambiyar, unnitiri, adiyodi, all belonging to north malabar; and nedungadi, vallodi, eradi, and tirumulpad, all belonging to south malabar. there are also nayars with the title of nambiyar and adiyodi. nedungadi, vallodi and eradi, are territorial names applied to the samantans indigenous to ernad, walavanad, and nedunganad respectively; or perhaps it may be more correct to say that the tracts in question take their names from the ruling classes, who formerly bore sway there. eradi is the caste to which belongs the zamorin raja of calicut. it is also the name of a section of kiriyattil nayars. the raja of walavanad is a vallodi. tirumulpad is the title of a class of samantans, to which belong a number of petty chieftains, such as the karnamulpad of manjeri and the tirumulpad of nilambur. the ladies of this class are called kolpads or koilammahs. many nambiyars in north malabar claim to belong to the samantan caste, but there is at least reason to suppose that they are properly nayars, and that the claim to the higher rank is of recent date. that such recruitment is going on is indicated by the difference between the number of persons returned as samantans in the censuses of and ( , and , respectively), which is far above the normal percentage of increase of population. kshatriyas wear the punul (thread); samantans as a rule do not. most kshatriyas eat with brahmans, and have a pollution period of eleven nights, indicating that their position in the caste hierarchy lies between the brahmans with ten days and the ambalavasis proper with twelve. samantans as a rule observe fifteen days' pollution, and may not eat with brahmans. both follow marumakkatayam (inheritance in the female line), and their women as a rule have sambandham (alliance) only with brahmans or kshatriyas. those who belong to the old royal families are styled raja or tamburan (lord), their ladies tamburattis, and their houses kovilagams or palaces. some samantans have the caste titles of kartavu and kaimal. but it does not appear that there are really any material differences between the various classes of samantans, other than purely social differences due to their relative wealth and influence." "tradition," writes the travancore census superintendent ( ), "traces the samantas to the prudent kshatriyas, who cast off the holy thread, to escape detection and slaughter by parasu rama. they are believed to have then fled to uninhabited forests till they forgot the sandhyavandana prayers, and became in certain respects no better than sudras. thus they came, it is said, to be called amantrakas, samantrakas, samantas, or having no mantra at all. referring to this, mr. stuart says [ ] 'neither philology, nor anything else, supports this fable.' from the word samantra, samanta can, no doubt, be conveniently derived, but, if they could not repeat mantras, they should have been called amantras and not samantras. in the kerala mahatmya we read that the perumals appointed samantas to rule over portions of their kingdom. taking the sanskrit word samanta, we may understand it to mean a petty chief or ruler. it is supposed that the perumals who came to malabar contracted matrimonial alliances with high class nayar women, and that the issue of such unions were given chiefships over various extents of territories. changes in their manners and customs were, it is said, made subsequently, by way of approximation to the kshatriyas proper. though the sacred thread, and the gayatri hymn were never taken up, less vital changes, as, for instance, that of the wearing of the ornaments of the kshatriya women, or of consorting only with nambutiri husbands, were adopted. those who lived in ernat formed themselves by connections and alliances into one large caste, and called themselves eratis. those who lived in valluvanat became vallotis. the unification could not assume a more cosmopolitan character as the several families rose to importance at different times, and, in all probability, from different sections of the nayars." in the travancore census report ( ) the chief divisions of the samantas are said to be atiyoti, unyatiri, pantala, erati, valloti, and netungati. "the unyatiris," the travancore census superintendent writes further, "look upon themselves as a higher class than the rest of the samantas, as they have an aryapattar to tie the tali of their girls, the other five castes employing only kshatriyas (tirumulpats) for that duty. the word atiyoti has sometimes been derived from atiyan, a slave or vassal, the tradition being that the kattanat raja, having once been ousted from his kingdom by the zamorin of calicut, sought the assistance of the raja of chirakkal. the latter is believed to have made the kattanat raja his vassal as a condition for his territory being restored. the unnittiris are not found in travancore, their place being taken by the unyatiris, who do not differ from them materially in any of their manners and customs. the word unnittiri means the venerable boy, and is merely a title of dignity. the word pantala comes from bhandarattil, meaning 'in or belonging to the royal treasury'. they appear to have been once the ruling chiefs of small territories. their women are known as kovilammamar, i.e., the ladies of palaces or ranis. the erati, the valloti, and netungati are british malabar castes, and receive their names from the localities, to which they may have been indigenous--ernat, valluvanat, and netunganat. the zamorin of calicut is an erati by caste. [in , the joint commissioners wrote that 'the cartinaad and samoory (the principal families in point of extent of dominion) are of the samanth or euree (cowherd) caste.'] [ ] some of these eratis, such as the raja of nilambur, are called tirumulpats. the only peculiarity with these tirumulpats is that they may tie the tali of their women, and need not call other tirumulpats for the purpose, as the rest of the samantas have to do. a title that several samantas often take is kartavu (agent or doer), their females being called koilpats, meaning literally those who live in palaces. the samantas of manchery and amarampalam in malabar are also called tirumulpats. the samantas of chuntampattai and cherupulasseri are called kartavus. both kartas and tirumulpats are called by the sudra castes tampuran or prince. the caste government of the samantas rests with the namputiri vaidikas, and their priesthood is undertaken by the namputiris. they follow the marumakkathayam law of inheritance (through the female line), and observe both the forms of marriage in vogue in the country, namely, tali-kettu and sambandham. women wear the three special ornaments of the kshatriyas, viz., the mittil or cherutali, entram, and kuzhal. the chief of these is the mittil, which is used as the wedding ornament. it has the appearance of rama's parasu or battle-axe. the houses of those samantas, who are or were till recently rulers of territories, are known as kottarams or palaces, while those of the commonalty are merely called mathams, a name given to the houses of brahmans not indigenous to malabar. the occupations, which the samantas pursue, are chiefly personal attendance on the male and female members of royal families. others are landlords, and a few have taken to the learned professions." in the cochin census report, , it is stated that "samantas and ambalavasis do not interdine. at public feasts they sit together for meals. brahmans, kshatriyas, nampidis, and most of the ambalavasi castes, do not take water from them. birth and death pollution last for eleven days." in the madras civil list of titles and title-holders, the zamorin of calicut, and the valiya rajas of chirakkal, kadattanad, palghat, and waluvanad, are returned as samantas. samanthi (chrysanthemum indicum).--an exogamous sept of kuruba and togata. the flowers of the chrysanthemum are largely used for garlands, etc., in temple worship. samantiya.--the samantiyas are an oriya caste of agricultural labourers and firewood sellers. it has been suggested that the caste name is derived from samantiba, which denotes sauntering to pick up scattered things. the samantiyas are one of the castes, whose touch is supposed to convey pollution, and they consequently live apart in separate quarters. all the samantiyas are said to belong to the nagasa (cobra) gotra. the headman is called behara, and he is assisted by an official called poricha. there is also a caste servant entitled dogara. the caste title is podhano, which is also frequently given out as being the name of the caste. samantiya women will not eat food prepared by brahmans or members of other castes, and they apparently object to cooking in open places when travelling, and leave this work for the men to perform. an oriya brahman purohit officiates at the marriage ceremonies, which, with slight variations, conform to the standard oriya type. the marriage pandal (booth) is generally covered with cocoanut leaves and leafy twigs of eugenia jambolana and zizyphus jujuba. four lights, and a vessel of water, are kept on the dais throughout the marriage ceremonies. the knot, with which the cloths of the bride and bridegroom are tied together, is untied on the evening of the bibha (wedding) day, instead of on the seventh day as among many other castes. samanto.--a title of jatapus, and other oriya castes. samaya.--in his 'inscriptions at sravana belgola' in mysore, mr. lewis rice refers to the samaya as "dasaris or vaishnava religious mendicants, invested with authority as censors of morals. no religious ceremony or marriage could be undertaken without gaining their consent by the payment of fees, etc. under the former rajas the office was farmed out in all the large towns, and credited in the public accounts as samayachara. an important part of the profits arose either from the sale of women accused of incontinency, or from fines imposed on them for the same reason. the unfortunate women were popularly known as sarkar (government) wives." "the rules of the system," wilks writes, [ ] "varied according to the caste of the accused. among brahmans and komatis, females were not sold, but expelled from their caste, and branded on the arm as prostitutes. they then paid to the ijardar (or contractor) an annual sum as long as they lived, and, when they died, all their property became his. females of other hindu castes were sold without any compunction by the ijardar, unless some relative stepped forward to satisfy his demand. these sales were not, as might be supposed, conducted by stealth, nor confined to places remote from general observation; for, in the large town of bangalore, under the very eyes of the european inhabitants, a large building was appropriated to the accommodation of these unfortunate women, and, so late as , a distinct proclamation of the commissioners was necessary to enforce the abolition of this detestable traffic." samayamuvaru.--an itinerant class of mendicants attached to the sale caste. from a note by mr. c. hayavadana rao, i gather that they say that the name is an abbreviation of ranasamayamuvaru, or men of the day of battle. according to a legend, when bhavana rishi, the patron saint of the caste, was challenged to battle by kalavasina, a rakshasa, these people were created, and, with their assistance, the rakshasa was conquered. in recognition of their services, bhavana rishi made the sales maintain them. they wander from place to place in single families, and, when they reach a halting-place, dress up, and visit the house of the pedda senapati (headman), who feeds them for the day, and gives a chit (note) showing the amount paid by him. at their visits to sale houses, bhavana rishi is praised. they marry in the presence of, and with the aid of the sales. samban.--samban, meaning samba or siva, has been recorded as a sub-division of idaiyan and paraiyan. at times of census, sambuni kapu has been returned as the caste name by some palle fishermen in nellore. sambandham.--sambandham, meaning literally connexion, is "the term used by the nayars [and other castes] of south malabar to denote that a man and woman are united by a quasi-matrimonial bond." [ ] in act iv of , madras, sambandham is defined as "an alliance between a man and a woman, by reason of which they, in accordance with the custom of the community, to which they belong, or either of them belongs, cohabit or intend to cohabit as husband and wife." same (millet: panicum miliare).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. sami puli (holy tiger).--an exogamous sept of kallan. sammathi makkal (hammer-men).--an exogamous section of kallan. sammeraya.--a name for telugu beggars employed as servants and messengers by the heads of lingayat mutts (religious institutions). it is derived from samme, denoting confederacy or league, and denotes those who are bound to the rules laid down by lingayats. samolo.--a title of doluva. sampige.--sampige and sampangi (champac: michelia champaca) have been recorded as an exogamous sept of kurni and odde. champac flowers are used in the manufacture of temple garlands. samudra.--samudra, samudram, or samudrala, meaning the ocean, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of telugu brahmans, koravas, kurubas, balijas, and malas. the equivalent tamudri occurs as the title of the zamorin, who is the sea-king or ruler of calicut. sani.--the sanivallu, who are a telugu dancing-girl caste, are described, in the vizagapatam manual, as women who have not entered into matrimony, gain money by prostitution, and acting as dancers at feasts. sani is also a title of the oriya doluvas in ganjam, who are said to be descended from puri rajas by their concubines. the streets occupied by sanis are, in ganjam, known as sani vidhi. i have heard of missionaries, who, in consequence of this name, insist on their wives being addressed as ammagaru instead of by the customary name dorasani. in a note on the sanis of the godavari district, mr. f. r. hemingway writes as follows. "in this district, dancing-girls and prostitutes are made up of six perfectly distinct castes, which are in danger of being confused. these are the sanis proper, bogams, dommara sanis, turaka sanis, mangala bogams, and madiga bogams. of these, the bogams claim to be superior, and will not dance in the presence of, or after a performance by any of the others. the sanis do not admit this claim, but they do not mind dancing after the bogams, or in their presence. all the other classes are admittedly inferior to the sanis and the bogams. the sanis would scorn to eat with any of the other dancing castes. the sani women are not exclusively devoted to their traditional profession. some of them marry male members of the caste, and live respectably with them. the men do not, as among the dancing castes of the south, assist in the dancing, or by playing the accompaniments or forming a chorus, but are cultivators and petty traders. like the dancing-girls of the south, the sanis keep up their numbers by the adoption of girls of other castes. they do service in the temples, but they are not required to be formally dedicated or married to the god, as in the tamil country. those of them who are to become prostitutes are usually married to a sword on attaining puberty." sani, meaning apparently cow-dung, occurs as a sub-division of the tamil agamudaiyans. sanjogi.--the sanjogis are an oriya class of religious mendicants, who wear the sacred thread, and act as priests for panos and other lowly people. the name indicates connection, and that they are the connecting link between ordinary people and those who have given up earthly pleasures (sanyasis). the sanjogis follow the ordinary as well as the ascetic life. mr. g. ramamurti pantulu informs me that they are believed to be the offspring of ascetics who have violated their vow of celibacy, and women with whom they have lived. they make and sell bead rosaries of the sacred tulsi or basil (ocimum sanctum) which are worn by various oriya castes. some are cultivators, while others are beggars. a sanjogi beggar goes about with a bell on the thigh, and a coloured pot on the left shoulder. a few are employed at oriya maths (religious institutions), where it is their duty to invite bairagis and ascetics to a dinner party, and afterwards to remove the leaf platters, and eat the food which is left. sankati (ragi or millet pudding).--an exogamous sept of boya. ragi is the staple dietary of many of the lower classes, who cannot afford rice. sanku.--sanku, the conch or chank (turbinella rapa) has been recorded as a sub-division of dasaris, koppala velamas, and paraiyans who act as conch-blowers at funerals, and as an exogamous sept of kuruba. sankukatti, or those who tie the chank, occurs as a sub-division of idaiyan. the chank shell, which is regularly collected by divers off tuticorin in the tinnevelly district, is highly prized by hindus, and used for offering libations, and as a musical instrument at temple services, marriages, and other ceremonials. vaishnavites and madhvas are branded with the emblems of the chank and chakram. the rare right-handed chank shell is specially valued, and purchased for large sums. a legend, recorded by baldæus, runs to the effect that "garroude (garuda) flew in all haste to brahma, and brought to kistna the chianko or kinkhorn twisted to the right". such a shell appears on the coat-of-arms of the raja of cochin and on the coins of travancore. sanno (little).--a sub-division of bottada, omanaito, pentiya, and sondi. sanror.--a synonym of shanans, who claim that shanan is derived from sanror, meaning the learned or noble. santarasi.--an exogamous sept of dandasi. the members thereof may not use mats made of the sedge of this name. santha (a fair).--an exogamous sept of devanga and odde. santo.--a sub-division of oriya brahmans and bhayipuos. sanyasi.--"a sanyasi is literally a man who has forsaken all, and who has renounced the world and leads a life of celibacy, devoting himself to religious meditation and abstraction, and to the study of holy books. he is considered to have attained a state of exalted piety that places him above most of the restrictions of caste and ceremony. his is the fourth asrama or final stage of life recommended for the three higher orders. ["having performed religious acts in a forest during the third portion of his life, let him become a sanyasi, for the fourth portion of it, abandoning all sensual affection." [ ]] the number of brahman sanyasis is very small; they are chiefly the gurus or high priests of the different sects. these are, as a rule, men of learning, and heads of monasteries, where they have a number of disciples under instruction and training for religious discussion. they are supported entirely by endowments and the contributions of their disciples. they undertake periodical tours for the purpose of receiving the offerings of their followers. since the sanyasi is considered to be above all sin, and to have acquired sufficient merit for salvation, no sradha is performed by the children born to him before he became an anchorite. [the skull of a sanyasi is broken after death, as a guarantee of his passage to eternal bliss. cf. gosayi.] the corpse of a sanyasi is buried, and never burnt, or thrown into the river. "the majority of the sanyasis found, and generally known as such, are a class of sudra devotees, who live by begging, and pretend to powers of divination. they wear garments coloured with red ochre, and allow the hair to grow unshorn. they often have settled abodes, but itinerate. many are married, and their descendants keep up the sect, and follow the same calling." [ ] sapiri.--a synonym of relli. sappaliga.--it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "in some taluks of south canara they are said to be identical with, or a sub-caste of ganiga." the ganigas are a canarese caste, of which the traditional occupation is oil-pressing. in the manual of the south canara district, it is recorded that "sappaligs appear to be identical with the devadigas (temple musicians) in north canara, though they are regarded as distinct castes in south canara. the sappaligs are, as the name sappal (noise) implies, a class of musicians in temples, but a number of them are cultivators." sappaliga is an occupational term. the musicians among the tulu moger fishing caste are called sappaligas, in the same way that those mogers who are engaged as oil-pressers are called ganigas, both being occupational names. sara (thread).--a gotra of kurni. saragu (dried or withered leaves).--a sub-division of valaiyan. sarangulu.--recorded, in the nellore district, as being sailors. the name is doubtless equivalent to serang, which has been defined [ ] as meaning "a native boatswain, or chief of a lascar crew; the skipper of a small native vessel." sarattu (sacred thread).--a sub-division of kanakkan, members of which wear the sacred thread. sarayi (alcoholic liquor).--a sub-division of balija. sarige (lace).--the name of a class of gold-lace makers in mysore, and of an exogamous sept of kuruba. sastri.--in the madras census report, , sastri (one learned in the shastras) is described as "unrecognizable. the word is used as a title by smarta brahmans in the madras presidency, but the persons returning it came from bombay, and were not brahmans." sastri is recorded in my notes as a title of devangas. satani.--the satanis are described in the madras census report, , as "a class of temple servants very much like the malis of bengal. the word satani is a corrupt form of sattadavan, which, literally means one who does not wear (the sacred thread and tuft of hair). for temple services ramanuja classed vaishnavites into sattinavan and sattadavan. the former are invariably brahmans, and the latter sudras. hence satani is the professional name given to a group of the vaishnava creed. it is sometimes stated that the satanis of the madras presidency are the disciples of the famous bengali reformer chaitanya ( th century), from whom, they say, the term satani took its origin. but, so far as i can ascertain, this supposition rests on no better foundation than the similarity in sound of the two names, and it seems to me more than doubtful. there is no evidence of chaitanya having ever preached in the dravidian country, and the tenets of the satanis of this presidency differ widely from those of the followers of chaitanya. the former worship only krishna, while the latter venerate vishnu in the form of narayana also. the satanis, too, have as much reverence for ramanuja as the followers of chaitanya have towards their guru, who is said to be an incarnation of krishna. with regard to their religion, it will suffice to say that they are tengalai vaishnavites. they shave their heads completely, and tie their lower cloth like a brahman bachelor. in their ceremonies they more or less follow the brahmans, but the sacred thread is not worn by them. though the consumption of alcoholic liquor and animal food is strictly prohibited, they practice both to a considerable extent on all festive occasions, and at sradhs. drinking and other excesses are common. some satanis bury the dead, and others burn them. the principal occupations of satanis are making garlands, carrying the torches during the god's procession, and sweeping the temple floor. they also make umbrellas, flower baskets and boxes of palmyra leaves, and prepare the sacred balls of white clay (for making the vaishnavite sectarian mark), and saffron powder. their usual agnomen is aiya." in the madras census report, , the satanis are summed up as being "a telugu caste of temple servants supposed to have come into existence in the time of the great vaishnavite reformer sri ramanujacharya (a.d. ). the principal endogamous sub-divisions of this caste are ( ) ekakshari, ( ) chaturakshari, ( ) ashtakshari, and ( ) kulasekhara. the ekaksharis (eka, one, and akshara, syllable) hope to get salvation by reciting the one mystic syllable om; the chaturaksharis believe in the religious efficacy of the four syllables ra-ma-nu-ja; the ashtaksharis hold that the recitation of the eight syllables om-na-mo-na-ra-ya-na-ya (om! salutation to narayana) will ensure them eternal bliss; and the kulasekharas, who wear the sacred thread, claim to be the descendants of the vaishnava saint kulasekhara alvar, formerly a king of the kerala country. the first two sections make umbrellas, flower garlands, etc., and are also priests to balijas and other sudra castes of the vaishnava sects, while the members of the other two have taken to temple service. in their social and religious customs, all the sub-divisions closely imitate the tengalai vaishnava brahmans. the marriage of girls after puberty, and the remarriage of widows, are strictly prohibited. most of them employ brahman purohits, but latterly they have taken to getting priests from their own caste. they attach no importance to the sanskrit vedas, or to the ritual sanctioned therein, but revere the sacred hymns of the twelve vaishnava saints or alvars, called nalayira prabandham (book of the four thousand songs), which is in tamil. from this their purohits recite verses during marriages and other ceremonies." at the census, , ramanuja was returned as a sub-caste of satani. in the manual of the north arcot district, mr. h. a. stuart describes the satanis as "a mixed religious sect, recruited from time to time from other castes, excepting paraiyans, leather-workers, and muhammadans. all the satanis are vaishnavites, but principally revere bashyakar (another name for ramanuja), whom they assert to have been an incarnation of vishnu. the satanis are almost entirely confined to the large towns. their legitimate occupations are performing menial services in vishnu temples, begging, tending flower gardens, selling flower garlands, making fans, grinding sandalwood into powder, and selling perfumes. they are the priests of some sudra castes, and in this character correspond to the saivite pandarams." in the census report, , the satanis are described as being "frequently religious mendicants, priests of inferior temples, minstrels, sellers of flowers used as offerings, etc., and have probably recruited their numbers by the admission into their ranks of individuals who have been excommunicated from higher castes. as a matter of fact, many prostitutes join this sect, which has a recognised position among the hindus. this can easily be done by the payment of certain fees, and by eating in company with their co-religionists. and they thus secure for themselves decent burial with the ceremonial observances necessary to ensure rest to the soul." in the mysore census report, , it is noted that satanis are also styled khadri vaishnavas, sattadaval, chatali, kulasekhara, and sameraya. these names, however, seem to have pricked their amour propre in the late census, and they took considerable pains not only to cast them off, but also to enrol themselves as prapanna vaishnavas, nambi, venkatapura vaishnavas, etc. the idea of being tabulated as sudras was so hateful to them that, in a few places, the enumerators, who had so noted down their caste according to precedent, were prosecuted by them for defamation. the cases were of course thrown out. further, the mysore census superintendent, , writes that "the sub-divisions of the satanis are khadri vaishnavas, natacharamurti, prathama vaishnava, sameraya or samogi, sankara, suri, sattadhava, telugu satani, and venkatapurada. some are employed in agriculture, but as a rule they are engaged in the service of vishnu temples, and are flower-gatherers, torch-bearers, and strolling minstrels." the satanis are also called dasa nambis. they are flesh-eaters, but some have now become pure vegetarians. there are, for example, at srivilliputtur in the tinnevelly district, a large number who have abandoned a meat dietary. they are connected with the temple of andal, and supply flowers and tulsi (ocimum sanctum) leaves for worship, carry torches before the goddess during processions, and watch the gate of the temple during the night. the small income which they derive from the temple is supplemented by the manufacture and sale of palmyra leaf baskets, and umbrellas made from pandanus leaves. as a class, the satanis are given to liquor, and all important ceremonial occasions are made the excuse for copious potations. this weakness is so well known that, in the north of the presidency, the term ramanuja matham is used to denote the consumption of meat and drink at death or sradh ceremonies, just as saivam signifies vegetarianism. the satani mendicant can be recognised by the peculiar flat gourd-shaped brass pot and palm leaf fan which he carries. the satanis claim to have sprung from the sweat of virat purusha (lord of the universe). the following legend is told, as accounting for the removal of the kudumi (tuft of hair on the head), and wearing the cloth without a fold behind. in the time of ramanuja, the satanis enjoyed certain privileges in the temples, but, not satisfied with these, they claimed to take rank next to brahmans. this privilege was accorded, and, when flowers and other things used in the worship of the god were to be distributed, they were handed over to the satanis. they, however, were unable to decide who should be deputed to represent the community, each person decrying the others as being of low caste. ramanuja accordingly directed that they should shave their heads, and wear their loin-cloths with a fold in front only. in addition to other occupations already noted, satanis sell turmeric, coloured powders, and sacred balls of white clay used by vaishnavites. some act as priests to balijas and komatis, at whose death ceremonies the presence of a satani is essential. immediately after death, the satani is summoned, and he puts sect marks on the corpse. at the grave, cooked food is offered, and eaten by the satani and members of the family of the deceased. on the last day of the death ceremonies (karmandiram), the satani comes to the house of the dead person late in the evening, bringing with him certain idols, which are worshipped with offerings of cooked rice, flesh, and liquor in jars. the food is distributed among those present, and the liquor is doled out from a spoon called parikam, or a broom dipped in the liquor, which is drunk as it drips therefrom. satani women dress just like vaishnava brahman women, from whom it is difficult to distinguish them. in former days, the satanis used to observe a festival called ravikala (bodice) utchavam, which now goes by the name of gandapodi (sandal powder) utchavam. the festival, as originally carried out, was a very obscene rite. after the worship of the god by throwing sandal powder, etc., the satanis returned home, and indulged in copious libations of liquor. the women threw their bodices into vessel, and they were picked out at random by the men. the woman whose bodice was thus secured became the partner of the man for the day. for the following note on satanis in the vizagapatam district, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. satani is said to be the shortened form of saththadavan, the uncovered man. they are prohibited from covering three different parts of their bodies, viz., the head with the usual tuft of hair, the body with the sacred thread, and the waist with the customary strip of cloth. all devout satanis shave their heads completely. [there is a proverb "tie a knot on the satani's tuft of hair, and on the ascetic's holy thread." the satanis shave the whole head, and the sanyasis have no sacred thread.] [ ] the caste is divided into exogamous septs, or intiperulu. the custom of menarikam, according to which a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter, is observed. the remarriage of widows and divorce are not allowed. attempts have been made by some members of the caste, in other parts of the madras presidency, to connect themselves with chaitanya. but, so far as the vizagapatam district is concerned, this is repudiated. they are ramanuja vaishnavas of the tenkalai persuasion. their gurus are known as paravasthuvaru--a corruption of paravasu deva, whose figure is on the vimana of the srirangam temple, and who must be visited before entering the principal sanctuary. they live at gumsur in ganjam, and have sadacharulu, or ever-devout followers, who act as their agents in vizagapatam. they brand the shoulders of satanis with the vaishnavite emblems, the sankha and chakra, and initiate them into the mysteries of the vaishnava religion by whispering into their ears the word ramanuja. the satani learns by heart various songs in eulogy of srirangam and its deity, by means of which he earns his living. he rises in the early morning, and, after a bath, adorns his forehead and body with the vaishnavite namam, ties round his clean-shaved head a string of tulsi (ocimum sanctum) beads known as thirupavithram, puts a tulsi garland round his neck, and takes a fan called gajakarnam, or elephant's ear, in his right hand. in his left hand he carries a copper gourd-shaped vessel. he is generally accompanied by another satani similarly got up. when begging, they sing the songs referred to above, and collect the rice which is given to them in their vessels. at the end of their round they return home, and their wives clean the rice, bow down before it, and cook it. no portion of the rice obtained by begging should be sold for money. the satanis play an important part in the social life of the vaishnavites of the district, and are the gurus of some of the cultivating and other classes. they preside at the final death ceremonies of the non-brahman vaishnavite castes. they burn their dead, and perform the chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies. sathu.--a synonym, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, of perike and janappan. saurashtra.--a synonym of the patnulkarans, derived from the saurashtra country, whence they came southward. they also style themselves saurashtra brahmans. savalaikkaran.--a tamil name for fishermen, who fish in the sea. savalai or saval thadi is the flattened paddle used for rowing boats. the savalaikkarans are more akin to the pallis or vanniyans than to the sembadavans. though a large number are agriculturists, some play on the nagasaram (reed instrument). in the tinnevelly district, where melakkarans are scarce, the temple musicians are either savalaikkarans or panisavans. the agricultural savalaikkarans use the title padayachi, and the musicians the title annavi. their marriages last three days, and the milk-post is made of teak-wood. widow remarriage is prohibited. the dead are always buried. socially they are on a par with the maravans, with whom they interdine. savali.--a synonym of budubudike. savantiya.--a synonym of samantiya. savara.--the savaras, sawaras, or saoras, are an important hill-tribe in ganjam and vizagapatam.the name is derived by general cunningham from the scythian sagar, an axe, in reference to the axe which they carry in their hands. in sanskrit, sabara or savara means a mountaineer, barbarian, or savage. the tribe has been identified by various authorities with the suari of pliny and sabarai of ptolemy. "towards the ganges," the latter writes, "are the sabarai, in whose country the diamond is found in great abundance." this diamond-producing country is located by cunningham near sambalpur in the central provinces. in one of his grants, nandivarma pallavamalla, a pallava king, claims to have released the hostile king of the sabaras, udayana by name, and captured his mirror-banner made of peacock's feathers. the rev. t. foulkes [ ] identifies the sabaras of this copper-plate grant with the savaras of the eastern ghats. but dr. e. hultzsch, who has re-edited the grant, [ ] is of opinion that these sabaras cannot be identified with the savaras. the aitareya brahmana of the rig-veda makes the savaras the descendants of the sons of visvamitra, who were cursed to become impure by their father for an act of disobedience, while the ramayana describes them as having emanated from the body of vasishta's cow to fight against the sage visvamitra. the language of the savaras is included by mr. g. a. grierson [ ] in the munda family. it has, he writes, "been largely influenced by telugu, and is no longer an unmixed form of speech. it is most closely related to kharia and juang, but in some characteristics differs from them, and agrees with the various dialects of the language which has in this (linguistic) survey been described under the denomination of kherwari." the savaras are described by mr. f. fawcett [ ] as being much more industrious than the khonds. "many a time," he writes, "have i tried to find a place for an extra paddy (rice) field might be made, but never with success. it is not too much to say that paddy is grown on every available foot of arable ground, all the hill streams being utilized for this purpose. from almost the very tops of the hills, in fact from wherever the springs are, there are paddy fields; at the top of every small area a few square yards, the front perpendicular revetment [of large masses of stones] sometimes as large in area as the area of the field; and larger and larger, down the hillside, taking every advantage of every available foot of ground there are fields below fields to the bottoms of the valleys. the saoras show remarkable engineering skill in constructing their paddy fields, and i wish i could do it justice. they seem to construct them in the most impossible places, and certainly at the expense of great labour. yet, with all their superior activity and industry, the saoras are decidedly physically inferior to the khonds. it seems hard the saoras should not be allowed to reap the benefit of their industry, but must give half of it to the parasitic bissoyis and their retainers. the greater part of the saoras' hills have been denuded of forest owing to the persistent hacking down of trees for the purpose of growing dry crops, so much so that, in places, the hills look almost bare in the dry weather. nearly all the jungle (mostly sal, shorea robusta) is cut down every few years. when the saoras want to work a piece of new ground, where the jungle has been allowed to grow for a few years, the trees are cut down, and, when dry, burned, and the ground is grubbed up by the women with a kind of hoe. the hoe is used on the steep hill sides, where the ground is very stony and rocky, and the stumps of the felled trees are numerous, and the plough cannot be used. in the paddy fields, or on any flat ground, they use ploughs of lighter and simpler make than those used in the plains. they use cattle for ploughing." it is noted by mr. g. v. ramamurti pantulu, in an article on the savaras, that "in some cases the bissoyi, who was originally a feudatory chief under the authority of the zemindar, and in other cases the zemindar claims a fixed rent in kind or cash, or both. subject to the rents payable to the bissoyis, the savaras under them are said to exercise their right to sell or mortgage their lands. below the ghats, in the plains, the savara has lost his right, and the mustajars or the renters to whom the savara villages are farmed out take half of whatever crops are raised by the savaras." mr. ramamurti states further that a new-comer should obtain the permission of the gomongo (headman) and the boya before he can reclaim any jungle land, and that, at the time of sale or mortgage, the village elders should be present, and partake of the flesh of the pig sacrificed on the occasion. in some places, the savaras are said to be entirely in the power of paidi settlers from the plains, who seize their entire produce on the plea of debts contracted at a usurious rate of interests. in recent years, some savaras emigrated to assam to work in the tea-gardens. but emigration has now stopped by edict. the sub-divisions among the savaras, which, so far as i can gather, are recognised, are as follows:-- a.--hill savaras. ( ) savara, jati savara (savaras par excellence), or maliah savara. they regard themselves as superior to the other divisions. they will eat the flesh of the buffalo, but not of the cow. ( ) arsi, arisi, or lombo lanjiya. arsi means monkey, and lombo lanjiya, indicating long-tailed, is the name by which members of this section are called, in reference to the long piece of cloth, which the males allow to hang down. the occupation is said to be weaving the coarse cloths worn by members of the tribe, as well as agriculture. ( ) luara or muli. workers in iron, who make arrow heads, and other articles. ( ) kindal. basket-makers, who manufacture rough baskets for holding grain. ( ) jadu. said to be a name among the savaras for the hill country beyond kollakota and puttasingi. ( ) kumbi. potters who make earthen pots. "these pots," mr. fawcett writes, "are made in a few villages in the saora hills. earthen vessels are used for cooking, or for hanging up in houses as fetishes of ancestral spirits or certain deities." b.--savaras of the low country. ( ) kapu (denoting cultivator), or pallapu. ( ) suddho (good). it has been noted that the pure savara tribes have restricted themselves to the tracts of hill and jungle-covered valleys. but, as the plains are approached, traces of amalgamation become apparent, resulting in a hybrid race, whose appearance and manners differ but little from those of the ordinary denizens of the low country. the kapu savaras are said to retain many of the savara customs, whereas the suddho savaras have adopted the language and customs of the oriya castes. the kapu section is sometimes called kudunga or baseng, and the latter name is said by mr. ramamurti to be derived from the savara word basi, salt. it is, he states, applied to the plains below the ghats, as, in the fairs held there, salt is purchased by the savaras of the hills, and the name is used to designate the savaras living there. a class name kampu is referred to by mr. ramamurti, who says that the name "implies that the savaras of this class have adopted the customs of the hindu kampus (oriya for kapu). kudumba is another name by which they are known, but it is reported that there is a sub-division of them called by this name." he further refers to bobbili and bhima as the names of distinct sub-divisions. bobbili is a town in the vizagapatam district, and bhima was the second of the five pandava brothers. in an account of the maliya savarulu, published in the 'catalogue raisonné of oriental manuscripts,' [ ] it is recorded that "they build houses over mountain torrents, previously throwing trees across the chasms; and these houses are in the midst of forests of fifty or more miles in extent. the reason of choosing such situations is stated to be in order that they may more readily escape by passing underneath their houses, and through the defile, in the event of any disagreement and hostile attack in reference to other rulers or neighbours. they cultivate independently, and pay tax or tribute to no one. if the zemindar of the neighbourhood troubles them for tribute, they go in a body to his house by night, set it on fire, plunder, and kill; and then retreat, with their entire households, into the wilds and fastnesses. they do in like manner with any of the zemindar's subordinates, if troublesome to them. if they are courted, and a compact is made with them, they will then abstain from any wrong or disturbance. if the zemindar, unable to bear with them, raise troops and proceed to destroy their houses, they escape underneath by a private way, as above mentioned. the invaders usually burn the houses, and retire. if the zemindar forego his demands, and make an agreement with them, they rebuild their houses in the same situations, and then render assistance to him." the modern savara settlement is described by mr. fawcett as having two rows of huts parallel and facing each other. "huts," he writes, "are generally built of upright pieces of wood stuck in the ground, or inches apart, and the intervals filled in with stones and mud laid alternately, and the whole plastered over with red mud. huts are invariably built a few feet above the level of the ground, often, when the ground is very uneven, feet above the ground in front. roofs are always thatched with grass. there is usually but one door, near one end wall; no windows or ventilators, every chink being filled up. in front of the doorway there is room for six or eight people to stand, and there is a loft, made by cross-beams, about feet from the floor, on which grain is stored in baskets, and under which the inmates crawl to do their cooking. bits of sun-dried buffalo meat and bones, not smelling over-sweet, are suspended from the rafters, or here and there stuck in between the rafters and the thatch; knives, a tangi (battle-axe), a sword, and bows and arrows may also be seen stuck in somewhere under the thatch. agricultural implements may be seen, too, small ones stuck under the roof or on the loft, and larger ones against the wall. as in ireland, the pig is of sufficient importance to have a room in the house. there is generally merely a low wall between the pig's room and the rest of the house, and a separate door, so that it may go in and out without going through that part of the house occupied by the family. rude drawings are very common in saora houses. they are invariably, if not always, in some way that i could never clearly apprehend, connected with one of the fetishes in the house." "when," mr. ramamurti writes, "a tiger enters a cottage and carries away an inmate, the villages are deserted, and sacrifices are offered to some spirits by all the inhabitants. the prevalence of small-pox in a village requires its abandonment. a succession of calamities leads to the same result. if a savara has a number of wives, each of them sometimes requires a separate house, and the house sites are frequently shifted according to the caprice of the women. the death or disease of cattle is occasionally followed by the desertion of the house." when selecting a site for a new dwelling hut, the maliah savaras place on the proposed site as many grains of rice in pairs as there are married members in the family, and cover them over with a cocoanut shell. they are examined on the following day, and, if they are all there, the site is considered auspicious. among the kapu savaras, the grains of rice are folded up in leaflets of the bael tree (Ægle marmelos), and placed in split bamboo. it is recorded by mr. fawcett, in connection with the use of the duodecimal system by the savaras that, "on asking a gomango how he reckoned when selling produce to the panos, he began to count on his fingers. in order to count , he began on the left foot (he was squatting), and counted ; then with the left hand more; then with the two first fingers of the right hand he made more, i.e., altogether; then with the thumb of the right hand and the other two fingers of the same, and the toes of the right foot he made more. and so it was always. they have names for numerals up to only, and to count always count first twelve and then eight in the manner described, except that they may begin on either hand or foot. to count or , they count by twenties, and put down a stone or some mark for each twenty. there is a saora story accounting for their numerals being limited to . one day, long ago, some saoras were measuring grain in a field, and, when they had measured measures of some kind, a tiger pounced in on them and devoured them. so, ever after, they dare not have a numeral above , for fear of a tiger repeating the performance." the savaras are described by mr. fawcett as "below the middle height; face rather flat; lips thick; nose broad and flat; cheek bones high; eyes slightly oblique. they are as fair as the uriyas, and fairer than the telugus of the plains. not only is the saora shorter and fairer than other hill people, but his face is distinctly mongolian, the obliquity of the eyes being sometimes very marked, and the inner corners of the eyes are generally very oblique. [the mongolian type is clearly brought out in the illustration.] the saora's endurance in going up and down hill, whether carrying heavy loads or not, is wonderful. four saoras have been known to carry a -stone man in a chair straight up a , feet hill without relief, and without rest. usually, the saora's dress (his full dress) consists of a large bunch of feathers (generally white) stuck in his hair on the crown of his head, a coloured cloth round his head as a turban, and worn much on the back of the head, and folded tightly, so as to be a good protection to the head. when feathers are not worn, the hair is tied on the top of the head, or a little at the side of it. a piece of flat brass is another head ornament. it is stuck in the hair, which is tied in a knot at the crown of the head, at an angle of about ° from the perpendicular, and its waving up and down motion as a man walks has a curious effect. another head ornament is a piece of wood, about or inches in length and / inch in diameter, with a flat button about inches in diameter on the top, all covered with hair or coloured thread, and worn in the same position as the flat piece of brass. a peacock's feather, or one or two of the tail feathers of the jungle cock, may be often seen stuck in the knot of hair on the top of the head. a cheroot or two, perhaps half smoked, may often be seen sticking in the hair of a man or woman, to be used again when wanted. they also smoke pipes, and the old women seem particularly fond of them. round the saora's neck are brass and bead necklaces. a man will wear as many as thirty necklaces at a time, or rather necklaces of various lengths passed as many as thirty times round his neck. round the saora's waist, and under his fork, is tied a cloth with coloured ends hanging in front and behind. when a cloth on the body is worn, it is usually worn crossed in front. the women wear necklaces like the men. their hair is tied at the back of the head, and is sometimes confined with a fillet. they wear only one cloth, tied round the waist. during feasts, or when dancing, they generally wear a cloth over the shoulders. every male wears a small ring, generally of silver, in the right nostril, and every female wears a similar ring in each nostril, and in the septum. as i have been told, these rings are put in the nose on the eighth or tenth day after birth. bangles are often worn by men and women. anklets, too, are sometimes worn by the women. brass necklets and many other ornaments are made in saora hills by the gangsis, a low tribe of workers in brass. the saora's weapons are the bow, sometimes ornamented with peacock's feathers, sword, dagger, and tangi. the bow used by the saoras is much smaller than the bow used by any of the other hill people. it is generally about / feet long, and the arrows from to inches. the bow is always made of bamboo, and so is the string. the arrows are reeds tipped with iron, and leathered on two sides only. a blunt-headed arrow is used for shooting birds. every saora can use the bow from boyhood, and can shoot straight up to or yards." as regards the marriage customs of the savaras, mr. fawcett writes that "a saora may marry a woman of his own or of any other village. a man may have as many as three wives, or, if he is a man of importance, such as gomango of a large village, he may have four. not that there is any law in the matter, but it is considered that three, or at most four, are as many as a man can manage. for his first marriage, a man chooses a young woman he fancies; his other wives are perhaps her sisters, or other women who have come to him. a woman may leave her husband whenever she pleases. her husband cannot prevent her. when a woman leaves her husband to join herself to another, the other pays the husband she has left a buffalo and a pig. formerly, it is said, if he did not pay up, the man she left would kill the man to whom she went. now arbitration comes into play. i believe a man usually takes a second wife after his first has had a child; if he did so before, the first wife would say he was impotent. as the getting of the first wife is more troublesome and expensive than getting the others, she is treated the best. in some places, all a man's wives are said to live together peaceably. it is not the custom in the kolakotta villages. knowing the wives would fight if together, domestic felicity is maintained by keeping up different establishments. a man's wives will visit one another in the daytime, but one wife will never spend the night in the house of another. an exception to this is that the first wife may invite one of the other wives to sleep in her house with the husband. as each wife has her separate house, so has she her separate piece of ground on the hill-side to cultivate. the wives will not co-operate in working each other's cultivation, but they will work together, with the husband, in the paddy fields. each wife keeps the produce of the ground she cultivates in her own house. produce of the paddy fields is divided into equal shares among the wives. if a wife will not work properly, or if she gives away anything belonging to her husband, she may be divorced. any man may marry a divorced woman, but she must pay to her former husband a buffalo and a pig. if a man catches his wife in adultery (he must see her in the act), he thinks he has a right to kill her, and her lover too. but this is now generally (but not always) settled by arbitration, and the lover pays up. a wife caught in adultery will never be retained as a wife. as any man may have as many as three wives, illicit attachments are common. during large feasts, when the saoras give themselves up to sensuality, there is no doubt a great deal of promiscuous intercourse. a widow is considered bound to marry her husband's brother, or his brother's sons if he has no younger brothers. a number of saoras once came to me to settle a dispute. they were in their full dress, with feathers and weapons. the dispute was this. a young woman's husband was dead, and his younger brother was almost of an age to take her to wife. she had fixed her affections on a man of another village, and made up her mind to have him and no one else. her village people wanted compensation in the shape of a buffalo, and also wanted her ornaments. the men of the other village said no, they could not give a buffalo. well, they should give a pig at least--no, they had no pig. then they must give some equivalent. they would give one rupee. that was not enough--at least three rupees. they were trying to carry the young woman off by force to make her marry her brother-in-law, but were induced to accept the rupee, and have the matter settled by their respective bissoyis. the young woman was most obstinate, and insisted on having her own choice, and keeping her ornaments. her village people had no objection to her choice, provided the usual compensation was paid. "in one far out-of-the-way village the marriage ceremony consists in this. the bride's father is plied with liquor two or three times; a feast is made in the bridegroom's house, to which the bride comes with her father; and after the feast she remains in the man's house as his wife. they know nothing of capture. in the kolakotta valley, below this village, a different custom prevails. the following is an account of a saora marriage as given by the gomango of one of the kolakotta villages, and it may be taken as representative of the purest saora marriage ceremony. 'i wished to marry a certain girl, and, with my brother and his son, went to her house. i carried a pot of liquor, and arrow, and one brass bangle for the girl's mother. arrived at the house, i put the liquor and the arrow on the floor. i and the two with me drank the liquor--no one else had any. the father of the girl said 'why have you brought the liquor?' i said 'because i want your daughter.' he said 'bring a big pot of liquor, and we will talk about it.' i took the arrow i brought with me, and stuck it in the thatch of the roof just above the wall, took up the empty pot, and went home with those who came with me. four days afterwards, with the same two and three others of my village, i went to the girl's father's house with a big pot of liquor. about fifteen or twenty people of the village were present. the father said he would not give the girl, and, saying so, he smashed the pot of liquor, and, with those of his village, beat us so that we ran back to our village. i was glad of the beating, as i know by it i was pretty sure of success. about ten days afterwards, ten or twenty of my village people went with me again, carrying five pots of liquor, which we put in the girl's father's house. i carried an arrow, which i stuck in the thatch beside the first one. the father and the girl's nearest male relative each took one of the arrows i had put in the thatch, and, holding them in their left hands, drank some of the liquor. i now felt sure of success. i then put two more arrows in the father's left hand, holding them in his hand with both of my hands over his, and asked him to drink. two fresh arrows were likewise placed in the left hands of all the girl's male relatives, while i asked them to drink. to each female relative of the girl i gave a brass bangle, which i put on their right wrists while i asked them to drink. the five pots of liquor were drunk by the girl's male and female relations, and the villagers. when the liquor was all drunk, the girl's father said 'come again in a month, and bring more liquor.' in a month i went again, with all the people of my village, men, women and children, dancing as we went (to music of course), taking with us thirty pots of liquor, and a little rice and a cloth for the girl's mother; also some hill dholl (pulse), which we put in the father's house. the liquor was set down in the middle of the village, and the villagers, and those who came with me, drank the liquor and danced. the girl did not join in this; she was in the house. when the liquor was finished, my village people went home, but i remained in the father's house. for three days i stayed, and helped him to work in his fields. i did not sleep with the girl; the father and i slept in one part of the house, and the girl and her mother in another. at the end of the three days i went home. about ten days afterwards, i, with about ten men of my village, went to watch for the girl going to the stream for water. when we saw her, we caught her, and ran away with her. she cried out and the people of her village came after us, and fought with us. we got her off to my village, and she remained with me as my wife. after she became my wife, her mother gave her a cloth and a bangle." the same individual said that, if a man wants a girl, and cannot afford to give the liquor, etc., to her people, he takes her off by force. if she likes him, she remains, but, if not, she runs home. he will carry her off three times, but not oftener; and, if after the third time she again runs away, he leaves her. the saoras themselves say that formerly every one took his wife by force. in a case which occurred a few years ago, a bridegroom did not comply with the usual custom of giving a feast to the bride's people, and the bride's mother objected to the marriage on that account. the bridegroom's party, however, managed to carry off the bride. her mother raised an alarm, whereon a number of people ran up, and tried to stop the bridegroom's party. they were outnumbered, and one was knocked down, and died from rupture of the spleen. a further account of the saora marriage customs is given by mr. ramamurti pantulu, who writes as follows. "when the parents of a young man consider it time to seek a bride for him, they make enquiries and even consult their relatives and friends as to a suitable girl for him. the girl's parents are informally apprised of their selection. on a certain day, the male relatives of the youth go to the girl's house to make a proposal of marriage. her parents, having received previous notice of the visit, have the door of the house open or closed, according as they approve or disapprove of the match. on arrival at the house, the visitors knock at the door, and, if it is open, enter without further ceremony. sometimes the door is broken open. if the girl's parents object to the match, they remain silent, and will not touch the liquor brought by the visitors, and they go away. should, however, they regard it with favour, they charge the visitors with intruding, shower abuse on them, and beat them, it may be, so severely that wounds are inflicted, and blood is shed. this ill-treatment is borne cheerfully, and without resistance, as it is a sign that the girl's hand will be bestowed on the young man. the liquor is then placed on the floor, and, after more abuse, all present partake thereof. if the girl's parents refuse to give her in marriage after the performance of this ceremony, they have to pay a penalty to the parents of the disappointed suitor. two or three days later, the young man's relatives go a second time to the girl's house, taking with them three pots of liquor, and a bundle composed of as many arrows as there are male members in the girl's family. the liquor is drunk, and the arrows are presented, one to each male. after an interval of some days, a third visit is paid, and three pots of liquor smeared with turmeric paste, and a quantity of turmeric, are taken to the house. the liquor is drunk, and the turmeric paste is smeared over the back and haunches of the girl's relatives. some time afterwards, the marriage ceremony takes place. the bridegroom's party proceed to the house of the bride, dancing and singing to the accompaniment of all the musical instruments except the drum, which is only played at funerals. with them they take twenty big pots of liquor, a pair of brass bangles and a cloth for the bride's mother, and head cloths for the father, brothers, and other male relatives. when everything is ready, the priest is called in. one of the twenty pots is decorated, and an arrow is fixed in the ground at its side. the priest then repeats prayers to the invisible spirits and ancestors, and pours some of the liquor into leaf-cups prepared in the names of the ancestors [jojonji and yoyonji, male and female], and the chiefs of the village. this liquor is considered very sacred, and is sprinkled from a leaf over the shoulders and feet of the elders present. the father of the bride, addressing the priest, says 'boya, i have drunk the liquor brought by the bridegroom's father, and thereby have accepted his proposal for a marriage between his son and my daughter. i do not know whether the girl will afterwards agree to go to her husband, or not. therefore it is well that you should ask her openly to speak out her mind.' the priest accordingly asks the girl if she has any objection, and she replies 'my father and mother, and all my relatives have drunk the bridegroom's liquor. i am a savara, and he is a savara. why then should i not marry him?' then all the people assembled proclaim that the pair are husband and wife. this done, the big pot of liquor, which has been set apart from the rest, is taken into the bride's house. this pot, with another pot of liquor purchased at the expense of the bride's father, is given to the bridegroom's party when it retires. every house-holder receives the bridegroom and his party at his house, and offers them liquor, rice, and flesh, which they cannot refuse to partake of without giving offence." "whoever," mr. ramamurti continues, "marries a widow, whether it is her husband's younger brother or some one of her own choice, must perform a religious ceremony, during which a pig is sacrificed. the flesh, with some liquor, is offered to the ghost of the widow's deceased husband, and prayers are addressed by the boyas to propitiate the ghost, so that it may not torment the woman and her second husband. 'oh! man,' says the priest, addressing the deceased by name, 'here is an animal sacrificed to you, and with this all connection between this woman and you ceases. she has taken with her no property belonging to you or your children. so do not torment her within the house or outside the house, in the jungle or on the hill, when she is asleep or when she wakes. do not send sickness on her children. her second husband has done no harm to you. she chose him for her husband, and he consented. oh! man, be appeased; oh! unseen ones; oh! ancestors, be you witnesses.' the animal sacrificed on this occasion is called long danda (inside fine), or fine paid to the spirit of a dead person inside the earth. the animal offered up, when a man marries a divorced woman, is called bayar danda (outside fine), or fine paid as compensation to a man living outside the earth. the moment that a divorcée marries another man, her former husband pounces upon him, shoots his buffalo or pig dead with an arrow, and takes it to his village, where its flesh is served up at a feast. the boya invokes the unseen spirits, that they may not be angry with the man who has married the woman, as he has paid the penalty prescribed by the elders according to the immemorial custom of the savaras. from a still further account of the ceremonial observances in connection with marriage, with variations, i gather that the liquor is the fermented juice of the salop or sago palm (caryota urens), and is called ara-sal. on arrival at the girl's house, on the first occasion, the young man's party sit at the door thereof, and, making three cups from the leaves kiredol (uncaria gambier) or jak (artocarpus integrifolia), pour the liquor into them, and lay them on the ground. as the liquor is being poured into the cups, certain names, which seem to be those of the ancestors, are called out. the liquor is then drunk, and an arrow (am) is stuck in the roof, and a brass bangle (khadu) left, before the visitors take their departure. if the match is unacceptable to the girl's family, the arrow and bangle are returned. the second visit is called pank-sal, or sang-sang-dal-sol, because the liquor pots are smeared with turmeric paste. sometimes it is called nyanga-dal-sol, because the future bridegroom carries a small pot of liquor on a stick borne on the shoulder; or pojang, because the arrow, which has been stuck in the roof, is set up in the ground close to one of the pots of liquor. in some places, several visits take place subsequent to the first visit, at one of which, called rodai-sal, a quarrel arises. it is noted by mr. ramamurti pantulu that, among the savaras who have settled in the low country, some differences have arisen in the marriage rites "owing to the introduction of hindu custom, i.e., those obtaining among the sudra castes. some of the savaras who are more hinduised than others consult their medicine men as to what day would be most auspicious for a marriage, erect pandals (booths), dispense with the use of liquor, substituting for it thick jaggery (crude sugar) water, and hold a festival for two or three days. but even the most hinduised savara has not yet fallen directly into the hands of the brahman priest." at the marriage ceremony of some kapu savaras, the bride and bridegroom sit side by side at the auspicious moment, and partake of boiled rice (korra) from green leaf-cups, the pair exchanging cups. before the bridegroom and his party proceed to their village with the bride, they present the males and females of her village with a rupee, which is called janjul naglipu, or money paid for taking away the girl. in another form of kapu savara marriage, the would-be bridegroom and his party proceed, on an auspicious day, to the house of the selected girl, and offer betel and tobacco, the acceptance of which is a sign that the match is agreeable to her parents. on a subsequent day, a small sum of money is paid as the bride-price. on the wedding day the bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom, where the contracting couple are lifted up by two people, who dance about with them. if the bride attempts to enter the house, she is caught hold of, and made to pay a small sum of money before she is permitted to do so. inside the house, the officiating desari ties the ends of the cloths of the bride and bridegroom together, after the ancestors and invisible spirits have been worshipped. of the marriage customs of the kapu savaras, the following account is given in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. "the kapu savaras are taking to menarikam (marriage with the maternal uncle's daughter), although the hill custom requires a man to marry outside his village. their wedding ceremonies bear a distant resemblance to those among the hill savaras. among the kapu savaras, the preliminary arrow and liquor are similarly presented, but the bridegroom goes at length on an auspicious day with a large party to the bride's house, and the marriage is marked by his eating out of the same platter with her, and by much drinking, feasting, and dancing." children are named after the day of the week on which they were born, and nicknames are frequently substituted for the birth name. mr. fawcett records, for example, that a man was called gylo because, when a child, he was fond of breaking nuts called gylo, and smearing himself with their black juice. another was called dallo because, in his youthful days, he was fond of playing about with a basket (dalli) on his head. concerning the death rites, mr. fawcett writes as follows. "as soon as a man, woman, or child dies in a house, a gun, loaded with powder only, is fired off at the door, or, if plenty of powder is available, several shots are fired, to frighten away the kulba (spirit). the gun used is the ordinary telugu or uriya matchlock. water is poured over the body while in the house. it is then carried away to the family burning-ground, which is situated from to yards from the cluster of houses occupied by the family, and there it is burned. [it is stated by mr. s. p. rice [ ] that "the dead man's hands and feet are tied together, and a bamboo is passed through them. two men then carry the corpse, slung in this fashion, to the burning-ground. when it is reached, two posts are stuck up, and the bamboo, with the corpse tied to it, is placed crosswise on the posts. then below the corpse a fire is lighted. the savara man is always burnt in the portion of the ground--one cannot call it a field--which he last cultivated."] the only wood used for the pyre is that of the mango, and of pongamia glabra. fresh, green branches are cut and used. no dry wood is used, except a few twigs to light the fire. were any one to ask those carrying a body to the burning-ground the name of the deceased or anything about him, they would be very angry. guns are fired while the body is being carried. everything a man has, his bows and arrows, his tangi, his dagger, his necklaces, his reaping-hook for cutting paddy, his axe, some paddy and rice, etc., are burnt with his body. i have been told in kolakotta that all a man's money too is burned, but it is doubtful if it really ever is--a little may be. a kolakotta gomango told me "if we do not burn these things with the body, the kulba will come and ask us for them, and trouble us." the body is burned the day a man dies. the next day, the people of the family go to the burning-place with water, which they pour over the embers. the fragments of the bones are then picked out, and buried about two feet in the ground, and covered over with a miniature hut, or merely with some thatching grass kept on the place by a few logs of wood, or in the floor of a small hut (thatched roof without walls) kept specially for the kulba at the burning-place. an empty egg-shell (domestic hen's) is broken under foot, and buried with the bones. it is not uncommon to send pieces of bone, after burning, to relations at a distance, to allow them also to perform the funeral rites. the first sacrificial feast, called the limma, is usually made about three or four days after the body has been burnt. in some places, it is said to be made after a longer interval. for the limma a fowl is killed at the burning-place, some rice or other grain is cooked, and, with the fowl, eaten by the people of the family, with the usual consumption of liquor. of course, the kudang (who is the medium of communication between the spirits of the dead and the living) is on the spot, and communicates with the kulba. if the deceased left debts, he, through the kudang, tells how they should be settled. perhaps the kulba asks for tobacco and liquor, and these are given to the kudang, who keeps the tobacco, and drinks the liquor. after the limma, a miniature hut is built for the kulba over the spot where the bones are buried. but this is not done in places like kolakotta, where there is a special hut set apart for the kulba. in some parts of the saora country, a few logs with grass on the top of them, logs again on the top to keep the grass in its place, are laid over the buried fragments of bones, it is said to be for keeping rain off, or dogs from disturbing the bones. in the evening previous to the limma, bitter food--the fruits or leaves of the margosa tree (melia azadirachta)--are eaten. they do not like this bitter food, and partake of it at no other time. [the same custom, called pithapona, or bitter food, obtains among the oriya inhabitants of the plains.] after the limma, the kulba returns to the house of the deceased, but it is not supposed to remain there always. the second feast to the dead, also sacrificial, is called the guar. for this, a buffalo, a large quantity of grain, and all the necessary elements and accompaniments of a feast are required. it is a much larger affair than the limma, and all the relations, and perhaps the villagers, join in. the evening before the guar, there is a small feast in the house for the purpose of calling together all the previously deceased members of the family, to be ready for the guar on the following day. the great feature of the guar is the erection of a stone in memory of the deceased. from to yards (sometimes a little more) from the houses occupied by a family may be seen clusters of stones standing upright in the ground, nearly always under a tree. every one of the stones has been put up at one of these guar feasts. there is a great deal of drinking and dancing. the men, armed with all their weapons, with their feathers in their hair, and adorned with coloured cloths, accompanied by the women, all dancing as they go, leave the house for the place where the stones are. music always accompanies the dancing. at kolakotta there is another thatched hut for the kulba at the stones. the stone is put up in the deceased's name at about a.m., and at about p.m. a buffalo is killed close to it. the head is cut off with an axe, and blood is put on the stone. the stones one sees are generally from / to feet high. there is no connection between the size of the stone and the importance of the deceased person. as much of the buffalo meat as is required for the feast is cooked, and eaten at the spot where the stones are. the uneaten remains are taken away by the relatives. in the evening the people return to the village, dancing as they go. the kolakotta people told me they put up the stones under trees, so that they can have all their feasting in the shade. relations exchange compliments by presenting one another with a buffalo for the guar feast, and receive one in return on a future occasion. the guar is supposed to give the kulba considerable satisfaction, and it does not injure people as it did before. but, as the guar does not quite satisfy the kulba, there is the great biennial feast to the dead. every second year (i am still speaking of kolakotta) is performed the karja or biennial feast to the dead, in february or march, after the crops are cut. all the kolakotta saoras join in this feast, and keep up drinking and dancing for twelve days. during these days, the kudangs eat only after sunset. guns are continually fired off, and the people give themselves up to sensuality. on the last day, there is a great slaughter of buffaloes. in front of every house in which there has been a death in the previous two years, at least one buffalo, and sometimes two or three, are killed. last year ( ) there were said to be at least a thousand buffaloes killed in kolakotta on the occasion of the karja. the buffaloes are killed in the afternoon. some grain is cooked in the houses, and, with some liquor, is given to the kudangs, who go through a performance of offering the food to the kulbas, and a man's or a woman's cloth, according as the deceased is a male or female, is at this time given to the kudang for the kulba of each deceased person, and of course the kudang keeps the offerings. the kudang then tells the kulba to begone, and trouble the inmates no more. the house people, too, sometimes say to the kulba 'we have now done quite enough for you: we have given you buffaloes, liquor, food, and cloths; now you must go'. at about p.m., the house is set fire to, and burnt. every house, in which there has been a death within the last two years, is on this occasion burnt. after this, the kulba gives no more trouble, and does not come to reside in the new hut that is built on the site of the burnt one. it never hurts grown people, but may cause some infantile diseases, and is easily driven away by a small sacrifice. in other parts of the saora country, the funeral rites and ceremonies are somewhat different to what they are in kolakotta. the burning of bodies, and burning of the fragments of the bones, is the same everywhere in the saora country. in one village the saoras said the bones were buried until another person died, when the first man's bones were dug up and thrown away, and the last person's bones put in their place. perhaps they did not correctly convey what they meant. i once saw a gaily ornamented hut, evidently quite new, near a burning-place. rude figures of birds and red rags were tied to five bamboos, which were sticking up in the air about feet above the hut, one at each corner, and one in the centre, and the bamboos were split, and notched for ornament. the hut was about / feet square, on a platform three feet high. there were no walls, but only four pillars, one at each corner, and inside a loft just as in a saora's hut. a very communicative saora said he built the hut for his brother after he had performed the limma, and had buried the bones in the raised platform in the centre of the hut. he readily went inside, and showed what he kept there for the use of his dead brother's kulba. on the loft were baskets of grain, a bottle of oil for his body, a brush to sweep the hut; in fact everything the kulba wanted. generally, where it is the custom to have a hut for the kulba, such hut is furnished with food, tobacco, and liquor. the kulba is still a saora, though a spiritual one. in a village two miles from that in which i saw the gaily ornamented hut, no hut of any kind is built for the kulba; the bones are merely covered with grass. weapons, ornaments, etc., are rarely burned with a body outside the kolakotta villages. in some places, perhaps one weapon, or a few ornaments will be burned with it. in some places the limma and guar feasts are combined, and in other places (and this is most common) the guar and karja are combined, but there is no burning of houses. in some places this is performed if crops are good. one often sees, placed against the upright stones to the dead, pieces of ploughs for male kulbas, and baskets for sifting grain for female kulbas. i once came across some hundreds of saoras performing the guar karja. dancing, with music, fantastically dressed, and brandishing their weapons, they returned from putting up the stones to the village, and proceeded to hack to pieces with their axes the buffaloes that had been slaughtered--a disgusting sight. after dark, many of the feasters passed my camp on their way home, some carrying legs and other large pieces of the sacrificed buffaloes, others trying to dance in a drunken way, swinging their weapons. during my last visit to kolakotta, i witnessed a kind of combination of the limma and guar (an uncommon arrangement there) made owing to peculiar circumstances. a deceased saora left no family, and his relatives thought it advisable to get through his limma and guar without delay, so as to run no risk of the non-performance of these feasts. he had been dead about a month. the limma was performed one day, the feast calling together the deceased ancestors the same evening; and the guar on the following day. part of the limma was performed in a house. three men, and a female kudang sat in a row; in front of them there was an inverted pot on the ground, and around it were small leaf cups containing portions of food. all chanted together, keeping excellent time. some food in a little leaf cup was held near the earthen pot, and now and then, as they sang, passed round it. some liquor was poured on the food in the leaf cup, and put on one side for the kulba. the men drank liquor from the leaf cups which had been passed round the earthen pot. after some silence there was a long chant, to call together all spirits of ancestors who had died violent deaths, and request them to receive the spirit of the deceased among them; and portions of food and liquor were put aside for them. then came another long chant, calling on the kulbas of all ancestors to come, and receive the deceased and not to be angry with him." it is stated [ ] that, in the east of gunupur, the savaras commit much cattle theft, partly, it is said, because custom enjoins big periodical sacrifices of cattle to their deceased ancestors. in connection with the guar festival, mr. ramamurti pantulu writes that well-to-do individuals offer each one or two animals, while, among the poorer members of the community, four or five subscribe small sums for the purchase of a buffalo, and a goat. "there are," he continues, "special portions of the sacrificed animals, which should, according to custom, be presented to those that carried the dead bodies to the grave, as well as to the boya and gomong. if a man is hanged, a string is suspended in the house on the occasion of the guar, so that the spirit may descend along it. if a man dies of wounds caused by a knife or iron weapon, a piece of iron or an arrow is thrust into a rice-pot to represent the deceased." i gather further that, when a savara dies after a protracted illness, a pot is suspended by a string from the roof of the house. on the ground is placed a pot, supported on three stones. the pots are smeared with turmeric paste, and contain a brass box, chillies, rice, onions, and salt. they are regarded as very sacred, and it is believed that the ancestors sometimes visit them. concerning the religion of the savaras, mr. fawcett notes that their name for deity is sonnum or sunnam, and describes the following:-- ( ) jalia. in some places thought to be male, and in others female. the most widely known, very malevolent, always going about from one saora village to another causing illness or death; in some places said to eat people. almost every illness that ends in death in three or four days is attributed to jalia's malevolence. when mangoes ripen, and before they are eaten cooked (though they may be eaten raw), a sacrifice of goats, with the usual drinking and dancing, is made to this deity. in some villages, in the present year ( ), there were built for the first time, temples--square thatched places without walls--in the villages. the reason given for building in the villages was that jalia had come into them. usually erections are outside villages, and sacrifice is made there, in order that jalia may be there appeased, and go away. but sometimes he will come to a village, and, if he does, it is advisable to make him comfortable. one of these newly built temples was about four feet square, thatched on the top, with no walls, just like the hut for departed spirits. a saora went inside, and showed us the articles kept for jalia's use and amusement. there were two new cloths in a bamboo box, two brushes of feathers to be held in the hand when dancing, oil for the body, a small looking-glass, a bell, and a lamp. on the posts were some red spots. goats are killed close by the temple, and the blood is poured on the floor of the platform thereof. there are a few villages, in or near which there are no jalia erections, the people saying that jalia does not trouble them, or that they do not know him. in one village where there was none, the saoras said there had been one, but they got tired of jalia, and made a large sacrifice with numerous goats and fowls, burnt his temple, and drove him out. jalia is fond of tobacco. near one village is an upright stone in front of a little jalia temple, by a path-side, for passers-by to leave the ends of their cheroots on for jalia. ( ) kitung. in some parts there is a story that this deity produced all the saoras in orissa, and brought them with all the animals of the jungles to the saora country. in some places, a stone outside the village represents this deity, and on it sacrifices are made on certain occasions to appease this deity. the stone is not worshipped. there are also groves sacred to this deity. the uriyas in the saora hills also have certain sacred groves, in which the axe is never used. ( ) rathu. gives pains in the neck. ( ) dharma boja, lankan (above), ayungang (the sun). the first name is, i think, of uriya origin, and the last the real saora name. there is an idea in the kolakotta country that it causes all births. this deity is not altogether beneficent, and causes sickness, and may be driven away by sacrifices. in some villages, this deity is almost the only one known. a saora once told me, on my pointing to venus and asking what it was, that the stars are the children of the sun and moon, and one day the sun said he would eat them all up. woman-like, the moon protested against the destruction of her progeny, but was obliged to give in. she, however, managed to hide venus while the others were being devoured. venus was the only planet he knew. in some parts, the sun is not a deity. ( ) kanni. very malevolent. lives in big trees, so they are never cut in groves which this deity is supposed to haunt. i frequently saw a saora youth of about , who was supposed to be possessed by this deity. he was an idiot, who had fits. numerous buffaloes had been sacrificed to kanni, to induce that deity to leave the youth, but to no purpose. "there are many hill deities known in certain localities--derema, supposed to be on the deodangar hill, the highest in the neighbourhood, khistu, kinchinyung, ilda, lobo, kondho, balu, baradong, etc. these deities of the hills are little removed from the spirits of the deceased saoras. [mr. ramamurti pantulu refers to two hills, one at gayaba called jum-tang baru, or eat cow hill, and the other about eight miles from parlakimedi, called media baru. at the former, a cow or bull is sacrificed, because a kuttung once ate the flesh of a cow there; at the latter the spirits require only milk and liquor. this is peculiar, as the savaras generally hold milk in abhorrence.]" "there is invariably one fetish, and generally there are several fetishes in every saora house. in some villages, where the sun is the chief deity (and causes most mischief), there are fetishes of the sun god; in another village, fetishes of jalia, kitung, etc. i once saw six jalia fetishes, and three other fetishes in one house. there are also, especially about kolakotta, kulba fetishes in houses. the fetish is generally an empty earthen pot, about nine inches in diameter, slung from the roof. the kudang slings it up. on certain occasions, offerings are made to the deity or kulba represented by the fetish on the floor underneath it. rude pictures, too, are sometimes fetishes. the fetish to the sun is generally ornamented with a rude pattern daubed in white on the outside. in the village of bori in the vizagapatam agency, offerings are made to the sun fetish when a member of the household gets pains in the legs or arms, and the fetish is said on such occasion to descend of itself to the floor. sacrifices are sometimes made inside houses, under the fetishes, sometimes at the door, and blood put on the ground underneath the fetish." it is noted by mr. ramamurti pantulu that "the kittungs are ten in number, and are said to be all brothers. their names are bhima, rama, jodepulu, peda, rung-rung, tumanna, garsada, jaganta, mutta, and tete. on some occasions, ten figures of men, representing the kittungs, are drawn on the walls of a house. figures of horses and elephants, the sun, moon and stars, are also drawn below them. the boya is also represented. when a woman is childless, or when her children die frequently, she takes a vow that the kittungpurpur ceremony shall be celebrated, if a child is born to her, and grows in a healthy state. if this comes to pass, a young pig is purchased, and marked for sacrifice. it is fattened, and allowed to grow till the child reaches the age of twelve, when the ceremony is performed. the madras museum possesses a series of wooden votive offerings which were found stacked in a structure, which has been described to me as resembling a pigeon-cot. the offerings consisted of a lizard (varanus), paroquet, monkey, peacock, human figures, dagger, gun, sword, pick-axe, and musical horn. the savaras would not sell them to the district officer, but parted with them on the understanding that they would be worshipped by the government. i gather that, at the sale or transfer of land, the spirits are invoked by the boya, and, after the distribution of liquor, the seller or mortgager holds a pipal (ficus religiosa) leaf with a lighted wick in it in his hand, while the purchaser or mortgagee holds another leaf without a wick. the latter covers the palm of the former with his leaf, and the terms of the transaction are then announced. concerning the performance of sacrifices, mr. fawcett writes that "the saoras say they never practiced human sacrifice. most saora sacrifices, which are also feasts, are made to appease deities or kulbas that have done mischief. i will first notice the few which do not come in this category. (a) the feast to jalia when mangoes ripen, already mentioned, is one. in a village where the sun, and not jalia, is the chief deity, this feast is made to the sun. jalia does not trouble the village, as the kudung meets him outside it now and then, and sends him away by means of a sacrifice. [sacrifices and offerings of pigs or fowls, rice, and liquor, are also made at the mahua, hill grain, and red gram festivals.] (b) a small sacrifice, or an offering of food, is made in some places before a child is born. about kolakotta, when a child is born, a fowl or a pound or so of rice, and a quart of liquor provided by the people of the house, will be taken by the kudang to the jungle, and the fowl sacrificed to kanni. blood, liquor, and rice are left in leaf cups for kanni, and the rest is eaten. in every paddy field in kolakotta, when the paddy is sprouting, a sacrifice is made to sattira for good crops. a stick of the tree called in uriya kendhu, about five or six feet long, is stuck in the ground. the upper end is sharpened to a point, on which is impaled a live young pig or a live fowl, and over it an inverted earthen pot daubed over with white rings. if this sacrifice is not made, good crops cannot be expected. [it may be noted that the impaling of live pigs is practiced in the telugu country.] [ ] when crops ripen, and before the grain is eaten, sacrifice is made to lobo (the earth). lobo sonnum is the earth deity. if they eat the grain without performing this sacrifice, it will disagree with them, and will not germinate properly when sown again. if crops are good, a goat is killed, if not good, a pig or a fowl. a kolakotta saora told me of another sacrifice, which is partly of a propitiatory nature. if a tiger or panther kills a person, the kudang is called, and he, on the following sunday, goes through a performance, to prevent a similar fate overtaking others. two pigs are killed outside the village, and every man, woman, and child is made to walk over the ground whereon the pig's blood is spilled, and the kudang gives to each individual some kind of tiger medicine as a charm. the kudang communicates with the kulba of the deceased, and learns the whole story of how he met his death. in another part of the saora country, the above sacrifice is unknown; and, when a person is killed by a tiger or panther, a buffalo is sacrificed to the kulba of the deceased three months afterwards. the feast is begun before dark, and the buffalo is killed the next morning. no medicine is used. of sacrifices after injury is felt, and in order to get rid of it, that for rain may be noticed first. the gomango, another important man in the village, and the kudang officiate. a pig and a goat are killed outside the village to kitung. the blood must flow on the stone. then liquor and grain are set forth, and a feast is made. about kolakotta the belief in the active malevolence of kulbas is more noticeable than in other parts, where deities cause nearly all mischief. sickness and death are caused by deities or kulbas, and it is the kudang who ascertains which particular spirit is in possession of, or has hold of any sick person, and informs him what is to be done in order to drive it away. he divines in this way usually. he places a small earthen saucer, with a little oil and lighted wick in it, in the patient's hand. with his left hand he holds the patient's wrist, and with his right drops from a leaf cup grains of rice on to the flame. as each grain drops, he calls out the name of different deities, and kulbas, and, whichever spirit is being named as a grain catches fire, is that causing the sickness. the kudang is at once in communication with the deity or kulba, who informs him what must be done for him, what sacrifice made before he will go away. there is, in some parts of the saora country, another method by which a kudang divines the cause of sickness. he holds the patient's hand for a quarter of an hour or so, and goes off in a trance, in which the deity or kulba causing the sickness communicates with the kudang, and says what must be done to appease him. the kudang is generally, if not always, fasting when engaged in divination. if a deity or kulba refuses to go away from a sick person, another more powerful deity or kulba can be induced to turn him out. a long account of a big sacrifice is given by mr. fawcett, of which the following is a summary. the kudang was a lean individual of about or , with a grizzled beard a couple of inches in length. he had a large bunch of feathers in his hair, and the ordinary saora waist-cloth with a tail before and behind. there were tom-toms with the party. a buffalo was tied up in front of the house, and was to be sacrificed to a deity who had seized on a young boy, and was giving him fever. the boy's mother came out with some grain, and other necessaries for a feed, in a basket on her head. all started, the father of the boy carrying him, a man dragging the buffalo along, and the kudang driving it from behind. as they started, the kudang shouted out some gibberish, apparently addressed to the deity, to whom the sacrifice was to be made. the party halted in the shade of some big trees. they said that the sacrifice was to the road god, who would go away by the path after the sacrifice. having arrived at the place, the woman set down her basket, the men laid down their axes and the tom-toms, and a fire was lighted. the buffalo was tied up yards off on the path, and began to graze. after a quarter of an hour, the father took the boy in his lap as he sat on the path, and the kudang's assistant sat on his left with a tom-tom before him. the kudang stood before the father on the path, holding a small new earthen pot in his hand. the assistant beat the tom-tom at the rate of beats to the minute. the kudang held the earthen pot to his mouth, and, looking up to the sun (it was a.m.), shouted some gibberish into it, and then danced round and round without leaving his place, throwing up the pot an inch or so, and catching it with both hands, in perfect time with the tom-tom, while he chanted gibberish for a quarter of an hour. occasionally, he held the pot up to the sun, as if saluting it, shouted into it, and passed it round the father's head and then round the boy's head, every motion in time with the tom-tom. the chant over, he put down the pot, and took up a toy-like bow and arrow. the bow was about two feet long, through which was fixed an arrow with a large head, so that it could be pulled only to a certain extent. the arrow was fastened to the string, so that it could not be detached from the bow. he then stuck a small wax ball on to the point of the arrow head, and, dancing as before, went on with his chant accompanied by the tom-tom. looking up at the sun, he took aim with the bow, and fired the wax ball at it. he then fired balls of wax, and afterwards other small balls, which the uriyas present said were medicine of some kind, at the boy's head, stomach, and legs. as each ball struck him, he cried. the kudang, still chanting, then went to the buffalo, and fired a wax ball at its head. he came back to where the father was sitting, and, putting down the bow, took up two thin pieces of wood a foot long, an inch wide, and blackened at the ends. the chant ceased for a few moments while he was changing the bow for the pieces of wood, but, when he had them in his hands, he went on again with it, dancing round as before, and striking the two pieces of wood together in time. this lasted about five minutes, and, in the middle of the dance, he put an umbrella-like shade on his head. the dance over, he went to the buffalo, and stroked it all over with the two pieces of wood, first on the head, then on the body and rump, and the chant ceased. he then sat in front of the boy, put a handful of common herbs into the earthen pot, and poured some water into it. chanting, he bathed the boy's head with the herbs and water, the father's head, the boy's head again, and then the buffalo's head, smearing them with the herbs. he blew into one ear of the boy, and then into the other. the chant ceased, and he sat on the path. the boy's father got up, and, carrying the boy, seated him on the ground. then, with an axe, which was touched by the sick boy, he went up to the buffalo, and with a blow almost buried the head of the axe in the buffalo's neck. he screwed the axe about until he disengaged it, and dealt a second and a third blow in the same place, and the buffalo fell on its side. when it fell, the boy's father walked away. as the first blow was given, the kudang started up very excited as if suddenly much overcome, holding his arms slightly raised before him, and staggered about. his assistant rushed at him, and held him round the body, while he struggled violently as if striving to get to the bleeding buffalo. he continued struggling while the boy's father made his three blows on the buffalo's neck. the father brought him some of the blood in a leaf cup, which he greedily drank, and was at once quiet. some water was then given him, and he seemed to be all right. after a minute or so, he sat on the path with the tom-tom before him, and, beating it, chanted as before. the boy's father returned to the buffalo, and, with a few more whacks at it, stopped its struggles. some two or three men joined him, and, with their axes and swords, soon had the buffalo in pieces. all present, except the kudang, had a good feed, during which the tom-tom ceased. after the feed, kudang went at it again, and kept it up at intervals for a couple of hours. he once went for minutes at beats to the minute without ceasing. a variant of the ceremonial here described has been given to me by mr. g. f. paddison from the gunapur hills. a buffalo is tied up to the door of the house, where the sick person resides. herbs and rice in small platters, and a little brass vessel containing toddy, balls of rice, flowers, and medicine, are brought with a bow and arrow. the arrow is thicker at the basal end than towards the tip. the narrow part goes, when shot, through a hole in the bow, too small to allow of passage of the rest of the arrow. the beju (wise woman) pours toddy over the herbs and rice, and daubs the sick person over the forehead, breasts, stomach, and back. she croons out a long incantation to the goddess, stopping at intervals to call out "daru," to attract her attention. she then takes the bow and arrow, and shoots into the air. she then stands behind the kneeling patient, and shoots balls of medicine stuck on the tip of the arrow at her. the construction of the arrow is such that the balls are dislodged from the tip of the arrow. the patient is thus shot at all over the body, which is bruised by the impact of the balls. afterwards the beju shoots one or two balls at the buffalo, which is taken to a path forming the village boundary, and killed with a tangi (axe). the patient is then daubed with blood of the buffalo, rice and toddy. a feast concludes the ceremonial. the following account of a sacrifice to rathu, who had given fever to the sister of the celebrant kudang, is given by mr. fawcett. "the kudang was squatting, facing west, his fingers in his ears, and chanting gibberish with continued side-shaking of his head. about two feet in front of him was an apparatus made of split bamboo. a young pig had been killed over it, so that the blood was received in a little leaf cup, and sprinkled over the bamboo work. the kudang never ceased his chant for an hour and a half. while he was chanting, some eight saoras were cooking the pig with some grain, and having a good feed. between the bamboo structure and the kudang were three little leaf cups, containing portions of the food for rathu. a share of the food was kept for the kudang, who when he had finished his chant, got up and ate it. another performance, for which some dried meat of a buffalo that had been sacrificed a month previously was used, i saw on the same day. three men, a boy, and a baby, were sitting in the jungle. the men were preparing food, and said that they were about to do some reverence to the sun, who had caused fever to some one. portions of the food were to be set out in leaf cups for the sun deity." it is recorded by mr. ramamurti pantulu that, when children are seriously ill and become emaciated, offerings are made to monkeys and blood-suckers (lizards), not in the belief that illness is caused by them, but because the sick child, in its emaciated state, resembles an attenuated figure of these animals. accordingly, a blood-sucker is captured, small toy arrows are tied round its body, and a piece of cloth is tied on its head. some drops of liquor are then poured into its mouth, and it is set at liberty. in negotiating with a monkey, some rice and other articles of food are placed in small baskets, called tanurjal, which are suspended from branches of trees in the jungle. the savaras frequently attend the markets or fairs held in the plains at the foot of the ghats to purchase salt and other luxuries. if a savara is taken ill at the market or on his return thence, he attributes the illness to a spirit of the market called biradi sonum. the bulls, which carry the goods of the hindu merchants to the market, are supposed to convey this spirit. in propitiating it, the savara makes an image of a bull in straw, and, taking it out of his village, leaves it on the foot-path after a pig has been sacrificed to it. "each group of savaras," mr. ramamurti writes, "is under the government of two chiefs, one of whom is the gomong (or great man) and the other, his colleague in council, is the boya, who not only discharges, in conjunction with the gomong, the duties of magistrate, but also holds the office of high priest. the offices of these two functionaries are hereditary, and the rule of primogeniture regulates succession, subject to the principle that incapable individuals should be excluded. the presence of these two officers is absolutely necessary on occasions of marriages and funerals, as well as at harvest festivals. sales and mortgages of land and liquor-yielding trees, partition and other dispositions of property, and divorces are effected in the council of village elders, presided over by the gomong and boya, by means of long and tedious proceedings involving various religious ceremonies. all cases of a civil and criminal nature are heard and disposed of by them. fines are imposed as a punishment for all sorts of offences. these invariably consist of liquor and cattle, the quantity of liquor and the number of animals varying according to the nature of the offence. the murder of a woman is considered more heinous than the murder of a man, as woman, being capable of multiplying the race, is the more useful. a thief, while in the act of stealing, may be shot dead. it is always the man, and not the woman, that is punished for adultery. oaths are administered, and ordeals prescribed. until forty or fifty years ago, it is said that the savara magistrate had jurisdiction in murder cases. he was the highest tribunal in the village, the only arbitrator in all transactions among the villagers. and, if any differences arose between his men and the inhabitants of a neighbouring village, for settling which it was necessary that a battle should be fought, the gomong became the commander, and, leading his men, contested the cause with all his might. these officers, though discharging such onerous and responsible duties, are regarded as in no special degree superior to others in social position. they enjoy no special privileges, and receive no fees from the suitors who come up to their court. except on occasions of public festivals, over which they preside, they are content to hold equal rank with the other elders of the village. each cultivates his field, and builds his house. his wife brings home fuel and water, and cooks for his family; his son watches his cattle and crops. the english officials and the bissoyis have, however, accorded to these savara officers some distinction. when the governor's agent, during his annual tour, invites the savara elders to bheti (visit), they make presents of a fowl, sheep, eggs, or a basket of rice, and receive cloths, necklaces, etc. the bissoyis exempt them from personal service, which is demanded from all others." at the sankaranthi festival, the savaras bring loads of firewood, yams (dioscorea tubers), pumpkins, etc., as presents for the bissoyi, and receive presents from him in return. besides cultivating, the savaras collect bauhinia leaves, and sell them to traders for making leaf platters. the leaves of the jel-adda tree (bauhinia purpurea) are believed to be particularly appreciated by the savara spirits, and offerings made to them should be placed in cups made thereof. the savaras also collect various articles of minor forest produce, honey and wax. they know how to distil liquor from the flowers of the mahua (bassia latifolia). the process of distillation has been thus described. [ ] "the flowers are soaked in water for three or four days, and are then boiled with water in an earthenware chatty. over the top of this is placed another chatty, mouth downwards, the join between the two being made air-tight by being tied round with a bit of cloth, and luted with clay. from a hole made in the upper chatty, a hollow bamboo leads to a third pot, specially made for the purpose, which is globular, and has no opening except that into which the bamboo pipe leads. this last is kept cool by pouring water constantly over it, and the distillate is forced into it through the bamboo, and there condenses." in a report on his tour through the savara country in , the agent to the governor of madras reported as follows. "at gunapur i heard great complaints of the thievish habits of the soura tribes on the hills dividing gunapur from pedda kimedy. they are not dacoits, but very expert burglers, if the term can be applied to digging a hole in the night through a mud wall. if discovered and hard pressed, they do not hesitate to discharge their arrows, which they do with unerring aim, and always with fatal result. three or four murders have been perpetrated by these people in this way since the country has been under our management. i arranged with the superintendent of police to station a party of the armed reserve in the ghaut leading to soura country. one or two cases of seizure and conviction will suffice to put a check to the crime." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, that "in trouble occurred with the savaras. one of their headmen having been improperly arrested by the police of pottasingi, they effected a rescue, killed the inspector and four constables, and burnt down the station-house. the raja of jeypore was requested to use his influence to procure the arrest of the offenders, and eventually twenty-four were captured, of whom nine were transported for life, and five were sentenced to death, and hanged at jalteru, at the foot of the ghat to pottasingi. government presented the raja with a rifle and other gifts in acknowledgment of his assistance. the country did not immediately calm down, however, and, in , a body of police, who were sent to establish a post in the hills, were attacked, and forced to beat a retreat down the ghat. a large force was then assembled, and, after a brief but harassing campaign, the post was firmly occupied in january, . three of the ringleaders of this rising were transported for life. the hill savaras remained timid and suspicious for some years afterwards, and, as late as , the reports mention it as a notable fact that they were beginning to frequent markets on the plains, and that the low-country people no longer feared to trust themselves above the ghats." in , government approved the following proposals for the improvement of education among the savaras and other hill tribes in the ganjam and vizagapatam agencies, so far as government schools are concerned:-- ( ) that instruction to the hill tribes should be given orally through the medium of their own mother tongue, and that, when a savara knows both uriya and telugu, it would be advantageous to educate him in uriya; ( ) that evening classes be opened whenever possible, the buildings in which they are held being also used for night schools for adults who should receive oral instruction, and that magic-lantern exhibitions might be arranged for occasionally, to make the classes attractive; ( ) that concessions, if any, in the matter of grants admissible to savaras, khonds, etc., under the grant-in-aid code, be extended to the pupils of the above communities that attend schools in the plains; ( ) that an itinerating agency, who could go round and look after the work of the agency schools, be established and that, in the selection of hill school establishments, preference be given to men educated in the hill schools; ( ) that some suitable form of manual occupation be introduced, wherever possible, into the day's work, and the schools be supplied with the requisite tools, and that increased grants be given for anything original. savara.--a name, denoting hill-men, adopted by male kudiyas. savu (death).--a sub-division of mala. sayakkaran.--an occupational term, meaning a dyer, returned, at times of census, by tamil dyers. sayumpadai tangi.--the name, meaning supporter of the vanquished army, of a section of kallans. sedan.--a synonym of devanga. at times of census, seda dasi has been returned by devanga dancing-girls in the madura district. the following legend of savadamma, the goddess of the weaver caste in coimbatore, is narrated by bishop whitehead. [ ] "once upon a time, when there was fierce conflict between the men and the rakshasas, the men, who were getting defeated, applied for help to the god siva, who sent his wife parvati as an avatar or incarnation into the world to help them. the avatar enabled them to defeat the rakshasas, and, as the weaver caste were in the forefront of the battle, she became the goddess of the weavers, and was known in consequence as savadamman, a corruption of sedar amman, sedan being a title of the weavers. it is said that her original home was in the north of india, near the himalayas." segidi.--the segidis are a telugu caste of toddy sellers and distillers of arrack, who are found mainly in ganjam and vizagapatam. for the purposes of the madras abkari act, toddy means fermented or unfermented juice drawn from a cocoanut, palmyra, date, or any other kind of palm-tree. it is laid down, in the madras excise manual, that "unfermented toddy is not subject to any taxation, but it must be drawn in pots freshly coated internally with lime. lime is prescribed as the substance with which the interior of pots or other receptacles in which sweet toddy is drawn should be coated, as it checks the fermentation of the toddy coming in contact with it; but this effect cannot be secured unless the internal lime coating of the toddy pot or vessel is thorough, and is renewed every time that the pot is emptied of its contents." it is noted by bishop caldwell [ ] that "it is the unfermented juice of the palmyra (and other palms) which is used as food. when allowed to ferment, which it will do before midday, if left to itself, it is changed into a sweet intoxicating drink called kal or toddy." pietro della valle records [ ] that he stayed on board till nightfall, "entertaining with conversation and drinking tari, a liquor which is drawn from the cocoanut trees, of a whitish colour, a little turbid, and of a somewhat rough taste, though with a blending in sweetness, and not unpalatable, something like one of our vini piccanti. it will also intoxicate, like wine, if drunk over freely." writing in , fryer [ ] describes the natives as "singing and roaring all night long; being drunk with toddy, the wine of the cocoe." arrack is a spirituous liquor distilled from the fermented sap of various palms. in some parts of the madras presidency, arrack vendors consider it unlucky to set their measures upside down. some time ago, the excise commissioner informs me, the excise department had some aluminium measures made for measuring arrack in liquor shops. it was found that the arrack corroded the aluminium, and the measures soon leaked. the shopkeepers were told to turn their measures upside down, in order that they might drain. this they refused to do, as it would bring bad luck to their shop. new measures with round bottoms were evolved, which would not stand up. but the shopkeepers began to use rings of india-rubber from soda-water bottles, to make them stand. an endeavour has since been made to induce them to keep their measures inverted by hanging them on pegs, so that they will drain without being turned upside down. the case illustrates well how important a knowledge of the superstitions of the people is in the administration of their affairs. the segidis do not draw the liquor from the palm-tree themselves, but purchase it from the toddy-drawing castes, the yatas and gamallas. they have a caste headman, called kulampedda, who settles disputes with the assistance of a council. like other telugu castes, they have intiperulu or house names, which are strictly exogamous. girls are married either before or after puberty. the custom of menarikam is practiced, in accordance with which a man marries his maternal aunt's daughter. a brahman officiates at marriages, except the remarriage of widows. when a widow is remarried, the caste-men assemble, and the kulampedda ties the sathamanam (marriage badge) on the bride's neck. the dead are usually cremated, and the washerman of the village assists the chief mourner in igniting the pyre. a satani conducts the funeral ceremonies. the segidis worship various village deities, and perantalammas, or women who killed themselves during their husbands' lives or on their death. the more well-to-do members of the caste take the title anna. sekkan (oil-man).--a synonym of vaniyan. sembadavan.--the sembadavans are the fishermen of the tamil country, who carry on their calling in freshwater tanks (ponds), lakes and rivers, and never in the sea. some of them are ferrymen, and the name has been derived from sem (good), padavan (boatmen). a legend runs to the effect that the goddess ankalamman, whom they worship with offerings of sheep, pigs, fowls, rice, etc., was a sembadava girl, of whom siva became enamoured, and sembadavan is accordingly derived from sambu (siva) or a corruption of sivan padavan (siva's boatmen). some members of the caste in the telugu country returned themselves, at the census, , as sambuni reddi or kapu. according to another legend, the name is derived from sembu padavor or copper boatmen. parvatha raja, disguised as a boatman, when sailing in a copper boat, threw out his net to catch fish. four vedas were transformed into nets, with which to catch the rakshasas, who assumed the form of fishes. within the nets a rishi was also caught, and, getting angry, asked the boatman concerning his pedigree. on learning it, he cursed him, and ordained that his descendants should earn their living by fishing. hence the sembadavans call themselves parvatha rajavamsam. yet another legend states that the founder of the caste, while worshipping god, was tried thus. god caused a large fish to appear in the water near the spot at which he was worshipping. forgetting all about his prayers, he stopped to catch the fish, and was cursed with the occupation of catching fish for ever. according to yet another account of the origin of the sembadavans, siva was much pleased with their ancestors' devotion to him when they lived upon the sea-shore by catching a few fish with difficulty, and in recognition of their piety furnished them with a net, and directed various other castes to become fish-eaters, so that the sembadavar might live comfortably. of the sembadavans of the north arcot district, mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] that they "act as boatmen and fishers. they have little opportunity of exercising the former profession, but during heavy freshes in big rivers they ferry people from bank to bank in round leather-covered basket coracles, which they push along, swimming or wading by the side, or assist the timid to ford by holding their hands. at such times they make considerable hauls. during the rest of the year they subsist by fishing in the tanks." "the sembadavans of the south arcot district," mr. francis writes, [ ] "are fresh-water fishermen and boatmen. both their occupations being of a restricted character, they have now in some cases taken to agriculture, weaving, and the hawking of salted sea-fish, but almost all of them are poor. they make their own nets, and, when they have to walk any distance for any purpose, they often spin the thread as they go along. their domestic priests are panchangi brahmans, and these tie the tali at weddings, and perform the purificatory ceremonies on the sixteenth day after deaths." the sembadavans consider themselves to be superior to pattanavans, who are sea-fishermen. they usually take the title nattan, kavandan, maniyakkaran, paguththar, or pillai. some have assumed the title guha vellala, to connect themselves with guha, who rowed the boat of rama to ceylon. at the census, , savalakkaran (q.v.) was returned as a sub-caste. savalalai or saval thadi is the flattened paddle for rowing boats. a large number call themselves pujari, (priest), and wear the lingam enclosed in a silver casket or pink cloth, and the sacred thread. it is the pujari who officiates at the temple services to village deities. at malayanur, in the south arcot district, all the sembadavans call themselves pujari, and seem to belong to a single sept called mukkali (three-legged). most of the sembadavans call themselves saivites, but a few, e.g., at kuppam in north arcot, and other places, say that they are vaishnavites, and belong to vishnu gotram. even among those who claimed to be vaishnavites, a few were seen with a sandal paste (saivite) mark on the forehead. their explanation was that they were returning from the fields, where they had eaten their food. this they must not do without wearing a religious emblem, and they had not with them the mirror, red powder, water, etc., necessary for making the vaishnavite namam mark. they asserted that they never take a girl in marriage from saivite families without burning her tongue with a piece of gold, and purifying her by punyavachanam. the sembadavans at chidambaram are all saivites, and point out with pride their connection with the temple. it appears that, on a particular day, they are deputed to carry the idol in procession through the streets, and their services are paid for with a modest fee and a ball of cooked rice for each person. some respect is shown to them by the temple authorities, as the goddess, when being carried in procession, is detained for some time in their quarters, and they make presents of female cloths to the idol. the sembadavans have exogamous septs, named after various heroes, etc. the office of nattan or nattamaikkaran (headman) is confined to a particular sept, and is hereditary. in some places he is assisted by officers called sangathikkar or sangathipillai, through whom, at a council, the headman should be addressed. at their council meetings, representatives of the seven nadus (villages), into which the sembadavans of various localities are divided, are present. at malayanur these nadus are replaced by seven exogamous septs, viz., devar, seppiliyan, ethinayakan, sangili, mayakundali, pattam, and panikkan. if a man under trial pleads not guilty to the charge brought against him, he has to bear the expenses of the members of council. sometimes, as a punishment, a man is made to carry a basket of rubbish, with tamarind twigs as the emblem of flogging, and a knife to denote cutting of the tongue. women are said to be punished by having to carry a basket of rubbish and a broom round the village. sembadavans who are ferrymen by profession do special worship to ganga, the goddess of water, to whom pongal (rice) and goats are offered. it is believed that their immunity from death by drowning, caused by the upsetting of their leather coracles, is due to the protection of the goddess. the ceremonial when a girl reaches puberty corresponds to that of various other tamil castes. meat is forbidden, but eggs are allowed to be eaten. to ward off devils twigs of vitex negundo, margosa (melia azadirachta), and eugenia jambolana are stuck in the roof. sometimes a piece of iron is given to the girl to keep. during the marriage ceremonies, a branch of erythrina indica is cut, and tied, with sprays of the pipal (ficus religiosa) and a piece of a green bamboo culm, to one of the twelve posts, which support the marriage pandal (booth). a number of sumangalis (married women) bring sand, and spread it on the floor near the marriage dais, with pots, two of which are filled with water, over it. the bride and bridegroom go through a ceremony called sige kazhippu, with the object of warding off the evil eye, which consists in pouring a few drops of milk on their foreheads from a fig or betel leaf. to their foreheads are tied small gold or silver plates, called pattam, of which the most conspicuous are those tied by the maternal uncles. the plate for the bridegroom is v-shaped like a namam, and that for the bride like a pipal leaf. the bride and bridegroom go through a mock ceremony representative of domestic life, and pot-searching. seven rings are dropped into a pot. if the girl picks up three of these, her first-born will be a girl. if the bridegroom picks up five, it will be a boy. married women go in procession to an ant-hill, and bring to the marriage booth a basket-load of the earth, which they heap up round the posts. offerings of balls of rice, cooked vegetables, etc., are then made. after the wrist-threads (kankanam) have been removed, the bride and bridegroom go to a tank, and go through a mock ploughing ceremony. in some places, the purohits give the bridegroom a sacred thread, which is finally thrown into a tank or well. by some sembadavans a ceremony, called muthugunir kuththal (pouring water on the back) is performed in the seventh month of pregnancy. the woman stands on the marriage dais, and red-coloured water, and lights are waved. bending down, she places her hands on two big pots, and milk is poured over her back from a betel leaf by all her relations. the vaishnava sembadavans burn, and the saivites bury their dead in a sitting posture. fire is carried to the burial-ground by the barber. in cases of burial the face is covered over by a cloth, in which a slit is made, so that the top of the head and a portion of the forehead are exposed. a figure representing ganesa is made on the head with ashes. all present throw sacred ashes, and a pie (copper coin) into the grave, which is then filled in. while this is being done, a bamboo stick is placed upright on the head of the corpse. on the surface of the filled-in grave an oblong space is cleared, with the bamboo in the centre. the bamboo is then removed, and water poured through the hole left by it, and a lingam made, and placed over the opening. at malayanur a ceremony called mayana or smasana kollai (looting the burning-ground) is performed. the village of malayanur is famous for its ankalamman temple, and, during the festival which takes place immediately after the sivaratri, some thousands of people congregate at the temple, which is near the burning-ground. in front of the stone idol is a large ant-hill, on which two copper idols are placed, and a brass vessel, called korakkudai, is placed at the base of the hill, to receive the various votive offerings. early in the day, the pujari (a sembadavan) goes to a tank, and brings a decorated pot, called pungkaragam, to the temple. offerings are made to a new pot, and, after a sheep has been sacrificed, the pot is filled with water, and carried on the head of the pujari, who shows signs of possession by the deity, through the streets of the village to the temple, dancing wildly, and never touching the pot with his hands. it is believed that the pot remains on the head, without falling, through the influence of the goddess. when the temple is reached, another pujari takes up a framework, to which are tied a head made of rice flour, with three faces coloured white, black and red, representing the head of brahma which was cut off by siva, and a pot with three faces on it. the eyes of the flour figure are represented by hen's eggs. the pot is placed beneath the head. carrying the framework, and accompanied by music, the pujari goes in procession to the burning-ground, and, after offerings of a sheep, arrack, betel and fruits have been made to the head of brahma, it is thrown away. close to the spot where corpses are burnt, the pujaris place on the ground five conical heaps (representing ganesa), made of the ashes of a corpse. to these are offered the various articles brought by those who have made vows, which include cooked pulses, bangles, betel, parts of the human body modelled in rice flour, etc. the offerings are piled up in a heap, which is said to reach ten or twelve feet in height. soon afterwards, the people assembled fall on the heap, and carry off whatever they can secure. hundreds of persons are said to become possessed, eat the ashes of the corpses, and bite any human bones, which they may come across. the ashes and earth are much prized, as they are supposed to drive away evil spirits, and secure offspring to barren women. some persons make a vow that they will disguise themselves as siva, for which purpose they smear their faces with ashes, put on a cap decorated with feathers of the crow, egret, and peacock, and carry in one hand a brass vessel called brahma kapalam. round their waist they tie a number of strings, to which are attached rags and feathers. instead of the cap, paraiyans and valluvans wear a crown. the brass vessel, cap, and strings are said to be kept by the pujari, and hired out for a rupee or two per head. the festival is said to be based on the following legend. siva and brahma had the same number of faces. during the swayamvaram, parvati, the wife of siva, found it difficult to recognise her husband, so siva cut off brahma's head. the head stuck on to siva's hand, and he could not get rid of it. to get rid of the skull, and throw off the crime of murder, siva wandered far and wide, and came to the burning-ground at malayanur, where various bhuthas (devils) were busy eating the remains of corpses. parvati also arrived there, and failed to recognise siva. thereon the skull laughed, and fell to the ground. the bhuthas were so delighted that they put various kinds of herbs into a big vessel, and made of them a sweet liquor, by drinking which siva was absolved from his crime. for this reason arrack is offered to him at the festival. a very similar rite is carried out at walajapet. a huge figure, representing the goddess, is made at the burning-ground out of the ashes of burnt bodies mixed with water, the eyes being made of hen's eggs painted black in the centre to represent the pupils. it is covered over with a yellow cloth, and a sweet-smelling powder (kadampam) is sprinkled over it. the following articles, which are required by a married woman, are placed on it:--a comb, pot containing colour-powder, glass bangles, rolls of palm leaf for dilating the ear-lobes, and a string of black beads. devotees present as offerings limes, plantains, arrack, toddy, sugar-cane, and various kinds of cooked grains, and other eatables. the goddess is taken in procession from her shrine to the burning-ground, and placed in front of the figure. the pujari (fisherman), who wears a special dress for the occasion, walks in front of the idol, carrying in one hand a brass cup representing the skull which siva carried in his hand, and in the other a piece of human skull bone, which he bites and chews as the procession moves onward. when the burning-ground is reached, he performs puja by breaking a cocoanut, and going round the figure with lighted camphor in his hand. goats and fowls are sacrificed. a woman, possessed by a devil, seats herself at the feet of the figure, and becomes wild and agitated. the puja completed, the assembled multitude fall on the figure, and carry off whatever they can grab of the articles placed on it, which are believed to possess healing and other virtues. they also smear their bodies with the ashes. the pujari, and some of the devotees, then become possessed, and run about the burning-ground, seizing and gnawing partly burnt bones. tradition runs to the effect that, in olden times, they used to eat the dead bodies, if they came across any. and the people are so afraid of their doing this that, if a death should occur, the corpse is not taken to the burning-ground till the festival is over. "in some cases," herbert spencer writes, [ ] "parts of the dead are swallowed by the living, who seek thus to inspire themselves with the good qualities of the dead; and we saw that the dead are supposed to be honoured by this act." sembunadu.--the name, meaning the pandya country, of a sub-division of maravan. semmadi.--a telugu form of sembadavan. semman.--the semmans are described, in the madras census report, , as "an insignificant caste of tamil leather-workers, found only in the districts of madura and tinnevelly (and in the pudukottai state). though they have returned tailor and lime-burner as their occupations, the original occupation was undoubtedly leather-work. in the tamil dictionaries semman is explained as a leather-worker, and a few of them, living in out-of-the way villages, have returned shoe-making as their occupation. the semmans are, in fact, a sub-division of the paraiyans, and they must have been the original leather-workers of the tamil tribes. the immigrant chakkiliyans have, however, now taken their place." the semmans are described, in the madura manual, as burning and selling lime for building purposes. in the census report, , the caste is said to have "two hypergamous sub-divisions, tondaman and tolmestri, and men of the former take wives from the latter, but men of the latter may not marry girls of the former." girls are married after puberty, and divorce and remarriage are freely allowed. as the caste is a polluting one, the members thereof are not allowed to use village wells, or enter caste hindu temples. the caste title is mestri. sem puli (red tiger).--a section of kallan. senaikkudaiyan.--the senaikkudaiyans are betel vine (piper betel) cultivators and betel leaf sellers, who are found in large numbers in the tinnevelly district, and to a smaller extent in other parts of the tamil country. the original name of the caste is said to have been elai (leaf) vaniyan, for which the more high-sounding senaikkudaiyan (owner of an army) or senaittalavan (chief of an army) has been substituted. they also called themselves kodikkal pillaimar, or pillaimars who cultivate betel gardens, and have adopted the title pillai. the titles muppan and chetti are also borne by members of the caste. it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "the priests of the senaikkudaiyans are vellalas, and occasionally brahmans. they do not wear the sacred thread. they burn their dead, and perform annual sraddhas (memorial services). in , following the tanjore manual, they were wrongly classed with vaniyans or oil-mongers, but they are superior to these in social position, and are even said to rank above nattukottai chettis. yet it is stated that, in tanjore, paraiyans will not enter the senaikkudaiyans' houses to carry away dead cattle, and ordinary barbers will not serve them, and food prepared by them will not be accepted even by barbers or washermen. somewhat similar anomalies occur in the case of the kammalas, and the explanation may be that these two castes belonged to the old left-hand faction, while the pariyans, and the barbers and washermen belonged to the right-hand. paraiyans similarly will not eat in the houses of beri chettis, who were of the left-hand faction." senapati.--a title, denoting commander-in-chief, said to be sold to khoduras, and also occurring as a title of other oriya castes, e.g., kurumo and ronguni. among the rongunis, the title is practically an exogamous sept. senapati is further a name for sales (telugu weavers), the headman among whom is called pedda (big) senapati. the headman of the salapu weavers, who do not intermarry with the sales, is also styled senapati. it is also a title of the raja of sandur. sendalai (red-headed man).--returned as a sub-division of konga vellalas at times of census. sengundam (red dagger).--a synonym, connected with a caste legend, of kaikolan. seniga (bengal gram: cicer arietinum).--an exogamous sept of medara and pedakanti kapu. seniyan.--the name seniyan is generally used to denote the karna sale weavers, but at conjeeveram it is applied to canarese devangas. elsewhere canarese devangas belong to the left-hand section, but at conjeeveram they are classed with the right-hand section. like other devangas, the conjeeveram seniyans have exogamous house-names and gotras, which are interesting inasmuch as new names have been, in recent times, substituted for the original ones, e.g., chandrasekhara rishi, nilakanta rishi, markandeya rishi. the devangas claim markandeya as their ancestor. the old house-name picchi kaya (water-melon: citrullus vulgaris) has been changed to desimarada, and eating the melon is tabu. a list of the house-names and gotras is kept by the headman for reference. the conjeeveram seniyans are lingayats, but are not so strict as the canarese lingayats. jangams are respected, but rank after their own stone lingams. in the observance of death rites, a staunch lingayat should not bathe, and must partake of the food offered to the corpse. these customs are not observed by the seniyans. until quite recently, a man might tie a tali (marriage badge) secretly on a girl's neck, with the consent of the headman and his relatives, and the girl could then be given in marriage to no other man. this custom is said to have been very common, especially in the case of a man's maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter. at conjeeveram it was extended to girls not so related, and a caste council was held, at which an agreement was drawn up that the secret tali-tying was forbidden, and, if performed, was not to be regarded as binding. the priest of the conjeeveram seniyans is a vellala pandaram, who is the head of the tirugnana sambanda murti mutt (religious institution) at conjeeveram. servai.--servai, meaning service, has been recorded as the title of agamudaiyans and valaiyans. servaikaran or servaigaran (captain or commander) is the title of agamudaiyan, ambalakaran, kallan, maravan, and parivaram. it further occurs as the name for a headman among the vallambans, and it has been adopted as a false caste name by some criminal koravas in the south. servegara.--the servegaras are a caste found in south canara, and to a small extent in bellary. "they are said to be a branch of the konkan marathis of goa, from whence they were invited by the lingayat kings of nagara to serve as soldiers and to defend their forts (kote), whence the alternative name of koteyava (or kotegara). another name for them is ramakshatri. the mother-tongue of the servegaras of south canara is canarese, while their brethren in the north speak konkani. they have now taken to cultivation, but some are employed in the revenue and police departments as peons (orderlies) and constables, and a few are shopkeepers. the name servegara is derived from the canarese serve, an army. in religion they are hindus, and, like most west coast castes, are equally partial to the worship of siva and vishnu. they wear the sacred thread. karadi brahmans are their priests, and they owe allegiance to the head of the sringeri mutt. their girls are married before puberty, and the remarriage of widows is neither allowed nor practiced. divorce is permitted only on the ground of the unchastity of the wife. the body of a child under three years is buried, and that of any person exceeding that age is cremated. they eat flesh, but do not drink. their titles are nayak, aiya, rao, and sheregar." [ ] in the census report, , bomman valekara is returned as a synonym, and vilayakara as a sub-caste of servegara. setti.--see chetti. settukkaran.--a castle title, meaning economical people, sometimes used by devangas instead of setti or chetti. sevagha vritti.--a sub-division of kaikolan. sevala (service).--an exogamous sept of golla. shanan.--the great toddy-drawing caste of the tamil country, which, a few years ago, came into special prominence owing to the tinnevelly riots in . "these were," the inspector-general of police writes, [ ] "due to the pretensions of the shanans to a much higher position in the religio-social scale than the other castes are willing to allow. among other things, they claimed admission to hindu temples, and the manager of the visvanatheswara temple at sivakasi decided to close it. this partial victory of the shanans was keenly resented by their opponents, of whom the most active were the maravans. organised attacks were made on a number of the shanan villages; the inhabitants were assailed; houses were burnt; and property was looted. the most serious occurrence was the attack on sivakasi by a body of over five thousand maravans. twenty-three murders, dacoities, and many cases of arson were registered in connection with the riots in sivakasi, chinniapuram, and other places. of , persons arrested, were convicted, being sentenced to death. one of the ring-leaders hurried by train to distant madras, and made a clever attempt to prove an alibi by signing his name in the museum visitor's book. during the disturbance some of the shanans are said to have gone into the muhammadan fold. the men shaved their heads, and grew beards; and the women had to make sundry changes in their dress. and, in the case of boys, the operation of circumcision was performed." the immediate bone of contention at the time of the tinnevelly riots was, the census superintendent, , writes, "the claim of the shanans to enter the hindu temples, in spite of the rules in the agama shastras that toddy-drawers are not to be allowed into them; but the pretensions of the community date back from , when a riot occurred in travancore, because female christian converts belonging to it gave up the caste practice of going about without an upper cloth." on this point mr. g. t. mackenzie informs us [ ] that "in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, the female converts to christianity in the extreme south ventured, contrary to the old rules for the lower castes, to clothe themselves above the waist. this innovation was made the occasion for threats, violence, and series of disturbances. similar disturbances arose from the same cause nearly thirty years later, and, in , sir charles trevelyan, governor of madras, interfered, and granted permission to the women of the lower castes to wear a cloth over the breasts and shoulders. the following proclamation was issued by the maharaja of travancore:--we hereby proclaim that there is no objection to shanan women either putting on a jacket like the christian shanan women, or to shanan women of all creeds dressing in coarse cloth, and tying themselves round with it as the mukkavattigal (fisherwomen) do, or to their covering their bosoms in any manner whatever, but not like women of high castes." "shortly after , pamphlets began to be written and published by people of the caste, setting out their claims to be kshatriyas. in they endeavoured to establish a right to enter the great minakshi temple at madura, but failed, and they have since claimed to be allowed to wear the sacred thread, and to have palanquins at their weddings. they say they are descended from the chera, chola and pandya kings; they have styled themselves kshatriyas in legal papers; labelled their schools kshatriya academy; got brahmans of the less particular kind to do purohit's work for them; had poems composed on their kingly origin; gone through a sort of incomplete parody of the ceremony of investiture with the sacred thread; talked much but ignorantly of their gotras; and induced needy persons to sign documents agreeing to carry them in palanquins on festive occasions." [during my stay at nazareth in tinnevelly, for the purpose of taking measurements of the shanans, i received a visit from some elders of the community from kuttam, who arrived in palanquins, and bearing weapons of old device.] their boldest stroke was to aver that the coins commonly known as shanans' cash were struck by sovereign ancestors of the caste. the author of a pamphlet entitled 'bishop caldwell and the tinnevelly shanars' states that he had met with men of all castes who say that they have seen the true shanar coin with their own eyes, and that a eurasian gentleman from bangalore testified to his having seen a true shanar coin at bangalore forty years ago. the coin referred to is the gold venetian sequin, which is still found in considerable numbers in the south, and bears the names of the doges (paul rainer, aloy mocen, ludov manin, etc.) and a cross, which the natives mistake for a toddy palm. "if," mr. fawcett writes, [ ] "one asks the ordinary malayali (native of malabar) what persons are represented on the sequin, one gets for answer that they are rama and sita: between them a cocoanut tree. every malayali knows what an amâda is; it is a real or imitation venetian sequin. i have never heard any explanation of the word amâda in malabar. the following comes from tinnevelly. amâda was the consort of bhagavati, and he suddenly appeared one day before a shanar, and demanded food. the shanar said he was a poor man with nothing to offer but toddy, which he gave in a palmyra leaf. amâda drank the toddy, and performing a mantram (consecrated formula) over the leaf, it turned into gold coins, which bore on one side the pictures of amâda, the shanar, and the tree, and these he gave to the shanar as a reward for his willingness to assist him." in a petition to myself from certain shanans of nazareth, signed by a very large number of the community, and bearing the title "short account of the cantras or tamil xatras, the original but down-trodden royal race of southern india," they write as follows. "we humbly beg to say that we are the descendants of the pandya or dravida xatra race, who, shortly after the universal deluge of noah, first disafforested and colonized this land of south india under the guidance of agastya muni. the whole world was destroyed by flood about b.c. (dr. hale's calculation), when noah, otherwise called vaivasvata-manu or satyavrata, was saved with his family of seven persons in an ark or covered ship, which rested upon the highest mountain of the aryavarta country. hence the whole earth was rapidly replenished by his descendants. one of his grandsons (nine great prajapatis) was atri, whose son candra was the ancestor of the noblest class of the xatras ranked above the brahmans, and the first illustrious monarch of the post-diluvian world." "apparently," the census superintendent continues, "judging from the shanan's own published statements of their case, they rest their claims chiefly upon etymological derivations of their caste name shanan, and of nadan and gramani, their two usual titles. caste titles and names are, however, of recent origin, and little can be inferred from them, whatever their meaning may be shown to be. brahmans, for example, appear to have borne the titles of pillai and mudali, which are now only used by sudras, and the nayak kings, on the other hand, called themselves aiyar, which is now exclusively the title of saivite brahmans. to this day the cultivating vellalas, the weaving kaikolars, and the semi-civilised hill tribe of the jatapus use equally the title of mudali, and the balijas and telagas call themselves rao, which is properly the title of mahratta brahmans. regarding the derivation of the words shanan, nadan and gramani, much ingenuity has been exercised. shanan is not found in the earlier tamil literature at all. in the inscriptions of rajaraja chola (a. d. - ) toddy-drawers are referred to as iluvans. according to pingalandai, a dictionary of the th or th century, the names of the toddy-drawer castes are palaiyar, tuvasar, and paduvar. to these the chudamani nikandu, a tamil dictionary of the th century, adds saundigar. apparently, therefore, the sanskrit word saundigar must have been introduced (probably by the brahmans) between the th and th centuries, and is a sanskrit rendering of the word iluvan. from saundigar to shanan is not a long step in the corruption of words. the shanans say that shanan is derived from the tamil word sanrar or sanror, which means the learned or the noble. but it does not appear that the shanans were ever called sanrar or sanror in any of the tamil works. the two words nadan and gramani mean the same thing, namely, ruler of a country or of a village, the former being a tamil, and the latter a sanskrit word. nadan, on the other hand, means a man who lives in the country, as opposed to uran, the man who resides in a village. the title of the caste is nadan, and it seems most probable that it refers to the fact that the iluvan ancestors of the caste lived outside the villages. (south indian inscriptions, vol. ii, part .) but, even if nadan and gramani both mean rulers, it does not give those who bear these titles any claim to be kshatriyas. if it did, all the descendants of the many south indian poligars, or petty chiefs, would be kshatriyas." the census superintendent, , states that the "shanans are in social position usually placed only a little above the pallas and the paraiyans, and are considered to be one of the polluting castes, but of late many of them have put forward a claim to be considered kshatriyas, and at least , of them appear as kshatriyas in the caste tables. this is, of course, absurd, as there is no such thing as a dravidian kshatriya. but it is by no means certain that the shanans were not at one time a warlike tribe, for we find traces of a military occupation among several toddy-drawing castes of the south, such as the billavas (bowmen), halepaik (old foot soldiers), kumarapaik (junior foot). even the kadamba kings of mysore are said to have been toddy-drawers. 'the kadamba tree appears to be one of the palms, from which toddy is extracted. toddy-drawing is the special occupation of the several primitive tribes spread over the south-west of india, and bearing different names in various parts. they were employed by former rulers as foot-soldiers and bodyguards, being noted for their fidelity. [ ]' the word shanan is ordinarily derived from tamil saru, meaning toddy; but a learned missionary derives it from san (a span) and nar (fibre or string), that is the noose, one span in length, used by the shanans in climbing palm-trees." the latter derivation is also given by vellalas. it is worthy of note that the tiyans, or malabar toddy-drawers, address one another, and are addressed by the lower classes as shener, which is probably another form of shanar. [ ] the whole story of the claims and pretensions of the shanans is set out at length in the judgment in the kamudi temple case ( ) which was heard on appeal before the high court of madras. and i may appropriately quote from the judgment. "there is no sort of proof, nothing, we may say, that even suggests a probability that the shanars are descendants from the kshatriya or warrior castes of hindus, or from the pandiya, chola or chera race of kings. nor is there any distinction to be drawn between the nadars and the shanars. shanar is the general name of the caste, just as vellala and maravar designate castes. 'nadar' is a mere title, more or less honorific, assumed by certain members or families of the caste, just as brahmins are called aiyars, aiyangars, and raos. all 'nadars' are shanars by caste, unless indeed they have abandoned caste, as many of them have by becoming christians. the shanars have, as a class, from time immemorial, been devoted to the cultivation of the palmyra palm, and to the collection of the juice, and manufacture of liquor from it. there are no grounds whatever for regarding them as of aryan origin. their worship was a form of demonology, and their position in general social estimation appears to have been just above that of pallas, pariahs, and chucklies (chakkiliyans), who are on all hands regarded as unclean, and prohibited from the use of the hindu temples, and below that of vellalas, maravans, and other classes admittedly free to worship in the hindu temples. in process of time, many of the shanars took to cultivating, trade, and money-lending, and to-day there is a numerous and prosperous body of shanars, who have no immediate concern with the immemorial calling of their caste. in many villages they own much of the land, and monopolise the bulk of the trade and wealth. with the increase of wealth they have, not unnaturally, sought for social recognition, and to be treated on a footing of equality in religious matters. the conclusion of the sub-judge is that, according to the agama shastras which are received as authoritative by worshippers of siva in the madura district, entry into a temple, where the ritual prescribed by these shastras is observed, is prohibited to all those whose profession is the manufacture of intoxicating liquor, and the climbing of palmyra and cocoanut trees. no argument was addressed to us to show that this finding is incorrect, and we see no reason to think that it is so.... no doubt many of the shanars have abandoned their hereditary occupation, and have won for themselves by education, industry and frugality, respectable positions as traders and merchants, and even as vakils (law pleaders) and clerks; and it is natural to feel sympathy for their efforts to obtain social recognition, and to rise to what is regarded as a higher form of religious worship; but such sympathy will not be increased by unreasonable and unfounded pretensions, and, in the effort to rise, the shanars must not invade the established rights of other castes. they have temples of their own, and are numerous enough, and strong enough in wealth and education, to rise along their own lines, and without appropriating the institutions or infringing the rights of others, and in so doing they will have the sympathy of all right-minded men, and, if necessary, the protection of the courts." in a note on the shanans, the rev. j. sharrock writes [ ] that they "have risen enormously in the social scale by their eagerness for education, by their large adoption of the freedom of christianity, and by their thrifty habits. many of them have forced themselves ahead of the maravars by sheer force of character. they have still to learn that the progress of a nation, or a caste, does not depend upon the interpretation of words, or the assumption of a title, but on the character of the individuals that compose it. evolutions are hindered rather than advanced by such unwise pretensions resulting in violence; but evolutions resulting from intellectual and social development are quite irresistible, if any caste will continue to advance by its own efforts in the path of freedom and progress." writing in , bishop caldwell remarks [ ] that "the great majority of the shanars who remain heathen wear their hair long; and, if they are not allowed to enter the temples, the restriction to which they are subject is not owing to their long hair, but to their caste, for those few members of the caste, continuing heathens, who have adopted the kudumi--generally the wealthiest of the caste--are as much precluded from entering the temples as those who retain their long hairs. a large majority of the christian shanars have adopted the kudumi together with christianity." by regulation xi, , it was enacted that heads of villages have, in cases of a trivial nature, such as abusive language and inconsiderable assaults or affrays, power to confine the offending members in the village choultry (lock-up) for a time not exceeding twelve hours; or, if the offending parties are of the lower castes of the people, on whom it may not be improper to inflict so degrading a punishment, to order them to be put in the stocks for a time not exceeding six hours. in a case which came before the high court it was ruled that by "lower castes" were probably intended those castes which, prior to the introduction of british rule, were regarded as servile. in a case which came up on appeal before the high court in , it was ruled that the shanars belong to the lower classes, who may be punished by confinement in the stocks. with the physique of the shanans, whom i examined at nazareth and sawyerpuram in tinnevelly, and their skill in physical exercises i was very much impressed. the programme of sports, which were organised in my honour, included the following events:-- fencing and figure exercises with long sticks of iron-wood (mesua ferrea). figure exercises with sticks bearing flaming rags at each end. various acrobatic tricks. feats with heavy weights, rice-pounders, and pounding stones. long jump. breaking cocoanuts with the thrust of a knife or the closed fist. crunching whiskey-bottle glass with the teeth. running up, and butting against the chest, back, and shoulders. swallowing a long silver chain. cutting a cucumber balanced on a man's neck in two with a sword. falconry. one of the good qualities of sir thomas munro, formerly governor of madras, was that, like rama and rob roy, his arms reached to his knees, or, in other words, he possessed the kingly quality of an ajanubahu, which is the heritage of kings, or those who have blue blood in them. this particular anatomical character i have met with myself only once, in a shanan, whose height was cm. and span of the arms cm. (+ cm.). rob roy, it will be remembered, could, without stooping, tie his garters, which were placed two inches below the knee. for a detailed account of demonolatry among the shanans, i would refer the reader to the rev. r. (afterwards bishop) caldwell's now scarce 'tinnevelly shanans' ( ), written when he was a young and impulsive missionary, and the publication of which i believe that the learned and kind-hearted divine lived to regret. those shanans who are engaged in the palmyra (borassus flabellifer) forests in extracting the juice of the palm-tree climb with marvellous activity and dexterity. there is a proverb that, if you desire to climb trees, you must be born a shanan. a palmyra climber will, it has been calculated, go up from forty to fifty trees, each forty to fifty feet high, three times a day. the story is told by bishop caldwell of a man who was sitting upon a leaf-stalk at the top of a palmyra palm in a high wind, when the stalk gave way, and he came down to the ground safely and quietly, sitting on the leaf, which served the purpose of a natural parachute. woodpeckers are called shanara kurivi by birdcatchers, because they climb trees like shanars. "the hindus," the rev. (afterwards canon) a. margöschis writes, [ ] "observe a special day at the commencement of the palmyra season, when the jaggery season begins. bishop caldwell adopted the custom, and a solemn service in church was held, when one set of all the implements used in the occupation of palmyra-climbing was brought to the church, and presented at the altar. only the day was changed from that observed by the hindus. the perils of the palmyra-climber are great, and there are many fatal accidents by falling from trees forty to sixty feet high, so that a religious service of the kind was particularly acceptable, and peculiarly appropriate to our people." the conversion of a hindu into a christian ceremonial rite, in connection with the dedication of ex votos, is not devoid of interest. in a note [ ] on the pariah caste in travancore, the rev. s. mateer narrates a legend that the shanans are descended from adi, the daughter of a pariah woman at karuvur, who taught them to climb the palm tree, and prepared a medicine which would protect them from falling from the high trees. the squirrels also ate some of it, and enjoy a similar immunity. it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the madura district, that shanan toddy-drawers "employ pallans, paraiyans, and other low castes to help them transport the liquor, but musalmans and brahmans have, in several cases, sufficiently set aside the scruples enjoined by their respective faiths against dealings in potent liquor to own retail shops, and (in the case of some musalmans at least) to serve their customers with their own hands." in a recent note, [ ] it has been stated that "l.m.s. shanar christians have, in many cases, given up tapping the palmyra palm for jaggery and toddy as a profession beneath them; and their example is spreading, so that a real economic impasse is manifesting itself. the writer knows of one village at least, which had to send across the border (of travancore) into tinnevelly to procure professional tree-tappers. consequent on this want of professional men, the palm trees are being cut down, and this, if done to any large extent, will impoverish the country." in the palmyra forests of attitondu, in tinnevelly, i came across a troop of stalwart shanan men and boys, marching out towards sunset, to guard the ripening cholum crop through the night, each with a trained dog, with leash made of fibre passed through a ring on the neck-collar. the leash would be slipped directly the dog scented a wild pig, or other nocturnal marauder. several of the dogs bore the marks of encounters with pigs. one of the party carried a musical instrument made of a 'bison' horn picked up in the neighbouring jungle. the shanans have a great objection to being called either shanan or marameri (tree-climber), and much prefer nadan. by the shanans of tinnevelly, whom i visited, the following five sub-divisions were returned:-- . karukku-pattayar (those of the sharp sword), which is considered to be superior to the rest. in the census report, , the division karukku-mattai (petiole of the palmyra leaf with serrated edges) was returned. some shanans are said to have assumed the name of karukku-mattai vellalas. . kalla. said to be the original servants of the karukku-pattayar, doing menial work in their houses, and serving as palanquin-bearers. . nattati. settled at the village of nattati near sawyerpuram. . kodikkal. derived from kodi, a flag. standard-bearers of the fighting men. according to another version, the word means a betel garden, in reference to those who were betel cultivators. . mel-natar (mel, west). those who live in the western part of tinnevelly and in travancore. at the census, , konga (territorial) and madurai were returned as sub-divisions. the latter apparently receives its name, not from the town of madura, but from a word meaning sweet juice. at the census, , tollakkadan (man with a big hole in his ears) was taken as being a sub-caste of shanan, as the people who returned it, and sell husked rice in madras, used the title nadan. madura and tinnevelly are eminently the homes of dilated ear-lobes. some tamil traders in these two districts, who returned themselves as pandyan, were classified as shanans, as nadan was entered as their title. in coimbatore, some shanans, engaged as shop-keepers, have been known to adopt the name of chetti. in coimbatore, too, the title muppan occurs. this title, meaning headman or elder, is also used by the ambalakaran, valayan, sudarman, senaikkudaiyan, and other castes. in the tanjore manual, the shanans are divided into tennam, panam, and ichcham, according as they tap the cocoanut, palmyra, or wild date (phoenix sylvestris). the name enadi for shanans is derived from enadi nayanar, a saivite saint. but it also means a barber. the community has, among its members, land-owners, and graduates in theology, law, medicine, and the arts. nine-tenths of the native clergy in tinnevelly are said to be converted shanans, and tinnevelly claims native missionaries working in madagascar, natal, mauritius, and the straits. the occupations of those whom i saw at nazareth were merchant, cultivator, teacher, village munsif, organist, cart-driver, and cooly. the shanans have established a school, called kshatriya vidyasala, at virudupati in tinnevelly. this is a free school, for attendance at which no fee is levied on the pupils, for the benefit of the shanan community, but boys of other castes are freely admitted to it. it is maintained by shanans from their mahimai fund, and the teachers are brahmans, shanans, etc. the word mahimai means greatness, glory, or respectability. shanbog.--the magane shanbog takes the place, in south canara, of the village karnam or accountant. there are also temple shanbogs, who are employed at the more important temples. when social disputes come up for decision at caste council meetings, the shanbog appointed by the caste records the evidence, and the moktessor or mukhtesar (chief man) of the caste decides upon the facts. in some places in south canara shanbog is used as a synonym for sarasvat brahman. in mysore, the shanbog is said [ ] to be "the village accountant, with hardly an exception of the brahman caste. the office is hereditary. in some places they hold land free of rent, and in others on light assessment. in some few places a fixed money allowance is given. in all instances there are certain fixed fees payable to them in money or kind by the ryots." it is noted by mr. w. robinson, in a report on the laccadive islands ( ), that "the monegar has the assistance of one of the islanders as a karany, to take down depositions, and to read them, for the character used is the arabic. in addition to these duties, the karany has those of the shanbogue. he keeps the accounts of the trees, and the coir (cocoanut fibre) in the islands, and makes out and delivers the accounts of coir brought to the coast." shikari.--shikari, meaning a sportsman or hunter, occurs as a synonym of irula, and a sub-division of korava. the name shikari is also applied to a native who "accompanies european sportsmen as a guide and aid, and to the european sportsman himself." [ ] sholaga.--in his account of the sholagas or solagas, early in the last century, buchanan [ ] writes that they "speak a bad or old dialect of the karnata language, have scarcely any clothing, and sleep round a fire, lying on a few plantain leaves, and covering themselves with others. they live chiefly on the summits of mountains, where the tigers do not frequent, but where their naked bodies are exposed to a disagreeable cold. their huts are most wretched, and consist of bamboos with both ends stuck into the ground, so as to form an arch, which is covered with plantain leaves." the up-to-date sholaga, who inhabits the jungles of coimbatore between dimbhum and kollegal near the mysore frontier, is clad in a cotton loin-cloth, supplemented by a coat of english pattern with regimental buttons, and smears himself freely on special occasions, such as a visit to the government anthropologist, with sacred ashes in mimicry of the lingayats. i gather from a correspondent that the following tradition concerning their origin is current. in days of yore there lived two brothers in the geddesala hills, by name karayan and billaya or madheswara. the uralis and sholagas are descended from karayan, and the sivacharis (lingayats) from madheswara. the two brothers fell into the hands of a terrible rakshasha (demon), by name savanan, who made karayan a shepherd, but imprisoned madheswara for not paying him sufficient respect, and extracted all kinds of menial work from him. last of all he ordered him to make a pair of shoes, whereupon madheswara asked for his liberty for a few days, to enable him to have the shoes well made. his request being granted, madheswara betook himself to the god krishnamurti, and asked him for his help in his troubles. the god was only too happy to assist, and suggested that the shoes should be made of wax. helped by krishnamurti, madheswara made a very beautiful-looking pair of shoes. krishnamurti then ordered him to pile up and light a huge bonfire on a bare rocky hill east of geddesala, so as to make it nearly red-hot. the ashes were then cleared away, so as to leave no trace of their plot. madheswara then took the shoes, and presented them to savanan, who was much pleased with them, and willingly acceded to madheswara's request that he would put them on, and walk along the rock. but, as soon as he stepped upon it, the shoes melted, and savanan fell heavily on the rock, clutching hold of madheswara as he fell, and trying to strangle him. krishnamurti had assembled all the gods to witness the carrying out of the plot, and, telling each of them to pile a stone on savanan's head, himself rescued madheswara from his clutches, and all jumped upon the rakshasha till no trace of him was left. while this was going on, karayan was tending savanan's herds in the forest, and, when he came to hear about it, was angry with his brother for not consulting him before destroying savanan. flying from karayan, who was armed with a knife, madheswara implored krishnamurti's help, by which he was able to leap from kotriboli to the hill called urugamalai, a distance of some ten miles. the force of the leap caused the hill to bend--hence its name meaning the bending hill. finding that the hill was bending, and being still hotly pursued by his brother, knife in hand, madheswara again appealed to krishnamurti, and was enabled to make another leap of about five miles to a hill called eggaraimalai, which immediately began to subside. hence its name, meaning the subsiding hill. thence he fled to munikanal, and concealed himself under a rock, closely followed by karayan, who slashed the rock with his knife, and left marks which are visible to this day. from munikanal he fled to the hill now known as madheswaranamalai, and hid in a rat hole. karayan, not being able to unearth him, sent for a lot of shepherds, and made them pen their sheep and cattle over the hole. the effluvium became too strong for the fugitive, so he surrendered himself to his brother, who pardoned him on the understanding that, on deification, karayan should have prior claim to all votive offerings. to this madheswara agreed, and to this day sivacharis, when doing puja, first make their offerings to karayan and afterwards to madheswara. in connection with this legend, any one proceeding to the top of kotriboli hill at the present day is expected to place a stone upon the rock, with the result that there are many piles of stones there. even europeans are asked to do this. the sholagas are said to call themselves men of five kulams, or exogamous septs, among which are chalikiri, teneru, belleri, surya (the sun), and aleru. by members of the twelve kulam class, everything is done by twelves. for example, on the twelfth day after a birth, twelve elders are invited to the house to bless the child. at a marriage, twelve of the bridegroom's relations go and fetch the bride, and the wedding pandal (booth) has twelve posts. the parents of the bridegroom pay twelve rupees to the bride's father, and a tali (marriage badge) worth twelve annas is tied round the bride's neck. in case of death, the body is borne on a stretcher made of twelve bamboos, and mourning lasts for twelve days. tribal disputes, e.g., quarrelling and adultery, are decided by the yejamana, assisted by a pattagara and a few leading men of the community. under the orders of the two former is the chalavathi or village servant. the yejamana, pattagara, and chalavathi must belong respectively to the chalikiri, teneri, and surya septs. when a girl reaches puberty, she occupies a separate hut for five days, and then returns home after a bath. the maternal uncle should present her with a new cloth, betel leaves and areca nuts, and plantain fruits. in the formal marriage ceremony, the tali is tied by the bridegroom inside a booth; the maternal uncle, if he can afford it, presents a new cloth to the bride, and a feast is held. sometimes even this simple rite is dispensed with, and the couple, without any formality, live together as man and wife, on the understanding that, at some time, a feast must be given to a few of the community. i am told that the sholagas of the burghur hills have a very extraordinary way of treating expectant mothers. a few days before the event is expected to take place, the husband takes his wife right away into the jungle, and leaves her there alone with three days' supply of food. there she has to stay, and do the best she can for herself. if she does not come back at the end of the three days, the husband goes out and takes her more food. but she may not return to her village till the baby is born. when one of these unfortunate creatures comes back safely, there is a great celebration in her honour, with beating of tom-tom, etc. the dead are buried with the body lying on its left side, and the head to the south. on their return home from a funeral, those who have been present thereat salute a lighted lamp. on the spot where the dead person breathed his last, a little ragi (eleusine coracana) paste and water are placed, and here, on the fourth day, a goat is sacrificed, and offered up to the soul of the departed. after this the son proceeds to the burial ground, carrying a stone, and followed by men selected from each of the exogamous septs. arrived near the grave, they sit down, while the son places the stone on the ground, and they then lift it in succession. the last man to do so is said to fall into a trance. on his recovery, leaves (plantain, teak, etc.) corresponding in number to the exogamous septs, are arranged round the stone, and, on each leaf, different kinds of food are placed. the men partake of the food, each from the leaf allotted to his sept. the meal concluded, the son holds the stone in his hands, while his companions pour ragi and water over it, and then carries it away to the gopamane (burial-ground) of his sept, and sets it up there. on the occasion of a death in a mala vellala village, the sholagas come in crowds, with clarionets and drums, and bells on their legs, and dance in front of the house. and the corpse is borne, in musical procession, to the burning-ground. the staple food of the sholagas is ragi paste and yams (dioscorea), which, like the uralis, they supplement by sundry jungle animals and birds. paroquets they will not eat, as they regard them as their children. their main occupation is to collect minor forest produce, myrabolams, vembadam bark (ventilago madraspatana), avaram bark (cassia auriculata), deers' horns, tamarinds, gum, honey, soap-nuts, sheekoy (acacia concinna),etc. the forests have been divided into blocks, and a certain place within each block has been selected for the forest depôt. to this place the collecting agents, mostly sholagas and uralis, bring the produce, and there it is sorted and paid for by special supervisors appointed for the work. in the coimbatore district the sholagas are said to collect honey from rocky crevices. the combs are much larger than those found on trees, and are supposed to contain twice as much wax in proportion to the honey. on the nilgiri hills honey-combs are collected by jen kurumbas and sholagas. the supply of honey varies according to the nature of the season, and is especially plentiful and of good quality when strobilanthes wightianus, s. kunthiana, and other species are in flower. it has been said that even wild beasts will scent a sholaga, and flee before the aroma. the sholagas, who were examined by dr. rivers and myself, came to the conclusion that the object of our enquiry was to settle them in a certain place near london, and that the wools of different colours (used for testing colour vision) given to them for selection, were for tying them captive with. others said that they could not understand why the different organs of their bodies were measured; perhaps to reduce or increase the size of their body to suit the different works, which they were expected to do near london. it has been pointed out to me, as an interesting fact, that a similarity of idea concerning the modification of different organs to suit men for the doing of special work has been arrived at by the jungle folk, and by mr. wells in his book, 'the first men in the moon,' where the lunar inhabitants are described as carrying on the practice. of the experiences of a sholaga when out with a european on a shooting expedition, the following account has recently been given. [ ] "my husband was after a bear, and tracked bruin to his cave. he had torches made, and these he ordered to be thrust into the cave in the hope of smoking the bear out, but, as nothing happened, he went into the cave, accompanied by a sholigar carrying a torch. as soon as they got used to the light, they saw a small aperture leading into an inner cave, and the sholigar was told to put the torch in there. hardly was this done, when out rushed a large bear, knocking over the sholigar, and extinguishing the torch. my husband could not get his gun up in time to fire, as the bear rushed through the cave into the jungle. just as the sholigar was picking himself up, out rushed another bear. this time my husband was ready, and fired. to the sholigar's horror, bruin sank down wounded at the entrance to the outer cave, thus blocking the exit, and keeping both tracker and my husband prisoners. the sholigar began whimpering, saying he was the father of a large family, and did not wish to leave the children fatherless. soon the bear, though very badly wounded, managed to get to its feet, and crawl away into the jungle, so liberating the prisoners." concerning the sholagas of the mysore province, [ ] i gather that they "inhabit the depths of the forests clothing the foot and slopes of the biligirirangam hills. they cultivate with the hoe small patches of jungle clearings. their chief god is biligiri rangasvami, but they also worship karaiyya, their tribal tutelary deity. their principal food is the ragi, which they grow, supplemented by wild forest produce. they are partial to the flesh of deer, antelope, pigs, sheep and goats. a few of them have, in recent years, come to own lands. like the jenu kurumbas, they are perfect trackers of wild animals. three kinds of marriage prevail among them. the first is affected by the more well-to-do, who perform the ceremony with much éclat under a shed with twelve pillars (bamboo posts), accompanied by music and festivities, which continue for three days. the second is more common, and seems to be a modified form of concubinage. the poorer members resort to the third kind, which consists in the couple eloping to a distant jungle, and returning home only after the bride has become a mother. they speak a patois, allied to old canarese or hale kannada." [ ] shola naiker.--a synonym of jen kurumbas in the wynad. sibbi dhompti (brass vessel offering).--a subdivision of madigas, who, at marriages, offer food to the god in brass vessels. siddaru.--a synonym of jogi mendicants. sika (kudumi or hair-knot).--an exogamous sept of devanga. sikili (broom).--an exogamous sept of madiga. sikligar.--in the madras census report, , eleven individuals are returned as belonging to an upper india caste of knife-grinders (sikligar). in the madura manual, sikilkarars are described as knife-grinders, who wander about in quest of work from village to village. sila (stone).--an exogamous sept of omanaito. silam (good conduct).--an exogamous sept of mala. silavant.--in the madras census report, , silavant is recorded as meaning the virtuous, and as being a sub-sect of lingayats. in the mysore census report, silavanta is given as a name for lingayat nayindas. for the following note on the silavantalu or silevantalu of vizagapatam, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. they are a sect of lingayats, who, though they do not admit it, appear to be an offshoot of pattu sales, who became converts to the lingayat religion. they are engaged in the manufacture of fine cloths for males and females. the religious observances which secured them their name, meaning those who practice or possess particular religious customs, have been thus described. in the seventh month of pregnancy, at the time of quickening, a small stone linga is enclosed in black lac, wrapped in a piece of silk cloth, and tied to the thread of the linga which is on the woman's neck. the child is thus invested with the linga while still in utero. when it is about a year old, and weaned, the linga is taken off the mother's neck, and replaced by a silver locket. the linga is tied on the neck of the child. at the beginning of the twelfth year in the case of boys, and just before the marriage of girls, this linga is taken off, and a fresh one suspended round the neck by a guru. the silavantalu are divided into exogamous septs, or intiperulu. the custom of menarikam, whereby a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter, is the rule. but, if the maternal uncle has no daughter, he must find a suitable bride for his nephew. girls are married before puberty, and a jangam, known as mahesvara, officiates at weddings. the dead are buried in a sitting posture, facing north. the linga is suspended round the neck of the corpse, and buried with it. six small copper plates are made, each containing a syllable of the invocation om na ma si va ya. two of these are placed on the thighs of the corpse, one on the head, one on the navel, and two on the shoulders, and stuck on with guggilam paste. the corpse is then tied up in a sack. the relatives offer flowers to it, and burn camphor before it. the grave is dug several feet deep, and a cavity or cell is made on the southern side of it, and lined with bamboo matting. the corpse is placed within the cell, and salt thrown into the grave before it is filled in. a jangam officiates at the funeral. monthly and annual death ceremonies are performed. a samathi or monument is erected over the grave. such a monument may be either in the form of a square mound (brindavan) with niches for lights and a hole in the top, in which a tulsi (ocimum sanctum) is planted, or in the form of a small chamber. relations go occasionally to the grave, whereon they deposit flowers, and place lights in the niches or chamber. the silavantalu are strict vegetarians and total abstainers. their titles are ayya and lingam. silpa (artisan).--a sub-division of the kammalans, panchalas or kamsalas, whose hereditary occupation is that of stone-masons. in the silpa sastra, the measurements necessary in sculpture, the duties of a silpi, etc., are laid down. i am informed that the carver of a stone idol has to select a male or female stone, according as the idol is to be a god or goddess, and that the sex of a stone can be determined by its ring when struck. sindhu.--the sindhuvallu (drummers) are madigas, who go about acting scenes from the ramayana or mahabharatha, and the story of ankamma. sindhu also occurs as a gotra of kurni. the beating of the drum called sindhu is, i gather, sometimes a nuisance, for a missionary writes to the paper enquiring whether there is any order of government against it, as the practice "causes much crime, and creates extra work for police and magistrates. village officials believe they have no authority to suppress it, but there are some who assert that it is nominally forbidden." singamu-varu.--singam is described, in the madras census report, , as a class of beggars, who beg only from sales. they are, however, described by mr. c. hayavadana rao as a class of itinerant mendicants attached to the devangas. "the name," he writes, "is a variant of simhamu-varu, or lion-men, i.e., as valourous as a lion. they are paid a small sum annually by each devanga village for various services which they render, such as carrying fire before a devanga corpse to the burial-ground, acting as caste messengers, and cleaning the weaving instruments." sinnata (gold).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. siolo.--a small class of oriya toddy-drawers, whose touch conveys pollution. the sondis, who are an oriya caste of toddy-sellers, purchase their liquor from the siolos. sipiti.--the sipitis are described, in the madras census report, , as "oriya temple priests and drummers; a sub-caste of ravulo." in an account of them as given to me, they are stated to be smartas, and temple priests of village deities, who wear the sacred thread, but do not employ brahmans as purohits, and are regarded as somewhat lower in the social scale than the ravulos. some of their females are said to have been unrecognised prostitutes, but the custom is dying out. the caste title is muni. (see ravulo.) sir.--a sub-division of kanakkan. sirpadam.--a sub-division of kaikolan. sirukudi.--a nadu or territorial division of kallan. siru tali.--the name, indicating those who wear a small tali (marriage badge), of a sub-division of kaikolan and maravan. sitikan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as an occupational sub-division of maran. sitra.--see pano. siva brahmana.--recorded as a synonym of stanika. sivachara.--it is noted, in the mysore census report, , that the lingayats call themselves "vira saivas, sivabhaktas, or sivachars. the virasaiva religion consists of numerous castes. it is a religion consisting of representatives from almost every caste in hindu society. people of all castes, from the highest to the lowest, have embraced the religion. there are sivachar brahmins, sivachar kshatriyas, sivachar vaisyas, sivachar carpenters, sivachar weavers, sivachar goldsmiths, sivachar potters, sivachar washermen, and sivachar barbers, and other low castes who have all followed the popular religion in large numbers." sivadvija.--the name, denoting saivite brahman, by which mussads like to be called. also recorded as a synonym of stanika. sivaratri.--an exogamous sept of odde, named after the annual mahasivaratri festival in honour of siva. holy ashes, sacred to siva, prepared by smartas on this day, are considered to be very pure. sivarchaka.--the word means those who do puja (worship) to siva. priests at the temple of village deities are ordinarily known as pujari, pusali, occhan, etc., but nowadays prefer the title of umarchaka or sivarchaka. the name sivala occurs in the madras census report, . siviyar.--siviyar means literally a palanquin-bearer, and is an occupational name applied to those employed in that capacity. for this reason a sub-division of the idaiyans is called siviyar. the siviyars of coimbatore say that they have no connection with either idaiyans or toreyas, but are besthas who emigrated from mysore during the troublous times of the muhammadan usurpation. the name siviyar is stated to have been given to them by the tamils, as they were palanquin-bearers to officers on circuit and others in the pre-railway days. they claim origin, on the authority of a book called parvatharaja charithum, from parvatharaja. their main occupations at the present day are tank and river fishing, but some are petty traders, physicians, peons, etc. their language is canarese, and their title naickan. they have eighteen marriage divisions or gotras, named after persons from whom the various gotras are said to have been descended. on occasions of marriage, when betel leaf is distributed, it must be given to members of the different gotras in their order of precedence. in cases of adultery, the guilty parties are tied to a post, and beaten with tamarind switches. when a grown-up but unmarried person dies, the corpse is made to go through a mock marriage with a human figure cut out of a palm leaf. sodabisiya.--a sub-division of domb. soi.--a title of doluva. it is a form of sui or swayi. solaga.--see sholaga. soliyan.--soliyan or soliya is a territorial name, meaning an inhabitant of the chola country, recorded as a sub-division of karnam, idaiyan, pallan, and vellala. the equivalent solangal occurs as an exogamous sept of vallamban, and soliya illam (malayalam, house) as an exogamous sept of panikkans in the tamil country. some pallis style themselves solakanar (descendants of chola kings), or solakula kshatriya. (see sozhia.) somakshatri.--a name sometimes adopted by canarese ganigas in south canara. somara.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small class of potters in the vizagapatam hills. somari (idler).--a division of yanadis, who do scavenging work, and eat the refuse food thrown away by people from the leaf plate after a meal. soma varada (sunday).--the name of kurubas who worship their god on sundays. sonagan.--see jonagan. sonar.--the sonars or sonagaras of south canara are described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as a goldsmith caste, who "speak konkani, which is a dialect of marathi, and are believed to have come from goa. the community at each station has one or two mukhtesars or headmen, who enquire into, and settle the caste affairs. serious offences are reported to the swamy of sode, who has authority to excommunicate, or to inflict heavy fines. they wear the sacred thread. marriages within the same gotra are strictly prohibited. most of them are vaishnavites, but a few follow siva. the dead are burned, and the ashes are thrown into a river. they eat fish, but not flesh. their title is setti." they consider it derogatory to work in metals other than gold and silver. in the madras census report, , the sunnari (or sonnari) are described as oriya goldsmiths (see risley, tribes and castes of bengal, sonar). these goldsmiths, in the oriya portion of the madras presidency, are, i am informed, kamsalas from the telugu country. unlike the oriyas, and like other telugu classes, they invariably have a house-name, and their mother tongue is telugu. they are saivites, bury their dead, claim to be descendants of viswakarma, and call themselves viswa brahmans. they do not eat meals prepared by brahmans, or drink water at the hands of brahmans. in former times, goldsmiths held the post of nottakaran (tester) or village shroff (money-changer). his function was to test the rupees tendered when the land revenue was being gathered in, and see that they were not counterfeit. there is a proverb, uncomplimentary to the goldsmiths, to the effect that a goldsmith cannot make an ornament even for his wife, without first secreting some of the gold or silver given him for working upon. it has been noted [ ] that "in madras, an exceedingly poor country, there is one male goldsmith to every of the total population; in england, a very rich country, there is only one goldsmith to every , inhabitants. in europe, jewellery is primarily for ornament, and is a luxury. in india it is primarily an investment, its ornamental purpose being an incident." the south indian goldsmith at work has been well described as follows. [ ] "a hollow, scooped out in the middle of the mud floor (of a room or verandah), does duty for the fireplace, while, close by, there is raised a miniature embankment, semi-circular in shape, with a hole in the middle of the base for the insertion of the bellows. crucibles of clay or cow-dung, baked hard in the sun, tongs and hammers, potsherds of charcoal, dirty tins of water, and little packets of sal-ammoniac, resin, or other similar substances, all lie scattered about the floor in picturesque confusion. sitting, or rather crouching on their haunches, are a couple of the panchala workmen. one of them is blowing a pan of charcoal into flame through an iron tube some eighteen inches long by one in diameter, and stirring up the loose charcoal. another is hammering at a piece of silver wire on a little anvil before him. with his miserable tools the hindu goldsmith turns out work that well might, and often deservedly does, rank with the greatest triumphs of the jeweller's art." sondi.--the sondis or sundis are summed up in the madras census report, , as "oriya toddy-selling caste. they do not draw toddy themselves, but buy it from siolos, and sell it. they also distill arrack." the word arrack or arak, it may be noted en passant, means properly "perspiration, and then, first the exudation of sap drawn from the date-palm; secondly, any strong drink, distilled spirit, etc." [ ] a corruption of the word is rack, which occurs, e.g., in rack punch. according to a sanskrit work, entitled parasarapaddati, soundikas (toddy-drawers and distillers of arrack) are the offspring of a kaivarata male and a gaudike female. both these castes are pratiloma (mixed) castes. in the matsya purana, the soundikas are said to have been born to siva of seven apsara women on the bank of the river son. manu refers to the soundikas, and says that a snataka [ ] may not accept food from trainers of hunting dogs, soundikas, a washerman, a dyer, pitiless man, and a man in whose house lives a paramour of his wife. in a note on the allied sunris or sundis of bengal, mr. risley writes [ ] that "according to hindu ideas, distillers and sellers of strong drink rank among the most degraded castes, and a curious story in the vaivarta purana keeps alive the memory of their degradation. it is said that when sani, the hindu saturn, failed to adapt an elephant's head to the mutilated trunk of ganesa, who had been accidentally beheaded by siva, viswakarma, the celestial artificer, was sent for, and by careful dissection and manipulation he fitted the incongruous parts together, and made a man called kedara sena from the slices cut off in fashioning his work. this kedara sena was ordered to fetch a drink of water for bhagavati, weary and athirst. finding on the river's bank a shell full of water, he presented it to her, without noticing that a few grains of rice left in it by a parrot had fermented and formed an intoxicating liquid. bhagavati, as soon as she had drunk, became aware of the fact, and in her anger condemned the offender to the vile and servile occupation of making spirituous liquor for mankind. another story traces their origin to a certain bhaskar or bhaskar muni, who was created by krishna's brother, balaram, to minister to his desire for strong drink. a different version of the same legend gives them for ancestor niranjan, a boy found by bhaskar floating down a river in a pot full of country liquor, and brought up by him as a distiller." for the following note on the sondis of vizagapatam, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. according to a current tradition, there was, in days of old, a brahman, who was celebrated for his magical powers. the king, his patron, asked him if he could make the water in a tank (pond) burn, and he replied in the affirmative. he was, however, in reality disconsolate, because he did not know how to do it. by chance he met a distiller, who asked him why he looked so troubled, and, on learning his difficulty, promised to help him on condition that he gave him his daughter in marriage. to this the brahman consented. the distiller gave him a quantity of liquor to pour into the tank, and told him to set it alight in the presence of the king. the brahman kept his word, and the sondis are the descendants of the offspring of his daughter and the distiller. the caste is divided into several endogamous divisions, viz., bodo odiya, madhya kula, and sanno kula. the last is said to be made up of illegitimate descendants of the two first divisions. the sondis distil liquor from the ippa (bassia) flower, rice, and jaggery (crude sugar). there is a tradition that brahma created the world, and pinched up from a point between his eyebrows a little mud, from which he made a figure, and endowed it with life. thus suka muni was created, and authorised to distil spirit from the ippa flowers, which had hitherto been eaten by birds. when a girl reaches puberty, she is set apart in a room within a square enclosure made with four arrows connected together by a thread. turmeric and oil are rubbed over her daily, and, on the seventh day, she visits the local shrine. girls are married before puberty. some days before a wedding, a sal (shorea robusta) or neredu (eugenia jambolana) post is set up in front of the bridegroom's house, and a pandal (booth) erected round it. on the appointed day, a caste feast is held, and a procession of males proceeds to the bride's house, carrying with them finger rings, silver and glass bangles, and fifty rupees as the jholla tonka (bride price). on the following day, the bride goes to the house of the bridegroom. on the marriage day, the contracting couple go seven times round the central post of the pandal, and their hands are joined by the presiding oriya brahman. they then sit down, and the sacred fire is raised. the females belonging to the bridegroom's party sprinkle them with turmeric and rice. on the following day, a bhondari (barber) cleans the pandal, and draws patterns in it with rice flour. a mat is spread, and the couple play with cowry shells. these are five in number, and the bridegroom holds them tightly in his right hand, while the bride tries to wrest them from him. if she succeeds in so doing, her brothers beat the bridegroom, and make fun of him; if she fails, the bridegroom's sisters beat and make fun of her. the bride then takes hold of the cowries, and the same performance is gone through. a basket of rice is brought, and some of it poured into a vessel. the bridegroom holds a portion of it in his hand, and the bride asks him to put it back. this, after a little coaxing, he consents to do. these ceremonies are repeated during the next five days. on the seventh day, small quantities of food are placed on twelve leaves, and twelve brahmans, who receive a present of money, sit down, and partake thereof. the marriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother. the dead are burned, and death pollution lasts for ten days. daily, during this period, cooked food is strewed on the way leading to the burning-ground. on the eleventh day, those under pollution bathe, and the sacred fire (homam) is raised by a brahman. as at a wedding, twelve brahmans receive food and money. towards midnight, a new pot is brought, and holes are bored in it. a lighted lamp and food are placed in it, and it is taken towards the burning-ground and set down on the ground. the dead man's name is then called out three times. he is informed that food is ready, and asked to come. men, but not women, eat animal food. the women will not partake of the remnants of their husbands' meal on days on which they eat meat, because, according to the legend, their female ancestor was a brahman woman. among the sondis of ganjam, if a girl does not secure a husband before she reaches maturity, she goes through a form of marriage with an old man of the caste, or with her elder sister's husband, and may not marry until the man with whom she has performed this ceremony dies. on the wedding day, the bridegroom is shaved, and his old waist-thread is replaced by a new one. the ceremonies commence with the worship of ganesa, and agree in the main with those of many other oriya castes. the remarriage of widows is permitted. if a widow was the wife of the first-born or eldest son in a family, she may not, after his death, marry one of his younger brothers. she may, however, do so if she was married in the first instance to a second son. it is noted by mr. c. f. maccartie, in the madras census report, , that "a good deal of land has been sold by khond proprietors to other castes. it was in this way that much territory was found some years ago to be passing into the hands of the sundis or professional liquor distillers. as soon as these facts were brought to the notice of government, no time was lost in the adoption of repressive measures, which have been completely successful, as the recent census shows a great reduction in the numbers of these sundis, who, now that their unscrupulous trade is abolished, have emigrated largely to boad and other tracts. this is the only case to my knowledge in which a special trade has decayed, and with the best results, as, had it not been so, there is no doubt that the khond population would very soon have degenerated into pure adscripti glebæ, and the sundis become the landlords." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, that "besides ippa (liquor distilled from the blossom of bassia latifolia), the hill people brew beer from rice, samai (the millet panicum miliare), and ragi (eleusine coracana). they mash the grain in the ordinary manner, add some more water to it, mix a small quantity of ferment with it, leave it to ferment three or four days, and then strain off the grain. the beer so obtained is often highly intoxicating, and different kinds of it go by different names, such as londa, pandiyam, and maddikallu. the ferment which is used is called the saraiya-mandu (spirit drug) or sondi-mandu (sondi's drug), and can be bought in the weekly market. there are numerous recipes for making it, but the ingredients are always jungle roots and barks. [ ] it is sold made up into small balls with rice. the actual shop-keepers and still-owners in the hills, especially in the parvatipur and palkonda agencies, are usually immigrants of the sondi caste, a wily class who know exactly how to take advantage of the sin which doth so easily beset the hill man, and to wheedle from him, in exchange for the strong drink which he cannot do without, his ready money, his little possessions, his crops, and finally his land itself. "the sondis are gradually getting much of the best land into their hands, and many of the guileless hill ryots into their power. mr. taylor stated in that 'the rate of interest on loans extorted by these sondis is per cent. and, if this is not cleared off in the first year, compound interest at per cent. is charged on the balance. the result is that, in many instances, the cultivators are unable to pay in cash or kind, and become the gotis or serfs of the sowcars, for whom they have to work in return for mere batta (subsistence allowance), whilst the latter take care to manipulate their accounts in such a manner that the debt is never paid off. a remarkable instance of this tyranny was brought to my notice a few days since. a ryot some fifty years ago borrowed rs. ; he paid back rs. at intervals, and worked for the whole of his life, and died in harness. for the same debt the sowcar (money-lender) claimed the services of his son, and he too died in bondage, leaving two small sons aged and , whose services were also claimed for an alleged arrear of rs. on a debt of rs. borrowed years back, for which rs. in cash had been repaid in addition to the perpetual labour of a man for a similar period.' this custom of goti is firmly established, and, in a recent case, an elder brother claimed to be able to pledge for his own debts the services of his younger brother, and even those of the latter's wife. debts due by persons of respectability are often collected by the sondis by an exasperating method, which has led to at least one case of homicide. they send ghasis, who are one of the lowest of all castes, and contact with whom is utter defilement entailing severe caste penalties, to haunt the house of the debtor who will not pay, insult and annoy him and his family, and threaten to drag him forcibly before the sondi." a friend was, on one occasion, out after big game in the jeypore hills, and shot a tiger. he asked his shikari (tracker) what reward he should give him for putting him on to the beast. the shikari replied that he would be quite satisfied with twenty-five rupees, as he wanted to get his younger brother out of pledge. asked what he meant, he replied that, two years previously, he had purchased as his wife a woman who belonged to a caste higher than his own for a hundred rupees. he obtained the money by pledging his younger brother to a sowcar, and had paid it all back except twenty-five rupees. meanwhile his brother was the bondsman of the sowcar, and cultivating his land in return for simple food. it is further recorded, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, that dombu (or domb) dacoits "force their way into the house of some wealthy person (for choice the local sondi liquor-seller and sowcar--usually the only man worth looting in an agency village, and a shark who gets little pity from his neighbours when forced to disgorge), tie up the men, rape the women, and go off with everything of value." the titles of the ganjam sondis are behara, chowdri, podhano, and sahu. in the vizagapatam agency tracts, their title is said to be bissoyi. sonkari.--the sonkaris are a small class of oriya lac bangle (sonka) makers in ganjam and vizagapatam, who should not be confused with the telugu sunkaris. the men are engaged in agriculture, and the women manufacture the bangles, chains, chamaras (fly-flappers), kolatam sticks (for stick play), and fans ornamented with devices in paddy (unhusked rice) grains, which are mainly sold to europeans as curios. sonkari girls are married before puberty. a man should marry his paternal aunt's daughter, but at the present day this custom is frequently disregarded. brahmans officiate at their marriages. the dead are cremated. the caste title is patro. sonkuva.--a sub-division of mali. sonti (dried ginger).--an exogamous sept of asili. soppu (leaf).--the name for koragas, who wear leafy garments. sozhia.--a territorial name of sub-divisions of various tamil classes who are settled in what was formerly the chola country, e.g., brahman, chetti, kaikolan, kammalan, pallan, and vellala. srishti karnam.--a sub-division of karnam. the name is variously spelt, e.g., sristi, sishta, sishti. the name sishti karanamalu is said to have been assumed by oddilu, who have raised themselves in life. [ ] stala (a place).--lingayats sometimes use the word staladavaru, or natives of a place, to distinguish them from recent settlers. stanika.--the stanikas are summed up, in the madras census report, , as being "canarese temple servants. they claim to be brahmans, though other brahmans do not admit the claim; and, as the total of the caste has declined from , in to , , they have apparently returned themselves as brahmans in considerable numbers." the stanikas are, in the south canara manual, said to be "the descendants of brahmins by brahmin widows and outcast brahmin women, corresponding with manu's golaka. they however now claim to be siva brahmins, forcibly dispossessed of authority by the madhvas, and state that the name stanika is not that of a separate caste, but indicates their profession as managers of temples, with the title of deva stanika. this claim is not generally conceded, and as a matter of fact the duties in which stanikas are employed are clearly those of temple servants, namely, collecting flowers, sweeping the interiors of temples, looking after the lamps, cleaning the temple vessels, ringing bells, and the like. many of them, however, are landowners and farmers. they are generally sivites, and wear the sacred thread. their special deities are venkatramana and ganapati. dravida brahmins officiate as their priests, but of late some educated men of the caste have assumed the priestly office. the caste has two sub-divisions, viz., subramania and kumbla. girls must be married in infancy, i.e., before they attain puberty. widow remarriage is neither permitted nor practiced. their other customs are almost the same as those of the kota brahmans. they neither eat flesh nor drink liquor." it is stated in the manual that the stanikas are called shanbogs and mukhtesars. but i am informed that at an inquest or a search the moktessors or mukhtesars (chief men) of a village are assembled, and sign the inquest report or search list. the moktessors of any caste can be summoned together. some of the moktessors of a temple may be stanikas. in the case of social disputes decided at caste meetings, the shanbog (writer or accountant) appointed by the caste would record the evidence, and the moktessor would decide upon the facts. of the two sections subramanya and kumbla, the former claim superiority, and there is no intermarriage between them. the members of the subramanya section state that they belong to rig saka (rig veda) and have gotras, such as viswamitra, angirasa, and baradwaja, and twelve exogamous septs. of these septs, the following are examples:-- arli (ficus religiosa). konde, tassel or hair-knot. aththi (ficus glomerata). adhikari. bandi, cart. pandita. kethaki (pandanus fascicularis). heggade. the famous temple of subramanya is said to have been in charge of the subramanya stanikas, till it was wrested from them by the shivalli brahmans. in former times, the privilege of sticking a golden ladle into a heap of food piled up in the temple, on the shasti day or sixth day after the new moon in december, is said to have belonged to the stanikas. they also brought earth from an ant-hill on the previous day. food from the heap and earth are received as sacred articles by devotees who visit the sacred shrine. a large number of stanikas are still attached to temples, where they perform the duties of cleaning the vessels, washing rice, placing cooked food on the bali pitam (altar stone), etc. the food placed on the stone is eaten by stanikas, but not by brahmans. in the mysore province, a brahman woman who partakes of this food loses her caste, and becomes a prostitute. at times of census, sivadvija and siva brahman have been given as synonyms of stanika. sthavara.--recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of jangam. the lingam, which lingayats carry on some part of the body, is called the jangama lingam or moveable lingam, to distinguish it from the sthavara or fixed lingam of temples. subuddhi.--a title, meaning one having good sense, among several oriya castes. sudarman.--see udaiyan. suddho.--two distinct castes go by this name, viz., the savaras who have settled in the plains, and a small class of agriculturists and paiks (servants) in the low country of ganjam. the suddhos who live in the hills eat fowls and drink liquor, which those in the plains abstain from. the caste name suddho means pure, and is said to have its origin in the fact that suddho paiks used to tie the turbans of the kings of gumsur. like other oriya castes, the suddhos have podhano, bissoyi, behara, etc., as titles. the caste has apparently come into existence in recent times. sudra.--the fourth of the traditional castes of manu. the sudra nayars supply the female servants in the houses of nambutiris. sudra kavutiyan.--a name adopted by barbers who shave nayars, to distinguish them from other barbers. sudugadusiddha.--the name is derived from sudugadu, a burning-ground. in the mysore census report, , they are described as being "mendicants like the jogis, like whom they itinerate. they were once lords of burning-grounds, to whom the kulavadi (see holeya), who takes the cloth of the deceased and a fee for every dead body burned, paid something as acknowledging their overlordship." these people are described by mr. j. s. f. mackenzie, [ ] under the name sudgudu siddha, or lords of the burning-ground, as agents who originally belonged to the gangadikara vakkaliga caste, and have become a separate caste, called after their head sudgudu siddharu. they intermarry among themselves, and the office of agent is hereditary. they have particular tracts of country assigned to them, when on tour collecting burial fees. they can be recognised by the wooden bell in addition to the usual metal one, which they always carry about. without this no one would acknowledge the agent's right to collect the fees. sugali.--sugali and sukali are synonyms of lambadi. sugamanchi balija.--a name said to mean the best of balijas, and used as a synonym for gazula balija. sukka (star).--an exogamous sept of yerukala. the equivalent sukra occurs as a gotra of oriya kalinjis. sule.--a canarese name for professional prostitutes. temple dancing-girls object to the name, as being low. they call themselves vesyas or besyas, naiksani, or naikini (naik females). sullokondia.--the highest sub-division of the gaudos, from whose hands oriya brahmans will accept water. sunar.--see sonar. sundarattan.--a sub-division of nattukottai chetti. sundi.--see sondi. sunkari.--the sunkari or sunkara-vandlu are cultivators, fishermen, and raftsmen in the godavari district. according to the rev. j. cain [ ] they come from some part of the central provinces, and are not regarded as outcasts, as stated in the central provinces gazetteer. sunna akki (thin rice).--a family name or bedagu of donga dasari. sunnambukkaran (lime man).--an occupational name for paravas, paraiyans, and other classes, who are employed as lime (chunam) burners. sunnapu, meaning shell or quick-lime, occurs as an exogamous sept of balija. sunnata.--a sub-division of kurumbas, who are said to make only white blankets. surakkudi.--a section or kovil (temple) of nattukottai chetti. surti.--the name for domestic servants of europeans in bombay, who come from surat. surya (the sun).--recorded as a sept of domb, kuruba, and pentiya, and a sub-division of ambalakkaran. the equivalent suryavamsam (people of the solar race) occurs as a sub-division of razu, and as a synonym of the konda doras or konda kapus, some of whom style themselves raja (= razu) kapus or reddis. sutakulam.--a name by which the besthas call themselves. they claim descent from the rishi suta mahamuni. it has been suggested [ ] as probable that the besthas gained the name from their superiority in the culinary art, suta meaning cook. sutarlu.--recorded by the rev. j. cain [ ] as bricklayers and masons in the godavari district. suthala (needle).--an exogamous sept of kamma. svarupam.--svarupam has been defined [ ] as "a dynasty, usually confined to the four principal dynasties, termed the kola, nayaririppu, perimbadappu, and trippa svarupam, represented by the kolatiri or chirakal rajah, the zamorin, and the cochin and travancore rajahs." svarupakkar or svarupathil, meaning servants of svarupams or kingly houses, is an occupational sub-division of nayar. swayi.--a title of alia, aruva, kalinji, and other oriya classes. swetambara (clad in white).--one of the two main divisions of the jains. syrian christian.--the following note, containing a summary of the history of a community in connection with which the literature is considerable, is mainly abstracted from the cochin census report, , with additions. the syrian christians have "sometimes been called the christians of the serra (a portuguese word, meaning mountains). this arose from the fact of their living at the foot of the ghauts." [ ] the glory of the introduction of the teachings of christ to india is, by time-honoured tradition, ascribed to the apostle saint thomas. according to this tradition so dearly cherished by the christians of this coast, about a.d. the apostle landed at malankara, or, more correctly, at maliankara near cranganur (kodungallur), the mouziris of the greeks, or muyirikode of the jewish copper plates. mouziris was a port near the mouth of a branch of the alwaye river, much frequented in their early voyages by the phoenician and european traders for the pepper and spices of this coast, and for the purpose of taking in fresh water and provisions. the story goes that saint thomas founded seven churches in different stations in cochin and travancore, and converted, among others, many brahmans, notably the cally, calliankara, sankarapuri, and pakalomattam nambudri families, the members of the last claiming the rare distinction of having been ordained as priests by the apostle himself. he then extended his labours to the coromandel coast, where, after making many converts, he is said to have been pierced with a lance by some brahmans, and to have been buried in the church of st. thomé, in mylapore, a suburb of the town of madras. writing concerning the prevalence of elephantiasis in malabar, captain hamilton records [ ] that "the old romish legendaries impute the cause of those great swell'd legs to a curse saint thomas laid upon his murderers and their posterity, and that was the odious mark they should be distinguished by." "pretty early tradition associates thomas with parthia, [ ] philip with phrygia, andrew with syria, and bartholomew with india, but later traditions make the apostles divide the various countries between them by lot." [ ] even if the former supposition be accepted, there is nothing very improbable in saint thomas having extended his work from parthia to india. others argue that, even if there be any truth in the tradition of the arrival of saint thomas in india, this comprised the countries in the north-west of india, or at most the india of alexander the great, and not the southern portion of the peninsula, where the seeds of christianity are said to have been first sown, because the voyage to this part of india, then hardly known, was fraught with the greatest difficulties and dangers, not to speak of its tediousness. it may, however, be observed that the close proximity of alexandria to palestine, and its importance at the time as the emporium of the trade between the east and west, afforded sufficient facilities for a passage to india. if the roman line of traffic viâ alexandria and the red sea was long and tedious, the route viâ the persian gulf was comparatively easy. when we come to the second century, we read of demetrius of alexandria receiving a message from some natives of india, earnestly begging for a teacher to instruct them in the doctrines of christianity. hearing this, pantænus, principal of the christian college of alexandria, an athenian stoic, an eminent preacher and "a very great gnosticus, who had penetrated most profoundly into the spirit of scripture," sailed from berenice for malabar between and a.d. he found his arrival "anticipated by some who were acquainted with the gospel of mathew, to whom bartholomew, one of the apostles, had preached, and had left them the same gospel in hebrew, which also was preserved until this time. returning to alexandria, he presided over the college of catechumens." early in the third century, st. hippolytus, bishop of portus, also assigns the conversion of india to the apostle bartholomew. to thomas he ascribes persia and the countries of central asia, although he mentions calamina, "a city of india," as the place where thomas suffered death. the rev. j. hough [ ] observes that "it is indeed highly problematical that saint bartholomew was ever in india." it may be remarked that there are no local traditions associating the event with his name, and, if saint bartholomew laboured at all on this coast, there is no reason why the earliest converts of malabar should have preferred the name of thomas to that of bartholomew. though mr. hough and sir w. w. hunter, [ ] among others, discredit the mission of st. thomas in the first century, they both accept the story of the mission of pantænus. mr. hough says that "it is probable that these indians (who appealed to demetrius) were converts or children of former converts to christianity." if, in the second century, there could be children of former converts in india, it is not clear why the introduction of christianity to india in the first century, and that by st. thomas, should be so seriously questioned and set aside as being a myth, especially in view of the weight of the subjoined testimony, associating the work with the name of the apostle. in the asiatic journal (vol. vi), mr. whish refutes the assertions made by mr. wrede in the asiatic researches (vol. vii) that the christians of malabar settled in that country "during the violent persecution of the sect of nestorius under theodosius ii, or some time after," and says, with reference to the date of the jewish colonies in india, that the christians of the country were settled long anterior to the period mentioned by mr. wrede. referring to the acts and journeyings of the apostles, dorotheus, bishop of tyre ( - a.d.), says "the apostle thomas, after having preached the gospel to the parthians, medes, persians, germanians, bactrians, and magi, suffered martyrdom at calamina, a town of india." it is said that, at the council of nice held in a.d., india was represented by johannes, bishop of india maxima and persia. st. gregory of nazianzen ( - a.d.), in answering the reproach of his being a stranger, asks "were not the apostles strangers? granting that judæa was the country of peter, what had paul in common with the gentiles, luke with achaia, andrew with epirus, john with ephesus, thomas with india, mark with italy"? st. jerome ( a.d.) testifies to the general belief in the mission of st. thomas to india. he too mentions calamina as the town where the apostle met with his death. baronius thinks that, when theodoret, the church historian ( - a.d.), speaks of the apostles, he evidently associates the work in india with the name of st. thomas. st. gregory of torus relates that "in that place in india, where the body of thomas lay before it was transferred to edessa, there is a monastery and temple of great size." florentius asserts that "nothing with more certainty i find in the works of the holy fathers than that st. thomas preached the gospel in india." rufinus, who stayed twenty-five years in syria, says that the remains of st. thomas were brought from india to edessa. two arabian travellers of the ninth century, referred to by renaudot, assert that st. thomas died at mailapur. coming to modern times, we have several authorities, who testify to the apostolic origin of the indian church, regarded as apocryphal by mr. milne rae, sir w. w. hunter, and others. the historian of the 'indian empire,' while rejecting some of the strongest arguments advanced by mr. milne rae, accepts his conclusions in regard to the apostolic origin. the romanist portuguese in their enthusiasm coloured the legends to such an extent as to make them appear incredible, and the protestant writers of modern times, while distrusting the portuguese version, are not agreed as to the rare personage that introduced christianity to india. mr. wrede asserts that the christians of malabar settled in that country during the violent persecution of the sect of nestorius under theodosius ii, or some time after. dr. burnell traces the origin to the manichæan thomas, who flourished towards the end of the third century. mr. milne rae brings the occurrence of the event down to the sixth century of the christian era. sir william hunter, without associating the foundation of the malabar church with the name of any particular person, states the event to have taken place some time in the second century, long before the advent of thomas the manichæan, but considers that the name st. thomas christians was adopted by the christians in the eighth century. he observes that "the early legend of the manichæan thomas in the third century and the later labours of the armenian thomas, the rebuilder of the malabar church in the eighth century, endeared that name to the christians of southern india." [it has recently been stated, with reference to the tradition that it was st. thomas the apostle who first evangelised southern india, that, "though this tradition is no more capable of disproof than of proof, those authorities seem to be on safer ground, who are content to hold that christianity was first imported into india by nestorian or chaldæan missionaries from persia and mesopotamia, whose apostolic zeal between the sixth and twelfth centuries ranged all over asia, even into tibet and tartary. the seat of the nestorian patriarchate of babylon was at bagdad, and, as it claimed to be par excellence the church of st. thomas, this might well account for the fact that the proselytes it won over in india were in the habit of calling themselves christians of st. thomas. it is, to say the least, a remarkable coincidence that one of the three ancient stone crosses preserved in india bears an inscription and devices, which are stated to resemble those on the cross discovered near singanfu in china, recording the appearance of nestorian missionaries in shenshi in the early part of the seventh century."] as already said, there are those who attribute the introduction of the gospel to a certain thomas, a disciple of manes, who is supposed to have come to india in a.d., finding in this an explanation of the origin of the manigramakars (inhabitants of the village of manes) of kayenkulam near quilon. coming to the middle of the fourth century, we read of a thomas cana, an aramæan or syrian merchant, or a divine, as some would have it, who, having in his travels seen the neglected conditions of the flock of christ on the malabar coast, returned to his native land, sought the assistance of the catholics of bagdad, came back with a train of clergymen and a pretty large number of syrians, and worked vigorously to better their spiritual condition. he is said to have married two indian ladies, the disputes of succession between whose children appear, according to some writers, to have given rise to the two names of northerners (vadakkumbagar) and southerners (thekkumbagar)--a distinction which is still jealously kept up. the authorities are, however, divided as to the date of his arrival, for, while some assign a.d., others give a.d. it is just possible that this legend but records the advent of two waves of colonists from syria at different times, and their settlement in different stations; and thomas cana was perhaps the leader of the first migration. the syrian tradition explains the origin of the names in a different way, for, according to it, the foreigners or colonists from syria lived in the southern street of cranganur or kodungallur, and the native converts in the northern street. after their dispersion from cranganur, the southerners kept up their pride and prestige by refusing to intermarry, while the name of northerners came to be applied to all native christians other than the southerners. at their wedding feasts, the southerners sing songs commemorating their colonization at kodungallur, their dispersion from there, and settlement in different places. they still retain some foreign tribe names, to which the original colony is said to have belonged. a few of these names are baji, kojah, kujalik, and majamuth. their leader thomas cana is said to have visited the last of the perumals and to have obtained several privileges for the benefit of the christians. he is supposed to have built a church at mahadevarpattanam, or more correctly mahodayapuram, near kodungallur in the cochin state, the capital of the perumals or viceroys of kerala, and, in their documents, the syrian christians now and again designate themselves as being inhabitants of mahadevarpattanam. in the syrian seminary at kottayam are preserved two copper-plate charters, one granted by vira raghava chakravarthi,and the other by sthanu ravi gupta, supposed to be dated a.d. and a.d. specialists, who have attempted to fix approximately the dates of the grants, however, differ, as will be seen from a discussion of the subject by mr. v. venkayya in the epigraphia indica. [ ] concerning the plate of vira raghava, mr. venkayya there writes as follows. "the subjoined inscription is engraved on both sides of a single copper-plate, which is in the possession of the syrian christians at kottayam. the plate has no seal, but, instead, a conch is engraved about the middle of the left margin of the second side. this inscription has been previously translated by dr. gundert. [ ] mr. kookel keloo nair has also attempted a version of the grant. [ ] in the translation i have mainly followed dr. gundert." translation. hari! prosperity! adoration to the great ganapati! on the day of (the nakshatra) rohini, a saturday after the expiration of the twenty-first (day) of the solar month mina (of the year during which) jupiter (was) in makara, while the glorious vira-raghava-chakravartin,--(of the race) that has been wielding the sceptre for several hundred thousands of years in regular succession from the glorious king of kings, the glorious vira-kerala-chakravartin--was ruling prosperously:-- while (we were) pleased to reside in the great palace, we conferred the title of manigramam on iravikorttan, alias seramanloka-pperun-jetti of magodaiyarpattinam. we (also) gave (him the right of) festive clothing, house pillars, the income that accrues, the export trade (?), monopoly of trade, (the right of) proclamation, forerunners, the five musical instruments, a conch, a lamp in day-time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, the royal parasol, the telugu (?) drum, a gateway with an ornamental arch, and monopoly of trade in the four quarters. we (also) gave the oilmongers and the five (classes of) artisans as (his) slaves. we (also) gave, with a libation of water--having (caused it to be) written on a copper-plate--to iravikorttan, who is the lord of the city, the brokerage on (articles) that may be measured with the para, weighed by the balance or measured with the tape, that may be counted or weighed, and on all other (articles) that are intermediate--including salt, sugar, musk (and) lamp oil--and also the customs levied on these (articles) between the river mouth of kodungallur and the gate (gopura)--chiefly between the four temples (tali) and the village adjacent to (each) temple. we gave (this) as property to sêramân-lôka-pperun-jetti, alias iravikorttan, and to his children's children in due succession. (the witnesses) who know this (are):--we gave (it) with the knowledge of the villagers of panniyûr and the villagers of sôgiram. we gave (it) with the knowledge (of the authorities) of vênâdu and odunâdu. we gave (it) with the knowledge (of the authorities) of eranâdu and valluvanâdu. we gave (it) for the time that the moon and the sun shall exist. the hand-writing of sêramân-lôka-pperun-dattan nambi sadeyan, who wrote (this) copper-plate with the knowledge of these (witnesses). mr. venkayya adds that "it was supposed by dr. burnell [ ] that the plate of vîra-râghava created the principality of manigramam, and the cochin plates that of anjuvannam. [ ] the cochin plates did not create anjuvannam, but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith to a jew named rabbân. similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other corporation, manigrâmam, were bestowed at a later period on ravikkorran. it is just possible that ravikkorran was a christian by religion. but his name and title give no clue in this direction, and there is nothing christian in the document, except its possession by the present owners. on this name, dr. gundert first said [ ] 'iravi corttan must be a nasrani name, though none of the syrian priests whom i saw could explain it, or had ever heard of it.' subsequently he added: 'i had indeed been startled by the iravi corttan, which does not look at all like the appellation of a syrian christian; still i thought myself justified in calling manigrâmam a christian principality--whatever their christianity may have consisted in--on the ground that, from menezes' time, these grants had been regarded as given to the syrian colonists.' mr. kookel keloo nair considered iravikkorran a mere title, in which no shadow of a syrian name is to be traced." nestorius, a native of germanicia, was educated at antioch, where, as presbyter, he became celebrated, while yet very young, for his asceticism, orthodoxy, and eloquence. on the death of sisinnius, patriarch of constantinople, this distinguished preacher of antioch was appointed to the vacant see by the emperor theodosius ii, and was consecrated as patriarch in a.d. the doctrine of a god-man respecting christ, and the mode of union of the human and the divine nature in him left undefined by the early teachers, who contented themselves with speaking of him and regarding him as "born and unborn, god in flesh, life in death, born of mary, and born of god," had, long before the time of nestorius, begun to tax the genius of churchmen, and the controversies in respect of this double nature of christ had led to the growth and spread of important heretical doctrines. two of the great heresies of the church before that of nestorius are associated with the names of arius and apollinaris. arius "admitted both the divine and the human nature of christ, but, by making him subordinate to god, denied his divinity in the highest sense." apollinaris, undermining the doctrine of the example and atonement of christ, argued that "in jesus the logos supplied the place of the reasonable soul." as early as a.d. the first oecumenical council of nice had defined against the arians, and decreed that "the son was not only of like essence, but of the same essence with the father, and the human nature, maimed and misinterpreted by the apollinarians, had been restored to the person of christ at the council of constantinople in ." nestorius, finding the arians and apollinarians, condemned strongly though they were, still strong in numbers and influence at constantinople, expressed in his first sermon as patriarch his determination to put down these and other heretical sects, and exhorted the emperor to help him in this difficult task. but, while vigorously engaged in the effectual extinction of all heresies, he incurred the displeasure of the orthodox party by boldly declaring, though in the most sincerely orthodox form, against the use of the term theotokos, that is, mother of god, which, as applied to the virgin mary, had then grown into popular favour, especially amongst the clergy at constantinople and rome. while he himself revered the blessed virgin as the mother of christ, he declaimed against the use of the expression mother of god in respect of her, as being alike "unknown to the apostles, and unauthorised by the church," besides its being inherently absurd to suppose that the godhead can be born or suffer. moreover, in his endeavour to avoid the extreme positions taken up by arians and apollinarians, he denied, while speaking of the two natures in christ, that there was any communication of attributes. but he was understood on this point to have maintained a mechanical rather than a supernatural union of the two natures, and also to have rent christ asunder, and divided him into two persons. explaining his position, nestorius said "i distinguish the natures, but i unite my adoration." but this explanation did not satisfy the orthodox, who understood him to have "preached a christ less than divine." the clergy and laity of constantinople, amongst whom nestorius had thus grown unpopular, and was talked of as a heretic, appealed to cyril, bishop of the rival see of alexandria, to interfere on their behalf. cyril, supported by the authority of the pope, arrived on the scene, and, at the council of ephesus, hastily and informally called up, condemned nestorius as a heretic, and excommunicated him. after nestorianism had been rooted out of the roman empire in the time of justinian, it flourished "in the east," especially in persia and the countries adjoining it, where the churches, since their foundation, had been following the syrian ritual, discipline, and doctrine, and where a strong party, among them the patriarch of seleucia or babylon, and his suffragan the metropolitan of persia, with their large following, revered nestorius as a martyr, and faithfully and formally accepted his teachings at the synod of seleucia in a.d. his doctrines seem to have spread as far east as china, so that, in , nestorian monks who had long resided in that country are said to have brought the eggs of the silkworm to constantinople. cosmos, surnamed indicopleustes, the indian traveller, who, in a.d., visited male, "the country where the pepper grows," has referred to the existence of a fully organised church in malabar, with the bishops consecrated in persia. his reference, while it traces the origin of the indian church to the earlier centuries, also testifies to the fact that, at the time of his visit, the church was nestorian in its creed "from the circumstance of its dependence upon the primate of persia, who then unquestionably held the nestorian doctrines." the next heresy was that of eutyches, a zealous adherent of cyril in opposition to nestorius at the council of ephesus in a.d. but eutyches, in opposing the doctrine of nestorius, went beyond cyril and others, and affirmed that, after the union of the two natures, the human and the divine, christ had only one nature the divine, his humanity being absorbed in his divinity. after several years of controversy, the question was finally decided at the council of chalcedon in , when it was declared, in opposition to the doctrine of eutyches, that the two natures were united in christ, but "without any alteration, absorption, or confusion"; or, in other words, in the person of christ there were two natures, the human and the divine, each perfect in itself, but there was only one person. eutyches was excommunicated, and died in exile. those who would not subscribe to the doctrines declared at chalcedon were condemned as heretics; they then seceded, and afterwards gathered themselves around different centres, which were syria, mesopotamia, asia minor, cyprus and palestine, armenia, egypt, and abyssinia. the armenians embraced the eutychian theory of divinity being the sole nature in christ, the humanity being absorbed, while the egyptians and abyssinians held in the monophysite doctrine of the divinity and humanity being one compound nature in christ. the west syrians, or natives of syria proper, to whom the syrians of this coast trace their origin, adopted, after having renounced the doctrines of nestorius, the eutychian tenet. through the influence of severus, patriarch of antioch, they gradually became monophysites. the monophysite sect was for a time suppressed by the emperors, but in the sixth century there took place the great jacobite revival of the monophysite doctrine under james bardæus, better known as jacobus zanzalus, who united the various divisions, into which the monophysites had separated themselves, into one church, which at the present day exists under the name of the jacobite church. the head of the jacobite church claims the rank and prerogative of the patriarch of antioch--a title claimed by no less than three church dignitaries. leaving it to subtle theologians to settle the disputes, we may briefly define the position of the jacobites in malabar in respect of the above controversies. while they accept the qualifying epithets pronounced by the decree passed at the council of chalcedon in regard to the union of the two natures in christ, they object to the use of the word two in referring to the same. so far they are practically at one with the armenians, for they also condemn the eutychian doctrine; and a jacobite candidate for holy orders in the syrian church has, among other things, to take an oath denouncing eutyches and his teachers. we have digressed a little in order to show briefly the position of the malabar church in its relation to eastern patriarchs in the early, mediæval, and modern times. to resume the thread of our story, from about the middle of the fourth century until the arrival of the portuguese, the christians of malabar in their spiritual distress generally applied for bishops indiscriminately to one of the eastern patriarchs, who were either nestorian or jacobite; for, as observed by sir w. w. hunter, "for nearly a thousand years from the th to the th century, the jacobite sect dwelt in the middle of the nestorians in the central asia," so that, in response to the requests from malabar, both nestorian and jacobite bishops appear to have visited malabar occasionally, and the natives seem to have indiscriminately followed the teachings of both. we may here observe that the simple folk of malabar, imbued but with the primitive form of christianity, were neither conversant with nor ever troubled themselves about the subtle disputations and doctrinal differences that divided their co-religionists in europe and asia minor, and were, therefore, not in a position to distinguish between nestorian or any other form of christianity. persia also having subsequently neglected the outlying indian church, the christians of malabar seem to have sent their applications to the patriarch of babylon, but, as both prelates then followed the nestorian creed, there was little or no change in the rituals and dogmas of the church. dr. day [ ] refers to the arrival of a jacobite bishop in india in a.d. about the year a.d., two nestorian bishops, mar sapor and mar aprot, appear to have arrived in malabar under the command of the nestorian patriarch of babylon. they are said to have interviewed the native rulers, travelled through the country, built churches, and looked after the religious affairs of the syrians. we know but little of the history of the malabar church for nearly six centuries prior to the arrival of the portuguese in india. we have, however, the story of the pilgrimage of the bishop of sherborne to the shrine of st. thomas in india about a.d., in the reign of alfred the great; and the reference made to the prevalence of nestorianism among the st. thomas' christians of malabar by marco polo, the venetian traveller. the christian community seem to have been in the zenith of their glory and prosperity between the th and th centuries, as, according to their tradition, they were then permitted to have a king of their own, with villiarvattam near udayamperur (diamper) as his capital. according to another version, the king of villiarvattam was a convert to christianity. the dynasty seems to have become extinct about the th century, and it is said that, on the arrival of the portuguese, the crown and sceptre of the last christian king were presented to vasco da gama in . we have already referred to the high position occupied by the christians under the early kings, as is seen from the rare privileges granted to them, most probably in return for military services rendered by them. the king seems to have enjoyed, among other things, the right of punishing offences committed by the christian community, who practically followed his lead. a more reasonable view of the story of a christian king appears to be that a christian chief of udayamperur enjoyed a sort of socio-territorial jurisdiction over his followers, which, in later times, seems to have been so magnified as to invest him with territorial sovereignty. we see, in the copper-plate charters of the jews, that their chief was also invested with some such powers. mention is made of two latin missions in the th century, with quilon as head-quarters, but their labours were ineffectual, and their triumphs but short-lived. towards the end of the th, and throughout the whole of the th century, the nestorian patriarch of mesopotamia seems to have exercised some authority over the malabar christians, as is borne out by the occasional references to the arrival of nestorian bishops to preside over the churches. until the arrival of the portuguese, the malabar church was following unmolested, in its ritual, practice and communion, a creed of the syro-chaldæan church of the east. when they set out on their voyages, conquest and conversion were no less dear to the heart of portuguese than enterprise and commerce. though, in the first moments, the syrians, in their neglected spiritual condition, were gratified at the advent of their co-religionists, the romanist portuguese, and the portuguese in their turn expected the most beneficial results from an alliance with their christian brethren on this coast, "the conformity of the syrians to the faith and practice of the th century soon disappointed the prejudices of the papist apologists. it was the first care of the portuguese to intercept all correspondence with the eastern patriarchs, and several of their bishops expired in the prisons of their holy office." the franciscan and dominican friars, and the jesuit fathers, worked vigorously to win the malabar christians over to the roman communion. towards the beginning of the last quarter of the th century, the jesuits built a church at vaippacotta near cranganur, and founded a college for the education of christian youths. in , a seminary was established for the purpose of instructing the syrians in theology, and teaching them the latin, portuguese and syriac languages. the dignitaries who presided over the churches, however, refused to ordain the students trained in the seminary. this, and other causes of quarrel between the jesuits and the native clergy, culminated in an open rupture, which was proclaimed by archdeacon george in a synod at angamali. when alexes de menezes, archbishop of goa, heard of this, he himself undertook a visitation of the syrian churches. the bold and energetic menezes carried all before him. nor is his success to be wondered at. he was invested with the spiritual authority of the pope, and armed with the terrors of the inquisition. he was encouraged in his efforts by the portuguese king, whose governors on this coast ably backed him up. though the ruling chiefs at first discountenanced the exercise of coercive measures over their subjects, they were soon won over by the stratagems of the subtle archbishop. thus supported, he commenced his visitation of the churches, and reduced them in a.d. by the decrees of the synod of diamper (udayamperur), a village about ten miles to the south-east of the town of cochin. the decrees passed by the synod were reluctantly subscribed to by archdeacon george and a large number of kathanars, as the native priests are called; and this practically converted the malabar church into a branch of the roman church. literature sustained a very great loss at the hands of menezes, "for this blind and enthusiastic inquisitor destroyed, like a second omar, all the books written in the syrian or chaldæan language, which could be collected, not only at the synod of diamper, but especially during his subsequent circuit; for, as soon as he had entered into a syrian church, he ordered all their books and records to be laid before him, which, a few indifferent ones excepted, he committed to the flames, so that at present neither books nor manuscripts are any more to be found amongst the st. thomé christians." [ ] immediately after the synod of diamper, a jesuit father, franciscus roz, a spaniard by birth, was appointed bishop of angamali by pope clement viii. the title was soon after changed to that of archbishop of cranganur. by this time, the rule of the jesuits had become so intolerable to the syrians that they resolved to have a bishop from the east, and applied to babylon, antioch, alexandria, and other ecclesiastical head-quarters for a bishop, as if the ecclesiastical heads who presided over these places professed the same creed. the request of the malabar christians for a bishop was readily responded to from antioch, and ahattala, otherwise known as mar ignatius, was forthwith sent. authorities, however, differ on this point, for, according to some, this ahattala was a nestorian, or a protégé of the patriarch of the copts. whatever ahattala's religious creed might have been, the syrians appear to have believed that he was sent by the jacobite patriarch of antioch. the portuguese, however, intercepted him, and took him prisoner. the story goes that he was drowned in the cochin harbour, or condemned to the flames of the inquisition at goa in . this cruel deed so infuriated the syrians that thousands of them met in solemn conclave at the coonen cross at mattancheri in cochin, and, with one voice, renounced their allegiance to the church of rome. this incident marks an important epoch in the history of the malabar church, for, with the defection at the coonen cross, the malabar christians split themselves up into two distinct parties, the romo-syrians who adhered to the church of rome, and the jacobite syrians, who, severing their connection with it, placed themselves under the spiritual supremacy of the patriarch of antioch. the following passage explains the exact position of the two parties that came into existence then, as also the origin of the names since applied to them. "the pazheia kuttukar, or old church, owed its foundation to archbishop menezes and the synod of diamper in , and its reconciliation, after revolt, to the carmelite bishop, joseph of st. mary, in . it retains in its services the syrian language, and in part the syrian ritual. but it acknowledges the supremacy of the pope and his vicars apostolic. its members are now known as catholics of the syrian rite, to distinguish them from the converts made direct from heathenism to the latin church by the roman missionaries. the other section of the syrian christians of malabar is called the puttan kuttukar, or new church. it adheres to the jacobite tenets introduced by its first jacobite bishop, mar gregory, in ." [ ] we have at this time, and ever after, to deal with a third party, that came into existence after the advent of the portuguese. these are the catholics of the latin rite, and consist almost exclusively of the large number of converts gained by the portuguese from amongst the different castes of the hindus. to avoid confusion, we shall follow the fortunes of each sect separately. when the portuguese first came to india, the indian trade was chiefly in the hands of the moors, who had no particular liking for the hindus or christians, and the arrival of the portuguese was therefore welcome alike to the hindus and christians, who eagerly sought their assistance. the portuguese likewise accepted their offers of friendship very gladly, as an alliance, especially with the former, gave them splendid opportunities for advancing their religious mission, while, from a friendly intercourse with the latter, they expected not only to further their religious interests, but also their commercial prosperity. in the work of conversion they were successful, more especially among the lower orders, the illuvans, mukkuvans, pulayans, etc. the labours of miguel vaz, afterwards vicar-general of goa, and of father vincent, in this direction were continued with admirable success by st. francis xavier. we have seen how the strict and rigid discipline of the jesuit archbishops, their pride and exclusiveness, and the capture and murder of ahattala brought about the outburst at the coonen cross. seeing that the jesuits had failed, pope alexander vii had recourse to the carmelite fathers, who were specially instructed to do their best to remove the schism, and to bring about a reconciliation; but, because the portuguese claimed absolute possession of the indian missions, and as the pope had despatched the carmelite fathers without the approval of the king of portugal, the first batch of these missionaries could not reach the destined field of their labours. another body of carmelites, who had taken a different route, however, succeeded in reaching malabar in , and they met archdeacon thomas who had succeeded archdeacon george. while expressing their willingness to submit to rome, the syrians declined to place themselves under archbishop garcia, s.j., who had succeeded archbishop roz, s.j. the syrians insisted on their being given a non-jesuit bishop, and, in , father joseph was appointed vicar apostolic of the "sierra of malabar" without the knowledge of the king of portugal. he came out to india in , and worked vigorously for two years in reconciling the syrian christians to the church of rome. but he was not allowed to continue his work unmolested, because, when the dutch, who were competing with the portuguese for supremacy in the eastern seas, took the port of cochin in , bishop joseph was ordered to leave the coast forthwith. when he left cochin, he consecrated chandy parambil, otherwise known as alexander de campo. by their learning, and their skill in adapting themselves to circumstances, the carmelite fathers had continued to secure the good-will of the dutch, and, returning to cochin, assisted alexander de campo in his work. father mathew, one of their number, was allowed to build a church at chatiath near ernakulam. another church was built at varapuzha (verapoly) on land given rent-free by the raja of cochin. since this time, varapuzha, now in travancore, has continued to be the residence of a vicar apostolic. the history of a quarter of a century subsequent to this is uneventful, except for the little quarrels between the carmelite fathers and the native clergy. in , however, the archbishop of goa declined to consecrate a carmelite father nominated by the pope to the vicariate apostolic. but father anjelus, the vicar apostolic elect, got himself consecrated by one mar simon, who was supposed to be in communion with rome. the dutch government having declined admission to archbishop ribeiro, s.j., the nominee of the portuguese king to their dominions, anjelus was invested with jurisdiction over cochin and cranganur. thereupon, the jesuit fathers sought shelter in travancore, and in the territories of the zamorin. with the capture of cranganur by the dutch, which struck the death-blow to portuguese supremacy in the east, the last vestige of the church, seminary and college founded by the jesuits disappeared. as the dutch hated the jesuits as bigoted papists and uncompromising schismatics, several of the jesuit fathers, who were appointed archbishops of cranganur, never set foot within their diocese, and such of them as accepted the responsibility confined themselves to the territories of the raja of travancore. it was only after the establishment of british supremacy that the jesuit fathers were able to re-enter the scene of their early labours. an almost unbroken line of carmelite fathers appointed by the pope filled the vicariate till , though the archbishop of goa and the bishop of cochin now and then declined to consecrate the nominee, and thus made feeble attempts on behalf of their faithful king to recover their lost position. salvador, s.j., archbishop of cranganur, died in . five years after this, the king of portugal appointed joseph cariatil and thomas paramakal, two native christians, who had been educated at the propaganda college at rome, as archbishop and vicar-general, respectively, of the diocese of cranganur. the native clergy at the time were mostly ignorant, and the discipline amongst them was rather lax. the propaganda attempted reforms in this direction, which led to a rupture between the latin and the native clergy. the carmelite fathers, like the jesuits, had grown overbearing and haughty, and an attempt at innovation made by the pope through them became altogether distasteful to the natives. serious charges against the carmelites were, therefore, formally laid before the pope and the raja of travancore by the syrians. they also insisted that thomas should be consecrated bishop. at this time, the dutch were all-powerful at the courts of native rulers, and, though the carmelite missionaries who had ingratiated themselves into the good graces of the dutch tried their best to thwart the syrians in their endeavours, thomas was permitted to be consecrated bishop, and the syrians were allowed the enjoyment of certain rare privileges. it is remarkable that, at this time and even in much earlier times, the disputes between the foreign and the native clergy, or between the various factions following the lead of the native clergy, were often decided by the hindu kings, and the christians accepted and abided by the decisions of their temporal heads. in , pope gregory xvi issued a bull abolishing the sees of cranganur and cochin, and transferring the jurisdiction to the vicar apostolic of varapuzha. but the king of portugal questioned the right of the pope, and this led to serious disputes. the abolition of the smaller seminaries by archbishop bernardin of varapuzha, and his refusal to ordain candidates for holy orders trained in these seminaries by the malpans or teacher-priests, caused much discontent among the syrian christians, and, in , a large section of the syrians applied to the catholic chaldæan patriarch of babylon for a chaldæan bishop. this was readily responded to by the patriarch, who, though under the pope, thought that he had a prescriptive right to supremacy over the malabar christians. bishop roccos was sent out to malabar in , and though, owing to the charm of novelty, a large section of the christians at once joined him, a strong minority questioned his authority, and referred the matter to the pope. bishop roccos was recalled, and the patriarch was warned by the pope against further interference. subsequently, the patriarch, again acting on the notion that he had independent jurisdiction over the chaldæan syrian church of malabar, sent out bishop mellus to cochin. the arrival of this bishop in created a distinct split among the christians of trichur, one faction acknowledging the supremacy of the pope, and the other following the lead of bishop mellus. this open rupture had involved the two factions in a costly litigation. the adherents of bishop mellus contend that their church, ever since its foundation in or , has followed the practice, ritual, and communion of the chaldæan church of babylon, without having ever been in communion with rome. the matter is sub judice. they are now known by the name of chaldæan syrians. the pope, in the meanwhile, excommunicated bishop mellus, but he continued to exercise spiritual authority over his adherents independently of rome. in the patriarch having made peace with the pope, bishop mellus left india, and submitted to rome in . on the departure of bishop mellus, the chaldæan syrians chose anthony kathanar, otherwise known as mar abdeso, as their archbishop. he is said to have been a rome syrian priest under the archbishop of varapuzha. it is also said that he visited syria and palestine, and received ordination from the anti-roman patriarch of babylon. before his death in , he ordained mar augustine, who, under the title of chorepiscopus, had assisted him in the government of the chaldæan church, and he now presides over the chaldæan syrian churches in the state. in , bishop marcellinus was appointed coadjutor to the vicar apostolic of varapuzha, and entrusted with the spiritual concerns of the romo-syrians. on his death in , the romo-syrians were placed under the care of two european vicars apostolic. we have seen how the jesuits had made themselves odious to the native christians, and how reluctantly the latter had submitted to their rigid discipline. we have seen, too, how the carmelites who replaced them, in spite of their worldly wisdom and conciliatory policy, had their own occasional quarrels and disputes with the native clergy and their congregations. from the time of the revolt at the coonen cross, and ever afterwards, the christians had longed for bishops of their own nationality, and made repeated requests for the same. for some reason or other, compliance with these requisitions was deferred for years. experience showed that the direct rule of foreign bishops had failed to secure the unanimous sympathy and hearty co-operation of the people. the pope was, however, convinced of the spiritual adherence of the native clergy and congregation to rome. in these circumstances, it was thought advisable to give the native clergy a fair trial in the matter of local supremacy. bishops medlycott and lavigne, s.j., who were the vicars apostolic of trichur and kottayam, were therefore withdrawn, and, in , three native syrian priests, father john menacheri, father aloysius pareparambil, and father mathew mackil, were consecrated by the papal delegate as the vicars apostolic of trichur, ernakulam, and chenganacheri. the monopoly of the indian missions claimed by the portuguese, and the frequent disputes which disturbed the peace of the malabar church, were ended in by the concordat entered into between pope leo xiii and the king of portugal. the archbishop of goa was by this recognised as the patriarch of the east indies with the bishop of cochin as a suffragan, whose diocese in the cochin state is confined to the seaboard taluk of cochin. the rest of the latin catholics of this state, except a small section in the chittur taluk under the bishop of coimbatore, are under the archbishop of varapuzha. since the revolt of the syrians at the coonen cross in , the jacobite syrians have been governed by native bishops consecrated by bishops sent by the patriarch of antioch, or at least always received and recognised as such. in exigent circumstances, the native bishops themselves, before their death, consecrated their successors by the imposition of hands. immediately after the defection, they chose archdeacon thomas as their spiritual leader. he was thus the first metran or native bishop, having been formally ordained after twelve years of independent rule by mar gregory from antioch, with whose name the revival of jacobitism in malabar is associated. the metran assumed the title of mar thomas i. he belonged to the family that traced its descent from the pakalomattom family, held in high respect and great veneration as one of the brahman families, the members of which are supposed to have been converted and ordained as priests by the apostle himself. members of the same family continued to hold the metranship till about the year , when the family is supposed to have become extinct. this hereditary succession is supposed by some to be a relic of the nestorian practice. it may, however, be explained in another way. the earliest converts were high-caste hindus, amongst whom an anandravan (brother or nephew) succeeded to the family estates and titles in pursuance of the joint family system as current in malabar. the succession of a brother or a nephew might, therefore, be quite as much a relic of the hindu custom. the metrans possessed properties. they were, therefore, interested in securing the succession of their anandravans, so that their properties might not pass to a different family. mar thomas i was succeeded by his brother mar thomas ii, on whose death his nephew became metran under the title of mar thomas iii. he held office only for ten days. mar thomas iv, who succeeded him, presided over the church till . thomas iii and iv are said to have been consecrated by bishop john, a scholar of great repute, who, with one bishop basil, came from antioch in . during the régime of mar thomas iv, and of his nephew thomas v, mar gabriel, a nestorian bishop, appeared on the scene in . he seems to have been a man without any definite creed, as he proclaimed himself a nestorian, a jacobite, or a romanist, according as one or the other best suited his interests. he had his own friends and admirers among the syrians, with whose support he ruled over a few churches in the north till . the consecration of mar thomas v by mar thomas iv was felt to be invalid, and, to remedy the defect, the assistance of the dutch was sought; but, being disappointed, the christians had recourse to a jewish merchant named ezekiel, who undertook to convey their message to the patriarch of antioch. he brought from bassorah one mar ivanius, who was a man of fiery temper. he interfered with the images in the churches. this led to quarrels with the metran, and he had forthwith to quit the state. through the dutch authorities at cochin, a fresh requisition was sent to the patriarch of antioch, who sent out three bishops named basil, john, and gregory. their arrival caused fresh troubles, owing to the difficulty of paying the large sum claimed by them as passage money. in , mar thomas v, supposed to have died in , consecrated his nephew mar thomas vi. about this time, gregory consecrated one kurilos, the leader of a faction that resisted the rule of thomas vi. the disputes and quarrels which followed were ended with the flight of kurilos, who founded the see of anjoor in the north of cochin and became the first bishop of tholiyur. through the kind intercession of the maharaja of travancore, thomas vi underwent formal consecration at the hands of the bishops from antioch, and took the title of dionysius i, known also as dionysius the great. in , the great carmelite father paoli visited mar dionysius, and tried to persuade him to submit to rome. it is said that he agreed to the proposal, on condition of his being recognised as metropolitan of all the syrians in malabar, but nothing came of it. a few years after this, the struggle for supremacy between the dutch and the english had ended in the triumph of the latter, who evinced a good deal of interest in the syrian christians, and, in , the madras government deputed dr. kerr to study the history of the malabar church. in , dr. buchanan visited mar dionysius, and broached the question of a union of the syrian church with the church of england. the proposal, however, did not find favour with the metropolitan, or his congregation. mar dionysius died in . before his death, he had consecrated thomas kathanar as thomas viii. he died in . his successor, thomas ix, was weak and old, and he was displaced by ittoop ramban, known as pulikot dionysius or dionysius ii. he enjoyed the confidence and good-will of colonel munro, the british resident, through whose good offices a seminary had been built at kottayam in for the education of syrian youths. he died in . philixenos, who had succeeded kurilos as bishop of tholiyur, now consecrated punnathara dionysius, or dionysius iii. we have now to refer to an important incident in the history of the jacobite syrians. through the influence of the british resident, and in the hope of effecting the union proposed by dr. buchanan, the church mission society commenced their labours in . the english missionaries began their work under favourable circumstances, and the most cordial relations existed between the syrians and the missionaries for some years, so much so that the latter frequently visited the syrian churches, and even preached sermons. on the death of dionysius iii in , or as some say , cheppat dionysius consecrated by mar philixenos again, succeeded as metropolitan under the title of dionysius iv. during his régime, there grew up among the syrians a party, who suspected that the missionaries were using their influence with the metropolitan, and secretly endeavouring to bring the syrians under the protestant church. the conservative party of syrians stoutly opposed the movement. they petitioned the patriarch of antioch, who at once sent out a bishop named athanasius. on arrival in , a large number of syrians flocked to him. he even went to the length of threatening mar dionysius with excommunication. but the protestant missionaries and the british resident came to the rescue of the metropolitan, and exercised their influence with the ruler of travancore, who forthwith deported athanasius. the deportation of athanasius strengthened the position of the missionaries. the british resident, and through his influence the native ruler, often rendered them the most unqualified support. the missionaries who superintended the education of the syrian students in the seminary, having begun to teach them doctrines contrary to those of the jacobite church, the cordiality and friendship that had existed between the missionaries and the metropolitan gradually gave place to distrust and suspicion. the party that clung to the time-honoured traditions and practices of their church soon fanned the flame of discord, and snapped asunder the ties of friendship that had bound the metropolitan to the missionaries. bishop wilson of calcutta proceeded to travancore to see if a reconciliation could be effected. but his attempts in this direction proved fruitless, because the syrians could not accept his proposal to adopt important changes affecting their spiritual and temporal concerns, such as doing away with prayers for the dead, the revision of their liturgy, the management of church funds, etc., and the syrians finally parted company with the missionaries in . soon after this, disputes arose in regard to the funds and endowments of the seminary, but they were soon settled by arbitration in , and the properties were divided between the metropolitan and the missionaries. the missionaries had friends among the jacobites, some of whom became members of the church of england. the syrians were rather distressed, because they thought that the consecration of their metropolitan by mar philixenos was insufficient. they therefore memorialised the patriarch of antioch. there grew up also a party hostile to the metropolitan, and they sent to antioch a syrian christian named mathew. his arrival at antioch was most opportune. the patriarch was looking out for a proper man. mathew was therefore welcomed, and treated very kindly. he was consecrated as metropolitan by the patriarch himself in , and sent out with the necessary credentials. he arrived in as metropolitan of malankara under the title of mathew anastatius, and advanced his claims to the headship of the church, but mar dionysius resisted him, and sent an appeal to the patriarch of antioch, in which he denounced mathew as one who had enlisted his sympathies with the protestant missionaries. upon this, the patriarch sent out one cyril with power to expel mathew, and, with the connivance of mar dionysius, cyril cut the gordian knot by appointing himself as metropolitan of malabar. disputes arising, a committee was appointed to examine the claims of athanasius and cyril. the credentials of cyril were proved to be forged, whereupon athanasius was duly installed in his office in , and cyril fled the country. cyril having failed, the patriarch sent another bishop named stephanos, who contributed his mite towards widening the breach, and, on the british resident having ordered the bishop to quit the country, an appeal was preferred to the court of directors, who insisted on a policy of non-interference. this bestirred mar cyril, who reappeared on the scene, and fanned the flame of discord. being ordered to leave mar athanasius unmolested, he and his friends sent one joseph to antioch, who returned with fresh credentials in , assumed the title of dionysius v, claimed the office of metropolitan, and applied to the travancore government for assistance. adopting a policy of non-interference, the darbar referred him to the law courts, in case he could not come to terms with mar athanasius. the patriarch of antioch himself visited cochin and travancore in , and presided over a synod which met at mulanthurutha in the cochin state. resolutions affirming the supremacy of antioch, recognising mar dionysius as the accredited metropolitan of malabar, and condemning mathew athanasius as a schismatic, were passed by the members of the assembly, and the patriarch returned to mardin in . this, however, did not mend matters, and the two parties launched themselves into a protracted law suit in , which ended in favour of mar dionysius in . mar athanasius, who had taken up an independent position, died in , and his cousin, whom he had consecrated, succeeded as metropolitan under the title of mar thomas anastatius. he died in , and titus mar thoma, consecrated likewise by his predecessor, presides over the reformed party of jacobite syrians, who prefer to be called st. thomas' syrians. we have thus traced the history of the jacobite syrians from , and shown how they separated themselves into two parties, now represented by the jacobite syrians under mar dionysius, owing allegiance to the patriarch of antioch, and the reformed syrians or st. thomas' syrians owning titus mar thoma as their supreme spiritual head. thus, while the jacobite syrians have accepted and acknowledged the ecclesiastical supremacy of the patriarch of antioch, the st. thomas' syrians, maintaining that the jacobite creed was introduced into malabar only in the seventeenth century after a section of the church had shaken off the roman supremacy, uphold the ecclesiastical autonomy of the church, whereby the supreme control of the spiritual and temporal affairs of the church is declared to be in the hands of the metropolitan of malabar. the st. thomas' syrians hold that the consecration of a bishop by, or with the sanction of the patriarch of babylon, alexandria or antioch, gives no more validity or sanctity to that office than consecration by the metropolitan of malabar, the supreme head of the church in malabar, inasmuch as this church is as ancient and apostolic as any other, being founded by the apostle st. thomas; while the jacobites hold that the consecration of a bishop is not valid, unless it be done with the sanction of their patriarch. the st. thomas' syrians have, however, no objection to receiving consecration from the head of any other episcopal apostolic church, but they consider that such consecrations do not in any way subject their church to the supremacy of that prelate or church. both the latins and the romo-syrians use the liturgy of the church of rome, the former using the latin, and the latter the syriac language. it is believed by some that the christians of st. thomas formerly used the liturgy of st. adæus, east syrian, edessa, but that it was almost completely assimilated to the roman liturgy by portuguese jesuits at the synod of diamper in . the chaldæan syrians also use the roman liturgy, with the following points of difference in practice, communicated to me by their present ecclesiastical head:--( ) they perform marriage ceremonies on sundays, instead of week days as the romo-syrians do. ( ) while reading the gospel, their priests turn to the congregation, whereas the romo-syrian priests turn to the altar. ( ) their priests bless the congregation in the middle of the mass, a practice not in vogue among the romo-syrians. ( ) they use two kinds of consecrated oil in baptism, which does away with the necessity of confirmation. the romo-syrians, on the other hand, use only one kind of oil, and hence they have to be subsequently confirmed by one of their bishops. the liturgy used by the jacobite syrians and the st. thomas' syrians is the same, viz., that of st. james. the st. thomas' syrians have, however, made some changes by deleting certain passages from it. [a recent writer observes that "a service which i attended at the quaint old syrian church at kottayam, which glories in the possession of one of the three ancient stone crosses in india, closely resembled, as far as my memory serves me, one which i attended many years ago at antioch, except that the non-sacramental portions of the mass were read in malayalam instead of in arabic, the sacramental words alone being in both cases spoken in the ancient syriac tongue.] in regard to doctrine and practice, the following points may be noted:--( ) while the jacobite syrians look upon the holy bible as the main authority in matters of doctrine, practice, and ritual, they do not allow the bible to be interpreted except with the help of the traditions of the church, the writings of the early fathers, and the decrees of the holy synods of the undivided christian period; but the st. thomas' syrians believe that the holy bible is unique and supreme in such matters. ( ) while the jacobites have faith in the efficacy and necessity of prayers, charities, etc., for the benefit of departed souls, of the invocation of the virgin mary and the saints in divine worship, of pilgrimages, and of confessing sins to, and obtaining absolution from priests, the st. thomas' syrians regard these and similar practices as unscriptural, tending not to the edification of believers, but to the drawing away of the minds of believers from the vital and real spiritual truths of the christian revelation. ( ) while the jacobites administer the lord's supper to the laity and the non-celebrating clergy in the form of consecrated bread dipped in consecrated wine, and regard it a sin to administer the elements separately after having united them in token of christ's resurrection, the st. thomas' syrians admit the laity to both the elements after the act of uniting them. ( ) while the jacobite syrians allow marriage ceremonies on sundays, on the plea that, being of the nature of a sacrament, they ought to be celebrated on sundays, and that christ himself had taken part in a marriage festival on the sabbath day, the st. thomas' syrians prohibit such celebrations on sundays as unscriptural, the sabbath being set apart for rest and religious exercises. ( ) while the jacobites believe that the mass is as much a memorial of christ's oblation on the cross as it is an unbloody sacrifice offered for the remission of the sins of the living and of the faithful dead, the st. thomas' syrians observe it as a commemoration of christ's sacrifice on the cross. ( ) the jacobites venerate the cross and the relics of saints, while the st. thomas' syrians regard the practice as idolatry. ( ) the jacobites perform mass for the dead, while the st. thomas' syrians regard it as unscriptural. ( ) with the jacobites, remarriage, marriage of widows, and marriage after admission to full priesthood, reduce a priest to the status of a layman, and one united in any such marriage is not permitted to perform priestly functions, whereas priests of the st. thomas' syrian party are allowed to contract such marriages without forfeiture of their priestly rights. ( ) the jacobite syrians believe in the efficacy of infant baptism, and acknowledge baptismal regeneration, while the st. thomas' syrians, who also baptise infants, deny the doctrine of regeneration in baptism, and regard the ceremony as a mere external sign of admission to church communion. ( ) the jacobites observe special fasts, and abstain from certain articles of food during such fasts, while the st. thomas' syrians regard the practice as superstitious. the jacobite syrian priests are not paid any fixed salary, but are supported by voluntary contributions in the shape of fees for baptism, marriages, funerals, etc. the romo-syrian and latin priests are paid fixed salaries, besides the above perquisites. the syrian priests are called kathanars, while the latin priests go by the name of padres. for the jacobite syrians, the morone or holy oil required for baptism, consecration of churches, ordination of priests, etc., has to be obtained from antioch. the churches under rome get it from rome. unlike the catholic clergy, the jacobite clergy, except their metropolitan and the rambans, are allowed to marry. the generality of syrians of the present day trace their descent from the higher orders of the hindu society, and the observance by many of them of certain customs prevalent more or less among high-caste hindus bears out this fact. it is no doubt very curious that, in spite of their having been christians for centuries together, they still retain the traditions of their hindu forefathers. it may sound very strange, but it is none the less true, that caste prejudices which influence their hindu brethren in all social and domestic relations obtain to some extent among some sections of the syrian christians, but, with the spread of a better knowledge of the teachings of christ, the progress of english education, and contact with european christians, caste observances are gradually dying out. the following relics of old customs may, however, be noted:-- ( ) some christians make offerings to hindu temples with as much reverence as they do in their own churches. some non-brahman hindus likewise make offerings to christian churches. ( ) some sections of syrians have faith in horoscopes, and get them cast for new-born babies, just as hindus do. ( ) on the wedding day, the bridegroom ties round the neck of the bride a tali (small ornament made of gold). this custom is prevalent among all classes of native christians. on the death of their husbands, some even remove the tali to indicate widowhood, as is the custom among the brahmans. ( ) when a person dies, his or her children, if any, and near relatives, observe pula (death pollution) for a period ranging from ten to fifteen days. the observance imposes abstinence from animal food. the pula ends with a religious ceremony in the church, with feasting friends and relatives in the house, and feeding the poor, according to one's means. sradha, or anniversary ceremony for the soul of the dead, is performed with services in the church and feasts in the house. ( ) in rural parts especially, the onam festival of the malayali hindus is celebrated with great éclat, with feasting, making presents of cloths to children and relatives, out-door and in-door games, etc. ( ) vishu, or new-year's day, is likewise a gala day, when presents of small coins are made to children, relatives, and the poor. ( ) the ceremony of first feeding a child with rice (annaprasanam or chorunu of the hindus) is celebrated generally in the sixth month after birth. parents often make vows to have the ceremony done in a particular church, as hindu parents take their children to particular temples in fulfilment of special vows. ( ) the syrians do not admit within their premises low-castes, e.g., pulayans, paraiyans, etc., even after the conversion of the latter to christianity. they enforce even distance pollution, though not quite to the same extent as malayali hindus do. iluvans are allowed admission to their houses, but are not allowed to cook their meals. in some parts, they are not even allowed to enter the houses of syrians. there are no intermarriages between syrians of the various denominations and latin catholics. under very exceptional circumstances, a romo-syrian contracts a marriage with one of latin rite, and vice versâ, but this entails many difficulties and disabilities on the issues. among the latins themselves, there are, again, no intermarriages between the communities of the seven hundred, the five hundred, and the three hundred. the difference of cult and creed has led to the prohibition of marriages between the romo-syrians and jacobite syrians. the jacobite syrians properly so called, st. thomas' syrians, and the syro-protestants do, however, intermarry. the southerners and northerners do not intermarry; any conjugal ties effected between them subject the former to some kind of social excommunication. this exclusiveness, as we have already said, is claimed on the score of their descent from the early colonists from syria. the syrians in general, and the jacobite syrians in particular, are greater stricklers to customs than other classes of native christians. we have already referred to the privileges granted to the syrians by the hindu kings in early times. they not only occupied a very high position in the social scale, but also enjoyed at different times the rare distinction of forming a section of the body-guard of the king and the militia of the country. education has of late made great progress among them. the public service has now been thrown open to them, so that those who have had the benefit of higher education now hold some of the important posts in the state. in enterprises of all kinds, they are considerably ahead of their hindu and musalman brethren, so that we see them take very kindly to commerce, manufacture, agriculture, etc.; in fact, in every walk of life, they are making their mark by their industry and enterprise. [ ] the following additional information is contained in the gazetteer of malabar. "the men are to be distinguished by the small cross worn round the neck, and the women by their tali, which has beads on it, set in the form of a cross. their churches are ugly rectangular buildings with flat or arched wooden roofs and whitewashed facades. they have no spire, but the chancel, which is at the east end, is usually somewhat higher than the nave. between the chancel and the body of the church is a curtain, which is drawn while the priest consecrates the elements at the mass. right and left of the chancel are two rooms, the vestry and the sacristy. at the west end is a gallery, in which the unmarried priests sometimes live. most churches contain three altars, one in the chancel, and the other two at its western ends on each side. there are no images in jacobite or reformed churches, but there are sometimes pictures. crucifixes are placed on the altars, and in other parts of the churches. the clergy and men of influence are buried in the nave just outside the chancel. the syrian bishops are called metrans. they are celibates, and live on the contributions of their churches. they wear purple robes and black silk cowls figured with golden crosses, a big gold cross round the neck, and a ring on the fourth finger of the right hand. bishops are nominated by their predecessors from the body of rambans, who are men selected by priests and elders in advance to fill the episcopate. metrans are buried in their robes in a sitting posture. their priests are called cattanars. they should strictly pass through the seven offices of ostiary, reader, exorcist, acolyte, sub-deacon and deacon before becoming priests; but the first three offices practically no longer exist. the priestly office is often hereditary, descending by the marumakkattayam system (inheritance in the female line). jacobite and st. thomas' syrian priests are paid by contributions from their parishioners, fees at weddings, and the like. their ordinary dress consists of white trousers, and a kind of long white shirt with short sleeves and a flap hanging down behind, supposed to be in the form of a cross. over this the jacobites now wear a black coat. priests are allowed to marry, except in the romo-syrian community; but, among the jacobites, a priest may not marry after he has once been ordained, nor may he re-marry or marry a widow. malpans, or teachers, are the heads of the religious colleges, where priests are trained. jacobites also now shave clean, while other syrian priests wear the tonsure. every church has not more than four kaikkars or churchwardens, who are elected from the body of parishioners. they are the trustees of the church property, and, with the priest, constitute a disciplinary body, which exercises considerable powers in religious and social matters over the members of the congregation. the romo-syrians follow the doctrines and ritual of the roman catholics, but they use a syriac version [ ] of the latin liturgy. jacobites and st. thomas' christians use the syriac liturgy of st. james. few even of the priests understand syriac, and, in the reformed syrian churches, a malayalam translation of the syriac liturgy has now been generally adopted. the jacobites say masses for the dead, but do not believe in purgatory; they invoke the virgin mary, venerate the cross and relics of saints; they recognise only three sacraments, baptism, marriage (which they always celebrate on sundays) and the mass; they prescribe auricular confession before mass, and at the mass administer the bread dipped in the wine; they recite the eastern form of the nicene creed, and discourage laymen from studying the bible. the reformed syrians differ from them in most of these points. the jacobites observe the ordinary festivals of the church; the day of the patron saint of each church is celebrated with special pomp, and on the offerings made on that day the priests largely depend for their income. they keep lent, which they call the fifty days' fast, strictly from the sunday before ash wednesday, abjuring all meat, fish, ghee, and toddy; and on maundy thursday they eat a special kind of unsweetened cake marked with a cross, in the centre of which the karnavan of the family should drive a nail, and drink a kanji of rice and cocoanut-milk (the meal is said to symbolize the passover and the last supper, and the nail is supposed to be driven into the eye of judas iscariot). "amongst the syrian christians, as amongst the mappillas, there are many survivals of hindu customs and superstitions, and caste prejudices have by no means disappeared amongst the various sections of the community. southerners and northerners will not intermarry, and families who trace their descent from brahmans and nayars will, in many cases, not admit lower classes to their houses, much less allow them to cook for them or touch them. most of the syrians observe the onam and vishnu festivals; the astrologer is frequently consulted to cast horoscopes and tell omens; while it is a common custom for persons suffering from diseases to seek a cure by buying silver or tin images of the diseased limb, which their priest has blessed. similar survivals are to be noticed in their social ceremonies. a pulikudi ceremony, similar to that of the hindus, was commonly performed till recently, though it has now fallen into disuse. immediately on the birth of a child, three drops of honey in which gold has been rubbed are poured into its mouth by its father, and the mother is considered to be under pollution till the tenth day. baptism takes place on the fourteenth day amongst the southern jacobites, and amongst other divisions on the fifty-sixth day. a rice-giving ceremony similar to the hindu chorunnu is still sometimes performed in the fifth or sixth month, when the child is presented by the mother with a gold cross, if a boy, or a small gold coin or taluvam if a girl, to be worn round the neck. "among the jacobites early marriage was the rule until comparatively recently, boys being married at ten or twelve years of age, and girls at six or seven. now the more usual age for marriage is sixteen in the case of boys, and twelve in the case of girls. weddings take place on sundays, and, amongst the northerners, may be celebrated in either the bride's or the bridegroom's parish church. on the two sundays before the wedding, the banns have to be called in the two churches, and the marriage agreements concluded in the presence of the parish priests (ottu kalyanam). the dowry, which is an essential feature of syrian weddings, is usually paid on the sunday before the wedding. it should consist of an odd number of rupees, and should be tied up in a cloth. on the thursday before the wedding day, the house is decorated with rice flour, and on the saturday the marriage pandal (booth), is built. the first ceremonial takes place on saturday night when bride and bridegroom both bathe, and the latter is shaved. next morning both bride and bridegroom attend the ordinary mass, the bridegroom being careful to enter the church before the bride. now-a-days both are often dressed more or less in european fashion, and it is essential that the bride should wear as many jewels as she has got, or can borrow for the occasion. before leaving his house, the bridegroom is blessed by his guru to whom he gives a present (dakshina) of clothes and money. he is accompanied by a bestman, usually his sister's husband, who brings the tali. after mass, a tithe (pathuvaram) of the bride's dowry is paid to the church as the marriage fee, a further fee to the priest (kaikasturi), and a fee called kaimuttupanam for the bishop. the marriage service is then read, and, at its conclusion, the bridegroom ties the tali round the bride's neck with threads taken from her veil, making a special kind of knot, while the priest holds the tali in front. the priest and the bridegroom then put a veil (mantravadi) over the bride's head. the tali should not be removed so long as the girl is married, and should be buried with her. the veil should also be kept for her funeral. the bridal party returns home in state, special umbrellas being held over the bride and bridegroom. at the gate they are met by the bride's sister carrying a lighted lamp, and she washes the bridegroom's feet. the married couple then go to the pandal, where they are ceremonially fed with sweets and plantains by the priest and by representatives of their two families, to the accompaniment of the women's kurava (cry), and in the presence of the guests, who are seated in order of precedence, the chief persons having seats of honour covered with black rugs and white cloths (vellayum karimbadavum), traditionally a regal honour. the bride and bridegroom are then led into the house by the bestman and bride's uncle, the bride being careful to enter it right foot first; and the guests are feasted in order of rank. it is a peculiar custom of the syrian christians at these feasts to double up the ends of the plantain leaves which serve them as plates, and is supposed to be symbolical of the royal privilege of eating off a double plate. until the following wednesday, the bestman sleeps with the bridegroom in the bridal chamber, the bride occupying another room. on wednesday evening comes the ceremony called nalam kuli, or fourth day bath. the bridegroom and the bestman, who are in the bridal chamber, lock the door; the bride's mother knocks and begs the bridegroom to come out, which he at last does after she has sung a song (vathilturapattu) celebrating the attractions and virtues of the bride. the bridegroom and bride then bathe, dress in new clothes, and go to the pandal, where they perform paradakshinams round a lighted lamp, and the bridegroom gives cloths to the bride's uncle, mother, and grand-parents. the married couple are then escorted to the bridal chamber, which has in the interval been cleaned and prepared for them. the next morning they have to go to the bridegroom's or bride's house as the case may be, and there eat together and go through a ceremonial similar to that which they performed on the wedding day in the other house. this concludes the marriage ceremonies, but on sunday the bridegroom and bride should attend mass together in the bride's parish church if they were married in the bridegroom's, and vice versâ. amongst the southern jacobites, the ceremonies are very similar, but the dowry is not paid till the marriage day, or till the girl's first confinement. half the pathuvaram is paid to the priest instead of a kaikasturi, and the bridegroom puts a ring on the bride's finger during the marriage service. after the church service, the couple go to the bridegroom's house, where they are fed ceremonially by the bride's mother, and the subsequent feast is at the expense of the bride's people. on monday morning, the bridegroom is ceremonially fed by the bride's mother in the bridal chamber (manavalan choru), and in the evening there is a ceremony called manavalan tazhukkal, in which the bride and bridegroom are embraced in turn by their respective parents and relations, after which there is a feast with singing of hymns. before the couple leave for the bride's house on thursday, there is a big feast, called kudivirunnu, given by the bridegroom to the bride's people, followed by a ceremony called vilakku toduga, in which men and women sing hymns and dance round a lighted lamp, which they touch at intervals. amongst the romo-syrians and the reformed sect, the marriage ceremonies have less trace of hindu ritual; they do not celebrate weddings on sundays, and have no nalam kuli ceremony, but a tali is usually tied in addition to the giving of a ring. "at funerals (except amongst the reformed sect) it is usual for each of the dead man's connections to bring a cloth to serve as a shroud. before the body is lowered into the grave, holy oil is poured into the eyes, nostrils and ears. the mourners are under pollution, and fast till the day of the second funeral or pula kuli (purification), and till then masses should be said daily for the dead. the pula kuli is celebrated usually on the th day, but may be deferred till the th, th or st, or sometimes to the st. the mourners are incensed, while hymns are sung and prayers offered. each then gives a contribution of money to the priest, and receives in return a pinch of cummin. a feast is then given to the neighbours and the poor. on the th day there is another feast, at which meat is eaten by the mourners for the first time. a requiem mass should be said each month on the day of death for twelve months, and on the first anniversary the mourning concludes with a feast." to the foregoing account of the syrian christians, a few stray notes may be added. it is recorded by sir m. e. grant duff, formerly governor of madras, [ ] that "the interesting body known as the syrian christians or christians of st. thomas is divided into several groups much opposed to each other. in an excellent address presented to me they said that this was the occasion which, for the first time after ages of separation, witnessed the spectacle of all the different sects of their community, following divergent articles of faith, sinking for once their religious differences to do honour to their friend." some years ago, the wife of a district judge of calicut asked the pupils of a school how long they had been christians. "we were," came the crushing reply, "christians when you english were worshipping druids, and stained with woad." more recently, the master at a college in madras called on all native christians in his class to stand up. noticing that one boy remained seated, he called on him for an explanation, when the youth explained that he was a syrian christian, and not a native christian. it is noted by the rev. w. j. richards that "at the very time that our king john was pulling out jews' teeth to make them surrender their treasures, hindu princes were protecting jewish and christian subjects, whose ancestors had been honoured by royal grants for hundreds of years." the southerners say that they can be distinguished from the northerners by the red tinge of their hair. a man with reddish moustache, and a dark-skinned baby with brilliant red hair, whose father had red whiskers, were produced before me in support of the claim. as examples of old and new testament names occurring, in a changed form, among syrian christians, the following may be cited:-- abraham, abragam. joshua, koshi. peter, puthros, ittiyerah, itte. paul, powlos. john, yohan, sonanan, chona. titus, tetos. matthew, mathai, mathen. philip, philippos, papi, eippe, eapen. thomas, thoma, thommi, thommen. joseph, ouseph. jacob, yacob, chako alexander, chandi. samuel, chamuel. mary, maria, mariam. sarah, sara. susannah, sosa. rebecca, rabka, raca. elizabeth, elspeth, elia, elacha. rachael, rachi, raghael, chacha. syrian christians take the name of their father, their own name, and that of their residence. whence arise such names as edazayhikkal mathoo philippos, kunnampuram thommen chandi, and chandakadayil joseph chommi. i have seen some syrian christian men tattooed with a cross on the upper arm, and a cross and their initials on the forearm. in conclusion, i may, for the sake of comparison, place on record the averages of the more important physical measurements of northerner and southerner syrian christians and nayars. syrian nayars. christians. northerner. southerner. stature . . . cephalic length . . . cephalic breadth . . . cephalic index . . . nasal height . . . nasal breadth . . . nasal index . . . it may be noted that, in his 'letters from malabar,' canter visscher, in the middle of the eighteenth century, writes that the st. thomas' christians "keep very strict genealogical records, and they will neither marry nor in any way intermingle with the new low-caste christians, being themselves mostly castade naiross, that is, nobility of the nayar caste, in token of which they generally carry a sword in the hand, as a mark of dignity." it is stated by e. petersen and f. v. luschan [ ] that "probably a single people originally occupied the greater part of asia minor. they are still represented as a compact group by the armenians. the type resembles the dissentis type of his and rütimeyer; the head extremely short and high, stature moderate, skin dark, eyes dark, and hair dark and smooth. it extends through the s. half of asia minor, n.e. to the caucasus, and e. to the upper euphrates. the tachtadschy people, a hill people living without serious mixture with other peoples, give measurements closely like the armenians." [the cephalic index of armenians is given by e. chantre [ ] as - .] in the following table, the averages of some of the more important measurements of the syrian christians and tachtadschy people are recorded:-- stature, cephalic cephalic cephalic, cm. length, cm. breadth, index. cm. syrian . . . . christians, northerner syrian . . . . christians, southerner tachtadschy . . . . notes [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] pulikesin ii, the chalukyan king of badami. [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] south indian inscriptions, iii, , page . [ ] in the oriental manuscripts library, madras. [ ] j. burgess. archæological survey. tamil and sanskrit inscriptions, no. , p. . [ ] ibid. no. , p. . [ ] history of the military transactions of the british nation in indostan, . [ ] geographical, statistical, and historical description of hindostan and the adjacent countries, . [ ] ceylon, . [ ] south indian inscriptions, , - , , , and iii, i, , . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] vannikula vilakkam. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] vannikula vilakkam. [ ] gazetteer of the tanjore district. [ ] manual of the salem district. [ ] journey through mysore, canara, and malabar. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the tanjore district. [ ] gazetteer of the tanjore district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] malabar and its folk, . [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] madras mus. bull., iii, , . [ ] monograph, eth. survey of cochin. [ ] a. chatterton. monograph on tanning and working in leather, . [ ] journey through mysore, etc., . [ ] how we teach the paraiya, rd ed., madras, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] works, , , foot-note. [ ] history of mysore. [ ] op. cit. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras journ. lit. and science, xi, . [ ] native life in travancore. [ ] yule and burnell. hobson-jobson. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district; madras census report, . [ ] report on the methods of capture and supply of fish in the rivers of the nilgiri district, . [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] gazetteer of malabar. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras mus. bull., v, , . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] voyage to the east indies, and . [ ] loc. cit. [ ] ind. ant., iii, . [ ] the name black town was changed to georgetown to commemorate the visit of h.r.h. the prince of wales to madras in . [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] ind. ant. ii, . [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] a. p. smith. malabar quart. review, . [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] classified collection of tamil proverbs, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] op. cit. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] monograph eth. survey. cochin. [ ] malabar and its folk, . [ ] journ. roy. as. soc., xvi. [ ] c.m. record, . [ ] origin and history of the paravas. simon casie chitty. journ. roy. as. soc., iv, . [ ] occasional essays on native south indian life, . [ ] a description of ye east india coasts of malabar and coromandel, . [ ] history of tinnevelly. [ ] report on the indian pearl fisheries in the gulf of manaar, . [ ] shell of the gastropod mollusc, turbinella rapa. [ ] "this," mr. hornell writes, "is most improbable. they are more probably the descendants of naga fishermen settled in the district prior to the immigration of tamil invaders." [ ] the zamorin of calicut. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] risley. tribes and castes of bengal. [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] by the saurashtra literary societies of madura and madras, . [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] a reddish geological formation, found all over southern india. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] letters from madras. by a lady, . [ ] my indian journal, . [ ] our viceregal life in india, . [ ] roe and fryer. travels in india in the seventeenth century. [ ] see civil suit no. of . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manuals of nellore and kurnool. [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] malabar quarterly review. v, , . [ ] yule and burnell. hobson-jobson. [ ] this note is from an account by mr. n. subramani aiyar. [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] malabar law and custom. [ ] ibid. [ ] hobson-jobson. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] linguistic survey of india, iv, . [ ] ind. ant., ii, . [ ] loc. cit. [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] gazetteer of the tanjore district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] men and women of india, february . [ ] malabar and its folk, . [ ] this account is mainly based on a note by mr. l. k. anantha krishna aiyar. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the vizagapatam district. [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] w. crooke. tribes and castes of the north-western provinces and oudh. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] birds of india. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] twelfth tour of lord connemara, . [ ] see thurston. monograph on the cotton industry of the madras presidency, . [ ] east and west, vi, , . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] manual of the chingleput district. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] ind. ant., iv, . [ ] malayalam and english dictionary. [ ] sthanam = a station, rank or dignity. moore: malabar law and custom. [ ] original suit no. , , court of calicut. appeal no. , , high court of madras. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] see malabar quart. review, ii, , . [ ] historical sketches of the south of india: mysore. [ ] moore: malabar law and custom, . [ ] manu. [ ] mysore census report, , . [ ] yule and burnell. hobson-jobson. [ ] rev. h. jensen. classified collection of tamil proverbs, . [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] south indian inscriptions, ii, part iii, . [ ] linguistic survey of india, iv, . [ ] journ. anthrop. soc., bombay, , . [ ] the rev. w. taylor, vol. iii, . [ ] occasional essays on native south indian life, . [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] see bishop whitehead. madras museum bull., vol. , , . [ ] gazetteer of vizagapatam district. [ ] madras museum bulletin, v, , . [ ] lectures on tinnevelly missions, . [ ] viaggi, - . [ ] a new account of east india and persia, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] principles of sociology. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] administration report, . [ ] christianity in travancore, . [ ] madras museum bull., iii, , . [ ] rice. mysore inscriptions, p. . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] ind. ant., iv, . [ ] christianity and caste, . [ ] journ. roy. as. soc., xvi. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] l. rice, mysore and coorg gazetteer. [ ] yule and burnell. hobson-jobson. [ ] journey through mysore, canara, and malabar, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] a native. pen-and-ink sketches of native life in southern india, . [ ] yule and burnell. hobson-jobson. [ ] a snataka is a brahman, who has just finished his student's career. [ ] tribes and castes of bengal. [ ] a very complicated recipe is given in the manual of the vizagapatam district, , p. . [ ] rev. j. cain, ind. ant., viii, . [ ] ind. ant. ii, . [ ] ind. ant. viii, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] ind. ant. viii, . [ ] wigram, malabar law and customs. [ ] rev. w. j. richards. the indian christians of saint thomas. [ ] a new account of the east indies, . [ ] vide g. milne rae. the syrian church in india, . [ ] encyclopædia britannica, th ed. [ ] see hough, the history of christianity in india from the commencement of the christian era. [ ] indian empire, rd edition. [ ] iv. - , - . [ ] madras journ. lit. and science, xiii, part, . dr. gundert's translation is reprinted in mr. logan's malabar, vol. ii, appendix xii. [ ] madras journ. lit. and science, xxi, - . [ ] ind. ant., iii, . [ ] see article on the jews of cochin. [ ] loc. cit. [ ] land of the perumauls: cochin past and present, . [ ] f. wrede. asiatic researches, vii, . account of the st. thomé christians. [ ] hunter. indian empire. [ ] in the preparation of the above sketch, the following authorities, among others, were consulted: sir w. w. hunter, indian empire and history of british india; j. hough, history of christianity in india; t. whitehouse, lingerings of light in a dark land; g. t. mackenzie, christianity in travancore; f. day, land of the perumauls; t. logan, manual of malabar; christian college magazine, madras, vol. vi; and judgments of the civil courts of travancore and cochin. to the bibliography relating to the syrian christians may also be added l. m. agur, church history of travancore, the rev. g. milne rae, the syrian church in india, and the rev. w. j. richards, the indian christians of st. thomas. the malabar quarterly review, vi, and , , may also be consulted. [ ] the syriac is not a modern syriac dialect, but is very like the ancient aramaic. [ ] notes from a diary, - . [ ] recherches anthropologiques dans le caucase, iv, . [ ] reisen in lykien, melyas, und kibyratis, ii, . gutenberg. castes and tribes of southern india by edgar thurston, c.i.e., superintendent, madras government museum; correspondant Étranger, société d'anthropologie de paris; socio corrispondante, societa, romana di anthropologia. assisted by k. rangachari, m.a., of the madras government museum. volume ii--c to j government press, madras . castes and tribes of southern india. volume ii. c canji (gruel).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. canji is the word "in use all over india for the water, in which rice has been boiled. it also forms the usual starch of indian washermen." [ ] as a sept of the sale weavers, it probably has reference to the gruel, or size, which is applied to the warp. chacchadi.--haddis who do scavenging work, with whom other haddis do not freely intermarry. chadarapu dhompti (square space marriage offering).--a sub-division of madigas, who, at marriages, offer food to the god in a square space. chakala.--see tsakala. chakkan.--recorded in the madras census report, , as "a malabar caste of oil-pressers (chakku means an oil-mill). followers of this calling are known also as vattakkadans in south malabar, and as vaniyans in north malabar, but the former are the higher in social status, the nayars being polluted by the touch of the vaniyans and chakkans, but not by that of the vattakkadans. chakkans and vaniyans may not enter brahman temples. their customs and manners are similar to those of the nayars, who will not, however, marry their women." chakkingalavan appears as a synonym for chakkan. chakkiliyan.--"the chakkiliyans," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are the leather-workers of the tamil districts, corresponding to the madigas of the telugu country. the chakkiliyans appear to be immigrants from the telugu or canarese districts, for no mention is made of this caste either in the early tamil inscriptions, or in early tamil literature. moreover, a very large proportion of the chakkiliyans speak telugu and canarese. in social position the chakkiliyans occupy the lowest rank, though there is much dispute on this point between them and the paraiyans. nominally they are saivites, but in reality devil-worshippers. the avaram plant (cassia auriculata) is held in much veneration by them, [ ] and the tali is tied to a branch of it as a preliminary to marriage. girls are not usually married before puberty. the bridegroom may be younger than the bride. their widows may remarry. divorce can be obtained at the pleasure of either party on payment of rs. - - to the other in the presence of the local head of the caste. their women are considered to be very beautiful, and it is a woman of this caste who is generally selected for the coarser form of sakti worship. they indulge very freely in intoxicating liquors, and will eat any flesh, including beef, pork, etc. hence they are called, par excellence, the flesh-eaters (sanskrit shatkuli)." it was noted by sonnerat, in the eighteenth century, [ ] that the chakkiliyans are in more contempt than the pariahs, because they use cow leather in making shoes. "the chucklers or cobblers," the abbé dubois writes, [ ] "are considered inferiors to the pariahs all over the peninsula. they are more addicted to drunkenness and debauchery. their orgies take place principally in the evening, and their villages resound, far into the night, with the yells and quarrels which result from their intoxication. the very pariahs refuse to have anything to do with the chucklers, and do not admit them to any of their feasts." in the madura manual, , the chakkiliyans are summed up as "dressers of leather, and makers of slippers, harness, and other leather articles. they are men of drunken and filthy habits, and their morals are very bad. curiously enough, their women are held to be of the padmani kind, i.e., of peculiar beauty of face and form, and are also said to be very virtuous. it is well known, however, that zamindars and other rich men are very fond of intriguing with them, particularly in the neighbourhood of paramagudi, where they live in great numbers." there is a tamil proverb that even a chakkili girl and the ears of the millet are beautiful when mature. in the tanjore district, the chakkiliyans are said [ ] to be "considered to be of the very lowest status. in some parts of the district they speak telugu and wear the namam (vaishnavite sect mark) and are apparently immigrants from the telugu country." though they are tamil-speaking people, the chakkiliyans, like the telugu madigas, have exogamous septs called gotra in the north, and kilai in the south. unlike the madigas, they do not carry out the practice of making basavis (dedicated prostitutes). the correlation of the most important measurements of the madigas of the telugu country, and so-called chakkiliyans of the city of madras, is clearly brought out by the following figures:-- thirty madigas. fifty chakkiliyans. cm. cm. stature . . cephalic length . . cephalic breadth . . cephalic index . . nasal height . . nasal breadth . . nasal index . . the chakkiliyan men in madras are tattooed not only on the forehead, but also with their name, conventional devices, dancing-girls, etc., on the chest and upper extremities. it has been noticed as a curious fact that, in the madura district, "while the men belong to the right-hand faction, the women belong to and are most energetic supporters of the left. it is even said that, during the entire period of a faction riot, the chakkili women keep aloof from their husbands and deny them their marital rights." [ ] in a very interesting note on the leather industry of the madras presidency, mr. a. chatterton writes as follows. [ ] "the position of the chakkiliyan in the south differs greatly from that of the madiga of the north, and many of his privileges are enjoyed by a 'sub-sect' of the pariahs called vettiyans. these people possess the right of removing dead cattle from villages, and in return have to supply leather for agricultural purposes. the majority of chakkiliyans are not tanners, but leather-workers, and, instead of getting the hides or skins direct from the vettiyan, they prefer to purchase them ready-tanned from traders, who bring them from the large tanning centres. when the chuckler starts making shoes or sandals, he purchases the leather and skin which he requires in the bazar, and, taking it home, first proceeds with a preliminary currying operation. the leather is damped and well stretched, and dyed with aniline, the usual colour being scarlet r.r. of the badische anilin soda fabrik. this is purchased in the bazar in packets, and is dissolved in water, to which a little oxalic acid has been added. the dye is applied with a piece of rag on the grain side, and allowed to dry. after drying, tamarind paste is applied to the flesh side of the skin, and the latter is then rolled between the hands, so as to produce a coarse graining on the outer side. in making the shoes, the leather is usually wetted, and moulded into shape on wooden moulds or lasts. as a rule, nothing but cotton is used for sewing, and the waxed ends of the english cobbler are entirely unknown. the largest consumption of leather in this presidency is for water-bags or kavalais, which are used for raising water from wells, and for oil and ghee (clarified butter) pots, in which the liquids are transported from one place to another. of irrigation wells there are in the presidency more than , , and, though some of them are fitted with iron buckets, nearly all of them have leather bags with leather discharging trunks. the buckets hold from ten to fifty gallons of water, and are generally made from fairly well tanned cow hides, though for very large buckets buffalo hides are sometimes used. the number of oil and ghee pots in use in the country is very large. the use of leather vessels for this purpose is on the decline, as it is found much cheaper and more convenient to store oil in the ubiquitous kerosine-oil tin, and it is not improbable that eventually the industry will die out, as it has done in other countries. the range of work of the country chuckler is not very extensive. besides leather straps for wooden sandals, he makes crude harness for the ryot's cattle, including leather collars from which numerous bells are frequently suspended, leather whips for the cattle drivers, ornamental fringes for the bull's forehead, bellows for the smith, and small boxes for the barber, in which to carry his razors. in some places, leather ropes are used for various purposes, and it is customary to attach big coir (cocoanut fibre) ropes to the bodies of the larger temple cars by leather harness, when they are drawn in procession through the streets. drum-heads and tom-toms are made from raw hides by vettiyans and chucklers. the drums are often very large, and are transported upon the back of elephants, horses, bulls and camels. for them raw hides are required, but for the smaller instruments sheep-skins are sufficient. the raw hides are shaved on the flesh side, and are then dried. the hair is removed by rubbing with wood-ashes. the use of lime in unhairing is not permissible, as it materially decreases the elasticity of the parchment." the chakkiliyans beat the tom-tom for kammalans, pallis and kaikolans, and for other castes if desired to do so. the chakkiliyans do not worship matangi, who is the special deity of the madigas. their gods include madurai viran, mariamma, muneswara, draupadi and gangamma. of these, the last is the most important, and her festival is celebrated annually, if possible. to cover the expenses thereof, a few chakkiliyans dress up so as to represent men and women of the marathi bird-catching caste, and go about begging in the streets for nine days. on the tenth day the festival terminates. throughout it, gangamma, represented by three decorated pots under a small pandal (booth) set up on the bank of a river or tank beneath a margosa (melia azadirachta), or pipal (ficus religiosa) tree, is worshipped. on the last day, goats and fowls are sacrificed, and limes cut. during the first menstrual period, the chakkiliyan girl is kept under pollution in a hut made of fresh green boughs, which is erected by her husband or maternal uncle. meat, curds, and milk are forbidden. on the last day, the hut is burnt down. at marriages a chakkiliyan usually officiates as priest, or the services of a valluvan priest may be enlisted. the consent of the girl's maternal uncle to the marriage is essential. the marriage ceremony closely resembles that of the paraiyans. and, at the final death ceremonies of a chakkiliyan, as of a paraiyan, two bricks are worshipped, and thrown into a tank or stream. lean children, especially of the mala, madiga, and chakkiliyan classes, are made to wear a leather strap, specially made for them by a chakkiliyan, which is believed to help their growth. at times of census, some chakkiliyans have returned themselves as pagadaiyar, madari (conceit or arrogance), and ranaviran (brave warrior). chakkiyar.--the chakkiyars are a class of ambalavasis, of whom the following account is given in the travancore census report, . the name is generally derived from slaghyavakkukar (those with eloquent words), and refers to the traditional function of the caste in malabar society. according to the jatinirnaya, the chakkiyars represent a caste growth of the kaliyuga. the offence to which the first chakkiyar owes his position in society was, it would appear, brought to light after the due performance of the upanayanasamskara. persons, in respect of whom the lapse was detected before that spiritualizing ceremony took place, became nambiyars. manu derives suta, whose functions are identical with the malabar chakkiyar, from a pratiloma union, i.e., of a brahman wife with a kshatriya husband. [ ] the girls either marry into their own caste, or enter into the sambandham form of alliance with nambutiris. they are called illottammamar. their jewelry resembles that of the nambutiris. the chakkiyar may choose a wife for sambandham from among the nambiyars. they are their own priests, but the brahmans do the purification (punyaham) of house and person after birth or death pollution. the pollution itself lasts for eleven days. the number of times the gayatri (hymn) may be repeated is ten. the traditional occupation of the chakkiyans is the recitation of puranic stories. the accounts of the avataras have been considered the highest form of scripture of the non-brahmanical classes, and the early brahmans utilised the intervals of their vedic rites, i.e., the afternoons, for listening to their recitation by castes who could afford the leisure to study and narrate them. special adaptations for this purpose have been composed by writers like narayana bhattapada, generally known as the bhattatirippat, among whose works dutavakya, panchalisvayamvara, subhadrahana and kaunteyashtaka are the most popular. in addition to these, standard works like bhogachampu and mahanataka are often pressed into the chakkiyar's service. numerous upakathas or episodes are brought in by way of illustration, and the marvellous flow of words, and the telling humour of the utterances, keep the audience spell-bound. on the utsavam programme of every important temple, especially in north travancore, the chakkiyarkuttu (chakkiyar's performance) is an essential item. a special building, known as kuttampalam, is intended for this purpose. here the chakkiyar instructs and regales his hearers, antiquely dressed, and seated on a three-legged stool. he wears a peculiar turban with golden rim and silk embossments. a long piece of cloth with coloured edges, wrapped round the loins in innumerable vertical folds with an elaborateness of detail difficult to describe, is the chakkiyar's distinctive apparel. behind him stands the nambiyar, whose traditional kinship with the chakkiyar has been referred to, with a big jar-shaped metal drum in front of him called milavu, whose bass sound resembles the echo of distant thunder. the nambiyar is indispensable for the chakkiyarkuttu, and sounds his mighty instrument at the beginning, at the end, and also during the course of his recitation, when the chakkiyar arrives at the middle and end of a sanskrit verse. the nangayar, a female of the nambiyar caste, is another indispensable element, and sits in front of the chakkiyar with a cymbal in hand, which she sounds occasionally. it is interesting to note that, amidst all the boisterous merriment into which the audience may be thrown, there is one person who has to sit motionless like a statue. if the nangayar is moved to a smile, the kuttu must stop, and there are cases where, in certain temples, the kuttu has thus become a thing of the past. the chakkiyar often makes a feint of representing some of his audience as his characters for the scene under depictment. but he does it in such a genteel way that rarely is offence taken. it is an unwritten canon of chakkiyarkuttu that the performance should stop at once if any of the audience so treated should speak out in answer to the chakkiyar, who, it may be added, would stare at an admiring listener, and thrust questions on him with such directness and force as to need an extraordinary effort to resist a reply. and so realistic is his performance that a tragic instance is said to have occurred when, by a cruel irony of fate, his superb skill cost a chakkiyar his life. while he was explaining a portion of the mahabharata with inimitable theatrical effect, a desperate friend of the pandavas rose from his seat in a fit of uncontrollable passion, and actually knocked the chakkiyar dead when, in an attitude of unmistakable though assumed heartlessness, he, as personating duryodhana, inhumanely refused to allow even a pin-point of ground to his exiled cousins. this, it is believed, occurred in a private house, and thereafter kuttu was prohibited except at temples. it is noted, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "chakkiyars or slaghyar-vakukar are a caste following makkattayam (inheritance from father to son), and wear the punul (thread). they are recruited from girls born to a nambudiri woman found guilty of adultery, after the date at which such adultery is found to have commenced, and boys of similar origin, who have been already invested with the sacred thread. boys who have not been invested with the punul when their mother is declared an adulteress, join the class known as chakkiyar nambiyars, who follow marumakkattayam (inheritance in the female line), and do not wear the thread. the girls join either caste indifferently. chakkiyars may marry nangiyars, but chakkiyar nambiyars may not marry illotammamar." chaliyan.--the chaliyans are a caste of malayalam cotton weavers, concerning whom mr. francis writes as follows [ ]:--"in dress and manners they resemble the artisan castes of malabar, but, like the pattar brahmans, they live in streets, which fact probably points to their being comparatively recent settlers from the east coast. they have their own barbers called potuvans, who are also their purohits. they do not wear the sacred thread, as the sale weavers of the east coast do. they practise ancestor worship, but without the assistance of brahman priests. this is the only malabar caste which has anything to do with the right and left-hand faction disputes, and both divisions are represented in it, the left hand being considered the superior. apparently, therefore, it settled in malabar some time after the beginnings of this dispute on the east coast, that is, after the eleventh century a. d. some of them follow the marumakkatayam and others the makkatayam law of inheritance, which looks as if the former were earlier settlers than the latter." the chaliyans are so called because, unlike most of the west coast classes, they live in streets, and teruvan (teru, a street) occurs as a synonym for the caste name. the right-hand section are said to worship the elephant god ganesa, and the left bhagavati. the following account of the chaliyans is given in the gazetteer of the malabar district: "chaliyans are almost certainly a class of immigrants from the east coast. they live in regular streets, a circumstance strongly supporting this view. the traditional account is to the same effect. it is said that they were originally of a high caste, and were imported by one of the zamorins, who wished to introduce the worship of ganapathi, to which they are much addicted. the latter's minister, the mangatt acchan, who was entrusted with the entertainment of the new arrivals, and was nettled by their fastidiousness and constant complaints about his catering, managed to degrade them in a body by the trick of secretly mixing fish with their food. they do not, like their counterparts on the east coast, wear the thread; but it is noticeable that their priests, who belong to their own caste, wear it over the right shoulder instead of over the left like the brahman's punul, when performing certain pujas (worship). in some parts, the place of the regular punul is taken by a red scarf or sash worn in the same manner. they are remarkable for being the only caste in malabar amongst whom any trace of the familiar east coast division into right-hand and left-hand factions is to be found. they are so divided; and those belonging to the right-hand faction deem themselves polluted by the touch of those belonging to the left-hand sect, which is numerically very weak. they are much addicted to devil-dancing, which rite is performed by certain of their numbers called komarams in honour of bhagavathi and the minor deities vettekkorumagan and gulikan (a demon). they appear to follow makkatayam (descent from father to son) in some places, and marumakkatayam (inheritance in the female line) in others. their pollution period is ten days, and their purification is performed by the talikunnavan (sprinkler), who belongs to a somewhat degraded section of the caste." the affairs of the caste are managed by headmen called uralans, and the caste barber, or pothuvan, acts as the caste messenger. council meetings are held at the village temple, and the fines inflicted on guilty persons are spent in celebrating puja (worship) thereat. when a girl reaches puberty, the elderly females of uralan families take her to a tank, and pour water over her head from small cups made of the leaves of the jak (artocarpus integrifolia) tree. she is made to sit apart on a mat in a room decorated with young cocoanut leaves. round the mat raw rice and paddy (unhusked rice) are spread, and a vessel containing cocoanut flowers and cocoanuts is placed near her. on the third evening, the washerman (peruvannan) brings some newly-washed cloths (mattu). he is presented with some rice and paddy, which he ties up in a leaf, and does puja. he then places the cloths on a plank, which he puts on his head. after repeating some songs or verses, he sets it down on the floor. some of the girl's female relations take a lighted lamp, a pot of water, a measure of rice, and go three times round the plank. on the following day, the girl is bathed, and the various articles which have been kept in her room are thrown into a river or tank. like many other malabar castes, the chaliyans perform the tali kettu ceremony. once in several years, the girls of the village who have to go through this ceremony are brought to the house of one of the uralans, where a pandal (booth) has been set up. therein a plank, made of the wood of the pala tree (alstonia scholaris), a lighted lamp, betel leaves and nuts, a measure of raw rice, etc., are placed. the girl takes her seat on the plank, holding in her right hand a mimic arrow (shanthulkol). the pothuvan, who receives a fanam (coin) and three bundles of betel leaves for his services, hands the tali to a male member of an uralan family, who ties it on the girl's neck. on the day before the wedding-day the bridegroom, accompanied by his male relations, proceeds to the house of the bride, where a feast is held. on the following day the bride is bathed, and made to stand before a lighted lamp placed on the floor. the bridegroom's father or uncle places two gold fanams (coins) in her hands, and a further feast takes place. in the seventh month of pregnancy, the ceremony called puli kudi (or drinking tamarind) is performed. the woman's brother brings a twig of a tamarind tree, and, after the leaves have been removed, plants it in the yard of the house. the juice is extracted from the leaves, and mixed with the juice of seven cocoanuts. the elderly female relations of the woman give her a little of the mixture. the ceremony is repeated during three days. birth pollution is removed by a barber woman sprinkling water on the ninth day. the dead are buried. the son carries a pot of water to the grave, round which he takes it three times. the barber makes a hole in the pot, which is then thrown down at the head of the grave. the barber also tears off a piece of the cloth, in which the corpse is wrapped. this is, on the tenth day, taken by the son and barber to the sea or a tank, and thrown into it. three stones are set up over the grave. chaliyan also occurs as an occupational title or sub-division of nayars, and chaliannaya as an exogamous sept of bant. in the madras census report, , chaliyan is given as a sub-caste of vaniyan (oil-pressers). some chaliyans are, however, oilmongers by profession. challa.--challa, meaning apparently eaters of refuse, occurs as a sub-division of yanadis, and meaning buttermilk as an exogamous sept of devanga. challakuti, meaning those who eat old or cold food, is an exogamous sept of kapus. chamar.--nearly three hundred members of this bengal caste of tanners and workers in leather were returned at the census, . the equivalent chamura occurs as the name of leather-workers from the central provinces. chandala.--at the census, , more than a thousand individuals returned themselves as chandala, which is defined as a generic term, meaning one who pollutes, to many low castes. "it is," surgeon-major w. r. cornish writes, [ ] "characteristic of the brahmanical intolerance of the compilers of the code that the origin of the lowest caste of all (the chandala) should be ascribed to the intercourse of a sudra man and a brahman woman, while the union of a brahman male with a sudra woman is said to have resulted in one of the highest of the mixed classes." by manu it was laid down that "the abode of the chandala and swapaca must be out of the town. they must not have the use of entire vessels. their sole wealth must be dogs and asses. their clothes must be the mantles of the deceased; their dishes for food broken pots; their ornaments rusty iron; continually must they roam from place to place. let no man who regards his duty, religious and civil, hold any intercourse with them, and let food be given to them in potsherds, but not by the hand of the giver." chandra (moon).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. the name chandravamsapu (moon people) is taken by some razus, who claim to be kshatriyas, and to be descended from the lunar race of kings of the mahabharata. chanipoyina (those who are dead).--an exogamous sept of orugunta kapu. chapa (mat).--an exogamous sept of boya. chappadi (insipid).--an exogamous sept of jogi. chapparam (a pandal or booth).--an exogamous sept of devanga. chapparband.--the chapparbands are manufacturers of spurious coin, who hail from the bombay presidency, and are watched for by the police. it is noted, in the police report, , that good work was done in ganjam in tracing certain gangs of these coiners, and bringing them to conviction. for the following note i am indebted to a report [ ] by mr. h. n. alexander of the bombay police department. the name chapparband refers to their calling, chapa meaning an impression or stamp. "among themselves they are known as bhadoos, but in hindustan, and among thugs and cheats generally, they are known as khoolsurrya, i.e., false coiners. while in their villages, they cultivate the fields, rear poultry and breed sheep, while the women make quilts, which the men sell while on their tours. but the real business of this class is to make and pass off false coin. laying aside their ordinary muhammadan dress, they assume the dress and appearance of fakirs of the muddar section, muddar being their pir, and, unaccompanied by their women, wander from village to village. marathi is their language, and, in addition, they have a peculiar slang of their own. like all people of this class, they are superstitious, and will not proceed on an expedition unless a favourable omen is obtained. the following account is given, showing how the false coin is manufactured. a mould serves only once, a new one being required for every rupee or other coin. it is made of unslaked lime and a kind of yellow earth called shedoo, finely powdered and sifted, and patiently kneaded with water to about the consistency of putty. one of the coins to be imitated is then pressed with some of the preparation, and covered over, and, being cut all round, is placed in some embers. after becoming hardened, it is carefully laid open with a knife, and, the coin being taken out, its impression remains. the upper and lower pieces are then joined together with a kind of gum, and, a small hole being made on one side, molten tin is poured in, and thus an imitation of the coin is obtained, and it only remains to rub it over with dirt to give it the appearance of old money. the tin is purchased in any bazaar, and the false money is prepared on the road as the gang travels along. chapparbands adopt several ways of getting rid of their false coin. they enter shops and make purchases, showing true rupees in the first instance, and substituting false ones at the time of payment. they change false rupees for copper money, and also in exchange for good rupees of other currencies. naturally, they look out for women and simple people, though the manner of passing off the base coin is clever, being done by sleight of hand. the false money is kept in pockets formed within the folds of their langutis (loin-cloths), and also hidden in the private parts." the following additional information concerning chapparbands is contained in the illustrated criminal investigation and law digest [ ]:--"they travel generally in small gangs, and their women never follow them. they consult omens before leaving their villages. they do not leave their villages dressed as fakirs. they generally visit some place far away from their residence, and there disguise themselves as madari fakirs, adding shah to their names. they also add the title sahib, and imitate the sawals, a sing-song begging tone of their class. their leader, khagda, is implicitly obeyed. he is the treasurer of the gangs, and keeps with him the instruments used in coining, and the necessary metal pieces. but the leader rarely keeps the coins with him. the duty of passing the false coins belongs to the bhondars. a boy generally accompanies a gang. he is called handiwal. he acts as a handy chokra (youngster), and also as a watch over the camp when the false coins are being prepared. they generally camp on high ground in close vicinity to water, which serves to receive the false coins and implements, should danger be apprehended. when moving from one camp to another, the khagda and his chokra travel alone, the former generally riding a small pony. the rest of the gang keep busy passing the coins in the neighbourhood, and eventually join the pair in the place pre-arranged. if the place be found inconvenient for their purpose, another is selected by the khagda, but sufficient indication is given to the rest that the rendezvous might be found out. this is done by making a mark on the chief pathway leading to the place settled first, at a spot where another pathway leads from it in the direction he is going. the mark consists of a mud heap on the side of the road, a foot in length, six inches in breadth, and six in height, with an arrow mark pointing in the direction taken. the khagda generally makes three of these marks at intervals of a hundred yards, to avoid the chance of any being effaced. moulds are made of multani or some sticky clay. gopichandan and badap are also used. the clay, after being powdered and sifted, is mixed with a little water and oil, and well kneaded. the two halves of the mould are then roughly shaped with the hand, and a genuine coin is pressed between them, so as to obtain the obverse on one half and the reverse impression on the other. the whole is then hardened in an extempore oven, and the hole to admit the metal is bored, so as to admit of its being poured in from the edge. the halves are then separated, and the genuine rupee is tilted out; the molten alloy of tin or pewter is poured in, and allowed to cool. according to the other method, badap clay brought from their own country is considered the most suitable for the moulds, though multani clay may be used when they run out of badap. two discs are made from clay kneaded with water. these discs are then highly polished on the inner surface with the top of a jvari stalk called danthal. a rupee, slightly oiled, is then placed between the discs, which are firmly pressed over it. the whole is then thoroughly hardened in the fire. the alloy used in these moulds differs from that used in the others, and consists of an alloy of lead and copper. in both cases, the milling is done by the hand with a knife or a piece of shell. the chapperbands select their victims carefully. they seem to be fairly clever judges of persons from their physiognomy. they easily find out the duffer and the gull in both sexes, and take care to avoid persons likely to prove too sharp for them. they give preference to women over men. the commonest method is for the bhondar to show a quantity of copper collected by him in his character of beggar, and ask for silver in its place. the dupe produces a rupee, which he looks at. he then shakes his head sadly, and hands back a counterfeit coin, saying that such coins are not current in his country, and moves on to try the same trick elsewhere. their dexterity in changing the rupees is very great, the result of long practice when a handiwal." further information in connection with the chapparbands has recently been published by mr. m. paupa rao naidu, from whose account [ ] the following extract is taken. "chapperbands, as their name implies, are by profession builders of roofs, or, in a more general term, builders of huts. they are sheikh muhammadans, and originally belonged to the punjab. during the moghul invasion of the carnatic, as far back as - , a large number of them followed the great moghul army as builders of huts for the men. they appear to have followed the moghul army to aurangabad, ahmednagar, and seringapatam until the year , when bijapur passed into the hands of the peshwas. the chapperbands then formed part of the peshwa's army in the same capacity, and remained as such till the advent of the british in the year , when it would appear a majority of them, finding their peculiar profession not much in demand, returned to the north. a part of those who remained behind passed into the nizam's territory, while a part settled down in the province of talikota. a legendary tale, narrated before the superintendent of police, raipur, in , by an intelligent chapperband, shows that they learnt this art of manufacturing coins during the moghul period. he said 'in the time of the moghul empire, chapperbands settled in the bijapur district. at that time, a fakir named pir bhai pir makhan lived in the same district. one of the chapperbands went to this fakir, and asked him to intercede with god, in order that chapperbands might be directed to take up some profession or other. the fakir gave the man a rupee, and asked him to take it to his house quickly, and not to look backwards as he proceeded on his way. as the man ran home, some one called him, and he turned round to see who it was. when he reached his house, he found the rupee had turned into a false one. the man returned to the fakir, and complained that the rupee was a false one. the fakir was much enraged at the man's account of having looked back as he ran, but afterwards said that chapperbands would make a living in future by manufacturing false coins. since that time, chapperbands have become coiners of false money.' on every sunday, they collect all their false rupees, moulds, and other implements, and, placing these in front of them, they worship pir makhan, also called pir madar. they sacrifice a fowl to him, take out its eyes and tail, and fix them on three thorns of the trees babul, bir, and thalmakana; and, after the worship is over, they throw them in the direction in which they intend to start. the chapperbands conceal a large number of rupees in the rectum, long misusage often forming a cavity capable of containing ten to twenty rupees. so also cavities are formed in the mouth below the tongue." in a case recorded by mr. m. kennedy, [ ] "when a chapperband was arrested on suspicion, on his person being examined by the civil surgeon, no less than seven rupees were found concealed in a cavity in his rectum. the civil surgeon was of opinion that it must have taken some considerable time to form such a cavity." a similar case came before the sessions judge in south canara a few years ago. the following case of swindling, which occurred in the tanjore district, is recorded in the police report, . "a gang of muhammadans professed to be able to duplicate currency notes. the method was to place a note with some blank sheets of paper between two pieces of glass. the whole was then tied round with string and cloth, and smoked over a fire. on opening the packet, two notes were found, a second genuine one having been surreptitiously introduced. the success of the first operations with small notes soon attracted clients, some of them wealthy; and, when the bait had had time to work, and some very large notes had been submitted for operation, the swindlers declared that these large notes took longer to duplicate, and that the packet must not be opened for several days. before the time appointed for opening, they disappeared, and the notes were naturally not found in the packets. one gentleman was fleeced in this way to the value of rs. , ." the administration of an enema to a false coiner will sometimes bring to light hidden treasure. chaptegara.--the chaptegaras or cheptegaras are described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as "carpenters who speak konkani, and are believed to have come from the konkan country. caste affairs are managed by a gurikar or headman, and the fines collected are paid to the sringeri math. they wear the sacred thread, and employ karadi brahmans as purohits. infant marriage is practised, and widow marriage is not permitted. the dead are burned if means allow; otherwise they are buried. they are saivites, and worship durga and ganapati. they eat flesh and drink liquor. their titles are naik, shenai, etc." it is noted, in the madras census report, , that saraswat brahmans will eat with them. choutagara has been recorded as a corrupt form of chaptegara. charamurti.--a class of jangams, who go from village to village preaching. charodi.--the charodis have been described [ ] as "canarese carpenters corresponding to the konkani cheptegaras (or chaptegaras), and there is very little difference in the customs and manners of the two castes, except that the former employ shivalli and konkanashta brahmans instead of karadis. their title is naika." in the madras census report, , mesta is returned as a konkani-speaking sub-caste of charodi. chatla (winnow).--an exogamous sept of madiga. chatla dhompti occurs as a sub-division of madigas, who, at marriages, place the offering of food, etc. (dhompti), in a winnow. chatri.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as an equivalent of kshatriya. it occurs also as the name of an exogamous sept, meaning umbrella, of the holeyas. chaturakshari.--a sub-division of satanis, who believe in the efficacy of the four syllables ra-ma-nu-ja. chaudari.--chaudari, or chowdari, is recorded as a title of haddi, kalingi, and komati. chaya (colour) kurup.--a class of kollans in malabar, who work in lacquer. cheli (goat).--an exogamous sept of bottada and mattiya. chelu (scorpion).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. the equivalent thelu occurs among the padma sales. chembadi.--the chembadis are a telugu caste, the occupations of which are fresh-water fishing, and rowing boats or coracles. in fishing, unlike the besthas who use a cast-net, they employ a large drag-net, called baithivala, the two ends of which are fastened to poles. when a new net is made, it is folded up, and placed on the edge of a pond or tank. mud is spread over it, and on it are placed three masses of mud kneaded into a conical shape. these represent the god, and cakes, called kudumulu, are set before them. a male member of the caste, biting one of the cakes and keeping it between his teeth, goes round the net, and then drags it to the water, in which the conical masses become disintegrated. like the besthas, they smear a new net with the blood of the first fish caught in it, but they do not burn a mesh of the net. some chembadis regard gurappa gurunathadu as their caste deity, and connect him, for some unknown reason, with the jammi tree (prosopis spicigera). jammi occurs as the name of a gotra, and some children are named gurappa or gurunathadu. when such children are five, seven, or nine years old, they are taken on an auspicious day to a jammi tree and shaved, after the tree has been worshipped with offerings of cooked food, etc. at the betrothal ceremony in this caste, immediately after the girl has taken up areca nuts, placed them in her lap, and folded them in her cloth, the headman takes up the betel leaves and areca nuts (thambulam) before him with crossed hands. this ceremony corresponds to the thonuku thambulam of the lower classes, e.g., malas and mangalas. among the mangalas and tsakalas, the thambulam is said to be taken up by a balija setti. for the funeral ceremonies, the chembadis engage a dasari of their own caste. during their performances, flesh and toddy may not be offered to the deceased person. chembian.--a name assumed by some pallis or vanniyans, who claim that they belong to the chola race, on the supposition that chembinadu is a synonym for chola. chembillam (chembu, copper).--an exogamous section of mukkuvan. chembotti.--in the madras census report, , it is stated that the name chembotti is derived from "chembu, copper, and kotti, he who beats." they are coppersmiths in malabar, who are distinct from the malabar kammalans. they are supposed to be descendants of men who made copper idols for temples, and so rank above the kammalans in social position, and about equally with the lower sections of the nayars. the name is also used as an occupational term by the konkan native christian coppersmiths. in the cochin and travancore census reports, chembukotti is recorded as an occupational title or sub-caste of nayars who work in copper, chiefly in temples and brahman houses. in the gazetteer of the malabar district, the chembottis are described as copper-workers, whose traditional business is the roofing of the sri-kovil, or inner shrine of the temple with that metal. they are said to have originally formed part of the kammalan community. "when the great temple at taliparamba was completed, it was purified on a scale of unprecedented grandeur, no less than a thousand brahmans being employed. what was their dismay when the ceremony was well forward, to see a chembotti coming from the sri-kovil, where he had been putting finishing touches to the roof. this appeared to involve a recommencement of the whole tedious and costly ritual, and the brahmans gave vent to their feelings of despair, when a vision from heaven reassured them, and thereafter the chembottis have been raised in the social scale, and are not regarded as a polluting caste." chembetti, or chemmatti, meaning hammer, occurs as an exogamous sept of the telugu yanadis. chempakaraman.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as an honorific title of nayars. chenchu.--the chenchus or chentsus are a telugu-speaking jungle tribe inhabiting the hills of the kurnool and nellore districts. in a letter addressed to the bengal asiatic society, [ ] transmitting vocabularies of various tribes inhabiting vizagapatam, by mr. newill, it is stated that "the chenchu tribe, whose language is almost entirely corrupt hindi and urdu with a few exceptions from bengali, affords one more example to the many forthcoming of an uncultured aboriginal race having abandoned their own tongue." the compiler of the kurnool manual ( ) remarks that mr. newill's vocabulary "seems to belong to the dialect spoken by lambadis, who sometimes wander about the hills, and it is not unlikely that he was misled as to the character of the persons from whom his list was taken." as examples of the words given by mr. newill, the following may be quoted:-- bone, had. one, yek. cat, billeyi. ten, das. ear, kan. far, dur. elephant, hate. drink, pi. tiger, bag. sweet, mitha. it is probable that mr. newill confused the chenchus with the bonthuk savaras (q.v.) who speak corrupt oriya, and are called chenchu vandlu, and, like the chenchus, believe that the god narasimha of ahobilam married a girl belonging to their tribe. as a further example of the confusion concerning the chenchus, i may quote the remarks of buchanan [ ] about the irulas, who are a tamil-speaking jungle tribe: "in this hilly tract there is a race of men called by the other natives cad eriligaru, but who call themselves cat chensu. the language of the chensu is a dialect of the tamil, with occasionally a few karnata or telinga words intermixed, but their accent is so different from that of madras that my servants did not at first understand what they said. their original country, they say, is the animalaya forest below the ghats, which is confirmed by their dialect." in the census report, , chenchu is said to be the name by which irulas of north arcot and the mysore plateau are called sometimes, and, in the census report, , chenchu is given as a sub-division of the yanadis. there can be little doubt that the chenchus and yanadis are descended from the same original stock. mackenzie, in the local records collected by him, speaks of the chenchus as being called yanadi chenchus. the chenchus themselves at the present day say that they and the yanadis are one and the same, and that the tribes intermarry. in scott's 'ferishta,' the chenchus are described as they appeared before prince muhammad masúm, a son of aurangzib, who passed through the kurnool district in , as "exceedingly black, with long hair, and on their heads wore caps made of the leaves of trees. each man had with him unbarbed arrows and a bow for hunting. they molest no one, and live in caverns or under the shady branches of trees. the prince presented some of them with gold and silver, but they did not seem to put any value on either, being quite unconcerned at receiving it. upon the firing of a gun, they darted up the mountains with a surprising swiftness uncommon to man. in taylor's 'catalogue raisonné of oriental manuscripts,' the chenchus are described as people who "live to the westward of ahobalam, srisailam, and other places, in the woods or wilds, and go about, constantly carrying in their hands bows and arrows. they clothe themselves with leaves, and live on the sago or rice of the bamboo. they rob travellers, killing them if they oppose. this people afflict every living creature (kill for food is supposed to be meant)." it is noted in the kurnool manual that in former times the chenchu headman used to "dispose of murder cases, the murderer, on proof of guilt, being put to death with the same weapons with which the murder was committed. [ ] captain newbold, writing in , says that, passing through the jungle near pacharla, he observed a skull bleached by the sun dangling from the branch of a tamarind tree, which he was informed was that of a murderer and hill-robber put to death by the headman. in the time of the nabobs, some of the chenchu murderers were caught and punished, but the practice seems to have prevailed among them more or less till the introduction of the new police in , since which time all cases are said to be reported to the nearest police officer." a chenchu taliari (village watchman), who came to see me at nandyal, was wearing a badge with his name engraved on it in telugu, which had been presented to him by government in recognition of his shooting with a double-barrelled gun two donga oddes who had robbed a village. another aged taliari had a silver bangle bearing a telugu inscription, which had been given to him in acknowledgment of his capturing a murderer who was wanted by the police, and came to his hut. the casual visitor explained that he was on his way to hyderabad, but the chenchu, noticing blood on his clothes, tied him to a post, and gave information that he had secured him. the same man had also received presents for reporting cases of illicit distillation under the abkari act. in recent accounts of the chenchus of the nallamalai hills by a forest officer, it is noted that pilgrims, on their way to the srisailam temple, "are exploited at every turn, the chentzu being seen in his true colours at this period, and, being among the most active agents in the exactions, but not being by any means the only plunderer. in return for the protection, the chentzu levies a toll per head, and as much more as he can extort. we had to interfere with the perquisites of one drugged specimen of this race, who drew a knife on a peon (orderly), and had to be sent down under escort.... it is commonly supposed that the chentzus are a semi-wild, innocent, inoffensive hill tribe, living on roots, honey, wild fruits, and game. if this was so, we should have no difficulty in controlling them. they are actually a semi-wild, lazy, drinking set of brigands. they levy blackmail from every village along the foot of the hills, and, if any ryot (cultivator) refuses to pay up, his crop silently disappears on some moonless night. they levy blackmail from every pilgrim to the shrines in the hills. they levy blackmail from the graziers in the hills. they borrow money from komatis and buniahs (merchants and money-lenders), and repay it in kind--stolen timber, minor forest produce, etc. they are constantly in debt to the komatis, and are practically their slaves as regards the supply of timber and other forest produce. they think nothing of felling a tree in order to collect its fruits, and they fire miles of forest in order to be able to collect with ease certain minor produce, or to trace game. they poison the streams throughout the hills, and in short do exactly as they please throughout the length and breadth of the nallamalais." the conservator of forests expressed his belief that this picture was not overdrawn, and added that the chenchus are "a danger to the forest in many ways, and i have always thought it a pity that they were given some of the rights at settlement, which stand against their names. these rights were-- ( ) rights of way, and to carry torches. ( ) rights to draw and drink water from, wash or bathe in all streams, springs, wells and pools. ( ) rights to forest produce for home use. ( ) rights to fish and shoot. ( ) rights to graze a limited number of cattle, sheep and goats. ( ) rights to collect for sale or barter certain minor produce. in connection with right ( ), the district forest officer suggested that "the quantity to be taken annually must be limited, especially in the case of wood, bamboos, fibre, firewood and honey. the quality of the wood and of other forest produce should be defined. chenchus do not require teak or ebony beams or yegi (pterocarpus marsupium) spokes and felloes for domestic purposes; but, as the right now stands, they can fell whatever they like, and, though we may know it is for sale to merchants, the chenchus have only to say it is for domestic use, and they cannot be punished. the wood should be limited to poles and smaller pieces of third-class and unclassified trees." in the governor in council made the following rules for regulating the exercise of the rights of the chenchus living in the reserved forests on the nallamalais:-- . the carrying of torches, and the lighting of fires in fire-protected blocks during the fire season are prohibited. . there shall be no right to wash or bathe in such springs, wells, pools or portions of streams as are especially set apart for drinking purposes by the district forest officer. . no more than the quantity which the collector may consider to be actually required for domestic use shall be removed in the exercise of the right to take wood, bamboos, fibre, thatching grass, firewood, roots, fruits, honey and other forest produce. the term "other forest produce" shall be taken to mean other minor forest produce, not including tusks and horns. no wood other than poles and smaller pieces of third class and unclassified trees shall be removed. . no gudem (chenchu village) shall, without the special permission of the collector, be allowed to keep a larger number of guns than that for which licenses had been taken out at the time of settlement. every gun covered by a license shall be stamped with a distinctive mark or number. the use of poison and explosives in water, and the setting of cruives or fixed engines, or snares for the capture or destruction of fish, are strictly prohibited. . for purposes of re-generation, a portion of the area set apart for the grazing of cattle, not exceeding one-fifth, may be closed to grazing at any time, and for such length of time as the district forest officer deems fit. . the right of pre-emption of all minor forest produce collected by the chenchus for sale or barter shall be reserved to the forest department. the exercise of the right of collecting wood and other produce for domestic use, and of collecting minor produce for sale or barter, shall be confined to natural growth, and shall not include forest produce which is the result of special plantation or protection on the part of the forest department. in connection with a scheme for dealing with the minor forest produce in the nallamalais, the conservator of forests wrote as follows in . "i believe that it is generally recognised that it is imperative to obtain the good-will of the chenchus even at a considerable loss, both from a political and from a forest point of view; the latter being that, if we do not do so, the whole of the nallamalai forests will, at a not very remote date, be utterly destroyed by fire. the chenchus, being a most abnormal type of men, must be treated in an abnormal way; and the proposals are based, therefore, on the fundamental principle of allowing the two district forest officers a very free hand in dealing with these people. what is mainly asked for is to make an experiment, of endeavouring to get the chenchus to collect minor produce for the department, the district forest officers being allowed to fix the remuneration as they like, in money or barter, as they may from time to time find on the spot to be best." in commenting on the scheme, the board of revenue stated that "action on the lines proposed is justified by the present state of the nallamalais. these valuable forests certainly stand in danger of rapid destruction by fire, and, according to the local officers, the chenchus are almost entirely responsible. the department has at present no means of bringing influence to bear on the chenchus, or securing their assistance in putting out fires. repressive measures will be worse than useless, as the chenchus will merely hide themselves, and do more damage than ever. the only way of getting into touch with them is to enforce the right of pre-emption in the matter of minor produce reserved to government at the time of forest settlement, and by dealing with them in a just and generous way to secure their confidence. if this is achieved, the department may hope to secure their co-operation and valuable assistance in preventing jungle fires. the department can certainly afford to sell at a profit, and at the same time give the chenchus better prices than the sowcars (money-lenders), who are said invariably to cheat them. the board believes that the ultimate loss from advances will not be serious, as advances will ordinarily be small in amount, except in cases where they may be required by chenchus to pay off sowcars. it will be well, therefore, if the collector and the district forest officers will ascertain as soon as possible how much the chenchus are indebted to the sowcars, as it will probably be necessary for the success of the scheme to liquidate these debts." from a note on the chenchus of the nallamalai hills, i gather that "a striking contrast is afforded between those who inhabit the belt of forest stretching from venkatapuram to bairnuti, and those who dwell in the jungle on the skirts of the great trunk road, which formed the chief means of communication between the principal towns until the southern mahratta railway diverted traffic into another channel. in the former we behold the chenchu semi-civilised and clothed. he possesses flocks and herds, smiling fields and even gardens, and evinces an aptitude for barter. the superiority of the bairnuti chenchu has been brought about by the influence, example, labours, and generosity of a single englishman, who built a substantial stone dwelling in the depths of the great bairnuti forest. there also he erected indigo vats, and planted indigo, and a grove of choice mango grafts, orange and lime trees. he bought buffaloes, and by careful selection and breeding evolved a magnificent type. these buffaloes have now become almost entirely fruit-eaters, and are engaged in seeking for and devouring the forest fruits, which--particularly the mowhra and forest fig--litter the ground in vast quantities. this habit of fruit-eating imparts to their milk a peculiarly rich nutty flavour, and the cream is of abnormally rich quality. the chenchus manufacture this into ghee (clarified butter), which they turn to profitable account. the brethren of the bairnuti chenchus dwelling in the forest of pacherla present very different conditions of life. they accentuate their nakedness by a narrow bark thread bound round the waist, into which are thrust their arrows and knife. this is their full dress. the hair, they aver, is the great and natural covering of mankind. why, therefore, violate the ordinary laws of nature by inventing supererogatory clothing? a missionary sportsman was fairly non-plussed by these arguments, particularly when his interlocutors pointed to a celebrated pass or gorge, through which the amorous kristna is averred to have pursued and captured a fascinating chenchu damsel. 'you see,' said the chenchu logician, 'the beauty of her form was so manifest in its rude simplicity that even the god could not resist it.' en passant it may be noted that, when a chenchu wishes to express superlative admiration of a belle, he compares her to a monkey. in his eyes, the supremest beauty of femininity is agility. the girl who can shin up a lofty tree, and bring him down fruit to eat is the acme of feminine perfection. 'ah, my sweet monkey girl,' said a demoralised chenchu, who was too idle to climb up a tree himself, 'she has been climbing trees all day, and throwing me fruit. there is not a man in the forest who can climb like my monkey girl.' the chenchus are wisely employed by the authorities as road-police or taliaris, to prevent highway dacoities. this is an astute piece of diplomacy. the chenchus themselves are the only dacoits thereabouts, and the salary paid them as road-police is virtually blackmail to induce them to guarantee the freedom of the forest highways. the chenchu barters the produce of the forests in which he lives, namely, honey and wax, deer horns and hides, tamarinds, wood apples (feronia elephantum), and mowhra (bassia latifolia) fruit and flowers, and realises a very considerable income from these sources. he reaps annually a rich harvest of hides and horns. the sambur (cervus unicolor) and spotted deer (cervus axis) shed their horns at certain seasons. these horns are hidden in the rank luxuriant grass. but, when the heat of the dry weather has withered it, the chenchu applies fire to it by rubbing two dried sticks together, and, walking in the wake of the flames, picks up the horns disclosed to view by the reduction of the vegetation to ashes. he supplements this method with his bow and rifle, and by the latter means alone obtains his hides. the chenchu is every bit as bad a shot as the average aboriginal. he rarely stalks, but, when he does, he makes up by his skill in woodcraft for his inexpertness with his gun. he understands the importance of not giving the deer a slant of his wind, and, if they catch a glimpse of him, he will stand motionless and black as the tree trunks around. the ambush by the salt-lick or water-hole, however, is his favourite method of sport. here, fortified with a supply of the pungent-smelling liquor which he illicitly distils from the mowhra flower he will lie night and day ruthlessly murdering sambur, spotted deer, nilgai (boselaphus tràgocamelus); four-horned antelope (tetracerus quadricornis). tigers often stalk down, and drink and roll in the pool, but the chenchu dares not draw a bead on him. perhaps the indifference of his shooting, of which he is conscious, deters him." when in danger from tigers or leopards, the chenchus climb a tree, and shout. the chenchus recognise two distinct varieties of leopards called chirra puli and chirta puli, concerning which blanford writes as follows. [ ] "most of the sportsmen who have hunted in central india, and many native shikaris (sportsmen) distinguish two forms, and in parts of the country there is some appearance of two races--a larger form that inhabits the hills and forests, and a smaller form commonly occurring in patches of grass and bushes amongst cultivated fields and gardens. the larger form is said to have a shorter tail, a longer head with an occipital crest, and clearly defined spots on a paler ground-colour. the smaller form has a comparatively longer tail, a rounder head, less clearly defined spots, and rougher fur. i cannot help suspecting that the difference is very often due to age." a chenchu who was asked by me whether they kill wild beasts replied that they are wild beasts themselves. in devouring a feast of mutton provided for those who were my guests in camp, they certainly behaved as such, gnawing at the bones and tearing off the flesh. to the chenchus a feast, on however liberal a scale the food may be, is nothing without a copious supply of toddy, of which even infants receive a small share. in the absence of toddy, they sometimes manufacture illicit liquor from the flower-buds of the mahua (or mowhra) tree. the man who gained the prize (a coarse cotton cloth) in a shooting match with bow and arrow, with the head of a straw scarecrow as bull's-eye, was in an advanced stage of intoxication, and used his success as an argument in favour of drink. in a long distance shooting match, the prize was won with a carry of yards, the arrow being shot high into the air. it was noted by captain newbold that the chenchus are not remarkably expert as archers, to judge from the awkwardness they exhibited in dispatching an unfortunate sheep picketed for them at forty yards, which was held out to them as the prize for the best marksman. some time ago a chenchu, who was the bully of his settlement, beat another chenchu and his wife. the injured man appealed to the district forest officer, and, explaining that he knew the law did not allow him to kill his enemy, applied for a written permit to go after him with a bow and arrow. some chenchus bear on the head a cap made of wax-cloth, deer or hare skin. by the more fashionable the tufted ear or bushy tail-end of the large indian squirrel (sciurus indicus) is attached by way of ornament to the string with which the hair of the head is tied into a bunch behind. leafy garments have been replaced by white loin-cloths, and some of the women have adopted the ravike (bodice), in imitation of the female costume in the plains. boys, girls, and women wear bracelets made of phoenix or palmyra palm leaves. by some pieces of stick strung on a thread, or seeds of givotia rottleriformis, are worn as a charm to ward off various forms of pain. some of the women are tattooed on the forehead, corners of the eyes, and arms. and i saw a few men tattooed on the shoulder as a cure for rheumatism. the huts of which a present day gudem is composed are either in the shape of bee-hives like those of the yanadis, or oblong with sloping roof, and situated in a grove near a pond or stream. the staple food of the chenchus consists of cereals, supplemented by yams (dioscorea) which are uprooted with a digging-stick tipped with iron, forest fruits, and various animals such as peacock, crow, lizard (varanus), bear, and black monkey. they are very fond of the young flowers and buds of the mahua tree, and tamarind fruits, the acidity of which is removed by mixing with them the ashes of the bark of the same tree. the forest products collected by the chenchus include myrabolams, fruits of the tamarind, semecarpus anacardiúm, sapindus trifoliatus (soap-nut), buchanania latifolia, buchanania angustifolia, and ficus glomerata; roots of aristolochia indica and hemidesmus indicus; seeds of abrus precatorius; flowers of bassia latifolia; horns, and honey. the chenchus recognise two kinds of bees, large and small, and gather honey from nests in trees or rocks. it is stated in the cuddapah manual that "the yenadis or chenchus alone are able to climb miraculously into difficult and apparently inaccessible places, and over perpendicular cliffs in some places from a hundred to two hundred feet high. this they do by means of a plaited rope made of young bamboos tied together. accidents sometimes happen by the rope giving way. it is a nervous sight to watch them climbing up and down this frail support. from below the men look like little babies hanging midway. the rope being fastened on the top of the cliff by means of a peg driven into the ground or by a tree, the man swings suspended in the air armed with a basket and a stick. the chenchu first burns some brushwood or grass under the hive, which is relinquished by most of the bees. this accomplished, he swings the rope, until it brings him close to the hive, which he pokes with his stick, at the same time holding out his basket to catch the pieces broken off from the hive. when the basket is full, he shakes the rope, and is drawn up (generally by his wife's brother). the bamboo ropes are never taken away; nor are they used a second time, a fresh one being made on each occasion, and at each place. they are to be seen hanging for years, until they decay and fall down of themselves." like other telugu classes, the chenchus have exogamous septs or intiperu, of which the following are examples:--gurram (horse), arati (plantain tree), manla (trees), tota (garden), mekala (goats), indla (houses), savaram (sovereign, gold coin), and gundam (pit). of the marriage customs the following account is given in the kurnool manual. "the chenchus do not follow a uniform custom in respect to marriage ceremonies. their marriage is performed in three ways. a man wishing to marry selects his own bride, and both retire for one night by mutual consent from the gudem. on the following morning, when they return, their parents invite their friends and relatives, and by formally investing them with new clothes, declare them duly married. to complete the ceremony, a meal is given to those assembled. the second method is as follows. a small space, circular in form, is cleaned and besmeared with cowdung. in the centre a bow and arrow tied together are fixed in the ground, and the bride and bridegroom are made to move round it, when the men assembled bless them by throwing some rice over them, and the marriage is complete. according to the third mode, a brahmin is consulted by the elders of the family. an auspicious day is fixed, and a raised pial (platform) is formed, on which the bride and bridegroom being seated, a tali (marriage badge) is tied, and rice poured over their heads. the services of the brahmin are engaged for three or four days, and are rewarded with a piece of new cloth and some money. this ceremony resembles that of the ryot (cultivating) class among the hindus. it is evidently a recent brahminical innovation. on marriage occasions generally tom-toms, if available, are beaten, and a dance takes place." in the second form of marriage, as described to me, the bride and bridegroom sit opposite each other with four arrows stuck in the ground between them. in mackenzie's record it is stated that the chenchus make the bridal pair sit with a single arrow between them, and, when there is no shadow, some elderly men and women throw rice over their heads. the importance of the arrow with the chenchus, as with the yanadis, is that the moment when it casts no shadow is the auspicious time for the completion of the marriage rite. the remarriage of widows is permitted, and the second husband is said to be in most cases a brother of the deceased one. as an example of the chenchu songs, the following marriage song, sung by two men and a woman, and recorded by my phonograph, may be cited:-- the tali was of avaram [ ] leaves, oh! the lord of the chenchus. the bashingham [ ] was made of the leaf of a wild tree, oh! the lord of the chenchus. wild turmeric was used for the kankanam [ ], oh! the lord of the chenchus. wearing a garment made of the leaves of the paru tree, oh! the lord of the chenchus. wearing a bodice made of the leaves of the pannu tree, oh! the lord of the chenchus. roaming over inaccessible hills, oh! the lord of the chenchus. wandering through dense forests, oh! the lord of the chenchus. committing acts that ought not to be done, oh! the lord of the chenchus. obalesa's marriage was celebrated, oh! the lord of the chenchus. a four-cornered dais was made, oh! the lord of the chenchus. on the dais arrows were stuck, oh! the lord of the chenchus. bamboo rice was used to throw on the heads of the pair, oh! the lord of the chenchus. cocoanut cups were stuck on the points of the arrow, oh! the lord of the chenchus. the marriage was thus celebrated. at a dance in my honour, men and women executed a series of step dances in time with a drum (thappata) resembling a big tambourine, which, at the conclusion of each dance, was passed to and fro through a blazing fire of cholum straw to bring it up to the proper pitch. an elderly hag went through a variety of gesticulations like those of a deva-dasi (dancing-girl). a man dressed up in straw and fragments of mats picked up near my camp, and another disguised as a woman, with bells round his ankles, supplied the comic business. in the kurnool manual it is stated that "as soon as a child is born, the umbilical cord is cut (with a knife or arrow), and the child is washed in cold or hot water, according as the season is hot or cold. on the third day, all the women of the tribe are invited, and served with betel nut. on the fourth day, an old woman gives a name to the child. the baby is generally laid in a cradle made of deer skins, and suspended from a bamboo by means of strings or dusara creepers." the dead are carried to the burial-place in a cloth slung on a pole. the body, after it has been laid in the grave, is covered over with leafy twigs, and the grave is filled in. the spot is marked by a mound of earth and stones piled up. on the second or third day, some cooked food is offered to the soul of the deceased person, near the grave, and, after some of it has been set apart for the crows, the remainder is buried in the mound or within the grave. the same rite is repeated after the eighth day. the chenchus are said [ ], like the yanadis, to worship a god called chenchu devata, to whom offerings of honey and fruits are sometimes made. they believe, as has been mentioned already, that the god narasimha of ahobilam, whom they call obalesudu, carried off a beautiful chenchu girl, named chenchita, and married her. to prevent the occurrence of a similar fate to other females of the tribe, chenchita ordained that they should in future be born ugly, and be devoid of personal charms. the chenchus claim obalesudu as their brother-in-law, and, when they go to the temple for the annual festival, carry cloths as presents for the god and goddess. the legend of their origin is told as follows by captain newbold. "previous to the incarnation of sri krishna in the dwapara yug (the third of the great ages), the chenchwars were shepherds of the yerra golla caste. obal iswara, the swami (deity) of obalam, a celebrated hill shrine in the nalla mallas, having taken away and kept as a chenchita a maid of the yerra golla family, begat upon her children, of whom they are descendants." among other minor deities, the chenchus are said to worship ankalamma, potu razu, sunkalamma, mallamma, and guruppa. in the absence of lucifer matches, the chenchus make fire with flint and steel, and the slightly charred floss of the white cotton tree, eriodendron anfractuosum, i am informed that, like the paniyans of malabar, they also obtain fire by friction, by means of the horizontal or sawing method, with two pieces of split bamboo. some chenchus still exhibit the primitive short stature and high nasal index, which are characteristic of other jungle tribes such as the kadirs, paniyans, and kurumbas. but there is a very conspicuous want of uniformity in their physical characters, and many individuals are to be met with, above middle height or tall, with long narrow noses. a case is noted in the kurnool manual, in which a brick-maker married a chenchu girl. and i was told of a boya man who had married into the tribe, and was living in a gudem. in this way is the pure type of chenchu metamorphosed. =============================================== stature, cm. | nasal index. -----------------------+----------------------- av. | max. | min. | av. | max. | min. -------+-------+-------+-------+-------+------- . | | . | . | . | . =============================================== by the dolichocephalic type of head which has persisted, and which the chenchus possess in common with various other jungle tribes, they are, as shown by the following table, at once differentiated from the mesaticephalic dwellers in the plains near the foot of the nallamalais:-- ================================================ | cephalic | number of cases ---- | index. | in which index | | exceeded . -------------------+----------+----------------- chenchus | . | gollas | . | boyas | . | tota balijas | . | motati kapus | . | upparas | . | mangalas | . | yerukalas | . | medaras | . | ================================================ the visual acuity of the chenchus was tested with cohn's letter e, no. . for clinical purposes, the visual acuity would be represented by a fraction, of which is the denominator, and the number of metres at which the position of the letter was recognised by the individual tested is the numerator, e.g., v.a. = m/ = . . the average distances in metres, at which the letter was recognised by the various castes and tribes examined by myself and dr. w. h. r. rivers, were as follows:-- sholagas (rivers) . kotas . badagas . paraiyans . telugu ryats . chenchus . uralis (rivers) . brahmans, mysore . non-brahmans, mysore . in all classes, it may be noted, the average acuity was between and metres ( to yards), and ranged between v.a. = · and v.a. = · . the maxima distances, at which the position of the letter was recognised, were:--sholaga, m; paraiyan, m; badaga and dikshitar brahman, m. no cases of extraordinary hyper-acuity were met with. the nine classes, or groups of classes examined, cover a wide range of degrees of civilisation from the wild jungle chenchus, sholagas, and uralis, to the cultured brahman. and, though the jungle man, who has to search for his food and mark the tracks and traces of wild beasts, undoubtedly possesses a specially trained keenness of vision for the exigencies of his primitive life, the figures show that, as regards ordinary visual acuity, he has no advantage over the more highly civilised classes. there were, in - , two board upper primary schools for the chenchus of the kurnool district, which were attended by seventy-three pupils, who were fed and clothed, and supplied with books and slates free of charge. chenu (dry field).--an exogamous sept of kamma. cheppat.--a sub-division of maran. cherukara.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. cheruku.--cheruku (sugar-cane) or cherukula has been recorded as an exogamous sept of boya, jogi and odde. cheruman.--the cherumans or cherumukkal have been defined as a malayalam caste of agricultural serfs, and as members of an inferior caste in malabar, who are, as a rule, toilers attached to the soil. in the madras census report, , it is stated that "this caste is called cheruman in south malabar and pulayan in north malabar. even in south malabar where they are called cheruman, a large sub-division numbering over , is called pula cheruman. the most important of the sub-divisions returned are kanakkan, pula cheruman, eralan, kudan and rolan. kanakkan and pula cheruman are found in all the southern taluks, kudan almost wholly in walluvanad, and eralan in palghat and walluvanad." in the census report, , alan (slave), and paramban are given as sub-castes of cheruman. according to one version, the name cheruma or cheramakkal signifies sons of the soil; and, according to another, cheriamakkal means little children, as parasurama directed that they should be cared for, and treated as such. the word pulayan is said to be derived from pula, meaning pollution. of the cherumans, the following account is given in the gazetteer of malabar. "they are said to be divided into divisions, the more important of which are the kanakka cherumans, the pula cherumans or pulayas, the era cherumans or eralans, the roli cherumans or rolans, and the kudans. whether these sub-divisions should be treated as separate castes or not, it is hardly possible to determine; some of them at least are endogamous groups, and some are still further sub-divided. thus the pulayas of chirakkal are said to be divided into one endogamous and eleven exogamous groups, called mavadan, elamanam, tacchakudiyan, kundaton, cheruvulan, mulattan, talan, vannatam, eramalodiyan, mullaviriyan, egudan, and kundon. some at least of these group names obviously denote differences of occupation. the kundotti, or woman of the last group, acts as midwife; and in consequence the group is considered to convey pollution by touch to members of the other groups, and they will neither eat nor marry with those belonging to it. death or birth pollution is removed by a member of the mavadan class called maruttan, who sprinkles cowdung mixed with water on the feet, and milk on the head of the person to be purified. at weddings, the maruttan receives fanams, the prescribed price of a bride, from the bridegroom, and gives it to the bride's people. the era cherumans and kanakkans, who are found only in the southern taluks of the district, appear to be divided into exogamous groups called kuttams, many of which seem to be named after the house-name of the masters whom they serve. the cherumans are almost solely employed as agricultural labourers and coolies; but they also make mats and baskets." it is noted [ ] by mr. l. k. anantha krishna iyer that "from traditions current among the pulayas, it would appear that, once upon a time, they had dominion over several parts of the country. a person called aikkara yajaman, whose ancestors were pulaya kings, is still held in considerable respect by the pulayas of north travancore, and acknowledged as their chieftain and lord, while the aikkaranad in the kunnethnad taluk still remains to lend colour to the tale. in trivandrum, on the banks of the velli lake, is a hill called pulayanar kotta, where it is believed that a pulaya king once ruled. in other places, they are also said to have held sway. as a paraya found at melkota the image of selvapillai, as a savara was originally in possession of the sacred stone which became the idol in the temple of jaganath, so also is the worship of padmanabha at trivandrum intimately connected with a pulayan. once a pulaya woman, who was living with her husband in the ananthan kadu (jungle), suddenly heard the cry of a baby. she rushed to the spot, and saw to her surprise a child lying on the ground, protected by a snake. she took pity on it, and nursed it like her own child. the appearance of the snake intimated to her the divine origin of the infant. this proved to be true, for the child was an incarnation of vishnu. as soon as the raja of travancore heard of the wonderful event, he built a shrine on the spot where the baby had been found, and dedicated it to padmanabha. the pulayas round trivandrum assert to this day that, in former times, a pulaya king ruled, and had his castle not far from the present capital of travancore. the following story is also current among them. the pulayas got from the god siva a boon, with spade and axe, to clear forests, own lands, and cultivate them. when other people took possession of them, they were advised to work under them." according to mr. logan, [ ] the cherumans are of two sections, one of which, the iraya, are of slightly higher social standing than the pulayan. "as the names denote, the former are permitted to come as far as the eaves (ira) of their employers' houses, while the latter name denotes that they convey pollution to all whom they meet or approach." the name cheruman is supposed to be derived from cheru, small, the cheruman being short of stature, or from chera, a dam or low-lying rice field. mr. logan, however, was of opinion that there is ample evidence that "the malabar coast at one time constituted the kingdom or empire of chera, and the nad or county of cheranad lying on the coast and inland south-east of calicut remains to the present day to give a local habitation to the ancient name. moreover, the name of the great emperor of malabar, who is known to every child on the coast as cheraman perumal, was undoubtedly the title and not the name of the emperor, and meant the chief (literally, big man) of the chera people." of the history of slavery in malabar an admirable account is given by mr. logan, from which the following extracts are taken. "in , the year in which british rule commenced, a proclamation was issued against dealing in slaves. in , the principal collector wrote a report on the condition of the cherumar, and received orders that the practice of selling slaves for arrears of revenue be immediately discontinued. in , the court of directors expressed considerable dissatisfaction at the lack of precise information which had been vouchsafed to them, and said 'we are told that part of the cultivators are held as slaves: that they are attached to the soil, and marketable property.' in , the government ordered the remission in the collector's accounts of rs. - - , which was the annual revenue from slaves on the government lands in malabar, and the government was at the same time 'pleased to accede to the recommendation in favour of emancipating the slaves on the government lands in malabar.' in , mr. e. b. thomas, the judge at calicut, wrote in strong terms a letter to the sadr adalat, in which he pointed out that women in some taluks (divisions) fetched higher prices, in order to breed slaves; that the average cost of a young male under ten years was about rs. - - , of a female somewhat less; that an infant ten months old was sold in a court auction for rs. - - independent of the price of its mother; and that, in a recent suit, the right to twenty-seven slaves was the 'sole matter of litigation, and was disposed of on its merits.' in a further letter, mr. thomas pointed out that the slaves had increased in numbers from , at the census, , to , at the census, . it was apparently these letters which decided the board of directors to send out orders to legislate. and the government of india passed act v of , of which the provisions were widely published through malabar. the collector explained to the cherumar that it was in their interest, as well as their duty, to remain with their masters, if kindly treated. he proclaimed that 'the government will not order a slave who is in the employ of an individual to forsake him and go to the service of another claimant; nor will the government interfere with the slave's inclination as to where he wishes to work.' and again, 'any person claiming a slave as janmam, kanam or panayam, the right of such claim or claims will not be investigated into at any one of the public offices or courts.' in , and again in , the fact that traffic in slaves still continued was brought to the notice of government, but on full consideration no further measures for the emancipation of the cherumar were deemed to be necessary. the cherumar even yet have not realised what public opinion in england would probably have forced down their throats fifty years ago, and there is reason to think that they are still, even now, with their full consent bought and sold and hired out, although, of course, the transaction must be kept secret for fear of the penalties of the penal code, which came into force in , and was the real final blow at slavery in india. the slaves, however, as a caste will never understand what real freedom means, until measures are adopted to give them indefeasible rights in the small orchards occupied by them as house-sites." it is noted by mr. anantha krishna iyer that "though slavery has been abolished many years ago, the name valliyal (a person receiving valli, i.e., paddy given to a slave) still survives." by the penal code it is enacted that-- whoever imports, exports, removes, buys, sells, or disposes of any person as a slave, or accepts, receives, or detains against his will any person as a slave, shall be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to seven years, and shall also be liable to a fine. whoever habitually imports, exports, removes, buys, sells, traffics or deals in slaves, shall be punished with transportation for life, or with imprisonment for a term not exceeding ten years, and shall be liable to a fine. whoever unlawfully compels any person to labour against the will of that person, shall be punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to one year, or with a fine, or with both. "very low indeed," mr. s. appadorai iyer writes, [ ] "is the social position of these miserable beings. when a cherumar meets a person of superior caste; he must stand at a distance of thirty feet. if he comes within this prohibited distance, his approach is said to cause pollution, which is removed only by bathing in water. a cherumar cannot approach a brahman village or temple, or tank. if he does so, purification becomes necessary. even while using the public road, if he sees his lord and master, he has to leave the ordinary way and walk, it may be in the mud, to avoid his displeasure by accidentally polluting him. to avoid polluting the passer-by, he repeats the unpleasant sound 'o, oh, o--'. [in some places, e.g., palghat, one may often see a cheruman with a dirty piece of cloth spread on the roadside, and yelling in a shrill voice 'ambrane, ambarane, give me some pice, and throw them on the cloth.'] his position is intolerable in the native states of cochin and travancore, where brahman influence is in the ascendant; while in the palghat taluk the cherumars cannot, even to this day, enter the bazaar." a melancholy picture has been drawn of the cherumans tramping along the marshes in mud, often wet up to their waists, to avoid polluting their superiors. in , a cheruman came within polluting distance of a nayar, and was struck with a stick. the cheruman went off and fetched another, whereupon the nayar ran away. he was, however, pursued by the cherumans. in defending himself with a spade, the nayar struck the foremost cheruman on the head, and killed him. [ ] in another case, a cheruman, who was the servant of a mappilla, was fetching grass for his master, when he inadvertently approached some tiyans, and thereby polluted them. the indignant tiyans gave not only the cheruman, but his master also, a sound beating by way of avenging the insult offered to them. the status of the pulayas of the cochin state is thus described by mr. anantha krishna iyer. "they abstain from eating food prepared by the velakkathalavans (barbers), mannans (washermen), panans, vettuvans, parayans, nayadis, ulladans, malayans, and kadars. the pulayas in the southern parts of the state have to stand at a distance of feet from brahmans and feet from nayars, and this distance gradually diminishes towards the lower castes. they are polluted by pula cherumas, parayas, nayadis, and ulladans. [the pula cherumas are said to eat beef, and sell the hides of cattle.] the kanakka cherumas of the chittur taluk pollute era cherumas and konga cherumas by touch, and by approach within a distance of seven or eight feet, and are themselves polluted by pula cherumas, parayas, and vettuvans, who have to stand at the same distance. pulayas and vettuvans bathe when they approach one another, for their status is a point of dispute as to which is superior to the other. when defiled by the touch of a nayadi, a cheruman has to bathe in seven tanks, and let a few drops of blood flow from one of his fingers. a brahman who enters the compound of a pulayan has to change his holy thread, and take panchagavyam (the five products of the cow) so as to be purified from pollution. the valluva pulayan of the trichur taluk fasts for three days, if he happens to touch a cow that has been delivered of a calf. he lives on toddy and tender cocoanuts. he has also to fast three days after the delivery of his wife." in ordinary conversation in malabar, such expressions as tiya-pad or cheruma-pad (that is, the distance at which a tiyan or cheruman has to keep) are said to be commonly used. [ ] by mr. t. k. gopal panikkar the cherumans are described [ ] as "a very inferior race, who are regarded merely as agricultural instruments in the hands of the landlords their masters, who supply them with houses on their estates. their daily maintenance is supplied to them by their masters themselves. every morning the master's agent summons them to his house, and takes them away to work in the fields, in ploughing, drawing water from wells, and in short doing the whole of the cultivation. in the evening a certain quantity of paddy (unhusked rice) is distributed to them as wages. both theory and practice, in the great majority of cases, are that they are fed at the master's cost the whole year round, whether they work in the fields or not. but it is very seldom that they can have a holiday, regard being had to the nature of agriculture in malabar. it is the cheruma that should plough the land, sow the seed, transplant the seedlings, regulate the flow of water in the fields, uproot the weeds, and see that the crops are not destroyed by animals, or stolen. when the crops ripen, he has to keep watch at night. the sentry house consists of a small oval-shaped portable roof, constructed of palmyra and cocoanut leaves, supported by four posts, across which are tied bamboos, which form the watchman's bed. wives sometimes accompany their husbands in their watches. when the harvest season approaches, the cheruman's hands are full. he has to cut the crops, carry them to the barn (kalam), separate the corn from the stalk, and winnow it. the second crop operations immediately follow, and the cheruma has to go through all these processes again. it is in the summer season that his work is light, when he is set to prepare vegetable gardens, or some odd job is found for him by his master. the old, infirm, and the children look after their master's cattle. receiving his daily pittance of paddy, the cheruman enters his hut, and reserves a portion of it for the purchase of salt, chillies, toddy, tobacco, and dried fish. the other portion is reserved for food. the cheruman spends the greater part of his wages on toddy. it is a very common sight in malabar to see a group of cherumans, including women and children, sitting in front of a toddy shop, the cheruman transferring the unfinished portion of the toddy to his wife, and the latter to the children. a cheruman, however, rarely gets intoxicated, or commits crime. no recess is allowed to the cherumans, except on national holidays and celebrated temple festivals observed in honour of the goddess bhagavati or kali, when they are quite free to indulge in drink. on these days, their hire is given in advance. with this they get intoxicated, and go to the poora-paramba or temple premises, where the festival is celebrated, in batches of four, each one tying his hands to another's neck, and reciting every two seconds the peculiar sound: lalle lalle lalle ho. lalle lalle lalle ho. "on the european plantations in the wynad the cherumans are in great request, and many are to be seen travelling nowadays without fear in railway carriages on their way to the plantations. a few also work in the gold mines of mysore." like other servile classes, the cherumans possess special privileges on special occasions. for example, at the chal (furrow) ceremony in malabar "the master of the house, the cultivating agent, and cherumans assemble in the barn, a portion of the yard in front of the building is painted with rice-water, and a lighted bell-lamp is placed near at hand with some paddy and rice, and several cups made of the leaves of the kanniram (strychnos nux-vomica)--as many cups as there are varieties of seed in the barn. then, placing implicit faith in his gods, and deceased ancestors, the master of the house opens the barn door, followed by the cheruman with a new painted basket containing the leaf cups. the master then takes a handful of seed from a seed-basket, and fills one of the cups, and the cultivating agent, head cheruman, and others who are interested in a good harvest, fill the cups till the seeds are exhausted. the basket, with the cups, is next taken to the decorated portion of the yard. a new ploughshare is fastened to a new plough, and a pair of cattle are brought on to the scene. plough, cattle, and basket are all painted with rice-water. a procession proceeds to the fields, on reaching which the head cheruman lays down the basket, and makes a mound of earth with the spade. to this a little manure is added, and the master throws a handful of seed into it. the cattle are then yoked, and one turn is ploughed by the head cheruman. inside this at least seven furrows are made, and the plough is dropped to the right. an offering is made to ganapathi (the elephant god), and the master throws some seed into a furrow. next the head cheruman calls out 'may the gods on high and the deceased ancestors bless the seed, which has been thrown broadcast, and the cattle which are let loose; the mother and children of the house, the master, and the slaves, may they also vouchsafe to us a good crop, good sunshine, and good harvest.' a cocoanut is then cut on the ploughshare, and from the cut portions several deductions are made. if the hinder part is larger than the front one, the harvest will be moderate. if the cut passes through the eyes of the nut, or if no water is left in the cut portions, certain misfortune is foreboded. the cut fragments are then taken with a little water inside them, and a leaf of the tulsi plant (ocimum sanctum) dropped in. if the leaf turns to the right, a prosperous harvest is assured; whereas, if it turns to the left, certain calamity will follow. this ceremonial concluded, there is much shouting, and the names of all the gods may be heard called out in a confused prayer. the party then breaks up, and the unused seeds are divided among the workmen." [ ] at the ceremony in malabar, when the transplantation of rice is completed, during which a goat is sacrificed to muni, the protector of cattle and field labourers, the officiating priest is generally the cultivation agent of the family, who is a nayar, or sometimes a cheruman. in connection with the harvest ceremonial in cochin, mr. anantha krishna iyer writes as follows. "there are some curious customs connected with the harvest, prevailing among the pulayas of the southern parts of the state. before reaping, the pulaya headman asks his master whether he may begin to reap. with his permission, he faces the east, and puts the sickle to the stalks. the first bundle he reserves for the gods of his master, and the second for those of his castemen. before thrashing, the same headman takes a few bundles of corn from the sheaf intended for their gods, and sprinkles toddy on them. another pulayan does the same for the various reapers, and says, as he does so 'come, thrashing corn, increase.' this is called filling the thrashing floor, and each man thrashes his own sheaves. when the thrashing is over, the headman puts his master's sheaf in the centre of the floor, and his own at a short distance outside, in order that the two sets of gods may look kindly on them. the headman is privileged to measure the corn sitting with his two assistants, saying 'come, paddy, increase,' as he counts. he also calls out 'good paddy, one', 'bad paddy, two', and so on, until he counts ten. the eleventh is the share for the reaper. he takes a handful, and places it in a basket, half of which falls to him, his assistants and the watchman, while the other half is given away in charity to the poor men that come to the thrashing place. in the northern parts of the state, before reaping, offerings of goats, fowls, and cocoanuts, are made to mallan and muni. the cheruma headman faces east, and applies his sickle to the stalks, reserving the first stalk for the deities above mentioned. the corn is thrashed and measured by one of them, and, as he does so, he says 'labham' (profit) for one, 'chetham' (loss) for two, and counts up to ten. the eleventh goes to the share of the reapers. thus they get one para for every ten paras of corn. the poor people that attend are also given a handful of the grain. after reaping, the members of the castes named in the table below receive a small portion of the corn for their services rendered to the farmers in the course of the months during which cultivation has been carried on:-- ==============+====================================+=============== caste. | purpose for which paddy | remuneration. | is given. | --------------+------------------------------------+--------------- carpenters | for making and repairing | a big bundle | ploughs, etc. | of corn. blacksmiths | for making sickles, knives, | do. | and other tools. | parayan | for lifting and placing the | do. | loads of stalks on the heads | | of the cherumans, who carry | | them to the farmyard. | washerman or | for keeping off birds, insects, | do. mannan. | etc., from the fields by magic. | vilkurup | for treating cherumas during | do. | their illness, and for shampooing | | them. | kaniyan or | for giving information of the | do. astrologer. | auspicious times for ploughing, | | sowing, transplanting | | and reaping, and also of the | | time for giving rice, vegetables, | | oil, etc., to the | | cherumas during the onam | | festival. | ==============+====================================+=============== "the pulayans receive, in return for watching, a small portion of the field near the watchman's rest-hut, which is left unreaped for him. it fetches him a para of paddy. "the cherumas who are engaged in reaping get two bundles of corn each for every field. for measuring the corn from the farmyard, a cheruman gets an edangazhy of paddy, in addition to his daily wage. three paras of paddy are set apart for the local village deity. during the month of karkadakam, the masters give every cheruman a fowl, some oil, garlic, mustard, anise seeds, pepper, and turmeric. they prepare a decoction of seeds, and boil the flesh of the fowl in it, which they take for three days, during which they are allowed to take rest. three days' wages are also given in advance." in travancore, a festival named macam is held, of which the following account has been published. [ ] "the macam (tenth constellation regulus, which follows thiru onam in august), is regarded by hindus as a day of great festivity. one must enjoy it even at the cost of one's children, so runs an adage. the day is considered to be so lucky that a girl born under the star regulus is verily born with a silver spoon in her mouth. it was on macam, some say, that the devas, to free themselves from the curse they were put under by a certain sage, had to churn the sea of milk to procure ambrosia. be the cause which led to the celebration what it may, the hindus of the present day have ever been enthusiastic in its observance; only some of the rude customs connected with it have died out in the course of time, or were put a stop to by government. sham fights were, and are still, in some places a feature of the day. such a sham fight used to be carried on at pallam until, about a hundred years ago, it was stopped through the intervention of colonel munro, the british resident in travancore. the place is still called patanilam (battle field), and the tank, on opposite sides of which the contending parties assembled, chorakulam (pool of blood). the steel swords and spears, of curious and various shapes, and shields large enough to cover a man, are even now preserved in the local temple. many lives were lost in these fights. it is not generally known, even to people in these parts, that a sham fight takes place on macam and the previous day every year at a place called wezhapra, between the changanacherry and ambalapuzha taluks. three banyan trees mark the place. people, especially pulayas and pariahs, to the number of many thousands, collect round the outside trees with steel swords, spears, and slings in their hands. a small bund (embankment) separates the two parties. they have to perform certain religious rites near the tree which stands in the middle, and, in doing so, make some movements with their swords and spears to the accompaniment of music. if those standing on one side of the bund cross it, a regular fight is the result. in order to avoid such things, without at the same time interfering with their liberty to worship at the spot, the government this year made all the necessary arrangements. the police were sent for the purpose. everything went off smoothly but for one untoward event. the people had been told not to come armed with steel weapons, but with wooden ones. they had to put them down, and were then allowed to go and worship." of conversion to muhammadanism at the present time, a good example is afforded by the cherumans. "this caste," the census superintendent, , writes, "numbered , in malabar at the census of , and, in , is returned as only , . there are , fewer cherumans than there would have been but for some disturbing influence, and this is very well known to be conversion to muhammadanism. the honour of islam once conferred on the cheruman, he moves at one spring several places higher than that which he originally occupied." "conversion to muhammadanism," mr. logan writes, "has had a marked effect in freeing the slave caste in malabar from their former burthens. by conversion a cheruman obtains a distinct rise in the social scale, and, if he is in consequence bullied or beaten, the influence of the whole muhammadan community comes to his aid." it has been noted [ ] that cheruman converts to islam take part in the moplah (mappilla) outbreaks, which from time to time disturb the peace of malabar. the home of the cheruman is called a chala or hut, which has a thatched roof of grass and palm-leaves resembling an immense bee-hive. a big underground cell, with a ceiling of planks, forms the granary of the occupants of these huts. the chief house furniture consists of a pestle and mortar, and two or three earthenware pots. the habitations of the pulayas of cochin are thus described by mr. anantha krishna iyer. "their huts are generally called madams, which are put up on the banks of fields, in the middle of rice flats, or on trees along their borders, so as to enable them to watch the crops after the toils of the day. they are discouraged from erecting better huts, under the idea that, if settled more comfortably, they would be less inclined to move as cultivation required. the madams are very poor huts, supported on four small posts, and thatched with leaves. the sides are protected with the same kind of leaves. there is only one room, and the floor, though slightly raised, is very damp during the rainy months. these temporary buildings are removed after the harvest, and put up in places where cultivation has to be carried on. all the members of the family sleep together in the same hut. small temporary huts are sometimes erected, which are little better than inverted baskets. these are placed in the rice field while the crop is on the ground, and near the stacks while it is being thrashed. in the northern parts of the state, the pulaya huts are made of mud walls, and provided with wooden doors. the roofs are of bamboo framework thatched with palmyra palm leaves. the floor is raised, and the huts are provided with pyals (raised platforms) on three sides. they have also small compounds (grounds) around them. there is only one room inside, which is the sleeping apartment of the newly married youngsters. the others, i am told, sleep on the verandahs. the utensils consist of a few earthen pots for cooking and keeping water, and a few earthen dishes for taking food. in addition to these, i found a wooden mortar, a few pestles, two pans, two winnowing pans, a fish basket for each woman, a few cocoanut shells for keeping salt and other things, a few baskets of their own making, in one of which a few dirty cloths were placed, some mats of their own making, a bamboo vessel for measuring corn, and a vessel for containing toddy." "during the rainy season, the cherumas in the field wear a few green leaves, especially those of the plantain tree, tied round their waists, and a small cone-shaped cap, made of plantain leaf, is worn on the head. this practice, among the females, has fallen into disuse in malabar, though it is to some extent still found in the native states. the cherumi is provided with one long piece of thick cloth, which she wraps round her waist, and which does not even reach the knees. she does not cover the chest." [ ] the cheruma females have been described as wearing, when at work in the open, a big oval-shaped handleless umbrella covered with palm leaves, which they place on their back, and which covers the whole of their person in the stooping attitude. the men use, during the rainy season, a short-handled palm-leaf umbrella. the women are profusely decorated with cheap jewelry of which the following are examples: . lobes of both ears widely dilated by rolled leaden ornaments. brass, and two glass bead necklets, string necklet with flat brass ornaments, the size of a venetian sequin, with device as in old travancore gold coins, with two brass cylinders pendent behind, and tassels of red cotton. three brass rings on right little finger; two on left ring finger, one brass and two steel bangles on left wrist. . several bead necklets, and a single necklet of many rows of beads. brass necklet like preceding, with steel prong and scoop, for removing wax from the ears and picking teeth, tied to one of the necklets. attached to, and pendent from one necklet, three palm leaf rolls with symbols and malayalam inscription to act as a charm in driving away devils. three ornamental brass bangles on right forearm, two on left. iron bangle on left wrist. thin brass ring in helix of each ear. seventy thin brass rings (alandoti) with heavy brass ornament (adikaya) in dilated lobe of each ear. . in addition to glass bead necklets, a necklet with heavy heart-shaped brass pendants. string round neck to ward off fever. . string necklet with five brass cylinders pendent; five brass bangles on right wrist; six brass and two iron bangles on left wrist. right hand, one copper and five brass rings on middle finger; one iron and three brass rings on little finger. left hand, one copper and five brass rings on middle finger; three brass and two copper rings on ring finger; one brass ring on little finger. . trouser button in helix of left ear. . brass bead necklet with pendent brass ornament with legend "best superior umbrella made in japan, made for fazalbhoy peeroo mahomed, bombay." a cheruman, at calicut, had his hair long and unkempt, as he played the drum at the temple. another had the hair arranged in four matted plaits, for the cure of disease in performance of a vow. a man who wore a copper cylinder on his loin string, containing a brass strip with mantrams (consecrated formulæ) engraved on it, sold it to me for a rupee with the assurance that it would protect me from devils. concerning the marriage ceremony of the cherumans in malabar, mr. appadorai iyer writes that "the bridegroom's sister is the chief performer. it is she who pays the bride's price, and carries her off. the consent of the parents is required, and is signified by an interchange of visits between the parents of the bride and bridegroom. during these visits, rice-water (conji) is sipped. before tasting the conji, they drop a fanam (local coin) into the vessel containing it, as a token of assent to the marriage. when the wedding party sets out, a large congregation of cherumans follow, and at intervals indulge in stick play, the women singing in chorus to encourage them 'let us see, let us see the stick play (vadi tallu), oh! cheruman.' the men and women mingle indiscriminately in the dance during the wedding ceremony. on the return to the bridegroom's hut, the bride is expected to weep loudly, and deplore her fate. on entering the bridegroom's hut, she must tread on a pestle placed across the threshold." during the dance, the women have been described as letting down their hair, and dancing with a tolerable amount of rhythmic precision amid vigorous drumming and singing. according to another account, the bridegroom receives from his brother-in-law a kerchief, which the giver ties round his waist, and a bangle which is placed on his arm. the bride receives a pewter vessel from her brother. next her cousin ties a kerchief round the groom's forehead, and sticks a betel leaf in it. the bride is then handed over to the bridegroom. of the puberty and marriage ceremonies of the pulayas of cochin, the following detailed account is given by mr. anantha krishna iyer. "when a pulaya girl comes of age, she is located in a separate hut. five vallons (headmen), and the castemen of the kara (settlement), are invited to take part in the performance of the ceremony. a song, called malapattu, is sung for an hour by a parayan to the accompaniment of drum and pipe. the parayan gets a para of paddy, and his assistants three annas each. as soon as this is over, seven cocoanuts are broken, and the water thereof is poured over the head of the girl, and the broken halves are distributed among the five vallons and seven girls who are also invited to be present. some more water is also poured on the girl's head at the time. she is lodged in a temporary hut for seven days, during which food is served to her at a distance. she is forbidden to go out and play with her friends. on the morning of the seventh day, the vallons of the kara and the castemen are again invited. the latter bring with them some rice, vegetables, and toddy, to defray the expenses of the feast. at dawn, the mother of the girl gives oil to the seven pulaya maidens, and to her daughter for an oil-bath. they then go to a neighbouring tank (pond) or stream to bathe, and return home. the girl is then neatly dressed, and adorned in her best. her face is painted yellow, and marked with spots of various colours. she stands before a few parayas, who play on their flute and drum, to cast out the demons, if any, from her body. the girl leaps with frantic movements, if she is possessed by them. in that case, they transfer them to a tree close by driving a nail into the trunk after due offerings. if she is not possessed, she remains unmoved, and the parayas bring the music to a close. the girl is again bathed with her companions, who are all treated to a dinner. the ceremony then comes to an end with a feast to the castemen. the ceremony described is performed by the valluva pulayas in the southern parts, near and around the suburbs of cochin, but is unknown among other sub-tribes elsewhere. the devil-driving by the parayas is not attended to. nor is a temporary hut erected for the girl to be lodged in. she is allowed to remain in a corner of the hut, but is not permitted to touch others. she is bathed on the seventh day, and the castemen, friends and relations, are invited to a feast. "marriage is prohibited among members of the same koottam (family group). in the chittur taluk, members of the same village do not intermarry, for they believe that their ancestors may have been the slaves of some local landlord, and, as such, the descendants of the same parents. a young man may marry among the relations of his father, but not among those of his mother. in the palghat taluk, the kanakka cherumas pride themselves on the fact that they avoid girls within seven degrees of relationship. the marriage customs vary according to the sub-division. in the southern parts of the state, pulaya girls are married before puberty, while in other places, among the kanakka cherumas and other sub-tribes, they are married both before and after puberty. in the former case, when a girl has not been married before puberty, she is regarded as having become polluted, and stigmatised as a woman whose age is known. her parents and uncles lose all claim upon her. they formally drive her out of the hut, and proceed to purify it by sprinkling water mixed with cow-dung both inside and outside, and also with sand. she is thus turned out of caste. she was, in former times, handed over to the vallon, who either married her to his own son, or sold her to a slave master. if a girl is too poor to be married before puberty, the castemen of the kara raise a subscription, and marry her to one of themselves. "when a young pulayan wishes to marry, he applies to his master, who is bound to defray the expenses. he gives seven fanams [ ] to the bride's master, one fanam worth of cloth to the bride-elect, and about ten fanams for the marriage feast. in all, his expenses amount to ten rupees. the ceremony consists in tying a ring attached to a thread round the neck of the bride. this is provided by her parents. when he becomes tired of his wife, he may dispose of her to any other person who will pay the expenses incurred at the marriage. there are even now places where husband and wife serve different masters, but more frequently they serve the same master. the eldest male child belongs to the master of the mother. the rest of the family remain with the mother while young, but, being the property of the owner, revert to him when of an age to be useful. she also follows them, in the event of her becoming a widow. in some places, a man brings a woman to his master, and says that he wishes to keep her as his wife. she receives her allowance of rice, but may leave her husband as she likes, and is not particular in changing one spouse for another. in other places, the marriage ceremonies of the era cherumas are more formal. the bridegroom's party goes to the bride's hut, and presents rice and betel leaf to the head of the family, and asks for the bride. consent is indicated by the bride's brother placing some rice and cloth before the assembly, and throwing rice on the headman of the caste, who is present. on the appointed day, the bridegroom goes to the hut with two companions, and presents the girl with cloth and twelve fanams. from that day he is regarded as her husband, and cohabitation begins at once. but the bride cannot accompany him until the ceremony called mangalam is performed. the bridegroom's party goes in procession to the bride's hut, where a feast awaits them. the man gives sweetmeats to the girl's brother. the caste priest recites the family history of the two persons, and the names of their masters and deities. they are then seated before a lamp and a heap of rice in a pandal (booth). one of the assembly gets up, and delivers a speech on the duties of married life, touching on the evils of theft, cheating, adultery, and so forth. rice is thrown on the heads of the couple, and the man prostrates himself at the feet of the elders. next day, rice is again thrown on their heads. then the party assembled makes presents to the pair, a part of which goes to the priest, and a part to the master of the husband. divorce is very easy, but the money paid must be returned to the woman. "in the ooragam proverthy of the trichur taluk, i find that the marriage among the pulayas of that locality and the neighbouring villages is a rude form of sambandham (alliance), somewhat similar to that which prevails among the nayars, whose slaves a large majority of them are. the husband, if he may be so called, goes to the woman's hut with his wages, to stay therein with her for the night. they may serve under different masters. a somewhat similar custom prevails among the pula cherumas of the trichur taluk. the connection is called merungu kooduka, which means to tame, or to associate with. "a young man, who wishes to marry, goes to the parents of the young woman, and asks their consent to associate with their daughter. if they approve, he goes to her at night as often as he likes. the woman seldom comes to the husband's hut to stay with him, except with the permission of the thamar (landlord) on auspicious occasions. they are at liberty to separate at their will and pleasure, and the children born of the union belong to the mother's landlord. among the kanakka cherumas in the northern parts of the state, the following marital relations are in force. when a young man chooses a girl, the preliminary arrangements are made in her hut, in the presence of her parents, relations, and the castemen of the village. the auspicious day is fixed, and a sum of five fanams is paid as the bride's price. the members assembled are treated to a dinner. a similar entertainment is held at the bridegroom's hut to the bride's parents, uncles, and others who come to see the bridegroom. on the morning of the day fixed for the wedding, the bridegroom and his party go to the bride's hut, where they are welcomed, and seated on mats in a small pandal put up in front of the hut. a muri (piece of cloth), and two small mundus (cloths) are the marriage presents to the bride. a vessel full of paddy (unhusked rice), a lighted lamp, and a cocoanut are placed in a conspicuous place therein. the bride is taken to the booth, and seated by the side of the bridegroom. before she enters it, she goes seven times round it, with seven virgins before her. with prayers to their gods for blessings on the couple, the tali (marriage badge) is tied round the bride's neck. the bridegroom's sister completes the knot. by a strange custom, the bride's mother does not approach the bridegroom, lest it should cause a ceremonial pollution. the ceremony is brought to a close with a feast to those assembled. toddy is an indispensable item of the feast. during the night, they amuse themselves by dancing a kind of wild dance, in which both men and women joyfully take part. after this, the bridegroom goes along to his own hut, along with his wife and his party, where also they indulge in a feast. after a week, two persons from the bride's hut come to invite the married couple. the bride and bridegroom stay at the bride's hut for a few days, and cannot return to his hut unless an entertainment, called vathal choru, is given him. "the marriage customs of the valluva pulayas in the southern parts of the state, especially in the cochin and kanayannur taluks, are more formal. the average age of a young man for marriage is between fifteen and twenty, while that of a girl is between ten and twelve. before a young pulayan thinks of marriage, he has to contract a formal and voluntary friendship with another young pulayan of the same age and locality. if he is not sociably inclined, his father selects one for him from a pulaya of the same or higher status, but not of the same illam (family group). if the two parents agree among themselves, they meet in the hut of either of them to solemnise it. they fix a day for the ceremony, and invite their vallon and the castemen of the village. the guests are treated to a feast in the usual pulaya fashion. the chief guest and the host eat together from the same dish. after the feast, the father of the boy, who has to obtain a friend for his son, enquires of the vallon and those assembled whether he may be permitted to buy friendship by the payment of money. they give their permission, and the boy's father gives the money to the father of the selected friend. the two boys then clasp hands, and they are never to quarrel. the new friend becomes from that time a member of the boy's family. he comes in, and goes out of their hut as he likes. there is no ceremony performed at it, or anything done without consulting him. he is thus an inseparable factor in all ceremonies, especially in marriages. i suspect that the friend has some claims on a man's wife. the first observance in marriage consists in seeing the girl. the bridegroom-elect, his friend, father and maternal uncle, go to the bride's hut, to be satisfied with the girl. if the wedding is not to take place at an early date, the bridegroom's parents have to keep up the claim on the bride-elect by sending presents to her guardians. the presents, which are generally sweetmeats, are taken to her hut by the bridegroom and his friends, who are well fed by the mother of the girl, and are given a few necessaries when they take leave of her the next morning. the next observance is the marriage negociation, which consists in giving the bride's price, and choosing an auspicious day in consultation with the local astrologer (kaniyan). on the evening previous to the wedding, the friends and relations of the bridegroom are treated to a feast in his hut. next day at dawn, the bridegroom and his friend, purified by a bath, and neatly dressed in a white cloth with a handkerchief tied over it, and with a knife stuck in their girdles, go to the hut of the bride-elect accompanied by his party, and are all well received, and seated on mats spread on the floor. over a mat specially made by the bride's mother are placed three measures of rice, some particles of gold, a brass plate, and a plank with a white and red cover on it. the bridegroom, after going seven times round the pandal, stands on the plank, and the bride soon follows making three rounds, when four women hold a cloth canopy over her head, and seven virgins go in front of her. the bride then stands by the side of the bridegroom, and they face each other. her guardian puts on the wedding necklace a gold bead on a string. music is played, and prayers are offered up to the sun to bless the necklace which is tied round the neck of the girl. the bridegroom's friend, standing behind, tightens the knot already made. the religious part of the ceremony is now over, and the bridegroom and bride are taken inside the hut, and food is served to them on the same leaf. next the guests are fed, and then they begin the poli or subscription. a piece of silk, or any red cloth, is spread on the floor, or a brass plate is placed before the husband. the guests assembled put in a few annas, and take leave of the chief host as they depart. the bride is soon taken to the bridegroom's hut, and her parents visit her the next day, and get a consideration in return. on the fourth day, the bridegroom and bride bathe and worship the local deity, and, on the seventh day, they return to the bride's hut, where the tali (marriage badge) is formally removed from the neck of the girl, who is bedecked with brass beads round her neck, rings on her ears, and armlets. the next morning, the mother-in-law presents her son-in-law and his friend with a few necessaries of life, and sends them home with her daughter. "during the seventh month of pregnancy, the ceremony of puli kuti, or tamarind juice drinking, is performed as among other castes. this is also an occasion for casting out devils, if any, from the body. the pregnant woman is brought back to the hut of her own family. the devil-driver erects a tent-like structure, and covers it with plantain bark and leaves of the cocoanut palm. the flower of an areca palm is fixed at the apex. a cocoanut palm flower is cut out and covered with a piece of cloth, the cut portion being exposed. the woman is seated in front of the tent-like structure with the flower, which symbolises the yet unborn child in the womb, in her lap. the water of a tender cocoanut in spoons made of the leaf of the jack tree (artocarpus integrifolia) is poured over the cut end by the vallon, guardian, and brothers and sisters present. the devil-driver then breaks open the flower, and, by looking at the fruits, predicts the sex of the child. if there are fruits at the end nearest the stem, the child will live and, if the number of fruits is even, there will be twins. there will be deaths if any fruit is not well formed. the devil-driver repeats an incantation, whereby he invokes the aid of kali, who is believed to be present in the tent. he fans the woman with the flower, and she throws rice and a flower on it. he repeats another incantation, which is a prayer to kali to cast out the devil from her body. this magical ceremony is called garbha bali (pregnancy offering). the structure, with the offering, is taken up, and placed in a corner of the compound reserved for gods. the devotee then goes through the remaining forms of the ceremony. she pours into twenty-one leaf spoons placed in front of the tent a mixture of cow's milk, water of the tender cocoanut, flower, and turmeric powder. then she walks round the tent seven times, and sprinkles the mixture on it with a palm flower. next she throws a handful of rice and paddy, after revolving each handful round her head, and then covers the offering with a piece of cloth. she now returns, and her husband puts into her mouth seven globules of prepared tamarind. the devil-driver rubs her body with phlomis (?) petals and paddy, and thereby finds out whether she is possessed or not. if she is, the devil is driven out with the usual offerings. the devil-driver gets for his services twelve measures and a half of paddy, and two pieces of cloth. the husband should not, during this period, get shaved. "when a young woman is about to give birth to a child, she is lodged in a small hut near her dwelling, and is attended by her mother and a few elderly women of the family. after the child is born, the mother and the baby are bathed. the woman is purified by a bath on the seventh day. the woman who has acted as midwife draws seven lines on the ground at intervals of two feet from one another, and spreads over them aloe leaves torn to shreds. then, with burning sticks in the hand, the mother with the baby goes seven times over the leaves backwards and forwards, and is purified. for these seven days, the father should not eat anything made of rice. he lives on toddy, fruits, and other things. the mother remains with her baby in the hut for sixteen days, when she is purified by a bath so as to be free from pollution, after which she goes to the main hut. her enangathi (relation by marriage) sweeps the hut and compound, and sprinkles water mixed with cow-dung on her body as she returns after the bath. in some places, the bark of athi (ficus glomerata) and ithi (ficus tsiela?) is well beaten and bruised, and mixed with water. some milk is added to this mixture, which is sprinkled both inside and outside the hut. only after this do they think that the hut and compound are purified. among the cherumas of palghat, the pollution lasts for ten days. "the ear-boring ceremony is performed during the sixth or seventh year. the vallon, who is invited, bores the ears with a sharp needle. the wound is healed by applying cocoanut oil, and the hole is gradually widened by inserting cork, a wooden plug, or a roll of palm leaves. the castemen of the village are invited, and fed. the landlord gives the parents of the girl three paras of paddy, and this, together with what the guests bring, goes to defray the expenses of the ceremony. after the meal they go, with drum-beating, to the house of the landlord, and present him with a para of beaten rice, which is distributed among his servants. the ear-borer receives eight edangazhis of paddy, a cocoanut, a vessel of rice, and four annas. "a woman found to be having intercourse with a paraya is outcasted. she becomes a convert to christianity or mahomedanism. if the irregularity takes place within the caste, she is well thrashed, and prevented from resorting to the bad practice. in certain cases, when the illicit connection becomes public, the castemen meet with their vallon, and conduct a regular enquiry into the matter, and pronounce a verdict upon the evidence. if a young woman becomes pregnant before marriage, her lover, should he be a pulaya, is compelled to marry her, as otherwise she would be placed under a ban. if both are married, the lover is well thrashed, and fined. the woman is taken before a thandan (izhuva headman), who, after enquiry, gives her the water of a tender cocoanut, which she is asked to drink, when she is believed to be freed from the sin. her husband may take her back again as his wife, or she is at liberty to marry another. the thandan gets a few annas, betel leaves and areca nuts, and tobacco. both the woman's father and the lover are fined, and the fine is spent in the purchase of toddy, which is indulged in by those present at the time. in the northern parts of the state, there is a custom that a young woman before marriage mates with one or two paramours with the connivance of her parents. eventually one of them marries her, but this illicit union ceases at once on marriage." of the death ceremonies among the cherumas of south malabar, i gather that "as soon as a cheruman dies, his jenmi or landlord is apprised of the fact, and is by ancient custom expected to send a field spade, a white cloth, and some oil. the drummers of the community are summoned to beat their drums in announcement of the sad event. this drumming is known as parayadikka. the body is bathed in oil, and the near relatives cover it over with white and red cloths, and take it to the front yard. then the relatives have a bath, after which the corpse is removed to the burying ground, where a grave is dug. all those who have come to the interment touch the body, which is lowered into the grave after some of the red cloths have been removed. a mound is raised over the grave, a stone placed at the head, another at the feet, and a third in the centre. the funeral cortège, composed only of males, then returns to the house, and each member takes a purificatory bath. the red cloths are torn into narrow strips, and a strip handed over as a sacred object to a relative of the deceased. meanwhile, each relative having on arrival paid a little money to the house people, toddy is purchased, and served to the assembly. the mourners in the house have to fast on the day of the death. next morning they have a bath, paddy is pounded, and gruel prepared for the abstainers. an elder of the community, the avakasi, prepares a little basket of green palm leaves. he takes this basket, and hangs it on a tree in the southern part of the compound (grounds). the gruel is brought out, and placed on a mortar in the same part of the compound. spoons are made out of jack (artocarpus integrifolia) leaves, and the elder serves out the gruel. then the relatives, who have gathered again, make little gifts of money and rice to the house people. vegetable curry and rice are prepared, and served to the visitors. a quaint ceremony called ooroonulka is next gone through. a measure of rice and a measure of paddy in husk are mixed, and divided into two shares. four quarter-anna pieces are placed on one heap, and eight on the other. the former share is made over to the house people, and from the latter the avakasi removes four of the coins, and presents one to each of the four leading men present. these four men must belong to the four several points of the compass. the remaining copper is taken by the elder. from his share of rice and paddy he gives a little to be parched and pounded. this is given afterwards to the inmates. the visitors partake of betel and disperse, being informed that the polla or post-obituary ceremony will come off on the thirteenth day. on the forenoon of this day, the relatives again gather at the mourning place. the inmates of the house bathe, and fish and rice are brought for a meal. a little of the fish is roasted over a fire, and each one present just nibbles at it. this is done to end pollution. after this the fish may be freely eaten. half a seer or a measure of rice is boiled, reduced to a pulpy mass, and mixed with turmeric powder. parched rice and the powder that remains after the rice has been pounded, a cocoanut and tender cocoanut, some turmeric powder, plantain leaves, and the rice that was boiled and coloured with turmeric, are then taken to the burial ground by the avakasi, a singer known as a kalladi or moonpatkaren, and one or two close relatives of the departed. with the pulped rice the elder moulds the form of a human being. at the head of the grave a little mound is raised, cabalistic lines are drawn across it with turmeric, and boiled rice powder and a plantain leaf placed over the lines. the cocoanut is broken, and its kernel cut out in rings, each of which is put over the effigy, which is then placed recumbent on the plantain leaf. round the mound, strings of jungle leaves are placed. next the elder drives a pole into the spot where the chest of the dead person would be, and it is said that the pole must touch the chest. on one side of the pole the tender cocoanut is cut and placed, and on the other a shell containing some toddy. then a little copper ring is tied on to the top of the pole, oil from a shell is poured over the ring, and the water from the tender cocoanut and toddy are in turn similarly poured. after this mystic rite, the kalladi starts a mournful dirge in monotone, and the other actors in the solemn ceremony join in the chorus. the chant tells of the darkness and the nothingness that were before the creation of the world, and unfolds a fanciful tale of how the world came to be created. the chant has the weird refrain oh! ho! oh! ho. on its conclusion, the effigy is left at the head of the grave, but the kalladi takes away the pole with him. the performers bathe and return to the house of mourning, where the kalladi gets into a state of afflation. the spirit of the departed enters into him, and speaks through him, telling the mourners that he is happy, and does not want them to grieve over much for him. the kalladi then enters the house, and, putting a heap of earth in the corner of the centre room, digs the pole into it. a light is brought and placed there, as also some toddy, a tender cocoanut, and parched rice. the spirit of the deceased, speaking again through the kalladi, thanks his people for their gifts, and beseeches them to think occasionally of him, and make him periodical offerings. the assembly then indulge in a feed. rice and paddy are mixed together and divided into two portions, to one of which eight quarter-annas, and to the other twelve quarter-annas are added. the latter share falls to the avakasi, while from the former the mixture and one quarter-anna go to the kalladi, and a quarter-anna to each of the nearest relatives. the basket which had been hung up earlier in the day is taken down and thrown away, and the jenmi's spade is returned to him." [ ] it is noted by mr. logan that "the cherumans, like other classes, observe death pollution. but, as they cannot at certain seasons afford to be idle for fourteen days consecutively, they resort to an artifice to obtain this end. they mix cow-dung and paddy, and make it into a ball, and place the ball in an earthen pot, the mouth of which they carefully close with clay. the pot is laid in a corner of the hut, and, as long as it remains unopened, they remain free from pollution, and can mix among their fellows. on a convenient day they open the pot, and are instantly seized with pollution, which continues for forty days. otherwise fourteen days consecutive pollution is all that is required. on the forty-first or fifteenth day, as the case may be, rice is thrown to the ancestors, and a feast follows." the following account of the death ceremonies is given by mr. anantha krishna iyer. "when a pulayan is dead, the castemen in the neighbourhood are informed. an offering is made to the kodungallur bhagavati, who is believed by the pulayas to watch over their welfare, and is regarded as their ancestral deity. dead bodies are generally buried. the relatives, one by one, bring a new piece of cloth, with rice and paddy tied at its four corners, for throwing over the corpse. the cloth is placed thereon, and they cry aloud three times, beating their breasts, after which they retire. a few parayas are invited to beat drums, and play on their musical instruments--a performance which is continued for an hour or two. after this, a few bits of plantain leaves, with rice flour and paddy, are placed near the corpse, to serve as food for the spirit of the dead. the bier is carried to the graveyard by six bearers, three on each side. the pit is dug, and the body covered with a piece of cloth. after it has been lowered into it, the pit is filled in with earth. twenty-one small bits of leaves are placed over the grave, above the spot where the mouth of the dead man is, with a double-branched twig fixed to the centre, a cocoanut is cut open, and its water is allowed to flow in the direction of the twig which represents the dead man's mouth. such of the members of the family as could not give him kanji (rice gruel) or boiled rice before death, now give it to him. the six coffin-bearers prostrate themselves before the corpse, three on each side of the grave. the priest then puts on it a ripe and tender cocoanut for the spirit of the dead man to eat and drink. then all go home, and indulge in toddy and aval (beaten rice). the priest gets twelve measures of rice, the grave-diggers twelve annas, the vallon two annas, and the coffin-bearers each an anna. the son or nephew is the chief mourner, who erects a mound of earth on the south side of the hut, and uses it as a place of worship. for seven days, both morning and evening, he prostrates himself before it, and sprinkles the water of a tender cocoanut on it. on the eighth day, his relatives, friends, the vallon, and the devil-driver assemble together. the devil-driver turns round and blows his conch, and finds out the position of the ghost, whether it has taken up its abode in the mound, or is kept under restraint by some deity. should the latter be the case, the ceremony of deliverance has to be performed, after which the spirit is set up as a household deity. the chief mourner bathes early in the morning, and offers a rice-ball (pinda bali) to the departed spirit. this he continues for fifteen days. on the morning of the sixteenth day, the members of the family bathe to free themselves from pollution, and their enangan cleans the hut and the compound by sweeping and sprinkling water mixed with cow-dung. he also sprinkles the members of the family, as they return after the bath. the chief mourner gets shaved, bathes, and returns to the hut. some boiled rice, paddy, and pieces of cocoanut, are placed on a plantain leaf, and the chief mourner, with the members of his family, calls on the spirit of the dead to take them. then they all bathe, and return home. the castemen, who have assembled there by invitation, are sumptuously fed. the chief mourner allows his hair to grow as a sign of mourning (diksha), and, after the expiry of the year, a similar feast is given to the castemen." the cherumans are said by mr. gopal panikkar to "worship certain gods, who are represented by rude stone images. what few ceremonies are in force amongst them are performed by priests selected from their own ranks, and these priests are held in great veneration by them. they kill cocks as offerings to these deities, who are propitiated by the pouring on some stones placed near them of the fresh blood that gushes from the necks of the birds." the cherumans are further said to worship particular sylvan gods, garden deities, and field goddesses. in a note on cannibalism, [ ] the writer states that "some sixteen years ago a nair was murdered in malabar by some cherumans. the body was mutilated, and, on my asking the accused (who freely confessed their crime) why had this been done? they answered 'tinnal papam tirum, i.e., if one eats, the sin will cease'." it is a common belief among various castes of hindus that one may kill, provided it is done for food, and this is expressed in the proverb konnapavam thinnal thirum, or the sin of killing is wiped away by eating. the cheruman reply probably referred only to the wreaking of vengeance, and consequent satisfaction, which is often expressed by the lower classes in the words pasi thirndadu, or hunger is satisfied. concerning the religion of the pulayas, mr. anantha krishna iyer writes as follows. "the pulayas are animists, but are slowly coming on to the higher forms of worship. their gods are parakutty, karinkutty, chathan, and the spirits of their ancestors. offerings to these gods are given on karkadaka and makara sankrantis, onam, vishu, and other auspicious days, when one of the pulayas present turns velichapad (oracle), and speaks to the assembly as if by inspiration. they are also devout worshippers of kali or bhagavati, whose aid is invoked in all times of danger and illness. they take part in the village festivals celebrated in honour of her. kodungallur bhagavati is their guardian deity. the deity is represented by an image or stone on a raised piece of ground in the open air. their priest is one of their own castemen, and, at the beginning of the new year, he offers to the goddess fowls, fruits, and toddy. the pulayas also believe that spirits exercise an influence over the members of their families, and therefore regular offerings are given to them every year on sankranti days. the chief festivals in which the pulayas take part are the following:-- . pooram vela.--this, which may be described as the saturnalia of malabar, is an important festival held at the village bhagavati temple. it is a festival, in which the members of all castes below brahmans take part. it takes place either in kumbham (february-march), or meenam (march-april). the cherumas of the northern part, as well as the pulayas of the southern parts of the state, attend the festival after a sumptuous meal and toddy drinking, and join the procession. toy horses are made, and attached to long bamboo poles, which are carried to the neighbourhood of the temple. as they go, they leap and dance to the accompaniment of pipe and drum. one among them who acts as a velichapad (devil-dancer) goes in front of them, and, after a good deal of dancing and loud praying in honour of the deity, they return home. . vittu iduka.--this festival consists in putting seeds, or bringing paddy seeds to the temple of the village bhagavati. this also is an important festival, which is celebrated on the day of bharani, the second lunar day in kumbham. standing at a distance assigned to them by the village authorities, where they offer prayers to kali, they put the paddy grains, which they have brought, on a bamboo mat spread in front of them, after which they return home. in the chittur taluk, there is a festival called kathiru, celebrated in honour of the village goddess in the month of vrischikam (november-december), when these people start from the farms of their masters, and go in procession, accompanied with the music of pipe and drum. a special feature of the kathiru festival is the presence, at the temple of the village goddess, of a large number of dome-like structures made of bamboo and plantain stems, richly ornamented, and hung with flowers, leaves, and ears of corn. these structures are called sarakootams, and are fixed on a pair of parallel bamboo poles. these agrestic serfs bear them in grand processions, starting from their respective farms, with pipe and drum, shouting and dancing, and with fireworks. small globular packets of palmyra leaves, in which are packed handfuls of paddy rolled up in straw, are also carried by them in huge bunches, along with the sarakootams. these packets are called kathirkootoos (collection of ears of corn), and are thrown among the crowd of spectators all along the route of the procession, and also on arrival at the temple. the spectators, young and old, scramble to obtain as many of the packets as possible, and carry them home. they are then hung in front of the houses, for it is believed that their presence will help in promoting the prosperity of the family until the festival comes round again next year. the greater the number of these trophies obtained for a family by its members, the greater, it is believed, will be the prosperity of the family. the festival is one of the very few occasions on which pulayas and other agrestic serfs, who are supposed to impart, so to speak, a long distant atmospheric pollution, are freely allowed to enter villages, and worship in the village temples, which generally occupy central positions in the villages. processions carrying sarakootams and kathirkootoos start from the several farms surrounding the village early enough to reach the temple about dusk in the evening, when the scores of processions that have made their way to the temple merge into one great concourse of people. the sarakootams are arranged in beautiful rows in front of the village goddess. the cherumas dance, sing, and shout to their hearts content. bengal lights are lighted, and fireworks exhibited. kathirkootoos are thrown by dozens and scores from all sides of the temple. the crowd then disperses. all night, the pulayas and other serfs, who have accompanied the procession to the temple, are, in the majority of cases, fed by their respective masters at their houses, and then all go back to the farms. . mandalam vilakku.--this is a forty-one days' festival in bhagavati temples, extending from the first of vrischikam (november-december) to the tenth of dhanu (december-january), during which temples are brightly illuminated both inside and outside at night. there is much music and drum-beating at night, and offerings of cooked peas or bengal gram, and cakes, are made to the goddess, after which they are distributed among those present. the forty-first day, on which the festival terminates, is one of great celebration, when all castemen attend at the temple. the cherumas, malayars, and eravallars attend the festival in chittur. they also attend the konga pata festival there. in rural parts of the state, a kind of puppet show performance (olapava koothu) is acted by kusavans (potters) and tamil chettis, in honour of the village deity, to which they contribute their share of subscription. they also attend the cock festival of cranganore, and offer sacrifices of fowls." for the following note on the religion of the pulayas of travancore, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani iyer. "the pulayas worship the spirits of deceased ancestors, known as chavars. the matan, and the anchu tamprakkal, believed by the better informed section of the caste to be the five pandavas, are specially adored. the pulayas have no temples, but raise squares in the midst of groves, where public worship is offered. each pulaya places three leaves near each other, containing raw rice, beaten rice, and the puveri (flowers) of the areca palm. he places a flower on each of these leaves, and prays with joined hands. chavars are the spirits of infants, who are believed to haunt the earth, harassed by a number of unsatisfied cravings. this species of supernatural being is held in mingled respect and terror by pulayas, and worshipped once a year with diverse offerings. another class of deities is called tevaratumpuran, meaning gods whom high caste hindus are in the habit of worshipping at parassalay; the pulayas are given certain special concessions on festival days. similar instances may be noted at ochira, kumaranallur, and nedumangad. at the last mentioned shrine, mateer writes, [ ] 'where two or three thousand people, mostly sudras and izhuvas, attend for the annual festival in march, one-third of the whole are parayas, kuravas, vedars, kanikkars, and pulayas, who come from all parts around. they bring with them wooden models of cows, neatly hung over, and covered, in imitation of shaggy hair, with ears of rice. many of these images are brought, each in a separate procession from its own place. the headmen are finely dressed with cloths stained purple at the edge. the image is borne on a bamboo frame, accompanied by a drum, and men and women in procession, the latter wearing quantities of beads, such as several strings of red, then several of white, or strings of beads, and then a row of brass ornaments like rupees, and all uttering the kurava cry. these images are carried round the temple, and all amuse themselves for the day.' by far the most curious of the religious festivals of the pulayas is what is known as the pula saturday in makaram (january-february) at sastamkotta in the kunnattur taluk. it is an old observance, and is most religiously gone through by the pulayas every year. the valluvan, or caste priest, leads the assembled group to the vicinity of the banyan tree in front of the temple, and offerings of a diverse nature, such as paddy, roots, plantain fruits, game, pulse, coins, and golden threads are most devoutly made. pulayas assemble for this ceremony from comparatively distant places. a deity, who is believed to be the most important object of worship among the pulayas, is utaya tampuran, by which name they designate the rising sun. exorcism and spirit-dancing are deeply believed in, and credited with great remedial virtues. the kokkara, or iron rattle, is an instrument that is freely used to drive out evil spirits. the valluvan who offers animal sacrifices becomes immediately afterwards possessed, and any enquiries may be put to him without it being at all difficult for him to furnish a ready answer. in north travancore, the pulayas have certain consecrated buildings of their own, such as kamancheri, omkara bhagavathi, yakshi ampalam, pey koil, and valiyapattu muttan, wherein the valluvan performs the functions of priesthood. the pulayas believe in omens. to see another pulaya, to encounter a native christian, to see an izhuva with a vessel in the hand, a cow behind, a boat containing rice or paddy sacks, etc., are regarded as good omens. on the other hand, to be crossed by a cat, to see a fight between animals, to be encountered by a person with a bundle of clothes, to meet people carrying steel instruments, etc., are looked upon as very bad omens. the lizard is not believed to be a prophet, as it is by members of the higher castes." concerning the caste government of the pulayas of travancore, mr. subramania iyer writes as follows. "the ayikkara yajamanan, or ayikkara tamara (king) is the head of the pulaya community. he lives at vayalar in the shertalley taluk in north travancore, and takes natural pride in a lace cap, said to have been presented to one of his ancestors by the great cheraman perumal. even the parayas of north travancore look upon him as their legitimate lord. under the tamara are two nominal headmen, known as tatteri achchan and mannat koil vallon. it is the ayikkara tamara who appoints the valluvans, or local priests, for every kara, for which they are obliged to remunerate him with a present of chuckrams. the pulayas still keep accounts in the earliest travancorean coins (chuckrams). the valluvan always takes care to obtain a written authority from the tamara, before he begins his functions. for every marriage, a sum of chuckrams and four mulikkas [ ] have to be given to the tamara, and eight chuckrams and one mulikka to the valluvan. the valluvan receives the tamara's dues, and sends them to vayalar once or twice a year. beyond the power of appointing valluvans and other office-bearers, the authority of the tamara extends but little. the valluvans appointed by him prefer to call themselves head valluvans, as opposed to the dignitaries appointed in ancient times by temple authorities and other brahmans, and have a general supervising power over the pulayas of the territory that falls under their jurisdiction. every valluvan possesses five privileges, viz., ( ) the long umbrella, or an umbrella with a long bamboo handle; ( ) the five-coloured umbrella; ( ) the bracelet of honour; ( ) a long gold ear-ring; ( ) a box for keeping betel leaves. they are also permitted to sit on stools, to make use of carpets, and to employ kettle-drums at marriage ceremonials. the staff of the valluvan consists of ( ) the kuruppan or accountant, who assists the valluvan in the discharge of his duties; ( ) the komarattan or exorciser; ( ) the kaikkaran or village representative; ( ) the vatikkaran, constable or sergeant. the kuruppan has diverse functions to perform, such as holding umbrellas, and cutting cocoanuts from trees, on ceremonial occasions. the vatikkaran is of special importance at the bath that succeeds a pulaya girl's first menses. adultery is looked upon as the most heinous of offences, and used to be met with condign punishment in times of old. the woman was required to thrust her hand into a vessel of boiling oil, and the man was compelled to pay a fine of or chuckrams, according as the woman with whom he connected himself was married or not, and was cast out of society after a most cruel rite called ariyum pirayum tittukka, the precise nature of which does not appear to be known. a married woman is tried by the valluvan and other officers, when she shows disobedience to her husband." it is noted by mr. anantha krishna iyer, that, "in the palghat taluk of south malabar, it is said that the cherumas in former times used to hold grand meetings for cases of theft, adultery, divorce, etc., at kannati kutti vattal. these assemblies consisted of the members of their caste in localities between valayar forests and karimpuzha (in valluvanad taluk), and in those between the northern and southern hills. it is also said that their deliberations used to last for several days together. in the event of anybody committing a crime, the punishment inflicted on him was a fine of a few rupees, or sometimes a sound thrashing. to prove his innocence, a man had to swear 'by kannati swarupam (assembly) i have not done it.' it was held so sacred that no cheruman who had committed a crime would swear falsely by this assembly. as time went on, they found it difficult to meet, and so left off assembling together." in connection with the amusements of the pulayas, mr. anantha krishna iyer writes that "their games appear to be connected in some way with their religious observances. their favourite dance is the kole kali, or club dance. a party of ten or twelve men, provided with sticks, each a yard in length, stand in a circle, and move round, striking at the sticks, keeping time with their feet, and singing at the same time. the circle is alternately widened and narrowed. vatta kali is another wild dance. this also requires a party of ten or twelve men, and sometimes young women join them. the party move in a circle, clapping their hands while they sing a kind of rude song. in thattinmel kali, four wooden poles are firmly stuck in the ground, two of which are connected by two horizontal pieces of wood, over which planks are arranged. a party of pulayas dance on the top of this, to the music of their pipe and drum. this is generally erected in front of the bhagavati temple, and the dancing takes place immediately after the harvest. this is intended to propitiate the goddess. women perform a circular dance on the occasions of marriage celebrations." the cherumas and pulayas are, like the koragas of south canara, short of stature, and dark-skinned. the most important measurements of the cherumans whom i investigated at calicut were as follows:-- ======================================================== | stature, cm. | nasal index. |cephalic index. +--------------+---------------+--------------- | average. | average. | average. ---------+--------------+---------------+--------------- males | . | . | . females | . | . | . ======================================================== cheruppu-katti (shoemaker).--said to be a malayalam synonym for madiga. chetti.--it is noted in the census report, , that "the name chetti is used both to denote a distinct caste, and also a title, and people bearing this title describe themselves loosely as belonging to the chetti caste, in the same way as a vellala will say that he is a mudali. this use of chetti has caused some confusion in the returns, for the sub-divisions show that many other castes have been included as well as chetti proper." again, in the census report, , it is recorded that "chetti means trader, and is one of those titular or occupational terms, which are often loosely employed as caste names. the weavers, oil pressers, and others use it as a title, and many more tack it on to their names, to denote that trade is their occupation. strictly employed, it is nevertheless, the name of a true caste." the chettis are so numerous, and so widely distributed, that their many sub-divisions differ very greatly in their ways. the best known of them are the beri chettis, the nagarattu chettis, the kasukkar chettis, and the nattukottai chettis. of these, the beri and nattukottai chettis are dealt with in special articles. the following divisions of chettis, inhabiting the madura district, are recorded in my notes:-- (a) men with head clean-shaved:-- ilavagai or karnakudi. sundaraththan. ariyur. malampatti. palayapattu. thedakottai. periyakottai-vellan. puliyangudi. vallam or tiruvappur. kurungalur. (b) men with kudumi (hair knot):-- puvaththukudi or mannagudi. kiramangalam. vallanattu. marayakkara. pandukudi or manjapaththu. of these, the puvaththukudi chettis, who receive their name from a village in the tanjore district, are mostly itinerant petty traders and money-lenders, who travel about the country. they carry on their shoulders a bag containing their personal effects, except when they are cooking and sleeping. i am informed that the puvaththukudi women engage women, presumably with a flow of appropriate language ready for the occasion, to abuse those with whom they have a quarrel. among the puvaththukudi chettis, marriages are, for reasons of economy, only celebrated at intervals of many years. concerning this custom, a member of the community writes to me as follows. "in our village, marriages are performed only once in ten or fifteen years. my own marriage was celebrated in the year nandana ( - ). then seventy or eighty marriages took place. since that time, marriages have only taken place in the present year ( ). the god at avadaiyar kovil (temple) is our caste god. for marriages, we must receive from that temple garlands, sandal, and palanquins. we pay to the temple thirty-five rupees for every bridegroom through our nagaraththar (village headmen). the expenses incurred in connection with the employment of washermen, barbers, nagasaram (musical instrument) players, talayaris (watchmen), carpenters, potters, blacksmiths, gurukkals (priests), and garland-makers, are borne collectively and shared by the families in which marriages are to take place." another chetti writes that this system of clubbing marriages together is practised at the villages of puvaththukudi and mannagudi, and that the marriages of all girls of about seven years of age and upwards are celebrated. the marriages are performed in batches, and the marriage season lasts over several months. palayasengadam in the trichinopoly district is the head-quarters of a section of the chettis called the pannirendam (twelfth) chettis. "these are supposed to be descended from eleven youths who escaped long ago from kaveripatnam, a ruined city in tanjore. a chola king, says the legend, wanted to marry a chetti; whereupon the caste set fire to the town, and only these eleven boys escaped. they rested on the ratnagiri hill to divide their property; but however they arranged it, it always divided itself into twelve shares instead of eleven. the god of ratnagiri then appeared, and asked them to give him one share in exchange for a part of his car. they did so, and they now call themselves the twelfth chettis from the number of the shares, and at their marriages they carry the bridegroom round in a car. they are said to be common in coimbatore district." [ ] at the census, , some of the less fortunate traders returned themselves as "bankrupt chettis." the following castes and tribes are recorded as having assumed the title chetti, or its equivalent setti:-- balija. telugu trading caste. bant. tulu cultivating caste. bilimagga, devanga, patnulkaran, saliyan, sedan, seniyan. all weaving classes. dhobi. oriya washermen. ganiga. oil pressers. gamalla. telugu toddy-drawers. gauda. canarese cultivators. gudigar. canarese wood-carvers. jain. janappan. said to have been originally a section of the balijas, and manufacturers of gunny-bags. kavarai. tamil equivalent of balija. komati. telugu traders. koracha. a nomad tribe. kudumi. a travancore caste, which does service in the houses of konkani brahmans. mandadan chetti. medara. telugu cane splitters and mat makers. nayar. occupational title of some nayars of malabar. pattanavan. tamil fishermen. pattapu. fishermen in the telugu country. senaikkudaiyan. tamil betel-vine growers and traders. shanan. the great toddy-drawing class of the tamil country. sonar. goldsmiths. toreya. canarese fishermen. uppiliyan. salt-workers. some style themselves karpura (camphor) chetti, because they used to manufacture camphor. vaniyan. tamil oil-pressers. wynaadan chetti. of proverbs relating to chettis, [ ] the following may be quoted:-- he who thinks before he acts is a chetti, but he who acts without thinking is a fool. when the chetti dies, his affairs will become public. she keeps house like a merchant caste woman, i.e., economically. though ruined, a chetti is a chetti, and, though torn, silk is still silk. the chetti reduced the amount of advance, and the weaver the quantity of silk in the border of the cloth. from his birth a chetti is at enmity with agriculture. in a note on secret trade languages mr. c. hayavadana rao writes as follows. [ ] "the most interesting of these, perhaps, is that spoken by petty shopkeepers and cloth merchants of madras, who are mostly moodellys and chettis by caste. their business mostly consists in ready-money transactions, and so we find that they have a regular table of numerals. numbers one to ten have been given definite names, and they have been so long in use that most of them do not understand the meaning of the terms they use. thus madi (mind) stands for one, mind being always represented in the hindu shastras as a single thing. vene (act or deed) stands for two, for vene is of two kinds only, nalvene and thivene or good and bad acts. konam (quality) stands for three, since three different sorts of qualities are recognised in hindu metaphysics. these are rajasam, thamasam, and sathmikam. shuruthi stands for four, for the srutis or vedas are four in numbers. sara (arrow) stands for five, after panchasara, the five-arrowed, a well-known name of manmatha, the indian cupid. matha represents six, after the shan mathams or six systems of hindu philosophy. there stands for seven, after the seven oceans recognised by the sanskrit geographers. giri (mountain) represents eight, since it stands for ashtagiri or the eight mountains of the hindus. mani stands for nine, after navamani, the nine different sorts of precious stones recognised by the hindus. thisai represents ten, from the ten points of the compass. the common name for rupee is velle or the white thing. thangam velle stands for half a rupee, pinji velle for a quarter of a rupee, and pu velle for an eighth of a rupee. a fanam (or - / annas) is known as shulai. the principal objects with which those who use this language have to deal with are padi or measure, velle or rupee, and madi ana, one anna, so that madi padi means one measure, madi velle one rupee, and madi ana one anna. similarly with the rest of the numerals. the merchants of trichinopoly have nearly the same table of numerals, but the names for the fractions of a rupee vary considerably. mundri ana is, with them, one anna; e ana is two annas; pu ana is four annas; pani ana is eight annas and muna ana is twelve annas. among them also velle stands for a rupee. they have besides another table of numerals in use, which is curious as being formed by certain letters of the tamil alphabet. thus pina stands for one, lana for two, laina for three, yana for four, lina for five, mana for six, vana for seven, nana for eight, thina for nine, and thuna for ten. these letters have been strung into the mnemonic phrase pillayalam vanthathu, which literally means 'the children have come'. this table is also used in connection with measures, rupees, and annas. dealers in coarse country-made cloths all over madras and the chingleput district have a table of their own. it is a very complete one from one pie to a thousand rupees. occasionally hindu merchants are found using a secret language based on hindustani. this is the case in one part of madras city. with them pav khane stands for one anna, ada khane for two annas, pavak ruppe for one rupee, and so on. brokers have terms of their own. the tamil phrase padiya par, when used by them, means ask less or say less, according as it is addressed to the purchaser or seller. similarly, mudukka par means ask a higher price. when a broker says sivan thambram, it is to be inferred that the price given out by the seller includes his own brokerage. telugu brokers have similar terms. among them, the phrase malasu vakkadu and nasi vakkadu denote respectively increase the rate, and decrease the rate stated." chevvula (ears).--an exogamous sept of boya and golla. cheyyakkaran.--a malayalam form of the canarese servegara. chikala (broom).--an exogamous sept of tottiyan. chikka (small).--a sub-division of kurni. chikkudu (dolichos lablab).--an exogamous sept of muka dora. chilakala (paroquet).--an exogamous sept of boya, kapu and yanadi. chilla (strychnos potatorum: clearing-nut tree).--an exogamous sept of kuruba, and sub-division of tottiyan. chimala (ant).--an exogamous sept of boya and tsakala. chimpiga (tailor).--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a lingayat sub-caste of rangari. in the mysore census report, , darjis are classified as follows:--"( ) darji, chippiga, or namdev; ( ) rangare." the first three, known by the collective name of darji, are professional tailors, while the rangares are also dyers and calico printers. chimpiri (rags).--an exogamous sept of boya. chinerigadu.--a class of mendicants connected with the padma sales. (see devanga.) chinda.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small caste of oriya cultivators in ganjam and vizagapatam. chinese-tamil cross.--halting in the course of an anthropological expedition on the western side of the nilgiri plateau, i came across a small settlement of chinese, who have squatted for some time on the slopes of the hills between naduvatam and gudalur and developed, as the result of alliances with tamil pariah women, into a colony, earning a modest livelihood by cultivating vegetables and coffee. the original chinese who arrived on the nilgiris were convicts from the straits settlement, where there was no sufficient prison accommodation, who were confined in the nilgiri jail. it is recorded [ ] that, in , twelve of the chinamen "broke out during a very stormy night, and parties of armed police were sent out to scour the hills for them. they were at last arrested in malabar a fortnight later. some police weapons were found in their possession, and one of the parties of police had disappeared--an ominous circumstance. search was made all over the country for the party, and at length their four bodies were found lying in the jungle at walaghat, half way down the sispara ghat path, neatly laid out in a row with their severed heads carefully placed on their shoulders." the measurements of a single family are recorded in the following table:-- ======================================================================== | |cephalic|cephalic|cephalic| nasal | nasal |nasal | |length. |breadth.| index. |height.|breadth.|index. ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- tamil |mother of | . | . | . | . | . | . paraiyan.|children. | | | | | | ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- chinese |father of | . | . | . | . | . | . |children. | | | | | | ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- chinese- |girl, | . | . | . | . | . | . tamil |aged | | | | | | ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- chinese- |boy, | . | . | | . | . | . tamil |aged | | | | | | ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- chinese- |boy, | | | . | . | . | . tamil |aged | | | | | | ---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+------- chinese- |boy, | . | . | . | . | . | . tamil |aged | | | | | | =========+==========+========+========+========+=======+========+======= the father was a typical chinaman, whose only grievance was that, in the process of conversion to christianity, he had been obliged to "cut him tail off." the mother was a typical dark-skinned tamil paraiyan. the colour of the children was more closely allied to the yellowish tint of the father than to that of the mother; and the semi-mongol parentage was betrayed in the slant eyes, flat nose and (in one case) conspicuously prominent cheek-bones. to have recorded the entire series of measurements of the children would have been useless for the purpose of comparison with those of the parents, and i selected from my repertoire the length and breadth of the head and nose, which plainly indicate the paternal influence on the external anatomy of the offspring. the figures given in the table bring out very clearly the great breadth, as compared with the length, of the heads of all the children, and the resultant high cephalic index. in other words, in one case a mesaticephalic ( ), and, in the remaining three cases, a sub-brachycephalic head ( . ; . ; . ) has resulted from the union of a mesaticephalic chinaman ( . ) with a sub-dolichocephalic tamil paraiyan ( . ). how great is the breadth of the head in the children may be emphasised by noting that the average head-breadth of the adult tamil paraiyan man is only . cm., whereas that of the three boys, aged ten, nine, and five only, was . , , and . cm. respectively. quite as strongly marked is the effect of paternal influence on the character of the nose; the nasal index, in the case of each child ( . ; . ; ; . ), bearing a much closer relation to that of the long-nosed father ( . ) than to the typical paraiyan nasal index of the broad-nosed mother ( . ). it will be interesting to note hereafter what is the future of the younger members of this quaint little colony, and to observe the physical characters, temperament, fecundity, and other points relating to the cross breed resulting from the blend of chinese and tamil. chinna (little).--a sub-division of boya, kunnuvan, konda dora, pattanavan, and pattapu, and an exogamous sept of mala. chinna, chinnam, and chinnada, denoting gold, occur as exogamous septs of kuruba, padma sale, toreya, and vakkaliga. chintala (tamarind: tamarindus indica).--an exogamous sept of ghasi, golla, madiga, and mala. chintyakula, or tamarind sept, occurs among the komatis; chintaginjala (tamarind seeds) as an exogamous sept of padma sales, and of panta reddis, who may not touch or use the seeds; and chintakai or chintakayala (tamarind fruit) as an exogamous sept of boyas and devangas. chirla (woman's cloth).--an exogamous sept of kamma. chitikan.--a synonym of maran, indicating one whose occupation relates to the funeral pyre. a chitikan, for example, performs the funeral rites for the mussads. chiti karnam.--a name of the oriya karnam caste. a vulgar form of sresta karnam (sreshto korono). chitra ghasi.--the chitra ghasis, for the following note on whom i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao, are a class of artisans, whose name, meaning ghasis who make artistic things, bears reference to their occupation. they are employed in the manufacture of brass and bell-metal jewelry, such as is largely worn by the tribes inhabiting the jeypore agency tracts, and are generally found attached to kond and savara villages. they are a polluting class, and their dwellings are consequently situated at some distance from the huts of the villagers. their language is a corrupt form of oriya. girls are usually married after puberty. a man can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. when such a marriage is contemplated, his parents take a little rice and a pot of liquor to the home of the paternal aunt. if they are accepted, it is taken as a sign that the match is agreed to, and the jholla tonka (bride-price) of twelve rupees is paid. after some time has elapsed, the bride is conducted to the home of her future husband, and the marriage is there celebrated. a younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother, and, if such a woman contracts a marriage with some other man, her second husband has to give a cow to the younger brother who has been passed over. the dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed for three days, during which the caste occupation is not carried on. on the third day, the ashes are collected together, and a fowl is killed. the ashes are then buried, or thrown into running water. chitrakara or chitrakaro.--the chitrakaros of ganjam, who are a class of oriya painters (chitra, painting), are returned in the census report, , as a sub-caste of muchi. in the mysore census report, , the chitragaras are said to be "also called bannagara of the rachevar (or raju) caste. they are painters, decorators and gilders, and make trunks, palanquins, 'lacquer' toys and wooden images for temples, cars, etc." at channapatna in mysore, i interviewed a telugu chitrakara, who was making toys out of the white wood of wrightia tinctoria. the wood was turned on a primitive lathe, consisting of two steel spikes fixed into two logs of wood on the ground. seated on the floor in front of his lathe, the artisan chucked the wood between the spikes, and rotated it by means of a bow held in the right hand, whereof the string was passed round the wood. the chisel was held between the sole of the right foot and palm of the left hand. colours and varnish were applied to the rotating toy with sticks of paint like sealing-wax, and strips of palm leaf smeared with varnish. in addition to the turned toys, models of fruits were made from mud and sawdust, cane cradles made by medaras were painted and idols manufactured for the holi festival at bangalore, and the figure of sidi viranna for the local pseudo-hook-swinging ceremony. the chitrakaras, whom i saw at tumkur, had given up making toys, as it did not pay. they manufacture big wooden idols (grama devata), e.g., ellamma and mariamma, and vehicles for various deities in the shape of bulls, snakes, peacocks, lions, tigers, and horses. they further make painted figures of lakshmi, and heads of gauri, the wife of siva, decorated with gold-leaf jewels, which are worshipped by brahmans, vakkaligas, komatis, and others at the annual gauri puja; and mandahasa (god houses) with pillars carved with figures of narasimha and conventional designs. these mandahasas serve as a receptacle for the household gods (salagrama stone, lingam, etc.), which are worshipped daily by smarta and madhva brahmans. these chitrakaras claimed to be suryavamsam, or of the lunar race of kshatriyas, and wear the sacred thread. chitravaliar.--a synonym of alavan. chogan.--see izhava. cholapuram or sholavaram.--a sub-division of chetti. choliya pattar.--a name for pattar brahmans in malabar. chondi.--see sondi. choutagara.--a corrupt form of chaptegara. chovatton.--priests of muttans and tarakans. chuditiya.--see kevuto. chunam (lime).--a sub-division of toreyas, who are manufacturers of lime. chunam, made from calcined shells, limestone, etc., is largely used for building purposes, and the chunam plaster of madras has been long celebrated for its marble-like polish. chunam is also chewed with betel. chuvano.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small oriya cultivating caste, supposed to be of kshatriya parentage. d daindla.--the name, denoting those who hid or ran away, of a sub-division of mala. daivampati.--recorded in the travancore census report, , as a caste included among ambalavasis, and a sub-division of nayar. dakkala.--dakkala or dakkali is the name of a class of mendicants who beg from madigas only. in the kurnool district they are said to have divided the district with the mushtis, and not to beg except within their own limits. the following story is told as regards the origin of the dakkalas. a smith was asked to make a bottu (marriage badge) for siva's wedding, and for this purpose required bellows, fire-pot, hammer, etc. jambuvadu called his eldest son, and prepared the various implements from sundry parts of the body, except the backbone. being highly pleased at this, the gods endowed the backbone with life, and the son went to his father jambuvadu, who failed to recognise him, and refused to admit him. he was told that he must live as a beggar attached to the madigas, and was called dakkala because he was brought to life from a vertebral column (dakka). the dakkalas wander from place to place. they may not enter madiga houses, outside which meals are given to them by males only, as females are not allowed to serve them. madiga women may not tread on the footsteps of the dakkalas. dakku (fear).--an exogamous sept of mala. dakni.--dakni or deccani is defined in the madras census report, , as "a territorial name meaning a musalman of the deccan; also a name loosely applied to converts to islam." in the tanjore district, muhammadans who speak hindustani, and claim pure muhammadan descent, are spoken of as daknis or dakanis. in other tamil districts they are called patanigal, to distinguish them from labbais and marakkayars. the daknis follow the muhammadan ritual except in their marriages, which afford an example of a blend between hindu and muhammadan ceremonials. like hindus, they erect, at times of marriage, a milk-post of bamboo, to which are tied a two-anna piece, and a bit of sugar-candy done up in a turkey red cloth. the post is handed to the headman, who decorates it with a garland of flowers and a roll of betel, and places it in a hole made in the court-yard of the house, wherein milk has been sprinkled. on the following day, two big pots are placed near the milk-post, and filled with water by four married couples. around the pots, nine kinds of seed grains are sprinkled. on the third day, the bridegroom's party proceeds to the house of the bride with thirteen trays of betel, fruits, flowers, sandal paste, and a paste made of turmeric and henna (lawsonia alba) leaves. the bride is decorated, and sits on a plank. women smear the face and hands of the bridal couple with the pastes, and one of them, or the bridegroom's sister, ties a string of black beads round the bride's neck. while this is being done, no one should sneeze. wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the bride and bridegroom. on the fourth day, the nikka rite is celebrated, and the newly-married couple sit together while the nalagu ceremony of smearing them with sandal, and waving coloured water (arati), is performed. the two pots containing water are kept for forty days, and then examined. if the water remains sweet, and does not "teem with vermin," it is regarded as a good omen. the seed grains, too, should by this time have developed into healthy seedlings. dammula.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small class of telugu beggars, and priests in the temples of village goddesses. dandasi.--the dandasis are summed up in the ganjam manual as being village watchmen, many of whom are great thieves. "it is curious," mr. s. p. rice writes, [ ] "to find that the word naiko [meaning leader or chief], which is corrupted into the telugu naidu, is the caste distinction of the lowest class, the village watcher and professional thief. this man, for all that his cognomen is so lofty, goes by the generic name of dandasi. this word means worthy of punishment, and assuredly no appellation ever fitted its owner more completely than does this. he is the village policeman and the village thief, a curious mixture of callings." according to other versions, the name is derived from danda, a stick, and asi, sword, from dandabadi, a stout bamboo stick, or from dandapasi, stick and rope, in reference to the insignia of the dandasi's office. a large number of criminals, undergoing punishment in ganjam for robbery and thieving, are dandasis. the members of the caste, like the tamil kallans, believe that thieving is their traditional occupation, and, as such, regard it as justifiable. there is a legend that they adopted this occupation as their profession because their ancestors assisted the pandavas to escape from the lac fort which was constructed by the kurus with a view to killing them, by digging a secret subterranean passage. according to another story, the dandasis are descended from the offspring of a clandestine amour of krishna with dhuuthika, radha's handmaid. the dandasis perform an interesting ceremony of initiation into the profession of thieving, when a child is born. when it is three or five days old, the headman (behara) is invited to attend. a breach is made in the wall, or beneath the door sill. through this the infant is passed by the behara three times, and received by some members of the family. each time the behara repeats the words "enter, baby enter. may you excel your father!" the dandasis, when questioned concerning this custom, denied its existence, but some admitted that it was carried out in former days. an old woman stated that her grandchild was passed through a breach beneath the door, but was not inclined to enter into details. a number of exogamous septs occur among the dandasis, of which the following may be noted. members of the santarasi sept must avoid using mats made of the sedge which goes by this name. kilalendias avoid touching the bamboo posts used by washermen to support the ropes on which cloths are hung to dry. they sacrifice a pig and seven fowls to their gods on the new-moon day, on which the head of a male child is first shaved. diyasis show special reverence for the sun, and cloths, mokkutos (forehead chaplets), garlands, and other articles to be used by the bride and bridegroom at a wedding, are placed outside the house, so that they may be exposed to it. members of the ekopothiriya sept are regarded as low in the social scale, and the following legend is narrated to account for this. a dandasi went, with his relations and friends, to the house of a dandasi of the ekopothiriya sept, to arrange a marriage. the guests were hospitably received, and the prospective bride asked her father what kind of curry was going to be served to them. he replied that barikolora (backyard momordica) [ ] was to be cooked. this aroused the curiosity of some of the guests, who went to the backyard, where, instead of momordica, they saw several blood-suckers (lizards) running about. they jumped to the conclusion that these were what the host referred to as barikolora, and all the guests took their departure. ekopothiriyas will not partake of food from the same plate as their grown-up children, even if a married daughter comes on a visit to them. the dandasis worship various takuranis (village deities), e.g., sankaithuni, kulladankuni, kombesari and kalimuki. the gods are either represented temporarily by brass vessels, or permanently by three masses of clay, into each of which a small bit of gold is thrust. when bassia (mahua) buds or mangoes are first eaten in their season, a sacrifice is made, and a goat and fowl are killed before the produce of the harvest is first partaken of. the dandasis have a headman, called behara, who exercises authority over several groups of villages, and each group is under a nayako, who is assisted by a dondia. for every village there is a bholloboya, and, in some places, there is an officer, called boda mundi, appointed by the zamindar, to whom irregularities in the community have to be reported. when a woman is delivered of a still-born child, the whole family is under pollution for eleven days. the headman is then invited to attend, and presents are given to him. he sprinkles water over members of the family, and they are thereby freed from this pollution. a certain portion of the property stolen by dandasis is set apart for the headman, and, like the tamil kallans and maravans, they seem to have a blackmailing system. if a dandasi is engaged as a watchman, property is safe, or, if stolen, is recovered and restored to its owner. girls are married after puberty. a man may marry his maternal uncle's, but not his paternal aunt's daughter. the marriage ceremonies usually last three days, but are sometimes spread over seven days, in imitation of the higher castes. on the day (gondo sono) before the wedding day, seven new pots are brought from a potter's house, and placed in a room. seven women throw zizyphus jujuba leaves over them, and they are filled with water at a tank (pond). one of the pots must be carried by the sister-in-law of the bridegroom. a brass vessel is tied up, and worshipped. towards evening, a fowl is sacrificed at an 'ant' hill. the bridegroom is shaved on this day by his sister's husband. like other oriya castes, the dandasis collect water at seven houses, but only from those of members of castes higher than their own. the pot containing this water is hung up over the marriage dais (bedi). on the wedding (bibha) day, the bridegroom sits on the dais, with the bride, seated in her maternal uncle's lap or at his side, in front of him. the headman, or some respected elder of the community, places a betel nut cutter, on, or with some rice and betel nut between the united hands of the contracting couple, and ties them together with seven turns of a turmeric-dyed thread. he then announces that ... the granddaughter of ... and daughter of ... is united to ... the grandson of ... and son of ... the parents of the bride and bridegroom pour turmeric-water from a chank (turbinella rapa) shell or leaf over their united hands. the nut-cutter is removed by the bride's brother, and, after striking the bridegroom, he goes away. the couple then play with cowry (cypræ arabica) shells, and, while they are so engaged, the ends of their cloths are tied together, and the rice which is in their hands is tied in a knot. when the play is finished, this knot is untied, and the rice is measured in a small earthen pot, first on behalf of the bride, and is pronounced to be all right. it is then again measured, and said to have diminished in quantity. this gives rise to jokes at the expense of the bridegroom, who is called a thief, and other hard names. those who imitate the ceremonial of the higher castes make the bridegroom go away in feigned anger, after he has broken the pot which is hanging over the dais. he is brought back by his brother-in-law. on the occasion of the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for seven days. if she is engaged to be married, her future father-in-law makes her a present of jewels and money on the seventh day, and thereby confirms the marriage contract. the dead are cremated. a widow accompanies the corpse of her husband to the boundary of the village, carrying a ladle and pot, which she throws down at the boundary, and returns home. on the day after the funeral, the embers are extinguished, and an effigy of the deceased is made on the spot where he was cremated, and food offered to it. toddy is distributed among those who have assembled at the house. on the tenth day, food is offered on ten fragments of pots. on the eleventh day, if the dead man was an important personage in the community, a ceremony, corresponding to the jola jola handi of the higher castes, is performed. a cloth is spread on the ground, on the spot where the corpse was cremated, and the ground round it swept by women, whose backs are turned towards the cloth, so that they cannot see it. two men, with swords or big knives, sit by the side of the cloth and wait till an insect settles on the cloth. they then at once put the swords or knives on the cloth, and, folding it up, place it on a new winnowing-basket. it is taken home, placed on the floor, and connected by means of a long thread with the household god (mass of clay or vessel). it is then shaken near the god, so that the insect falls out. dandasi further occurs as a sub-division of the kondras, the members of which have taken to the profession of village watchmen. dandi (a staff).--a house name of korava. dandu (army).--a sub-division of idiga, and an exogamous sept of boya and kapu. it has been suggested that the name is not dandu but dande, meaning pole, in reference to the apparatus used by the idigas in climbing palm trees for the extraction of toddy. dandu agasa, indicating army washerman, occurs as a name for some maratha dhobis in mysore, whose forefathers probably accompanied armies in times of war. dara (stream of water).--an exogamous sept of mala. darabala.--taken, in the madras census report, , as a sub-caste of mala. it is a common house-name among many telugu castes. darala (thread).--an exogamous sept of madiga. darzi.--darzi or darji is a muhammadan occupational term, meaning tailor. "the east," it has been said, [ ] "now sews by machinery. the name of singer is known from the mediterranean to the pacific. in every bazaar in india one may see men--they are always men, not women--in turban or mussalman cap, crouching over the needle-plate, and working the pedals." the value of the imports of sewing-machines rose, in british india, from rs. , , in - to rs. , , in - . das.--the title of jain immigrants from northern india, most of whom are established as merchants, and also of the mahants of the tirumala (tirupati) temple, e.g., balaram das, bhagavan das. dasari.--"dasari or tadan," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "is a mendicant caste of vaishnavas, the reputed descendants of a wealthy sudra of one of the northern districts, who, being devoid of offspring, vowed that, should he be blessed with children, he would devote one to the service of his god. he subsequently had many sons, one of whom he named dasan (servant), and placed entirely at the service of the deity. dasan forfeited all claim to participate in his father's estate, and his offspring are therefore all beggars. "the caste, like that of the satanis, is reinforced by idle members of the lower sudra classes, who, being branded by the gurus of tirupati and other shrines, become dasaris thereby. they usually wander about, singing hymns to a monotonous accompaniment upon a leather instrument called tappai (tabret). some sudra castes engage them thus to chant in front of the corpse at funerals, and many, accompanying bands of pilgrims travelling to tirupati, stimulate their religious excitement by singing sacred songs. a few, called yerudandis, (q.v.), take possession of young bulls that have been devoted to a swami, and teach them to perform tricks very cleverly. the bulls appear to understand what is said to them, and go through various antics at the word of command. some dasaris exhibit what is called the panda servai performance, which consists in affecting to be possessed by the spirit of the deity, and beating themselves all over the body with a flaming torch, after covering it probably with some protecting substance. in such modes do they wander about and receive alms, each wearing as a distinction a garland of beads made of tulasi (ocimum sanctum) wood. every dasari is a tengalai. they have six sub-divisions, called balija, janappa, palli, valluva, gangeddula, and golla dasaris, which neither eat together nor intermarry. as these are the names of existing and distinct castes, it is probable that the dasaris were formerly members of those classes, who, through their vagabond tastes, have taken to a mendicant life. beyond prohibiting widow remarriage, they have no social restrictions." concerning the mendicants of anantapur, mr. w. francis writes [ ] that "the beggars who are most in evidence are the dasaris. this community is recruited from several castes, such as the kapus, balijas, kurubas, boyas, and malas, and members of it who belong to the last two of these (which are low in the social scale) are not allowed to dine with the others. all dasaris are vaishnavites, and admission to the community is obtained by being branded by some vaishnavite guru. thenceforward the novice becomes a dasari, and lives by begging from door to door. the profession is almost hereditary in some families. the five insignia of a dasari are the conch shell, which he blows to announce his arrival; the gong which he strikes as he goes his rounds; the tall iron lamp (with a cocoanut to hold the oil for replenishing it) which he keeps lighted as he begs; the brass or copper vessel (sometimes with the namam painted on it) suspended from his shoulder, in which he places the alms received; and the small metal image of hanuman, which he hangs round his neck. of these, the iron lamp is at once the most conspicuous and the most indispensable. it is said to represent venkatesa, and it must be burning, as an unlighted lamp is inauspicious. dasaris also subsist by doing puja (worship) at ceremonial and festival occasions for certain of the hindu castes." in the kurnool district, when a girl is dedicated as a basavi (dedicated prostitute), she is not, as in some other parts of the country, married to an idol, but tied by means of a garland of flowers to the tall standard lamp (garudakambham) of a dasari, and released by the man who is to receive her first favours, or by her maternal uncle. the dasaris in mysore are described in the mysore census report, , as "mendicants belonging to different classes of sudras. they become dasas or servants dedicated to the god at tirupati by virtue of a peculiar vow, made either by themselves or their relatives, at some moment of anxiety or danger, and live by begging in his name. dasaris are always vaishnavites, as the vows are taken only by those castes which are worshippers of that deity. dasaris are invited by sudras on ceremonial days, and feasted. properly speaking, dasari is not a caste, but simply an occupational division. among certain castes, the custom of taking a vow to become a dasari prevails. in fulfilment of that vow the person becomes a dasari, and his eldest son is bound to follow suit, the others taking to other walks of life. the following castes take the vow of becoming dasari:--telugu banajiga, holeya, tigala, and vakkaliga. the duty of a dasari requires that he should daily bathe his head, and take care that, while eating with the profane, their victuals do not get mixed with his. every saturday, after bathing and praying for some hours, he must cook his own food in a clean pot. they go about the streets singing some hari keerthanams, with a gong and conch to relieve the dull monotony of their mumblings." concerning the synonym tadan, this is stated [ ] to be "a corruption of the sanskrit dasa which, with the tamil termination an, stands for dasan. the word is often used in this form, but often as dasari. the word is applied to vaishnava mendicants. they go out every morning, begging for alms of uncooked rice, and singing ballads or hymns. they play on a small drum with their fingers, and often carry a conch shell, which they blow. they are given to drinking." in the nellore manual, the dasrivandlu are summed up as being "mendicants and thieves in the telugu and canarese countries. they usually practise what is known as scissor-theft." the mendicant dasaris, who are dealt with in the present note, are stated by mr. s. m. natesa sastri [ ] to be called gudi dasari, as the gudi or temple is their home and to be a set of quiet, innocent and simple people, leading a most idle and stupid life. "quite opposed," he adds, "to the gudi dasaris in every way are the donga dasaris or thieving dasaris. they are the most dreaded of the criminal classes in the bellary district. these donga dasaris are only dasaris in name." (see donga dasari.) some dasaris are servants under vaishnava brahmans, who act as gurus to various castes. it is their duty to act as messengers to the guru, and carry the news of his arrival to his disciples. at the time of worship, and when the guru approaches a village, the dasari has to blow a long brass trumpet (tarai). as the brahman may not approach or touch his paraiyan disciples, it is the dasari who gives them the holy water (thirtham). when a paraiyan is to be branded, the brahman heats the instruments bearing the devices of the chank and chakaram, and hands them to the dasari, who performs the operation of branding. for councils, settlement of marriage, and the decision of other social matters, the dasaris meet, at times of festivals, at well-known places such as tirutani, tirupati or tiruvallur. at the annual festival at the temple at karamadi in the coimbatore district, which is visited by very large numbers, belonging for the most part to the lower orders, various vows are fulfilled. these include the giving of kavalam to dasaris. kavalam consists of plantain fruits cut up into small slices, and mixed with sugar, jaggery (crude sugar), fried grain, or beaten rice. the dasaris are attached to the temple, and wear short drawers, with strings of small brass bells tied to their wrists and ankles. they appear to be possessed, and move wildly about to the beating of drums. as they go about, the devotee puts some of the kavalam into their mouths. the dasaris eat a little, and spit out the remainder into the hands of the devotees, who eat it. this is believed to cure all diseases, and to give children to those who partake of it. in addition to kavalam, some put betel leaves into the mouths of the dasaris, who, after chewing them, spit them into the mouths of the devotees. at night the dasaris carry large torches made of rags, on which the devotees pour ghi (clarified butter). some say that, many years ago, barren women used to take a vow to visit the temple at the festival time, and, after offering kavalam, have sexual intercourse with the dasaris. the temple authorities, however, profess ignorance of this practice. when proceeding on a pilgrimage to the temple of subramanya swami at palni, some devotees pierce their cheeks with a long silver skewer, which traverses the mouth cavity; pierce the tongue with a silver arrow, which is protruded vertically through the protruded organ; and place a silver shield (mouth-lock) in front of the mouth. some dasaris have permanent holes in their cheeks, into which they insert skewers when they go about the country in pursuit of their profession. for the following note on dasaris in the vizagapatam district, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the caste is an endogamous unit, the members calling themselves sankhu (or conch-blowing) dasaris, and is divided into numerous exogamous septs. the menarikam custom, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is followed. the remarriage of widows is permitted, but divorce is forbidden. the dead are cremated, and the chinna (small) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies are observed. these dasaris profess the tengalai form of vaishnavism, and get themselves branded. the caste is more secular, and less religious than in the southern districts. a dasari of the north arcot or anantapur type, with conch-shell, metal gong, iron lamp, copper vessel, and metal image of hanuman on his neck, is scarcely met with. the vizagapatam dasaris are the most popular among ballad-singers, and sing songs about heroes and heroines, of which the following are the most appreciated:-- . bobbilipata, which describes the siege and conquest of bobbili by bussy in . . ammi nayudupata, which describes the tyrannical behaviour of one ammi nayudu, a village headman in the palkonda taluk, who was eventually murdered, to the great relief of those subject to him, by one of his dependents. . lakshmammapata, which relates the life and death of lakshmamma, a velama woman, who went against the menarikam custom of the caste, and was put to death by her husband. . yerakammaperantala-pata, which recounts the story of one yerakamma, who committed sati. yerakamma is the local goddess at srungavarapukota in the vizagapatam district. the ballads sung about her say that she was the child of dasari parents, and that her birth was foretold by a yerukala woman (whence her name), who prophesied that she would have the gift of second sight. she eventually married, and one day she begged her husband not to go to his field, as she was sure he would be killed by a tiger if he did. her husband went notwithstanding, and was slain as she had foreseen. she committed sati on the spot where her shrine still stands, and at this there is a festival at sivaratri. as ballad-singers, two dasaris generally travel about together, begging from house to house, or at the weekly market, one singing, while the other plays, and joins in the chorus. the titles of these dasaris are anna and ayya. dasari has been recorded as an exogamous sept of the koravas, malas, and yerukalas. dasi (servant).--the name for a non-brahman female attendant upon a nambutiri brahman woman, which should not, as sometimes happens, be confused with deva-dasi, (q.v.), which has quite another significance. dayare (muhammadan).--the dayare, daira, or mahadev muhammadans are found in the bangalore and mysore districts of the mysore province. concerning them, we are informed in the mysore gazetteer that "they differ from the general body of muhammadans in a point of belief concerning the advent of imam mahadi. the dayares maintain that he has visited this earth and departed, while the orthodox muhammadans believe the prophet (imam) has not yet appeared, and that his coming will be a sign of the end of the world. the following account of the origin of this body of dissenters has been related. a child was born of the sayad sect of muhammadans at guzrat about four hundred years ago, who was named sayad ahmed, and afterwards became distinguished by the title of alam (superior to maulvi) in consequence of his great learning. sayad ahmed proclaimed himself the equal of mahomet, and superior to all other paigambars or messengers of god. he succeeded in obtaining some followers who believed in him, and repaired to jivanpur in the nizam's territories, where he took the name of imam mahadi. from thence he, with some disciples, proceeded to mecca, but did not visit medina. after some time he returned to hyderabad, still retaining the name of imam mahadi. such pretensions could not be tolerated by the great mass of muhammadans, and sayad ahmed, together with his disciples, being worsted in a great religious controversy, was driven out of hyderabad, and came to channapatna in the bangalore district, where they settled. the descendants of these settlers believe that sayad ahmed was the prophet imam mahadi predicted in the koran. they offer prayers in a masjid of their own, separate from other muhammadans, and do not intermarry with the rest. they are an enterprising body, and carry on a brisk trade in silk with the western coast." they are mostly domiciled at channapatna, where a considerable industry in the cocoons of the mulberry silk-moth is carried on. when an adult hindu joins the dayares as a convert, an interesting mock rite of circumcision is performed as a substitute for the real operation. a strip of betel leaf is wrapped round the penis, so that it projects beyond the glans, and is snipped instead of the prepuce. like other muhammadan classes of southern india, the dayares are as a whole dolichocephalic. but the frequent occurrence of individuals with a high cephalic index would seem to point to their recruitment from the mesaticephalic or brachycephalic canarese classes. =================+=============+============+============= | | | number of | | number | times class. | locality. | examined. | cephalic | | | index | | | exceeded . -----------------+-------------+------------+------------- mappilla | malabar | | saiyad | madras | | pathan | do. | | sheik | do. | | dayare | mysore | | =================+=============+============+============= dayyalakulam (devil's family).--recorded, at times of census, as a sub-caste of gollas, who are wrestlers and acrobats. dedingi.--recorded as a sub-division of poroja. dera.--dera, dendra, and devara occur as synonyms of devanga. desa.--a sub-division of balija. desadhipati, denoting ruler of a country, is a name assumed by some janappans, who say that they are balijas. desayi.--for the following account of the desayi institution, i am indebted to an excellent account thereof by mr. s. m. natesa sastri. [ ] "the word desayi means of the country. for almost every taluk in the north arcot district there is a headman, called the desayi chetti, who may be said in a manner to correspond to a justice of the peace. the headmen belong to the kavarai or balija caste, their family name being dhanapala--a common name among the kavarais--which may be interpreted as 'the protector of wealth.' the dhanapala desayi chetti holds sway over eighteen castes, kavarai, uppara, lambadi, jogi, idiga, paraiyan, etc. all those that are called valangai, or right-hand caste, fall within his jurisdiction. he has an establishment of two peons (orderlies), who are castemen, and another menial, a sort of bugler, who blows the horn whenever the desayi chetti goes on circuit. when any deviation in the moral conduct of any man or woman occurs in a village under the desayi's jurisdiction, a report of it is at once sent to the desayi chetti, through the paraiya of the village, by the desayi's representative in that village. he has his local agent in every village within his jurisdiction. on receipt of a report, he starts on circuit to the village, with all the quaint-looking paraphernalia attached to his office. he moves about from place to place in his bullock coach, the inside of which is upholstered with a soft cushion bed, with a profusion of pillows on all sides. the paraiya horn-blower runs in front of the carriage blowing the horn (bhamka), which he carries suspended from his shoulder when it is not in use. on the desayi chetti arriving at a village, the horn is blown to announce his visit on professional matters. while he camps at a village, people from the surrounding country within his jurisdiction usually go to him with any representations they may have to make to him as the head of their caste. the desayi generally encamps in a tope (grove) adjoining the village. at the sound of the horn, the castemen on whose account the visit is made assemble at the place of encampment, with the desayi's local representative at their head. the personal comforts of the desayi are first attended to, and he is liberally supplied with articles of food by the party on whose account the visit has been undertaken. a large cup-shaped spoon is the ensign of the desayi. on the outer surface, all round its edge, are carved in relief eighteen figures, each one being typical of one of the castes of which the desayi is the social head. under each figure is inscribed in tamil the name of the caste which that figure typifies. the figures are smeared with red powder and sandal, and decorated with flowers. the menial, taking up the cup, rings the bell attached to it, to summon the parties. as soon as the sound is heard, the castemen amongst whom any offence has occurred assemble, each house in the village being represented by a member, so as to make up a panchayat (council). the desayi's emblem is then placed in front of him in the midst of the panchayat, and a regular enquiry held. supposing a person stands charged with adultery, the accused is brought before the assembly, and the charge formally investigated with the advice of the panchayat, the desayi declares the accused guilty or not guilty, as the case may be. in the event of a man being pronounced guilty, the panchayat directs him to pay the aggrieved husband all the expenses he had incurred in connection with his marriage. in addition to this, a fine ranging from ten to twenty rupees is imposed on the offender by the desayi, and is collected at once. a small fraction of this fine, never exceeding four annas, is paid to every representative who sits in the panchayat, the balance going into the desayi's pocket. if the delinquent refuses to pay the fine, a council of the same men is held, and he is excommunicated. the recalcitrant offender soon realises the horrors of excommunication, and in a short time appears before the desayi, and falls prostrate at his feet, promising to obey him. the desayi then accompanies him to the village, calls the panchayat again, and in their presence removes the interdict. on this occasion, the excommunicated person has to pay double the amount of the original fine. but disobedience is rare, as people are alive to the serious consequences of excommunication. the desayi maintains a regular record of all his enquiries and judgments, and in the days of the nawabs these decisions were, it would appear, recognised by the courts of justice. the same respect was, it is said, also shown to the desayi's decisions by the early courts of john company. [ ] "every house belonging to the eighteen castes sends to the village representative of the desayi, who is called periyatanakaran, a pagoda (rs. - ) in cash, besides rice, dhal (cajanus indicus), and other articles of food for every marriage that takes place, in the village. the representative reserves for himself all the perishable articles, sending only the cash to the desayi. thus, for every marriage within his jurisdiction, the desayi gets one pagoda. of late, in the case of those desayis who have purchased their rights as such from the old desayis, instead of a pagoda, a fee of two annas and a half is levied on each marriage. every death which occurs in a village is equally a source of income to the desayi, who receives articles of food, and four annas or more, according to the circumstances of the parties in whose house the death has occurred. as in the case of marriage, the local representative appropriates to himself the articles of food, and transmits the money to the desayi. the local agent keeps a list of all domestic occurrences that take place in the village, and this list is most carefully scrutinised and checked by the desayi during his tours, and any amount left unpaid is then collected. whenever a marriage takes place in his own house, all the houses within his jurisdiction are bound to send him rice, dhal, and other articles, and any money they can afford to pay. sometimes rich people send large sums to the desayi, to enable him to purchase the clothes, jewels, etc., required for the marriage. when a desayi finds his work too heavy for him to attend to single-handed, he sells a portion of his jurisdiction for some hundreds or thousands of rupees, according to its extent, to some relation. a regular sale deed is executed and registered." (see also samaya.) desikar.--a sub-division and title of pandaram. desur.--the name of a sub-division of kapu, which is either territorial, or possibly derived from deha, body, and sura, valour. deva.--deva or devara, meaning god, has been recorded as a synonym of devanga and ganiga or gandla and a sept of moger, and deva telikulakali as a name for those who express and sell oils in the vizagapatam district. devara occurs further as a title of the jangams. at the madras census, , devar was returned as the name of telugu merchants from pondicherry trading in glassware. devar is also the title of occhans, who are priests at temples of village deities. the title of maravans is devan or tevan. in south canara, the halepaiks (toddy-drawers) are known as devaru makkalu (god's children), which, it has been suggested, [ ] is possibly a corruption of tivaru or divaru makkalu, meaning children of the islanders, in reference to their supposed descent from early immigrants from the island of ceylon. deva-dasi.--in old hindu works, seven classes of dasis are mentioned, viz., ( ) datta, or one who gives herself as a gift to a temple; ( ) vikrita, or one who sells herself for the same purpose; ( ) bhritya, or one who offers herself as a temple servant for the prosperity of her family; ( ) bhakta, or one who joins a temple out of devotion; ( ) hrita, or one who is enticed away, and presented to a temple; ( ) alankara, or one who, being well trained in her profession, and profusely decked, is presented to a temple by kings and noblemen; ( ) rudraganika or gopika, who receive regular wages from a temple, and are employed to sing and dance. for the following general account i am indebted to the madras census report, :-- "dasis or deva-dasis (handmaidens of the gods) are dancing-girls attached to the tamil temples, who subsist by dancing and music, and the practice of 'the oldest profession in the world.' the dasis were probably in the beginning the result of left-handed unions between members of two different castes, but they are now partly recruited by admissions, and even purchases, from other classes. the profession is not now held in the consideration it once enjoyed. formerly they enjoyed a considerable social position. it is one of the many inconsistencies of the hindu religion that, though their profession is repeatedly and vehemently condemned by the shastras, it has always received the countenance of the church. the rise of the caste, and its euphemistic name, seem both of them to date from about the ninth and tenth centuries a.d., during which much activity prevailed in southern india in the matter of building temples, and elaborating the services held in them. the dancing-girls' duties, then as now, were to fan the idol with chamaras (tibetan ox tails), to carry the sacred light called kumbarti, and to sing and dance before the god when he was carried in procession. inscriptions [ ] show that, in a.d. , the great temple of the chola king rajaraja at tanjore had attached to it four hundred talic' cheri pendugal, or women of the temple, who lived in free quarters in the four streets round about it, and were allowed tax-free land out of the endowment. other temples had similar arrangements. at the beginning of the last century there were a hundred dancing-girls attached to the temple at conjeeveram, who were, buchanan tells us, [ ] 'kept for the honour of the deities and the amusement of their votaries; and any familiarity between these girls and an infidel would occasion scandal.' at madura, conjeeveram, and tanjore there are still numbers of them, who receive allowances from the endowments of the big temples at these places. in former days, the profession was countenanced not only by the church, but also by the state. abdur razaak, a turkish ambassador at the court of vijayanagar in the fifteenth century, describes [ ] women of this class as living in state-controlled institutions, the revenue of which went towards the upkeep of the police. "at the present day they form a regular caste, having its own laws of inheritance, its own customs and rules of etiquette, and its own panchayats (councils) to see that all these are followed, and thus hold a position, which is perhaps without a parallel in any other country. dancing-girls, dedicated to the usual profession of the caste, are formally married in a temple to a sword or a god, the tali (marriage badge) being tied round their necks by some men of their caste. it was a standing puzzle to the census enumerators whether such women should be entered as married in the column referring to civil condition. "among the dasis, sons and daughters inherit equally, contrary to ordinary hindu usage. some of the sons remain in the caste, and live by playing music for the women to dance to, and accompaniments to their songs, or by teaching singing and dancing to the younger girls, and music to the boys. these are called nattuvans. others marry some girl of the caste, who is too plain to be likely to be a success in the profession, and drift out of the community. some of these affix to their names the terms pillai and mudali, which are the usual titles of the two castes (vellala and kaikola) from which most of the dasis are recruited, and try to live down the stigma attaching to their birth. others join the melakkarans or professional musicians. cases have occurred, in which wealthy sons of dancing-women have been allowed to marry girls of respectable parentage of other castes, but they are very rare. the daughters of the caste, who are brought up to follow the caste profession, are carefully taught dancing, singing, the art of dressing well, and the ars amoris, and their success in keeping up their clientele is largely due to the contrast which they thus present to the ordinary hindu housewife, whose ideas are bounded by the day's dinner and the babies. the dancing-girl castes, and their allies the melakkarans, are now practically the sole repository of indian music, the system of which is probably one of the oldest in the world. besides them and the brahmans, few study the subject. the barbers' bands of the villages usually display more energy than science. a notable exception, however, exists in madras city, which has been known to attempt the dead march in saul at funerals in the pariah quarters. "there are two divisions among the dasis, called valangai (right-hand) and idangai (left-hand). the chief distinction between them is that the former will have nothing to do with the kammalans (artisans) or any other of the left-hand castes, or play or sing in their houses. the latter division is not so particular, and its members are consequently sometimes known as the kammala dasis. neither division, however, is allowed to have any dealings with men of the lowest castes, and violation of this rule of etiquette is tried by a panchayat of the caste, and visited with excommunication. "in the telugu districts, the dancing-girls are called bogams and sanis. they are supposed to be dedicated to the gods, just as the dasis are, but there is only one temple in the northern part of the presidency which maintains a corps of these women in the manner in vogue further south. this exception is the shrine of sri kurmam in vizagapatam, the dancing-girls attached to which are known as kurmapus. in vizagapatam most of the bogams and sanis belong to the nagavasulu and palli castes, and their male children often call themselves nagavasulus, but in nellore, kurnool and bellary they are often balijas and yerukalas. in nellore the bogams are said to decline to sing in the houses of komatis. the men of the sanis do not act as accompanists to their women at nautch parties, as bogam and dasi men do. "in the oriya country the dancing-girl caste is called guni, but there they have even less connection with the temples than the bogams and sanis, not being even dedicated to the god. "in the canarese (or western) taluks of bellary, and in the adjoining parts of dharwar and mysore, a curious custom obtains among the boyas, bedarus, and certain other castes, under which a family which has no male issue must dedicate one of its daughters as a basavi. the girl is taken to a temple, and married there to the god, a tali and toe-rings being put on her, and thenceforward she becomes a public woman, except that she does not consort with any one of lower caste than herself. she is not, however, despised on this account, and indeed at weddings she prepares the tali (perhaps because she can never be a widow). contrary to all hindu law, she shares in the family property as though she was a son, but her right to do so has not yet been confirmed by the civil courts. if she has a son, he takes her father's name, but if only a daughter, that daughter again becomes a basavi. the children of basavis marry within their own caste, without restrictions of any kind. "in malabar there is no regular community of dancing-girls; nor is there among the mussalmans of any part of the presidency." "no doubt," monier williams writes, [ ] "dasis drive a profitable trade under the sanction of religion, and some courtesans have been known to amass enormous fortunes. nor do they think it inconsistent with their method of making money to spend it in works of piety. here and there indian bridges and other useful public works owe their existence to the liberality of the frail sisterhood." the large tank (lake) at channarayapatna in mysore was built by two dancing-girls. in the travancore census report, , the dasis of the coromandel coast are compared, in the words of a sanskrit poet, to walking flesh-trees bearing golden fruits. the observant abbé dubois noticed that, of all the women in india, it is especially the courtesans who are the most decently clothed, as experience has taught them that for a woman to display her charms damps sensual ardour instead of exciting it, and that the imagination is more easily captivated than the eye. it was noticed by lord dufferin, on the occasion of a viceregal visit to madura, that the front part of the dress of the dancing-girls hangs in petticoats, but the back is only trousers. the rev. a. margöschis writes in connection with the practice of dilating the lobes of the ears in tinnevelly, that, as it was once the fashion and a mark of respectability to have long ears, so now the converse is true. until a few years ago, if a woman had short ears, she was asked if she was a deva-dasi, because that class kept their ears natural. now, with the change of customs all round, even dancing-girls are found with long ears. "the dancing-girls are," the rev. m. phillips writes, [ ] "the most accomplished women among the hindus. they read, write, sing and play as well as dance. hence one of the great objections urged at first against the education of girls was 'we don't want our daughters to become dancing-girls'." it is on record [ ] that, in , the nabob of the carnatic dined with the governor of madras, and that, after dinner, they were diverted with the dancing wenches, and the nabob was presented with cordial waters, french brandy and embroidered china quilts. the story is told of a governor of madras in more recent times, who, ignorant of the inverse method of beckoning to a person to advance or retreat in the east, was scandalised when a nautch girl advanced rapidly, till he thought she was going to sit in his lap. at a nautch in the fort of the mandasa zemindar in honour of sir m. e. grant duff, [ ] the dancing-girls danced to the air of malbrook se va t'en guerre. bussy taught it to the dancing-girls, and they to their neighbours. in the vizagapatam and godavari jungles, natives apostrophise tigers as bussy. whether the name is connected with bussy i know not. of deva-dasis at the court of tippoo sultan, the following account was published in . [ ] "comme souverain d'une partie du visapour, tippoo-saïb jouissoit de la facilité d'avoir parmi ses bayadères celles qui étoient les plus renommées par leurs talens, leurs graces, leur beauté, etc. ces bayadères sont des danseuses supérieures dans leur genre; tout danse et tout joue en même-tems chez elles; leur tête, leurs yeux, leurs bras, leurs pieds, tout leur corps, semblent ne se mouvoir que from enchanter; elles sont d'une incroyable légèreté, et ont le jarret aussi fort que souple; leur taille est des plus sveltes et des plus élégantes, et elles n'ont pas un mouvement qui ne soit une grace. la plus âgée de ces femmes n'avoit pas plus de seize à dix-sept ans. aussi tot qu'elles atteignoient cet âge, on les réformoit, et alors elles alloient courir les provinces, on s'attachoient à des pagodes, dans lesqueles elles étoient entretenues, et ou leurs charmes étoient un des meilleurs revenus des brames." general burton narrates [ ] how a civilian of the old school built a house at bhavani, and established a corps de ballet, i.e., a set of nautch girls, whose accomplishments actually extended to singing god save the king, and this was kept up by their descendants, so that, when he visited the place in , he was "greeted by the whole party, bedizened in all their finery, and squalling the national anthem as if they understood it, which they did not." with this may be contrasted a circular from a modern european official, which states that "during my jamabandy (land revenue settlement) tour, people have sometimes been kind enough to arrange singing or dancing parties, and, as it would have been discourteous to decline to attend what had cost money to arrange, i have accepted the compliment in the spirit in which it was offered. i should, however, be glad if you would let it be generally known that i am entirely in accord with what is known as the anti-nautch movement in regard to such performances." it was unanimously decided, in , by the executive committee of the prince and princess of wales' reception fund, that there should be no performance by nautch girls at the entertainment to be given to their royal highnesses at madras. in a note on basavis, the collector of the bellary district writes that "it is usual among hindus to dedicate a bull for public use on the death of a member of their family. these are the breeding bulls of the village flock. similarly, cows are dedicated, and are called basavis. no stigma attaches to basavis or their children, and they are received on terms of equality by other members of their caste. the origin of the institution, it has been suggested, may probably be traced to the time when the boyas, and other castes which dedicate basavis, were soldiers, and the basavis acted as camp-followers and nurses of the wounded in battle. according to hindu custom, the wives of the men could not be taken from their homes, and, other women of the caste being required to attend to their comforts, the institution of basavis might have been started; or, if they existed before then as religious devotees attached to temples, they might have been pressed into their service, and the number added to as occasion required. in narayandevarkeri there are many boyas and many basavis. on the car-festival day, the boyas cannot take meals until the car is taken back to its original place after the procession. sometimes, owing to some accident, this cannot be done the same day, and the car-drawing boyas sleep near the car, and do not go to their houses. then it is their basavis who bring them food, and not their wives." at adoni i have seen a basavi, who was working at a cotton press for a daily wage of three annas, in full dress on a holiday in honour of a local deity, wearing an elaborately chased silver waist belt and abundant silver jewelry. the following are examples of petitions presented to a european magistrate and superintendent of police by girls who are about to become basavis:-- petition of __________ aged about or . i have agreed to become a basavi, and get myself stamped by my guru (priest) according to the custom of my caste. i request that my proper age, which entitles me to be stamped, may be personally ascertained, and permission granted to be stamped. the stamping refers to branding with the emblems of the chank and chakram. petition of _____ wife of _____. i have got two daughters, aged and respectively. as i have no male issues, i have got to necessarily celebrate the ceremony in the temple in connection with the tying of the goddess's tali to my two daughters under the orders of the guru, in accordance with the customs of my caste. i, therefore, submit this petition for fear that the authorities may raise any objection (under the age of consent act). i, therefore, request that the honourable court may be pleased to give permission to the tying of the tali to my daughters. petition of two girls, aged to . our father and mother are dead. now we wish to be like prostitutes, as we are not willing to be married, and thus establish our house-name. our mother also was of this profession. we now request permission to be prostitutes according to our religion, after we are sent before the medical officer. the permission referred to in the above petitions bears reference to a decision of the high court that, a girl who becomes a basavi being incapable of contracting a legal marriage, her dedication when a minor is an offence under the penal code. at adoni the dead body of a new-born infant was found in a ditch, and a basavi, working with others in a cotton factory, was suspected of foul play. the station-house officer announced his intention of visiting the factory, and she who was in a state of lactation, and could produce no baby to account for her condition, would be the culprit. writing concerning the basavis of the bellary district, [ ] mr. w. francis tells us that "parents without male issue often, instead of adopting a son in the usual manner, dedicate a daughter by a simple ceremony to the god of some temple, and thenceforth, by immemorial custom, she may inherit her parents' property, and perform their funeral rites as if she was a son. she does not marry, but lives in her parents' house with any man of equal or higher caste whom she may select, and her children inherit her father's name and bedagu (sept), and not those of their own father. if she has a son, he inherits her property; if she has only a daughter, that daughter again becomes a basavi. parents desiring male issue of their own, cure from sickness in themselves or their children, or relief from some calamity, will similarly dedicate their daughter. the children of a basavi are legitimate, and neither they nor their mothers are treated as being in any way inferior to their fellows. a basavi, indeed, from the fact that she can never be a widow, is a most welcome guest at weddings. basavis differ from the ordinary dancing-girls dedicated at temples in that their duties in the temples (which are confined to the shrine of their dedication) are almost nominal, and that they do not prostitute themselves promiscuously for hire. a basavi very usually lives faithfully with one man, who allows her a fixed sum weekly for her maintenance, and a fixed quantity of new raiment annually, and she works for her family as hard as any other woman. basavis are outwardly indistinguishable from other women, and are for the most part coolies. in places there is a custom by which they are considered free to change their protectors once a year at the village car-festival or some similar anniversary, and they usually seize this opportunity of putting their partner's affections to the test by suggesting that a new cloth and bodice would be a welcome present. so poor, as a rule, are the husbands that the police aver that the anniversaries are preceded by an unusual crop of petty thefts and burglaries committed by them in their efforts to provide their customary gifts." a recent report of a police inspector in the bellary district states that "crimes are committed here and there, as this is nagarapanchami time. nagarapanchami festival is to be celebrated at the next ammavasya or new-moon day. it is at that time the people keeping the prostitutes should pay their dues on that day; otherwise they will have their new engagements." in the kurnool district, the basavi system is practised by the boyas, but differs from that in vogue in bellary and mysore. the object of making a basavi, in these two localities, is to perpetuate the family when there is no male heir. if the only issue in a family is a female, the family becomes extinct if she marries, as by marriage she changes her sept. to prevent this, she is not married, but dedicated as a basavi, and continues to belong to her father's sept, to which also any male issue which is born to her belongs. in the kurnool district the motive in making basavis is different. the girl is not wedded to an idol, but, on an auspicious day, is tied by means of a garland of flowers to the garuda kambham (lamp) of a balija dasari. she is released either by the man who is to receive her first favours, or by her maternal uncle. a simple feast is held, and a string of black beads tied round the girl's neck. she becomes a prostitute, and her children do not marry into respectable boya families. "basava women," dr. e. balfour writes, [ ] "are sometimes married to a dagger, sometimes to an idol. in making a female child over to the service of the temple, she is taken and dedicated for life to some idol. a khanjar, or dagger, is placed on the ground, and the girl who is to undergo the ceremony puts a garland thereon. her mother then puts rice on the girl's forehead. the officiating priest then weds the girl to the dagger, just as if he was uniting her to a boy in marriage, by reciting the marriage stanzas, a curtain being held between the girl and the dagger." in an account of the initiation ceremony of the basavis of the bellary district mr. f. fawcett writes as follows. [ ] "a sword with a lime stuck on its point is placed upright beside the novice, and held in her right hand. it represents the bridegroom, who, in the corresponding ceremony of hindu marriage, sits on the bride's right. a tray, on which are a kalasyam (vessel of water) and a lamp, is then produced, and moved thrice in front of the girl. she rises, and, carrying the sword in her right hand, places it in the god's sanctuary. among the dancing-girls very similar ceremonies are performed. with them, the girl's spouse is represented by a drum instead of a sword, and she bows to it. her insignia consist of a drum and bells." in a further note on the dedication of basavis, mr. fawcett writes [ ] that "a tali, on which is depicted the namam of vishnu, fastened to a necklace of black beads, is tied round her neck. she is given by way of insignia a cane as a wand carried in the right hand, and a gopalam or begging basket, which is slung on the left arm. she is then branded with the emblems of the chank and chakra. in another account [ ] of the marriage ceremony among dancing-girls, it is stated that the bogams, who are without exception prostitutes, though they are not allowed to marry, go through a marriage ceremony, which is rather a costly one. sometimes a wealthy native bears the expense, makes large presents to the bride, and receives her first favours. where no such opportunity offers itself, a sword or other weapon represents the bridegroom, and an imaginary nuptial ceremony is performed. should the bogam woman have no daughter, she invariably adopts one, usually paying a price for her, the kaikola (weaver) caste being the ordinary one from which to take a child. among the kaikolan musicians of coimbatore, at least one girl in every family should be set apart for the temple service, and she is instructed in music and dancing. at the tali-tying ceremony she is decorated with jewels, and made to stand on a heap of paddy (unhusked rice). a folded cloth is held before her by two dasis, who also stand on heaps of paddy. the girl catches hold of the cloth, and her dancing master, who is seated behind her, grasping her legs, moves them up and down in time with the music which is played. in the evening she is taken, astride a pony, to the temple, where a new cloth for the idol, the tali, and other articles required for doing puja (worship) have been got ready. the girl is seated facing the idol, and the officiating brahman gives sandal and flowers to her, and ties the tali, which has been lying at the feet of the idol, round her neck. the tali consists of a golden disc and black beads. she continues to learn music and dancing, and eventually goes through the form of a nuptial ceremony, the relations are invited on an auspicious day, and the maternal uncle, or his representative, ties a golden band on the girl's forehead, and, carrying her, places her on a plank before the assembled guests. a brahman priest recites mantrams (prayers), and prepares the sacred fire (homam). for the actual nuptials a rich brahman, if possible, and, if not, a brahman of more lowly status is invited. a brahman is called in, as he is next in importance to, and the representative of, the idol. as a dasi can never become a widow, the beads in her tali are considered to bring good luck to women who wear them. and some people send the tali required for a marriage to a dasi, who prepares the string for it, and attaches to it black beads from her own tali. a dasi is also deputed to walk at the head of hindu marriage processions. married women do not like to do this, as they are not proof against evil omens, which the procession may meet. and it is believed that dasis, to whom widowhood is unknown, possess the power of warding off the effects of inauspicious omens. it may be remarked, en passant, that dasis are not at the present day so much patronised at hindu marriages as in olden times. much is due in this direction to the progress of enlightened ideas, which have of late been strongly put forward by hindu social reformers. when a kaikolan dasi dies, her body is covered with a new cloth removed from the idol, and flowers are supplied from the temple, to which she belonged. no puja is performed in the temple till the corpse is disposed of, as the idol, being her husband, has to observe pollution. "in former times, dancing-girls used to sleep three nights at the commencement of their career in the inner shrine of the koppesvara temple at palivela in the godavari district, so as to be embraced by the god. but one of them, it is said, disappeared one night, and the practice has ceased. the funeral pyre of every girl of the dancing girl (sani) caste dying in the village should be lit with fire brought from the temple. the same practice is found in the srirangam temple near trichinopoly." [ ] the following account of dasis in travancore, where their total strength is only about four hundred, is taken from a note by mr. n. subramani aiyer. "while the dasis of kartikappalli, ambalapuzha, and shertallay belonged originally to the konkan coast, those of shenkottah belonged to the pandian country. but the south travancore dasis are an indigenous class. the female members of the caste are, besides being known by the ordinary name of tevadiyal and dasi, both meaning servant of god, called kudikkar, meaning those belonging to the house (i.e., given rent free by the sirkar), and pendukal, or women, the former of these designations being more popular than the latter. males are called tevadiyan, though many prefer to be known as nanchinat vellalas. males, like these vellalas, take the title of pillai. in ancient days deva-dasis, who became experts in singing and dancing, received the title of rayar (king) which appears to have been last conferred in a.d. the south travancore dasis neither interdine nor intermarry with the dancing-girls of the tamil-speaking districts. they adopt girls only from a particular division of the nayars, tamil padam, and dance only in temples. unlike their sisters outside travancore, they do not accept private engagements in houses on the occasion of marriage. the males, in a few houses, marry the tamil padam and padamangalam nayars, while some padamangalam nayars and nanchinat vellalas in their turn take their women as wives. "when a dancing-woman becomes too old or diseased, and thus unable to perform her usual temple duties, she applies to the temple authorities for permission to remove her ear-pendants (todus). the ceremony takes place at the palace of the maharaja. at the appointed spot the officers concerned assemble, and the woman, seated on a wooden plank, proceeds to unhook the pendants, and places them, with a nuzzur (gift) of twelve fanams (coins), on the plank. directly after this she turns about, and walks away without casting a second glance at the ear-ornaments which have been laid down. she becomes immediately a taikkizhavi or old mother, and is supposed to lead a life of retirement and resignation. by way of distinction, a dasi in active service is referred to as atumpatram. though the ear-ornaments are at once returned to her from the palace, the woman is never again permitted to put them on, but only to wear the pampadam, or antiquated ear-ornament of tamil sudra women. her temple wages undergo a slight reduction, consequent on her proved incapacity. "in some temples, as at keralapuram, there are two divisions of dancing-girls, one known as the murakkudi to attend to the daily routine, the other as the chirappukuti to serve on special occasions. the special duties that may be required of the south travancore dasis are:--( ) to attend the two utsavas at sri padmanabahswami's temple, and the dusserah at the capital; ( ) to meet and escort members of the royal family at their respective village limits; ( ) to undertake the prescribed fasts for the apamargam ceremony in connection with the annual festival of the temple. on these days strict continence is enjoined, and they are fed at the temple, and allowed only one meal a day. "the principal deities of the dancing-girls are those to whom the temples, in which they are employed, are dedicated. they observe the new and full-moon days, and the last friday of every month as important. the onam, sivaratri, tye-pongal, dipavali, and chitrapurnami are the best recognised religious festivals. minor deities, such as bhadrakali, yakshi, and ghandarva are worshipped by the figure of a trident or sword being drawn on the wall of the house, to which food and sweetmeats are offered on fridays. the priests on these occasions are occhans. there are no recognized headmen in the caste. the services of brahmans are resorted to for the purpose of purification, of nampiyans and saiva vellalas for the performance of funeral rites, and of kurukkals on occasions of marriage, and for the final ceremonies on the sixteenth day after death. "girls belonging to this caste may either be dedicated to temple service, or married to a male member of the caste. no woman can be dedicated to the temple after she has reached puberty. on the occasion of marriage, a sum of from fifty to a hundred and fifty rupees is given to the bride's house, not as a bride-price, but for defraying the marriage expenses. there is a preliminary ceremony of betrothal, and the marriage is celebrated at an auspicious hour. the kurukkal recites a few hymns, and the ceremonies, which include the tying of the tali, continue for four days. the couple commence joint life on the sixteenth day after the girl has reached puberty. it is easy enough to get a divorce, as this merely depends upon the will of one of the two parties, and the woman becomes free to receive clothes from another person in token of her having entered into a fresh matrimonial alliance. "all applications for the presentation of a girl to the temple are made to the temple authorities by the senior dancing-girl of the temple, the girl to be presented being in all cases from six to eight years of age. if she is closely related to the applicant, no enquiries regarding her status and claim need be made. in all other cases, formal investigations are instituted, and the records taken are submitted to the chief revenue officer of the division for orders. some paddy (rice) and five fanams are given to the family from the temple funds towards the expenses of the ceremony. the practice at the suchindrum temple is to convene, on an auspicious day, a yoga or meeting, composed of the valiya sri-kariyakkar, the yogattil potti, the vattappalli muttatu, and others, at which the preliminaries are arranged. the girl bathes, and goes to the temple on the morning of the selected day with two new cloths, betel leaves and nuts. the temple priest places the cloths and the tali at the feet of the image, and sets apart one for the divine use. the tali consists of a triangular bottu, bearing the image of ganesa, with a gold bead on either side. taking the remaining cloth and the tali, and sitting close to the girl, the priest, facing to the north, proceeds to officiate. the girl sits, facing the deity, in the inner sanctuary. the priest kindles the fire, and performs all the marriage ceremonies, following the custom of the tirukkalyanam festival, when siva is represented as marrying parvati. he then teaches the girl the panchakshara hymn if the temple is saivite, and ashtakshara if it is vaishnavite, presents her with the cloth, and ties the tali round her neck. the nattuvan, or dancing-master, instructs her for the first time in his art, and a quantity of raw rice is given to her by the temple authorities. the girl, thus married, is taken to her house, where the marriage festivities are celebrated for two or three days. as in brahmanical marriages, the rolling of a cocoanut to and fro is gone through, the temple priest or an elderly dasi, dressed in male attire, acting the part of the bridegroom. the girl is taken in procession through the streets. "the birth of male children is not made an occasion for rejoicing, and, as the proverb goes, the lamp on these occasions is only dimly lighted. inheritance is in the female line, and women are the absolute owners of all property earned. when a dancing-girl dies, some paddy and five fanams are given from the temple to which she was attached, to defray the funeral expenses. the temple priest gives a garland, and a quantity of ashes for decorating the corpse. after this, a nampiyan, an occhan, some vellala headmen, and a kudikkari, having no pollution, assemble at the house of the deceased. the nampiyan consecrates a pot of water with prayers, the occhan plays on his musical instrument, and the vellalas and kudikkari powder the turmeric to be smeared over the corpse. in the case of temple devotees, their dead bodies must be bathed with this substance by the priest, after which alone the funeral ceremonies may proceed. the karta (chief mourner), who is the nearest male relative, has to get his whole head shaved. when a temple priest dies, though he is a brahman, the dancing-girl, on whom he has performed the vicarious marriage rite, has to go to his death-bed, and prepare the turmeric powder to be dusted over his corpse. the anniversary of the death of the mother and maternal uncle are invariably observed. "the adoption of a dancing-girl is a lengthy ceremony. the application to the temple authorities takes the form of a request that the girl to be adopted may be made heir to both kuti and pati, that is, to the house and temple service of the person adopting. the sanction of the authorities having been obtained, all concerned meet at the house of the person who is adopting, a document is executed, and a ceremony, of the nature of the jatakarma, performed. the girl then goes through the marriage rite, and is handed over to the charge of the music teacher to be regularly trained in her profession." as bearing on the initiation, laws of inheritance, etc., of deva-dasis, the following cases, which have been argued in the madras high court, may be quoted [ ]:-- (a) in a charge against a dancing-girl of having purchased a young girl, aged five, with the intent that she would be used for the purpose of prostitution, or knowing it to be likely that she would be so used, evidence was given of the fact of purchase for sixty rupees, and that numerous other dancing-girls, residing in the neighbourhood, were in the habit of obtaining girls and bringing them up as dancing-girls or prostitutes, and that there were no instances of girls brought up by dancing-girls ever having been married. one witness stated that there were forty dancing-girls' houses in the town (adoni), and that their chief source of income was prostitution, and that the dancing-girls, who have no daughters of their own, get girls from others, bring them up, and eventually make them dancing-girls or prostitutes. he added that the dancing-girls get good incomes by bringing up girls in preference to boys. another witness stated that dancing-girls, when they grow old, obtain girls and bring them up to follow their profession, and that good-looking girls are generally bought. [ ] (b) the evidence showed that two of the prisoners were dancing-girls of a certain temple, that one of them took the two daughters of the remaining prisoner to the pagoda, to be marked as dancing-girls, and that they were so marked, and their names entered in the accounts of the pagoda. the first prisoner (the mother of the girls) disposed of the children to the third prisoner for the consideration of a neck ornament and thirty-five rupees. the children appeared to be of the ages of seven and two years, respectively. evidence was taken, which tended to prove that dancing-girls gain their livelihood by the performance of certain offices in pagodas, by assisting in the performance of ceremonies in private houses, by dancing and singing upon the occasion of marriage, and by prostitution. [ ] (c) the first prisoner presented an application for the enrolment of his daughter as a dancing-girl at one of the great pagodas. he stated her age to be thirteen. she attained puberty a month or two after her enrolment. her father was the servant of a dancing-girl, the second prisoner, who had been teaching the minor dancing for some five years. the evidence showed that the second prisoner brought the girl to the pagoda, that both first and second prisoners were present when the bottu (or tali) was tied, and other ceremonies of the dedication performed; that third prisoner, as battar of the temple, was the person who actually tied the bottu, which denotes that the dasi is wedded to the idol. there was the usual evidence that dancing-girls live by prostitution, though occasionally kept by the same man for a year or more. [ ] (d) the plaintiff, a deva-dasi, complained that, when she brought offerings according to custom and placed them before the god at a certain festival, and asked the archakas (officiating priests) to present the offerings to the god, burn incense, and then distribute them, they refused to take the offerings on the ground that the deva-dasi had gone to a komati's house to dance. she claimed damages, rs. , for the rejected offerings, and rs. for loss of honour, and a perpetual injunction to allow her to perform the mantapa hadi (sacrifice) at the chittrai vasanta festival. the priests pleaded that the dancing-girl had, for her bad conduct in having danced at a komati's house, and subsequently refused to expiate the deed by drinking panchagavyan (five products of the cow) according to the shastras, been expelled both from her caste and from the temple. [ ] (e) in a certain temple two dancing-girls were dedicated by the dharmakarta to the services of the temple without the consent of the existing body of dancing-girls, and the suit was instituted against the dharmakarta and these two deva-dasis, asking that the court should ascertain and declare the rights of the deva-dasis of the pagoda in regard ( ) to the dedication of deva-dasis, ( ) to the dharmakarta's power to bind and suspend them; and that the court should ascertain and declare the rights of the plaintiff, the existing deva-dasis, as to the exclusion of all other deva-dasis, save those who are related to or adopted by some one of the deva-dasis for the time being, or those who, being approved by all, are elected and proposed to the dharmakarta for dedication. that the new dasis may be declared to have been improperly dedicated, and not entitled to any of the rights of deva-dasis, and restrained from attending the pagoda in that character, and from interfering with the duly dedicated deva-dasis in the exercise of their office. that first defendant be restrained from stamping and dedicating other deva-dasis but such as are duly approved. the judge dismissed the case on the ground that it would be contrary to public policy to make the declaration prayed for, as, in so doing, the court would be lending itself to bringing the parties under the criminal law. in the appeal, which was dismissed, one of the judges remarked that the plaintiffs claimed a right exclusive to themselves and a few other dancing-women, professional prostitutes, to present infant female children for dedication to the temple as dancing-girls to be stamped as such, and so accredited to become at maturity professional prostitutes, private or public. [ ] (f) a deva-dasi sued to establish her right to the mirasi (fees) of dancing-girls in a certain pagoda, and to be put in possession of the said mirasi together with the honours and perquisites attached thereto, and to recover twenty-four rupees, being the value of said perquisites and honours for the year preceding. she alleged that the dharmakarta of the pagoda and his agents wrongfully dismissed her from the office because she had refused to acquiesce in the admission by the dharmakarta of new dancing-girls into the pagoda service, of which she claimed the monopoly for herself and the then existing families of dancing-girls. the district judge dismissed the suit, but the high court ordered a re-investigation as to the question of the existence of an hereditary office with endowments or emoluments attached to it. [ ] (g) a girl, aged seventeen, instituted a suit against the trustees of a pagoda. it was alleged that a woman who died some years previously was one of the dancing-women attached to the pagoda, and, as such, entitled to the benefit of one of the temple endowments; that she had taken in adoption the plaintiff, who was accordingly entitled to succeed to her office and the emoluments attached to it; that the plaintiff could not enter on the office until a bottu-tali had been tied on her in the temple; and that the trustees did not permit this to be done. the prayer of the plaint was that the defendants be compelled to allow the tali to be tied in the temple in view to the girl performing the dancing service, and enjoying the honours and endowments attached thereto. the judge dismissed the suit on the ground that the claim was inadmissible, as being in effect a claim by the plaintiff to be enlisted as a public prostitute. [ ] (h) on the death of a prostitute dancing-girl, her adopted niece, belonging to the same class, succeeds to her property, in whatever way it is acquired, in preference to a brother remaining in his caste. the general rule is that the legal relation between a prostitute dancing-girl and her undegraded relations remaining in caste be severed. [ ] (i) a pauper sued his sister for the partition of property valued at rs. , . the parties belonged to the bogam caste in the godavari district. the woman pleaded that the property had been acquired by her as a prostitute, and denied her brother's claim to it. he obtained a decree for only rs. , being a moiety of the property left by their mother. the high court held, on the evidence as to the local custom of the caste, that the decree was right. [ ] (j) the accused, a madiga of the bellary district, dedicated his minor daughter as a basavi by a form of marriage with an idol. it appeared that a basavi is incapable of contracting a lawful marriage, and ordinarily practices promiscuous intercourse with men, and that her sons succeed to her father's property. it was held that the accused had committed an offence under the penal code, which lays down that "whoever sells, lets to hire, or otherwise disposes of any minor under the age of sixteen years, with intent that such minor shall be employed or used for the purpose of prostitution, or for any unlawful and immoral purpose, shall be punished, etc." the sessions judge referred to evidence that it was not a matter of course for basavis to prostitute themselves for money, and added: "the evidence is very clear that basavis are made in accordance with a custom of the madiga caste. it is also in evidence that one of the effects of making a girl basavi is that her male issue becomes a son of her father, and perpetuates his family, whereas, if she were married, he would perpetuate her husband's family. in this particular case, the girl was made a basavi that she might be heir to her aunt, who was a basavi, but childless. siddalingana gowd says that they and their issue inherit the parents' property. there is evidence that basavis are made on a very large scale, and that they live in their parents' houses. there is no evidence that they are regarded otherwise than as respectable members of the caste. it seems as if the basavi is the madiga and bedar equivalent of the "appointed daughter" of hindu law (mitakshara, chap. i, s. xi, ). upon the whole, the evidence seems to establish that, among the madigas, there is a widespread custom of performing, in a temple at uchangidurgam, a marriage ceremony, the result of which is that the girl is married without possibility of widowhood or divorce; that she is at liberty to have intercourse with men at her pleasure; that her children are heirs to her father, and keep up his family; and that basavi's nieces, being made basavis, become their heirs. the basavis seem in some cases to become prostitutes, but the language used by the witnesses generally points only to free intercourse with men, and not necessarily to receipt of payment for use of their bodies. in fact, they seem to acquire the right of intercourse with men without more discredit than accrues to the men of their caste for intercourse with women who are not their wives. [ ] it may be observed that deva-dasis are the only class of women, who are, under hindu law as administered in the british courts, allowed to adopt girls to themselves. amongst the other castes, a widow, for instance, cannot adopt to herself, but only to her husband, and she cannot adopt a daughter instead of a son. a recent attempt by a brahman at poona to adopt a daughter, who should take the place of a natural-born daughter, was held to be invalid by general law, and not sanctioned by local usage. [ ] the same would be held in madras. "but among dancing-girls," mayne writes, [ ] "it is customary in madras and western india to adopt girls to follow their adoptive mother's profession, and the girls so adopted succeed to their property. no particular ceremonies are necessary, recognition alone being sufficient. in the absence, however, of a special custom, and on the analogy of an ordinary adoption, only one girl can be adopted." in calcutta and bombay these adoptions by dancing-girls have been held invalid. [ ] of proverbs relating to dancing-girls, the following may be quoted:-- ( ) the dancing-girl who could not dance said that the hall was not big enough. the rev. h. jensen gives [ ] as an equivalent "when the devil could not swim, he laid the blame on the water." ( ) if the dancing-girl be alive, and her mother dies, there will be beating of drums; but, if the dancing-girl dies, there will be no such display. this is explained by jensen as meaning that, to secure the favour of a dancing-girl, many men will attend her mother's funeral; but, if the dancing-girl herself dies, there is nothing to be gained by attending the funeral. ( ) like a dancing-girl wiping a child. jensen remarks that a dancing-girl is supposed to have no children, so she does not know how to keep them clean. said of one who tries to mend a matter, but lacks experience, and makes things worse than they were before. ( ) as when a boy is born in a dancing-girl's house. jensen notes that, if dancing-girls have children, they desire to have girls, that they may be brought up to their own profession. ( ) the dancing-girl, who was formerly more than filled with good food in the temple, now turns a somersault to get a poor man's rice. ( ) if a matron is chaste, she may live in the dancing-girl's street, the insigne of courtesans, according to the conjeeveram records, is a cupid, that of a christian, a curry-comb. [ ] devadiga.--the devadigas are canarese-speaking temple servants in south canara, concerning whom mr. h. a. stuart writes as follows. [ ] "this is a class of servants, chiefly musicians in hindu temples. in the reign of mayura varma, who built a number of new temples, it was found that brahmans could not perform all the services. it was, therefore, ordained by him that the puja or worship alone should be performed by the brahmans, and that the stanikas and devadigas should perform the other services in the temples. they are also called moili (or moyili), but there is a caste called kannada moili which is quite distinct, and devadigas will not eat with them. some of them cultivate lands, and some are employed as peons and constables. they returned eleven sub-divisions, but only one (tulu) is numerically important. they are vaishnavites, and tulu brahmans are their priests. as regards marriage, there is no fixed age. remarriage of widows is permitted, but it is practiced only in the case of young widows. the dead are burned. they eat flesh, and drink liquor." the devadigas or moilis speak tulu, and are mainly agriculturists. their traditional occupation, however, is said to be service in temples (slaves or servants of the deva or god). a large number of them, both male and female, are engaged as domestic servants. like the bants, they follow the aliya santana law of inheritance (in the female line), and they have the same balis (septs) as the bants and billavas. in their marriage ceremonies, they closely imitate the bants. an interesting feature in connection therewith is that, during the dhare ceremony, a screen is interposed between the bride and bridegroom at the time when the dhare water is poured. as a sign of betrothal, a ring is given to the bride-elect, and she wears it on the little finger. the caste is a mixed one, and here and there devadigas are seen to have the typical prominent cheek-bones and square face of the jains. in the census report, , dakkera devali, padarti, and valagadava are returned as sub-divisions of devadiga. devala (belonging to god).--an exogamous sept of odde. the equivalent devali has been recorded as a sub-caste of devadiga, and devalyal as a division of the todas. [ ] a division of the irulas of the nilgiris, settled near the village of devala, is known by that name. devanga.--the devangas are a caste of weavers, speaking telugu or canarese, who are found all over the madras presidency. those whom i studied in the bellary district connected my operations in a vague way with the pilag (plague) tax, and collection of subscriptions for the victoria memorial. they were employed in weaving women's saris in pure cotton, or with a silk border, which were sold to rich merchants in the local bazaar, some of whom belong to the devanga caste. they laughingly said that, though they are professional weavers, they find it cheapest to wear cloths of european manufacture. the devangas are also called jadaru or jada (great men), dendra, devara, dera, seniyan, and sedan. at coimbatore, in the tamil country, they are called settukkaran (economical people). the following legend is narrated concerning the origin of the caste. brahma, having created manu, told him to weave clothes for devas and men. accordingly manu continued to weave for some years, and reached heaven through his piety and virtuous life. there being no one left to weave for them, the devas and men had to wear garments of leaves. vexed at this, they prayed to brahma that he would rescue them from their plight. brahma took them to siva, who at once created a lustrous spirit, and called him devalan. struck with the brilliancy thereof, all fled in confusion, excepting parvati, who remained near siva. siva told her that devalan was created to weave clothes, to cover the limbs and bodies of devas and men, whose descendants are in consequence called devangas (deva angam, limb of god). devalan was advised to obtain thread from the lotus stalks springing from the navel of vishnu, and he secured them after a severe penance. on his way back, he met a rakshasa, vajradantan by name, who was doing penance at a hermitage, disguised as a sanyasi. deceived by his appearance, devalan paid homage to him, and determined to spend the night at the hermitage. but, towards the close of the day, the rishi and his followers threw off their disguise, and appeared in their true colours as asuras. devalan sought the assistance of vishnu, and a chakra was given to him, with which he attempted to overthrow the increasing number of asuras. he then invoked the assistance of chaudanayaki or chaudeswari, who came riding on a lion, and the asuras were killed off. the mighty asuras who met their death were vajradantan (diamond-toothed), pugainethran (smoke-eyed), pugaimugan (smoke-faced), chithrasenan (leader of armies) and jeyadrathan (owner of a victory-securing car). the blood of these five was coloured respectively yellow, red, white, green, and black. for dyeing threads of different colours, devalan dipped them in the blood. the devangas claim to be the descendants of devalan, and say that they are devanga brahmans, on the strength of the following stanza, which seems to have been composed by a devanga priest, sambalinga murti by name:-- manu was born in the brahman caste. he was surely a brahman in the womb. there is no sudraism in this caste. devanga had the form of brahma. the legendary origin of the devangas is given as follows in the baramahal records. [ ] "when brahma the creator created the charam and acharam, or the animate and inanimate creation, the devatas or gods, rakshasas or evil demons, and the human race, were without a covering for their bodies, which displeasing the god narada or reason, he waited upon parameshwara or the great lord at his palace on the kailasa parvata or mount of paradise, and represented the indecent state of the inhabitants of the universe, and prayed that he would be pleased to devise a covering for their nakedness. parameshwara saw the propriety of narada's request, and thought it was proper to grant it. while he was so thinking, a male sprang into existence from his body, whom he named deva angam or the body of god, in allusion to the manner of his birth. deva angam instantly asked his progenitor why he had created him. the god answered 'repair to the pala samudram or sea of milk, where you will find sri maha vishnu or the august mighty god vishnu, and he will tell thee what to do.' deva angam repaired to the presence of sri maha vishnu, and represented that parameshwara had sent him, and begged to be favoured with vishnu's commands. vishnu replied 'do you weave cloth to serve as a covering to the inhabitants of the universe.' vishnu then gave him some of the fibres of the lotus flower that grew from his navel, and taught him how to make it into cloth. deva angam wove a piece of cloth, and presented it to vishnu, who accepted it, and ordered him to depart, and to take the fibres of trees, and make raiment for the inhabitants of the vishnu loka or gods. deva angam created ten thousand weavers, who used to go to the forest and collect the fibre of trees, and make it into cloth for the devatas or gods and the human race. one day, deva angam and his tribe went to a forest in the bhuloka or earthly world, in order to collect the fibre of trees, when he was attacked by a race of rakshasas or giants, on which he waxed wroth, and, unbending his jata or long plaited hair, gave it a twist, and struck it once on the ground. in that moment, a shakti, or female goddess having eight hands, each grasping a warlike weapon, sprang from the earth, attacked the rakshasas, and defeated them. deva anga named her chudeshwari or goddess of the hair, and, as she delivered his tribe out of the hands of the rakshasas, he made her his tutelary divinity." the tribal goddess of the devangas is chaudeswari, a form of kali or durga, who is worshipped annually at a festival, in which the entire community takes part either at the temple, or at a house or grove specially prepared for the occasion. during the festival weaving operations cease; and those who take a prominent part in the rites fast, and avoid pollution. the first day is called alagu nilupadam (erecting, or fixing of the sword). the goddess is worshipped, and a sheep or goat sacrificed, unless the settlement is composed of vegetarian devangas. one man at least from each sept fasts, remains pure, and carries a sword. inside the temple, or at the spot selected, the pujari (priest) tries to balance a long sword on its point on the edge of the mouth of a pot, while the alagu men cut their chests with the swords. failure to balance the sword is believed to be due to pollution brought by somebody to get rid of which the alagu men bathe. cow's urine and turmeric water are sprinkled over those assembled, and women are kept at a distance to prevent menstrual or other form of pollution. on the next day, called jothiarambam (jothi, light or splendour) as chaudeswari is believed to have sprung from jothi, a big mass is made of rice flour, and a wick, fed with ghi (clarified butter) and lighted, is placed in a cavity scooped out therein. this flour lamp must be made by members of a pujari's family assisted sometimes by the alagu boys. in its manufacture, a quantity of rice is steeped in water, and poured on a plantain leaf. jaggery (crude sugar) is then mixed with it, and, when it is of the proper consistency, it is shaped into a cone, and placed on a silver or brass tray. on the third day, called panaka puja or mahanevedyam, jaggery water is offered, and cocoanuts, and other offerings are laid before the goddess. the rice mass is divided up, and given to the pujari, setti, alagu men and boys, and to the community, to which small portions are doled out in a particular order, which must be strictly observed. for example, at tindivanam the order is as follows:-- setti (headman). dhondapu family. bapatla family. kosanam family. modanam family. fire-walking does not form part of the festival, as the goddess herself sprang from fire. in some places in the north arcot district the festival lasts over ten days, and varies in some points from the above. on the first day, the people go in procession to a jammi (prosopis spicigera) tree, and worship a decorated pot (kalasam), to which sheep and goats are sacrificed. from the second to the sixth day, the goddess and pot are worshipped daily. on the seventh day, the jammi tree is again visited, and a man carries on his back cooked rice, which may not be placed on the ground, except near the tree, or at the temple. if the rice is not set down en route thereto, it is accepted as a sign that the festival may be proceeded with. otherwise they would be afraid to light the joti on the ninth day. this is a busy day, and the ceremonies of sandhulu kattadam (binding the corners), alagu erecting, lighting the flour mass, and pot worship are performed. early in the morning, goats and sheep are killed, outside the village boundary, in the north, east, south, and west corners, and the blood is sprinkled on all sides to keep off all foreign ganams or saktis. the sword business, as already described, is gone through, and certain tests applied to see whether the joti may be lighted. a lime fruit is placed in the region of the navel of the idol, who should throw it down spontaneously. a bundle of betel leaves is cut across with a knife, and the cut ends should unite. if the omens are favourable, the joti is lighted, sheep and goats are killed, and pongal (rice) is offered to the joti. the day closes with worship of the pot. on the last day the rice mass is distributed. all devanga guests from other villages have to be received and treated with respect according to the local rules, which are in force. for this purpose, the community divide their settlements into sthalams, payakattulu, galugramatulu, petalu, and kurugramalu, which have a definite order of precedence. among the devangas the following endogamous sections occur:--( ) telugu; ( ) canarese; ( ) hathinentu manayavaru (eighteen house people); ( ) sivachara; ( ) ariya; ( ) kodekal hatakararu (weavers). they are practically divided into two linguistic sections, canarese and telugu, of which the former have adopted the brahmanical ceremonials to a greater extent than the latter, who are more conservative. those who wear the sacred thread seem to preponderate over the non-thread weavers in the canarese section. to the thread is sometimes attached metal charm-cylinder to ward off evil spirits. the following are examples of exogamous septs in the telugu section:-- akasam, sky. anumala, seeds of dolichos lablab. boggula, charcoal. bandla, rock or cart. chintakai, tamarind fruit. challa, buttermilk. chapparam, pandal or booth. dhoddi, cattle-pen, or courtyard. dhuggani, money. yerra, red. konda, mountain. kaththi, knife. bandari (treasurer). busam, grain. dhondapu (cephalandra indica). elugoti, assembly. gattu, bank or mound. paidam, money. gonapala, old plough. gosu, pride. jigala, pith. katta, a dam. kompala, houses. konangi, buffoon. katikala, collyrium. kaththiri, scissors. moksham, heaven. pasupala, turmeric. pidakala, dried cow-dung cakes. pothula, male. pachi powaku, green tobacco. padavala, boat. pouzala, a bird. pammi, clay lamp. thalakoka, female cloth. thutla, hole. utla, ropes for hanging pots. vasthrala, cloths. matam, monastery. madira, liquor or heap of earth. medam, fight. masila, dirt. olikala, funeral pyre and ashes. prithvi, earth. peraka, tile. punjala, cock or male. pinjala, cotton-cleaning. pichchiga, sparrow. sika (kudumi: tuft of hair). sandala, lanes. santha, a fair. sajje (setaria italica). the majority of devangas are saivites, and wear the lingam. they do not, however, wash the stone lingam with water, in which the feet of jangams have been washed. they are not particular as to always keeping the lingam on the body, and give as an explanation that, when they are at work, they have to touch all kinds of people. some said that merchants, when engaged in their business, should not wear the lingam, especially if made of spatikam (quartz), as they have to tell untruths as regards the value and quality of their goods, and ruin would follow if these were told while the lingam was on the body. in some parts of ganjam, the country folk keep a large number of brahmini bulls. when one of these animals dies, very elaborate funeral ceremonies take place, and the dead beast is carried in procession by devangas, and buried by them. as the devangas are lingayats, they have a special reverence for basavanna, the sacred bull, and the burying of the brahmini bull is regarded by them as a sacred and meritorious act. other castes do not regard it as such, though they often set free sacred cows or calves. devangas and padma sales never live in the same street, and do not draw water from the same well. this is probably due to the fact that they belong to the left and right-hand factions respectively, and no love is lost between them. like other left-hand castes, devangas have their own dancing-girls, called jathi-biddalu (children of the castes), whose male offspring do achchupani, printing-work on cloth, and occasionally go about begging from devangas. in the madras census report, , it is stated that "in madura and tinnevelly, the devangas, or sedans, consider themselves a shade superior to the brahmans, and never do namaskaram (obeisance or salutation) to them, or employ them as priests. in madura and coimbatore, the sedans have their own dancing-girls, who are called devanga or seda dasis in the former, and manikkattal in the latter, and are strictly reserved for members of the caste under pain of excommunication or heavy fine." concerning the origin of the devanga beggars, called singamvadu, the following legend is current. when chaudeswari and devalan were engaged in combat with the asuras, one of the asuras hid himself behind the ear of the lion, on which the goddess was seated. when the fight was over, he came out, and asked for pardon. the goddess took pity on him, and ordered that his descendants should be called singamvallu, and asked devalan to treat them as servants, and support them. devangas give money to these beggars, who have the privilege of locking the door, and carrying away the food, when the castemen take their meals. in assemblies of devangas, the hand of the beggar serves as a spittoon. he conveys the news of death, and has as the insignia of office a horn, called thuththari or singam. the office of headman, or pattagar, is hereditary, and he is assisted by an official called sesha-raju or umidisetti who is the servant of the community, and receives a small fee annually for each loom within his beat. widow remarriage is permitted in some places, and forbidden in others. there may be intermarriage between the flesh-eating and vegetarian sections. but a girl who belongs to a flesh-eating family, and marries into a vegetarian family, must abstain from meat, and may not touch any vessel or food in her husband's family till she has reached puberty. before settling the marriage of a girl, some village goddess, or chaudeswari, is consulted, and the omens are watched. a lizard chirping on the right is a good omen, and on the left bad. sometimes, red and white flowers, wrapped up in green leaves, are thrown in front of the idol, and the omen considered good or bad according to the flower which a boy or girl picks up. at the marriage ceremony which commences with distribution of pan-supari (betel) and vigneswara worship, the bride is presented with a new cloth, and sits on a three-legged stool or cloth-roller (dhonige). the maternal uncle puts round her neck a bondhu (strings of unbleached cotton) dipped in turmeric. the ceremonies are carried out according to the puranic ritual, except by those who consider themselves to be devanga brahmans. on the first day the milk post is set up being made of odina wodier in the tamil, and mimusops hexandra in the telugu country. various rites are performed, which include tonsure, upanayanam (wearing the sacred thread), padapuja (washing the feet), kasiyatra (mock pilgrimage to benares), dharadhattam (giving away the bride), and mangalyadharanam (tying the marriage badge, or bottu). the proceedings conclude with pot searching. a pap-bowl and ring are put into a pot. if the bride picks out the bowl, her first-born will be a girl, and if the bridegroom gets hold of the ring, it will be a boy. on the fifth day, a square design is made on the floor with coloured rice grains. between the contracting couple and the square a row of lights is placed. four pots are set, one at each corner of the square, and eight pots arranged along each side thereof. on the square itself, two pots representing siva and uma, are placed, with a row of seedling pots near them. a thread is wound nine times round the pots representing the god and goddess, and tied above to the pandal. after the pots have been worshipped, the thread is cut, and worn, with the sacred thread, for three months. this ceremony is called nagavali. when a girl reaches puberty, a twig of alangium lamarckii is placed in the menstrual hut to keep off devils. the dead are generally buried in a sitting posture. before the grave is filled in, a string is tied to the kudumi (hair knot) of the corpse, and, by its means, the head is brought near the surface. over it a lingam is set up, and worshipped daily throughout the death ceremonies. the following curious custom is described by mr. c. hayavadana rao. once in twelve years, a devanga leaves his home, and joins the padma sales. he begs from them, saying that he is the son of their caste, and as such entitled to be supported by them. if alms are not forthcoming, he enters the house, and carries off whatever he may be able to pick up. sometimes, if he can get nothing else, he has been known to seize a lighted cigar in the mouth of a sale, and run off with it. the origin of this custom is not certain, but it has been suggested that the devangas and sales were originally one caste, and that the former separated from the latter when they became lingayats. a devanga only becomes a chinerigadu when he is advanced in years, and will eat the remnants of food left by padma sales on their plates. a chinerigadu is, on his death, buried by the sales. many of the devangas are short of stature, light skinned, with sharp-cut features, light-brown iris, and delicate tapering fingers. those at hospet, in the bellary district, carried thorn tweezers (for removing thorns of acacia arabica from the feet), tooth-pick and ear-scoop, suspended as a chatelaine from the loin-string. the more well-to-do had these articles made of silver, with the addition of a silver saw for paring the nails and cutting cheroots. the name pampanna, which some of them bore, is connected with the nymph pampa, who resides at hampi, and asked parameswara to become her husband. he accordingly assumed the name of pampapathi, in whose honour there is a tank at anagundi, and temple at hampi. he directed pampa to live in a pond, and pass by the name of pampasarovara. the sedans of coimbatore, at the time of my visit in october, were hard at work making clothes for the dipavali festival. it is at times of festivals and marriages, in years of prosperity among the people, that the weavers reap their richest harvest. in the madras census report, , bilimagga (white loom) and atagara (weavers and exorcists) are returned as sub-castes of devanga. the usual title of the devangas is chetti. the shortness of stature of some of the weaving classes which i have examined is brought out by the following average measurements:-- cm. padma sale . sukun sale . togata . suka sale . devendra.--a name assumed by some pallans, who claim to be descended from the king of the gods (devas). dhabba (split bamboo).--dhabba or dhabbai is the name of a sub-division of koravas, who split bamboos, and make various articles therefrom. dhakkado.--a small mixed class of oriya cultivators, concerning whom there is a proverb that a dhakkado does not know his father. they are described, in the census report, , as "a caste of cultivators found in the jeypore agency tracts. they are said to be the offspring of a brahman and a sudra girl, and, though living on the hills, they are not an uncivilised hill tribe. some prepare and sell the sacred thread, others are confectioners. they wear the sacred thread, and do not drink water from the hands of any except brahmans. girls are married before puberty, and widow marriage is practiced. they are flesh-eaters, and their dead are usually buried." in a note on the dhakkados, mr. c. hayavadana rao writes that "the illegitimate descendant of a brahman and a hill woman of the non-polluting castes is said to be known as a dhakkado. the dhakkados assume brahmanical names, but, as regards marriages, funerals, etc., follow the customs of their mother's caste. her caste people intermarry with her children. a dhakkado usually follows the occupation of his mother's caste. thus one whose mother is a kevuto follows the calling of fishing or plying boats on rivers, one whose mother is a bhumia is an agriculturist, and so on." dhakur.--stated, in the manual of the vizagapatam district, to be illegitimate children of brahmans, who wear the paieta (sacred thread). dhanapala.--a sub-division of gollas, who guard treasure while it is in transit. dhangar.--dhangar, or donigar, is recorded, in the madras census report, , as a marathi caste of shepherds and cattle-breeders. i gather, from a note [ ] on the dhangars of the kanara district in the bombay presidency, that "the word dhangar is generally derived from the sanskrit dhenu, a cow. their home speech is marathi, but they can speak kanarese. they keep a special breed of cows and buffaloes, known as dhangar mhasis and dhangar gais which are the largest cattle in kanara. many of shivaji's infantry were satara dhangars." dhaniala (coriander).--an exogamous sept of kamma. dhaniala jati, or coriander caste, is an opprobrious name applied to komatis, indicating that, in business transactions, they must be crushed as coriander fruits are crushed before the seed is sown. dhare.--an exogamous sept of kuruba. in the canara country, the essential and binding part of the marriage ceremony is called dhare (see bant). dharmaraja.--an exogamous sept of the irulas of north arcot. dharmaraja was the eldest of the five pandavas, the heroes of the mahabharatha. dhippo (light).--an exogamous sept of bhondari. the members thereof may not blow out lights, or extinguish them in any other way. they will not light lamps without being madi, i.e., wearing silk cloths, or cloths washed and dried after bathing. dhobi.--a name used for washerman by anglo-indians all over india. the word is said to be derived from dhoha, sanskrit, dhav, to wash. a whitish grey sandy efflorescence, found in many places, from which, by boiling and the addition of quicklime, an alkali of considerable strength is obtained, is called dhobi's earth. [ ] "the expression dhobie itch," manson writes, [ ] "although applied to any itching ringworm-like affection of any part of the skin, most commonly refers to some form of epiphytic disease of the crutch or axilla (armpit)." the disease is very generally supposed to be communicated by clothes from the wash, but manson is of opinion that the belief that it is contracted from clothes which have been contaminated by the washerman is probably not very well founded. dhobi is the name, by which the washerman caste of the oriyas is known. "they are said," mr. francis writes, [ ] "to have come originally from orissa. girls are generally married before maturity, and, if this is not possible, they have to be married to a sword or a tree, before they can be wedded to a man. their ordinary marriage ceremonies are as follows. the bridal pair bathe in water brought from seven different houses. the bridegroom puts a bangle on the bride's arm (this is the binding part of the ceremony); the left and right wrists of the bride and bridegroom are tied together; betel leaf and nut are tied in a corner of the bride's cloth, and a myrabolam (terminalia fruit) in that of the bridegroom; and finally the people present in the pandal (booth) throw rice and saffron (turmeric) over them. widows and divorced women may marry again. they are vaishnavites, but some of them also worship kali or durga. they employ bairagis, and occasionally brahmans, as their priests. they burn their dead, and perform sraddha (annual memorial ceremony). their titles are chetti (or maha chetti) and behara." the custom of the bridal pair bathing in water from seven different houses obtains among many oriya castes, including brahmans. it is known by the name of pani-tula. the water is brought by married girls, who have not reached puberty, on the night preceding the wedding day, and the bride and bridegroom wash in it before dawn. this bath is called koili pani snano, or cuckoo water-bath. the koil is the indian koel or cuckoo (eudynamis honorata), whose crescendo cry ku-il, ku-il, is trying to the nerves during the hot season. the following proverbs [ ] relating to washermen may be quoted:-- get a new washerman, and an old barber. the washerman knows the defects of the village (i.e., he learns a good deal about the private affairs of the various families, when receiving and delivering the clothes). when a washerman gets sick, his sickness must leave him at the stone. the stone referred to is the large stone, on which the washerman cleans cloths, and the proverb denotes that, however sick a washerman may be, his work must be done. dhoddi.--dhoddi, meaning a court or back-yard, cattle-pen, or sheep-fold, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of devanga, koppala velama, kama sale, mala, and yanadi. dhoddiyan.--a name given by tamilians to jogis. dhollo.--dhollo is recorded in the madras census report, , as the same as doluva. a correspondent informs me that dhollo is said to be different from doluva. dhoma (gnat or mosquito).--an exogamous sept of mala. dhondapu (cephalandra indica).--an exogamous sept of devanga. the fruit is one of the commonest of native vegetables, and cooked in curries. dhoni (boat).--an exogamous sept of mila and oruganti kapu. in a paper on the native vessels of south india by mr. edge, published in the journal of the royal asiatic society, the dhoni is described as "a vessel of ark-like form, about feet long, feet broad, and feet deep, with a flat bottom or keel part, which at the broadest place is feet. "the whole equipment of these rude vessels, as well as their construction, is the most coarse and unseaworthy that i have ever seen." the dhoni, with masts, is represented in the ancient lead and copper coinage of southern india. dhor.--in the madras census report, , a few ( ) individuals were returned as "dher, a low caste of marathi leather workers." they were, i gather from the bombay gazetteer, dhors or tanners who dwell in various parts of the bombay presidency, and whose home speech, names and surnames seem to show that they have come from the maratha country. dhudala (calves).--an exogamous sept of thumati golla. dhudho (milk).--a sept of omanaito. dhuggani (money).--an exogamous sept of devanga. dhuliya.--dhuliya or dulia is a small class of oriya cultivators, some of whom wear the sacred thread, and employ boishnobs as their priests. marriage before puberty is not compulsory, and widows can remarry. they eat flesh. the dead are cremated. [ ] the name is said to be derived from dhuli, dust, with which those who work in the fields are covered. dhuliya also means carriers of dhulis (dhoolies), which are a form of palanquin. didavi.--a sub-division of poroja. digambara (space-clad or sky-clad, i.e., nude).--one of the two main divisions of the jains. the digambaras are said [ ] to "regard absolute nudity as the indispensable sign of holiness, though the advance of civilisation has compelled them to depart from the practice of their theory." divar.--see deva. diyasi.--an exogamous sept of dandasi. the members thereof show special reverence for the sun, and cloths, mokkutos (forehead chaplets), garlands, and other articles to be used by the bride and bridegroom at a wedding are placed outside the house, so that they may be exposed to it. dolaiya.--a title of doluva and odia. dolobehara.--the name of headmen or their assistants among many oriya castes. in some cases, e.g., among the haddis, the name is used as a title by families, members of which are headmen. doluva.--the doluvas of ganjam are, according to the madras census report, , "supposed to be the descendants of the old rajahs by their concubines, and were employed as soldiers and attendants. the name is said to be derived from the sanskrit dola, meaning army." the doluvas claim to be descended from the puri rajahs by their concubines, and say that some of them were employed as sirdars and paiks under these rajahs. they are said to have accompanied a certain puri rajah who came south to wage war, and to have settled in ganjam. they are at the present day mainly engaged in agriculture, though some are traders, bricklayers, cart-drivers, etc. the caste seems to be divided into five sections, named kondaiyito, lenka, rabba, pottia, and beharania, of which the first two are numerically the strongest and most widely distributed. kondaiyito is said to be derived from kondo, an arrow, and to indicate warrior. the kondaiyitos sometimes style themselves rajah doluvas, and claim superiority over the other sections. it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "oriya zamindars get wives from this sub-division, but the men of it cannot marry into the zamindar's families. they wear the sacred thread, and are writers." in former days, the title writer was applied to the junior grade of civil servants of the east india company. it is now used to denote a copying clerk in an office. various titles occur among members of the caste, e.g., bissoyi, biswalo, dolei, jenna, kottiya, mahanti, majhi, nahako, porida, ravuto, samulo, and sani. the ordinary caste council system, with a hereditary headman, seems to be absent among the doluvas, and the affairs of the caste are settled by leading members thereof. the doluvas are paramarthos, following the chaitanya form of vaishnavism, and wearing a rosary of tulsi (ocimum sanctum) beads. they further worship various takuranis (village deities), among which are kalva, bagadevi, kotari, maheswari, and manickeswari. they are in some places very particular regarding the performance of sradh (memorial ceremony), which is carried out annually in the following manner. on the night before the sradh day, a room is prepared for the reception of the soul of the deceased. this room is called pitru bharano (reception of the ancestor). the floor thereof is cleansed with cow-dung water, and a lamp fed with ghi (clarified butter) is placed on it by the side of a plank. on this plank a new cloth is laid for the reception of various articles for worship, e.g., sacred grass, zizyphus jujuba leaves, flowers, etc. in front of the plank a brass vessel, containing water and a tooth brush of achyranthes aspera root, is placed. the dead person's son throws rice and zizyphus leaves into the air, and calls on the deceased to come and give a blessing on the following day. the room is then locked, and the lamp kept burning in it throughout the night. on the following day, all old pots are thrown away and, after a small space has been cleaned on the floor of the house, a pattern is drawn thereon with flour in the form of a square or oblong with twelve divisions. on each division a jak (artocarpus integrifolia) leaf is placed, and on each leaf the son puts cooked rice and vegetables. a vessel containing achyranthes root, and a plank with a new cloth on it, are set by the side of the pattern. after worship has been performed and food offered, the cloth is presented to a brahman, and the various articles used in the ceremonial are thrown into water. domb.--the name domb or dombo is said to be derived from the word dumba, meaning devil, in reference to the thieving propensities of the tribe. the dombas, mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are a dravidian caste of weavers and menials, found in the hill tracts of vizagapatam. this caste appears to be an offshoot of the dom caste of bengal, behar, and the north-western provinces. like the doms, the dombas are regarded with disgust, because they eat beef, pork, horse-flesh, rats, and the flesh of animals which have died a natural death, and both are considered to be chandalas or pariahs by the bengalis and the uriyas. the dombs weave the cloths and blankets worn by the hill people, but, like the pariahs of the plains, they are also labourers, scavengers, etc. some of them are extensively engaged in trade, and they have, as a rule, more knowledge of the world than the ryots who despise them. they are great drunkards." in the census report, , it was noted that "in many villages, the doms carry on the occupation of weaving, but, in and around jaipur, they are employed as horse-keepers, tom-tom beaters, scavengers, and in other menial duties. notwithstanding their abject position in the social scale, some signs of progress may be detected amongst them. they are assuming the occupation, in many instances, of petty hucksters, eking out a livelihood by taking advantage of the small difference in rates between market and market." "the dombs," mr. f. fawcett writes, [ ] "are an outcast jungle people, who inhabit the forests on the high lands fifty to eighty or a hundred miles from the east coast, about vizagapatam. being outcast, they are never allowed to live within a village, but have their own little hamlet adjoining a village proper, inhabited by people of various superior castes. it is fair to say that the dombs are akin to the panos of the adjoining khond country, a pariah folk who live amongst the khonds, and used to supply the human victims for the meriah sacrifices. indeed, the khonds, who hold them in contemptuous inferiority, call them dombas as a sort of alternative title to panos. the paidis of the adjoining savara or saora country are also, doubtless, kinsmen of the dombs. [the same man is said to be called paidi by telugus, dombo by the savaras, and pano by the khonds. it is noted in the census report, , that the pano quarters in khond villages are called dombo sai.] in most respects their condition is a very poor one. though they live in the best part of the presidency for game, they know absolutely nothing of hunting, and cannot even handle a bow and arrow. they have, however, one respectable quality, industry, and are the weavers, traders, and money-lenders of the hills, being very useful as middlemen between the khonds, sauras, gadabas, and other hill people on the one hand, and the traders of the plains on the other. i am informed, on good authority, that there are some dombs who rise higher than this, but cannot say whether these are, or are not crosses with superior races. most likely they are, for most of the dombs are arrant thieves. it was this propensity for thieving, in fact, which had landed some hundreds of them in the jail at vizagapatam when i visited that place, and gave me an opportunity of recording their measurements." the averages of the more important of these measurements are as follows:-- cm. stature . cephalic length . cephalic breadth . cephalic index . nasal index . it is noted by the missionary gloyer [ ] that the colour of the skin of the dombs varies from very dark to yellow, and their height from that of an aryan to the short stature of an aboriginal, and that there is a corresponding variation in facial type. for the following note on the dombs, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. they are the weavers, traders, musicians, beggars, and money-lenders of the hills. some own cattle, and cultivate. the hill people in the interior are entirely dependent on them for their clothing. a few domb families are generally found to each village. they act as middlemen between the hill people and the komati traders. their profits are said to be large, and their children are, in some places, found attending hill schools. as musicians, they play on the drum and pipe. they are the hereditary musicians of the maharaja of jeypore. a domb beggar, when engaged in his professional calling, goes about from door to door, playing on a little pipe. their supposed powers over devils and witches result in their being consulted when troubles appear. though the dombs are regarded as a low and polluting class, they will not eat at the hands of komatis, bhondaris, or ghasis. some dombas have become converts to christianity through missionary influence. in the madras census report, , the following sections of the dombs are recorded:--onomia, odia, mandiri, mirgam, and kohara. the sub-divisions, however, seem to be as follows:--mirigani, kobbiriya, odiya, sodabisiya, mandiri, and andiniya. there are also various septs, of which the following have been recorded among the odiyas:--bhag (tiger), balu (bear), nag (cobra), hanuman (the monkey god), kochchipo (tortoise), bengri (frog), kukra (dog), surya (sun), matsya (fish), and jaikonda (lizard). it is noted by mr. fawcett that "monkeys, frogs, and cobras are taboo, and also the sunari tree (ochna squarrosa). the big lizard, cobras, frogs, and the crabs which are found in the paddy fields, and are usually eaten by jungle people, may not be eaten." when a girl reaches puberty, she remains outside the hut for five days, and then bathes at the nearest stream, and is presented with a new cloth. in honour of the event, drink is distributed among her relatives. girls are usually married after puberty. a man can claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. when a proposal of marriage is to be made, the suitor carries some pots of liquor, usually worth two rupees, to the girl's house, and deposits them in front of it. if her parents consent to the match, they take the pots inside, and drink some of the liquor. after some time has elapsed, more liquor, worth five rupees, is taken to the girl's house. a reduction in the quantity of liquor is made when a man is proposing for the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter, and, on the second occasion, the liquor will only be worth three rupees. a similar reduction is made in the jholla tonka, or bride price. on the wedding day, the bridegroom goes, accompanied by his relations, to the bride's home, where, at the auspicious moment fixed by the desari, his father presents new cloths to himself and the bride, which they put on. they stand before the hut, and on each is placed a cloth with a myrabolam (terminalia) seed, rice, and a few copper coins tied up in it. the bridegroom's right little finger is linked with the left little finger of the bride, and they enter the hut. on the following day, the newly married couple repair to the home of the bridegroom. on the third day, they are bathed in turmeric water, a pig is killed, and a feast is held. on the ninth day, the knots in the cloths, containing the myrabolams, rice, and coins, are untied, and the marriage ceremonies are at an end. the remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother usually marries the widow of his elder brother. it is noted, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, that "some of the dombus of the parvatipur agency follow many of the customs of the low-country castes, including menarikam (marriage with the maternal uncle's daughter), and say they are the same as the paidis (or paidi malas) of the plains adjoining, with whom they intermarry." the corpses of the more prosperous dombs are usually cremated. the wood of the sunari tree and relli (cassia fistula) may not be used for the pyre. the son or husband of a deceased person has his head, moustache, and armpits shaved on the tenth day. domb women, and women of other tribes in the jeypore agency tracts, wear silver ear ornaments called nagul, representing a cobra just about to strike with tongue protruded. similar ornaments of gold, called naga pogulu (cobra-shaped earrings), are worn by women of some telugu castes in the plains of vizagapatam. the personal names of the dombs are, as among other oriya castes, often those of the day of the week on which the individual was born. concerning the religion of the dombs, mr. fawcett notes that "their chief god--probably an ancestral spirit--is called kaluga. there is one in each village, in the headman's house. the deity is represented by a pie piece (copper coin), placed in or over a new earthen pot smeared with rice and turmeric powder. during worship, a silk cloth, a new cloth, or a wet cloth may be worn, but one must not dress in leaves. before the mangoes are eaten, the first-fruits are offered to the moon, at the full moon of the month chitra." "when," gloyer writes, "a house has to be built, the first thing is to select a favourable spot, to which few evil spirits (dumas) resort. at this spot they put, in several places, three grains of rice arranged in such a way that the two lower grains support the upper one. to protect the grains, they pile up stones round them, and the whole is lightly covered with earth. when, after some time, they find on inspection that the upper grain has fallen off, the spot is regarded as unlucky, and must not be used. if the position of the grains remains unchanged, the omen is regarded as auspicious. they drive in the first post, which must have a certain length, say of five, seven, or nine ells, the ell being measured from the tip of the middle finger to the elbow. the post is covered on the top with rice straw, leaves, and shrubs, so that birds may not foul it, which would be regarded as an evil omen. [in madras, a story is current, with reference to the statue of sir thomas munro, that he seized upon all the rice depôts, and starved the people to death by selling rice in egg-shells at one shell for a rupee, and, to punish him, the government erected the statue in an open place, so that the birds of the air might insult him by polluting his face.] in measuring the house, odd numbers play an important part. the number four (pura, or full number), however, forms the proper measurement, whereby they measure the size of the house, according to the pleasure of the builder. but now the dissary (desari) decides whether the house shall be built on the nandi, dua, or tia system, nandi signifying one, dua two, and tia three. this number of ells must be added to the measurement of the house. supposing that the length of the house is twelve ells, then it will be necessary to add one ell according to the nandi system, so that the length amounts to thirteen ells. the number four can only be used for stables." "the dumas," gloyer continues, "are represented as souls of the deceased, which roam about without a home, so as to cause to mankind all possible harm. at the birth of a child, the duma must be invited in a friendly manner to provide the child with a soul, and protect it against evil. for this purpose, a fowl is killed on the ninth day, a bone (beinknochen) detached, and pressed in to the hand of the infant. the relations are seated in solemn silence, and utter the formula:--when grandfather, grandmother, father, or brother comes, throw away the bone, and we will truly believe it. no sooner does the sprawling and excited infant drop the bone, than the dumas are come, and boisterous glee prevails. the dumas occasionally give vent to their ghostly sounds, and cause no little consternation among the inmates of a house, who hide from fear. cunning thieves know how to rob the superstitious by employing instruments with a subdued tone (dumpftönende), or by emitting deep sounds from the chest. the yearly sacrifice to a duma consists of a black fowl and strong brandy. if a member of a family falls ill, an extraordinary sacrifice has to be offered up. the duma is not regarded only as an evil spirit, but also as a tutelary deity. he protects one against the treacherous attacks of witches. a place is prepared for him in the door-hinge, or a fishing-net, wherein he lives, is placed over the door. the witches must count all the knots of the net, before they can enter. devil worship is closely connected with that of the duma. the devil's priests, and in rare cases priestesses, effect communion between the people and the dumas by a sort of possession, which the spirit, entering into them, is said to give rise to. this condition, which is produced by intoxicating drink and the fumes of burning incense, gives rise to revolting cramp-like contortions, and muscular quiverings. in this state, they are wont to communicate what sacrifices the spirits require. on special occasions, they fall into a frenzied state, in which they cut their flesh with sharp instruments, or pass long, thin iron bars through the tongue and cheeks, during which operation no blood must flow. for this purpose, the instruments are rubbed all over with some blood-congealing material or sap. they also affect sitting on a sacred swing, armed with long iron nails. [mr. g. f. paddison informs me that he once saw a villager in the vizagapatam district, sitting outside the house, while groans proceeded from within. he explained that he was ill, and his wife was swinging on nails with their points upwards, to cure him.] the devil called jom duto, or messenger of the going, is believed to be a one-eyed, limping, black individual, whose hair is twisted into a frightfully long horn, while one foot is very long, and the other resembles the hoof of a buffalo. he makes his appearance at the death-bed, in order to drag his victim to the realm of torture." children are supposed to be born without souls, and to be afterwards chosen as an abode by the soul of an ancestor. the coming of the ancestor is signalised by the child dropping a chicken bone which has been thrust into its hand, and much rejoicing follows among the assembled relations. [ ] mr. paddison tells me that some dombs are reputed to be able to pour blazing oil over their bodies, without suffering any hurt; and one man is said to have had a miraculous power of hardening his skin, so that any one could have a free shot at him, without hurting him. he further narrates that, at sujanakota in the vizagapatam district, the dombs, notwithstanding frequent warnings, put devils into two successive schoolmasters. various tattoo devices, borne by the dombs examined by mr. fawcett, are figured and described by him. "these patterns," he writes, "were said to be, one and all, purely ornamental, and not in any way connected with totems, or tribal emblems." risley, however, [ ] regards "four out of the twelve designs as pretty closely related to the religion and mythology of the tribe; two are totems and two have reference to the traditional avocations. nos. and represent a classical scene in dom folk-lore, the story of king haris-chandra, who was so generous that he gave all he had to the poor and sold himself to a dom at benares, who employed him to watch his cremation ground at night. while he was thus engaged, his wife, who had also been sold for charitable purposes, came to burn the body of her son. she had no money to pay her fees, and haris-chandra, not knowing her in the darkness, turned her away. fortunately the sun rose; mutual recognition followed; the victims of promiscuous largesse were at once remarried, and vishnu intervened to restore the son to life. tatu no. shows haris-chandra watching the burning-ground by moonlight; the wavy line is the ganges; the dots are the trees on the other side; the strokes on either side of the king are the logs of wood, which he is guarding. in no. we see the sun rising, its first ray marked with a sort of fork, and the meeting of the king and queen." it is recorded, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, that "throughout the jeypore country proper, the dombus (and some ghasis) are by far the most troublesome class. their favourite crime is cattle-theft for the sake of the skins, but, in , a dombu gang in naurangpur went so far as to levy blackmail over a large extent of country, and defy for some months all attempts at capture. the loss of their cattle exasperates the other hill folk to the last degree, and, in , the naiks (headmen) of sixteen villages in the north of jeypore taluk headed an organized attack on the houses of the dombus, which, in the most deliberate manner, they razed to the ground in some fifteen villages. the dombus had fortunately got scent of what was coming, and made themselves scarce, and no bloodshed occurred. in the next year, some of the naiks of the ramagiri side of jeypore taluk sent round a jack branch, a well-recognised form of the fiery cross, summoning villagers other than dombus to assemble at a fixed time and place, but this was luckily intercepted by the police. the agent afterwards discussed the whole question with the chief naiks of jeypore and south naurangpur. they had no opinion of the deterrent effects of mere imprisonment on the dombus. 'you fatten them, and send them back,' they said, and suggested that a far better plan would be to cut off their right hands. [it is noted, in the vizagapatam manual, , that in cases of murder, the rajah of jeypore generally had the man's hands, nose, and ears cut off, but, after all that, he seldom escaped the deceased's relatives.] they eventually proposed a plan of checking the cattle-thefts, which is now being followed in much of that country. the baranaiks, or heads of groups of villages, were each given brands with distinctive letters and numbers, and required to brand the skins of all animals which had died a natural death or been honestly killed; and the possession by dombus, skin merchants, or others, of unbranded skins is now considered a suspicious circumstance, the burden of explaining which lies upon the possessor. unless this, or some other way of checking the dombus' depredations proves successful, serious danger exists that the rest of the people will take the matter into their own hands and, as the dombus in the agency number over , , this would mean real trouble." it is further recorded [ ] that the paidis (paidi malas), who often commit dacoities on the roads, "are connected with the dombus of the rayagada and gunupur taluks, who are even worse. these people dacoit houses at night in armed gangs of fifty or more, with their faces blacked to prevent recognition. terrifying the villagers into staying quiet in their huts, they force their way into the house of some wealthy person (for choice the local sondi, liquor-seller and sowcar, [ ] usually the only man worth looting in an agency village, and a shark who gets little pity from his neighbours when forced to disgorge), tie up the men, rape the women, and go off with everything of value. their favourite method of extracting information regarding concealed property is to sprinkle the houseowner with boiling oil." dommara.--the dommaras are a tribe of tumblers, athletes, and mountebanks, some of whom wander about the country, while others have settled down as agricultural labourers, or make combs out of the wood of elæodendron glaucum, ixora parviflora, pavetta indica, ficus bengalensis, etc., which they sell to wholesale merchants. they are, mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "a nomad class of acrobats, who, in many respects, recall the gipsies to mind, and raise the suggestion that their name may possibly be connected with the doms of northern india. they speak telugu, marathi, and hindustani, but not generally tamil. they are skilful jugglers, and both men and women are very clever tumblers and tight-rope dancers, exhibiting their feats as they travel about the country. some of them sell date mats and baskets, some trade in pigs, while others, settled in villages, cultivate lands. in social position they rank just above the pariahs and madigas. they profess to be vaishnavites [and saivites]. infant marriage is not practiced. widow remarriage is freely allowed, and polygamy is common. their marriage tie is very loose, and their women often practice prostitution. they are a predatory class, great drunkards, and of most dissolute habits. the dead are generally buried, and [on the day of the final death ceremonies] cooked rice is thrown out to be eaten by crows. in the matter of food, they eat all sorts of animals, including pigs, cats, and crows." when a friend was engaged in making experiments in connection with snake venom, some dommaras asked for permission to unbury the corpses of snakes and mungooses for the purpose of food. the dommaras are, in the mysore census report, , summed up as being buffoons, tumblers, acrobats, and snakecharmers, who travel from place to place, and earn a precarious living by their exhibitions. in the madras census report, , domban, kalaikuttadi (pole-dancer), and arya kuttadi, are given as synonyms of dommara. the kuttadi are summed up, in the tanjore manual, as vagabond dancers, actors, pantomimists, and marionette exhibitors, who hold a very low position in the social scale, and always perform in public streets and bazaars. by mr. f. s. mullaly [ ] the dommaras are divided into reddi or kapu (i.e., cultivators) and aray (maratha). "the women," he writes, "are proficient in making combs of horn and wood, and implements used by weavers. these they hawk about from place to place, to supplement the profits they derive from their exhibitions of gymnastic feats. in addition to performing conjuring tricks, rope-dancing and the like, the dommaras hunt, fish, make mats, and rear donkeys and pigs. the head of the tribe is called the mutli guru. he is their high priest, and exercises supreme jurisdiction over them both in spiritual and temporal matters. his head-quarters is chitvel in the cuddapah district. the legend regarding the office of the mutli guru is as follows. at chitvel, or as it was then known mutli, there once lived a king, who called together a gathering of all the gymnasts among his subjects. several classes were represented. polerigadu, a reddi dommara, so pleased the king that he was presented with a ring, and a royal edict was passed that the wearer of the ring and his descendants should be the head of the dommara class. the ring then given is said to be the same that is now worn by the head of the tribe at chitvel, which bears an inscription in telugu declaring that the wearer is the high-priest or guru of all the dommaras. the office is hereditary. the dwellings of the dommaras are somewhat similar to those of the koravars and joghis, made of palmyra leaves plaited into mats with seven strands. these huts, or gudisays, are located on the outskirts of villages, and carried on the backs of donkeys when on the march. stolen cloths, unless of value, are not as a rule sold, but concealed in the packs of their donkeys, and after a time worn. the dommaras are addicted to dacoity, robbery, burglary, and thefts. the instrument used by them is unlike those used by other criminal classes: it is of iron, about a foot long, and with a chisel-shaped point. as cattle and sheep lifters they are expert, and they have their regular receivers at most of the cattle fairs throughout the presidency." it is noted, in the nellore manual, that the dommaras "are stated by the nellore tahsildar to possess mirasi rights in some villages; that i take to mean that there is, in some villages, a customary contribution for tumblers and mendicants, which, according to wilson, was made in mysore the pretext for a tax named dombar-lingada-vira-kaniki. this tax, under the name dombar tafrik, was levied in venkatagiri in ." in the madura district, dommaras are found in some villages formerly owned by zamindars, and they call themselves children of the zamindars, by whom they were probably patronised. being a criminal class, the dommaras have a thief's language of their own, of which the following are examples:-- bidam vadu, dommara. poothi, policeman. marigam, pig. goparam, seven. dasa-masa, prostitute. kopparam, salt. kaljodu, goldsmith. the dommaras are said to receive into their community children of other castes, and women of doubtful morals, and to practice the custom of making basavis (dedicated prostitutes). the telugu dommaras give as their gotra salava patchi, the name of a mythological bird. at times of marriage, they substitute a turmeric-dyed string consisting of threads, called bondhu, for the golden tali or bottu. the marriage ceremonies of the are dommaras are supervised by an old basavi woman, and the golden marriage badge is tied round the bride's neck by a basavi. a dommara, whom i interviewed at coimbatore, carried a cotton bag containing a miscellaneous assortment of rubbish used in his capacity as medicine man and snake-charmer, which included a collection of spurious jackal horns (nari kompu), the hairs round which were stained with turmeric. to prove the genuineness thereof, he showed me not only the horn, but also the feet with nails complete, as evidence that the horns were not made from the nails. being charged with manufacturing the horns, he swore, by placing his hand on the head of a child who accompanied him, that he was not deceiving me. the largest of the horns in his bag, he gravely informed me, was from a jackal which he dug out of its hole on the last new moon night. the possessors of such horns, he assured me, do not go out with the pack, and rarely leave their holes except to feed on dew, field rats, etc. these spurious horns are regarded as a talisman, and it is believed that he who owns one can command the realisation of every wish. (see kuruvikkaran.) an iron ring, which the dommara was wearing on his wrist, was used as a cure for hernia, being heated and applied as a branding agent over the inguinal region. lamp oil is then rubbed over the burn, and a secret medicine, mixed with fowl's egg, administered. the ring was, he said, an ancestral heir-loom, and as such highly prized. to cure rheumatism in the big joints, he resorted to an ingenious form of dry cupping. a small incision is made with a piece of broken glass over the affected part, and the skin damped with water. the distal end of a cow's horn, of which the tip has been removed, and plugged with wax, does duty for the cup. a hole is pierced through the wax with an iron needle, and, the horn being placed over the seat of disease, the air is withdrawn from it by suction with the mouth, and the hole in the wax stopped up. as the air is removed from the cavity of the horn, the skin rises up within it. to remove the horn, it is only necessary to readmit air by once more boring a hole through the wax. in a bad case, as many as three horns may be applied to the affected part. the pitt rivers museum at oxford possesses dry-cupping apparatus, made of cow horn, from mirzapur in northern india and from natal, and of antelope horn from an unrecorded locality in india. in cases of scorpion sting the dommara rubbed up patent boluses with human milk or milk of the milk-hedge plant (euphorbia tirucalli), and applied them to the part. for chest pains he prescribed red ochre, and for infantile diseases myrabolam (terminalia) fruits mixed with water. in cases of snake-bite, a black stone, said to be made of various drugs mixed together, and burnt, is placed over the seat of the bite, and will, it was stated, drop off of its own accord as soon as it has absorbed all the poison. it is then put into milk or water to extract the poison, and the fluid is thrown away as being dangerous to life if swallowed. as a remedy for the bite of a mad dog, a plant, which is kept a secret, is mixed with the milk of a white goat, pepper, garlic, and other ingredients, and administered internally. a single dose is said to effect a cure. at tarikeri in mysore, a wandering troupe of are (maratha) dommaras performed before me. the women were decorated with jewels and flowers, and carried bells on their ankles. the men had a row of bells attached all round the lower edge of their short drawers. before the performance commenced, a pillayar (ganesa) was made with cowdung, and saluted. the entertainment took place in the open air amid the beating of drums, whistling, singing, and dialogue. the jests and antics of the equivalent of the circus clown were a source of much joy to the throng of villagers who collected to witness the tamasha (spectacle). one of the principal performers, in the waits between his turns, played the drum, or took a suck at a hooka (tobacco pipe) which was passed round among the members of the troupe. the entertainment, in which both men and women took part, consisted of various acrobatic feats, turning summersaults and catherine wheels, stilt-walking, and clever feats on the tight rope. finally a man, climbing up a lofty bamboo pole, spun himself rapidly round and round on the top of it by means of a socket in an iron plate tied to his loin cloth, into which a spike in the pole fitted. dondia.--a title of gaudo. donga dasari.--dasari (servant of the god), mr. francis writes, [ ] "in the strict sense of the word, is a religious mendicant of the vaishnavite sect, who has formally devoted himself to an existence as such, and been formally included in the mendicant brotherhood by being branded on the shoulders with vaishnavite symbols." far different are the donga, or thief dasaris, who receive their name from the fact that "the men and women disguise themselves as dasaris, with perpendicular vaishnava marks on their foreheads, and, carrying a lamp (garuda kambum), a gong of bell-metal, a small drum called jagata, and a tuft of peacock feathers, go begging in the villages, and are at times treated with the sumptuous meals, including cakes offered to them as the disciples of venkatesvarlu. [ ]" in an interesting article on the donga dasaris, mr. s. m. natesa sastri writes as follows. [ ] "quite opposed to the gudi (temple) dasaris are donga dasaris. they are the most dreaded of the criminal classes in the bellary district. in the early years of their settlement in bellary, these donga dasaris were said to have practiced kidnapping boys and girls of other castes to strengthen their number, and even now, as the practice stands, any person can become a donga dasari though very few would like to become one. but, for all that, the chief castes who furnished members to this brotherhood of robbery were the scum of the lingayats and the kabberas. of course, none of the respectable members of these castes would join them, and only those who were excommunicated found a ready home among these donga dasaris. sometimes muhammadan budmashes (bad-mash, evil means of livelihood) and the worst characters from other castes, also become donga dasaris. the way an alien is made a donga dasari is as follows. the regular donga dasaris take the party who wants to enter their brotherhood to the side of a river, make him bathe in oil, give him a new cloth, hold a council, and give a feast. they burn a twig of the sami (prosopis spicigera) or margosa (melia azadirachta) tree, and slightly burn the tongue of the party who has joined them. this is the way of purification and acceptance of every new member, who, soon after the tongue-burning ceremony, is given a seat in the general company, and made to partake of the common feast. the donga dasaris talk both telugu and kanarese. they have only two bedagas or family names, called sunna akki (thin rice) and ghantelavaru (men of the bell). as the latter is a family name of the kabberas, it is an evidence that members of the latter community have joined the donga dasaris. even now donga dasaris intermarry with kabberas, i.e., they accept any girl from a kabbera family in marriage to one of their sons, but do not give one of their daughters in marriage to a kabbera boy. hanuman is their chief god. venkatesa, an incarnation of vishnu, is also worshipped by many. but, in every one of their villages, they have a temple dedicated to their village goddess huligavva or ellamma, and it is only before these goddesses that they sacrifice sheep or fowls. vows are undertaken for these village goddesses when children fall ill. in addition to this, these donga dasaris are notorious for taking vows before starting on a thieving expedition, and the way these ceremonies are gone through is as follows. the gang, before starting on a thieving expedition, proceed to a jungle near their village in the early part of the night, worship their favourite goddesses huligavva or ellamma, and sacrifice a sheep or fowl before her. they place one of their turbans on the head of the sheep or fowl that was sacrificed, as soon as the head falls on the ground. if the turban turns to the right, it is considered a good sign, the goddess having permitted them to proceed on the expedition; if to the left, they return home that night. hanuman is also consulted in such expeditions, and the way in which it is done is as follows. they go to a hanuman temple which is near their village, and, after worshipping him, garland him with a wreath of flowers. the garland hangs on both sides of the neck. if any flowers on the right side drop down first, it is considered as a permission granted by the god to start on plundering expeditions, and, conversely, these expeditions are never undertaken if any flowers happen to drop from the left side first. the donga dasaris start on their thieving raids with their whole family, wife and children following. they are the great experts in house-breaking and theft, and children are taught thieving by their mothers when they are five or six years old. the mother takes her boy or girl to the nearest market, and shows the child some cloth or vessel, and asks it to bring it away. when it fails, it is thrashed, and, when stroke upon stroke falls upon its back, the only reply it is taught to give is that it knows nothing. this is considered to be the reply which the child, when it grows up to be a man or woman, has to give to the police authorities when it is caught in some crime and thrashed by them to confess. whenever the donga dasaris are caught by the police, they give false names and false castes. they have a cipher language among themselves. the donga dasari woman is very loose, but, if she go astray with a brahman, lingayat, kabbera, kuruba, upparava, or rajput, her tongue is burnt, and she is taken back into the community. widow remarriage freely prevails. they avoid eating beef and pork, but have no objection to other kinds of flesh." donga odde.--the name for oddes who practice thieving as a profession. dongayato.--a sub-division of gaudo. dongrudiya.--a sub-division of mali. dora.--dora, meaning lord, has been returned as the title of numerous classes, which include boya, ekari, jatapu, konda dora, mutracha, patra, telaga, velama, and yanati. the hill kois or koyis of the godavari district are known as koi dora or doralu (lords). i am told that, in some parts of the telugu country, if one hears a native referred to as dora, he will generally turn out to be a velama; and that there is the following gradation in the social scale:-- velama dora = velama esquire. kamma varu = mr. kamma. kapu = plain kapu, without an honorific suffix. in southern india, dorai or durai (master) is the equivalent of the northern sahib, and dorasani (mistress) of memsahib. it is noted by sir a. j. arbuthnot [ ] that "the appellation by which sir thomas munro was most commonly known in the ceded districts was that of colonel dora. and to this day it is considered a sufficient answer to enquiries regarding the reason for any revenue rule, that it was laid down by the colonel dora." dorabidda, or children of chiefs, is the name by which boyas, who claim to be descended from poligars (feudal chiefs) call themselves. dravida.--a sub-division of kamsala. south indian brahmans are called dravidas. dubaduba.--recorded, at times of census, as an oriya form of budubudukala. duddu (money).--an exogamous sept of mala. dudekula.--the dudekulas are described by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as "muhammadans who have taken to the trade of cotton-cleaning (dude, cotton; ekula, to clean). by the tamils they are called panjari or panjukotti, which have the same significance. though muhammadans, they have adopted or retained many of the customs of the hindus around them, tying a tali to the bride at marriage, being very ignorant of the muhammadan religion, and even joining in hindu worship as far as allowable. circumcision is, however, invariable, and they are much given to the worship of muhammadan saints. in dress they resemble the hindus, and often shave off the beard, but do not leave a single lock of hair upon the head, as most hindus do. over three hundred hindus have returned their caste as either dudekula or panjari, but these are probably members of other castes, who call themselves dudekula as they are engaged in cotton-cleaning." the dudekulas are described by mr. w. francis [ ] as "a muhammadan caste of cotton-cleaners, and rope and tape-makers. they are either converts to islam, or the progeny of unions between musalmans and the women of the country. consequently they generally speak the dravidian languages--either canarese or telugu--but some of them speak hindustani also. their customs are a mixture of those of the musalmans and the hindus. inheritance is apparently according to muhammadan law. they pray in mosques, and circumcise their boys, and yet some of them observe the hindu festivals. they worship their tools at bakrid and not at the dasara; they raise the azan or muhammadan call to prayers at sunset, and they pray at the tombs of musalman saints." in the vizagapatam district, the dudekulas are described as beating cotton, and blowing horns. for the following note on the dudekulas of the ceded districts, i am indebted to mr. haji khaja hussain. they claim bava faqrud-din pir of penukonda in the anantapur district as their patron saint. large numbers of muhammadans, including dudekulas, collect at the annual festival (mela) at his shrine, and offer their homage in the shape of a fatiha. this, meaning opener, is the name of the first chapter of the koran, which is repeated when prayers are offered for the souls of the departed. for this ceremony a pilau, made of flesh, rice and ghi (clarified butter) is prepared, and the khazi repeats the chapter, and offers the food to the soul of the deceased saint or relation. the story of faqrud-din pir is as follows. he was born in a.h. (about a.d. ), and was king of seistan in persia. one day, while he was administering justice, a merchant brought some horses before him for sale. his attention was diverted, and he became for a time absorbed in contemplation of the beauty of one of the horses. awakening from his reverie, he blamed himself for allowing his thoughts to wander when he was engaged in the most sacred of his duties as a king. he summoned a meeting of all the learned moulvis in his kingdom, and enquired of them what was the penalty for his conduct. they unanimously decreed that he should abdicate. accordingly he placed his brother on the throne, and, becoming a dervish, came to india, and wandered about in the jungles. eventually he arrived at trichinopoly, and there met the celebrated saint tabri-alam, whose disciple he became. after his admission into holy orders, he was told to travel about, and plant his miswak wherever he halted, and regard the place where it sprouted as his permanent residence. the miswak, or tooth-brush, is a piece of the root of the pilu tree (salvadora persica), which is used by muhammadans, and especially fakirs, for cleaning the teeth. when bava faqrud-din arrived at penukonda hill, he, as usual, planted the miswak, which sprouted. he accordingly decided to make this spot his permanent abode. but there was close by an important hindu temple, and the idea of a muhammadan settling close to it enraged the hindus, who asked him to leave. he not only refused to do so, but allowed his disciples, of whom a number had collected, to slaughter a sacred bull belonging to the temple. the hindus accordingly decided to kill faqrud-din and his disciples. the raja collected an armed force, and demanded the restoration of the bull. faqrud-din ordered one of his disciples to bring before him the skin, head, feet and tail of the animal, which had been preserved. striking the skin with his staff, he exclaimed "rise, oh! bull, at the command of god." the animal immediately rose in a complete state of restoration, and would not leave the presence of his preserver. alarmed at this miracle, the hindus brandished their swords and spears, and were about to fall on the muhammadans, when a dust-storm arose and blinded them. in their confusion, they began to slay each other, and left the spot in dismay. the raja then resolved to kill the muhammadans by poisoning them. he prepared some cakes mixed with poison, and sent them to faqrud-din for distribution among his disciples. the saint, though he knew that the cakes were poisoned, partook thereof of himself, as also did his disciples, without any evil effect. a few days afterwards, the raja was attacked with colic, and his case was given up by the court physicians as hopeless. as a last resort, he was taken before faqrud-din, who offered him one of the poisoned cakes, which cured him. falling at his feet, the raja begged for pardon, and offered the village of penukonda to faqrud-din as a jaghir (annuity). this offer was declined, and the saint asked that the temple should be converted into a mosque. the raja granted this request, and it is said that large numbers of hindus embraced the muhammadan religion, and were the ancestors of the dudekulas. the dudekulas, like the hindus, like to possess some visible symbol for worship, and they enrol great personages who have died among the number of those at whose graves they worship. so essential is this grave worship that, if a place is without one, a grave is erected in the name of some saint. such a thing has happened in recent times in banganapalle. a fakir, named alla bakhsh, died at kurnool. a dudekula of the banganapalle state visited his grave, took away a lump of earth from the ground near it, and buried it in a village ten miles from banganapalle. a shrine was erected over it in the name of the saint, and has become very famous for the miracles which are performed at it. an annual festival is held, which is attended by large numbers of muhammadans and dudekulas. some dudekulas have names which, though at first sight they seem to be hindu, are really muhammadan. for example, kambannah is a corruption of kamal sahib, and sakali, which in telugu means a washerman, seems to be an altered form of sheik ali. though dudekulas say that they are muhammadans of the sheik sect, the name sheik is only occasionally used as a prefix, e.g., sheik hussain or sheik ali. names of males are hussain sa, fakir sa, and khasim sa. sa is an abbreviated form of sahib. one old dudekula stated that the title sahib was intended for pucka (genuine) muhammadans, and that the dudekulas could not lay claim to the title in its entirety. instead of sa, bhai, meaning brother, is sometimes used as a suffix to the name, e.g., ghudu bhai. ghudu, meaning ash-heap, is an opprobrious name given to children of those whose offspring have died young, in the hope of securing long life to them. the child is taken, immediately after birth, to an ash-heap, where some of the ashes are sprinkled over it. some dudekulas adopt the hindu termination appa (father), anna (brother), or gadu, e.g., pullanna, naganna, yerkalappa, hussaingadu, hussainappa. typical names of females are roshamma, jamalamma, and madaramma. they have dropped the title bibi or bi, and adopted the hindu title amma (mother). the ceremony of naming a child is generally performed on the sixth day after its birth. the choice of a name is entrusted to an elderly female member of the family. in some cases, the name of a deceased ancestor who lived to an advanced age is taken. if a child dies prematurely, there is a superstitious prejudice against its name, which is avoided by the family. very frequently a father and son, and sometimes two or three brothers, have the same name. in such a case prefixes are added to their names as a means of distinguishing them, e.g., pedda (big), nadpi (middle), chinna (little). sometimes two names are assumed by an individual, one a hindu name for every day use, the other muhammadan for ceremonial occasions. the dudekulas depend for the performance of their ceremonies largely on the khazi, by whom even the killing of a fowl for domestic purposes has to be carried out. the dudekula, like other muhammadans, is averse to taking animal life without due religious rites, and the zabh, or killing of an animal for food, is an important matter. one who is about to do so should first make vazu (ablution), by cleaning his teeth and washing his mouth, hands, face, forearms, head and feet. he should then face the west, and an assistant holds the animal to be slaughtered upside down, and facing west. water is poured into its mouth, and the words bismilla hi alla hu akbar uttered. the operator then cuts the throat, taking care that the jugular veins are divided. in remote villages, where a khazi is not available, the dudekulas keep a sacrificial knife, which has been sanctified by the khazi repeating over it the same words from the koran as are used when an animal is slaughtered. the first words which a muhammadan child should hear are those of the azan, or call to prayer, which are uttered in its ear immediately after birth. this ceremony is observed by those dudekulas who live in towns or big villages, or can afford the services of a khazi. it is noted by mr. francis that the dudekulas raise the azan at sunset. a few, who have been through a course of religious instruction at a madrasa (school), may be able to do this. a muhammadan is supposed to raise the azan five times daily, viz., before sunrise, between noon and p.m., between and p.m., at sunset, and between p.m. and midnight. at the naming of an infant on the sixth day, the dudekulas do not, like other muhammadans, perform the aguiga ceremony, which consists of shaving the child's head, and sacrificing a he-goat. children are circumcised before the tenth year. on such occasions the muhammadans generally invite their friends, and distribute sweets and pan-supari (betel leaf and areca nuts). the dudekulas simply send for a barber, hindu or muhammadan, who performs the operation in the presence of a khazi, if one happens to be available. when a girl reaches puberty, the dudekulas invite their friends to a feast. other muhammadans, on the contrary, keep the fact a secret. at the betrothal ceremony, when sweets and pan-supari are taken by the future bridegroom and his party to the house of the girl whom he seeks in marriage, the female members of both families, and the girl herself, are present. this fact shows the absence of the muhammadan gosha system among dudekulas. a muhammadan wedding lasts over five or six days, whereas the ceremonies are, among the dudekulas, completed within twenty-four hours. on the night preceding the nikka day, a pilau is prepared, and a feast is held at the bridegroom's house. on the following morning, when it is still dark, the bridegroom, accompanied by his relations, starts on horseback in procession, with beating of drums and letting off of fireworks. the procession arrives at the bride's house before sunrise. the khazi is sent for, and the mahr is settled. this is a nominal gift settled on the wife before marriage by the bridegroom. on the death of a husband, a widow has priority of claim on his property to the promised amount of the mahr. two male witnesses are sent to the bride, to obtain her assent to the union, and to the amount of the mahr. the khazi, being an orthodox muhammadan, treats the dudekula bride as strictly gosha for the time being, and, therefore, selects two of her near relatives as witnesses. the lutcha (marriage badge), consisting of a single or double string of beads, is brought in a cup filled with sandal paste. the khazi chants the marriage service, and sends the lutcha in to the bride with his blessing. it is tied round her neck by the female relations of the bridegroom, and the marriage rites are over. the usual muhammadan form of greeting among muhammadans is the familiar "peace be with you." "and with you be peace." when a dudekula greets a muhammadan, he simply bows, and, with members of his own community, uses a telugu form of salutation, e.g., niku mokkutamu. the dudekulas, male and female, dress exactly like hindus, but, as a rule, the men do not shave their beard. disputes, and social questions affecting the community, are settled by a khazi. with the increase in cotton mills, and the decline of the indigenous hand-weaving industry, the demand for cotton-cleaning labour has diminished, and some dudekulas have, of necessity, taken to agriculture. land-owners are very scarce among them, but some are abkari (liquor) contractors, village schoolmasters, and quack doctors. in the ceded districts, the cotton-cleaning industry is solely confined to the dudekulas. the synonyms of dudekula, ladaf and nurbash, recorded at times of census, are corruptions of nad-daf (a cotton dresser) and nurbaf (weaving). dudi.--a title of kurumos, who officiate as priests at the temples of village deities. dudi (cotton) balija.--a name for traders in cotton in the telugu country, and an occupational sub-division of komati. durga (fort).--a gotra of kurni. dutan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, as a synonym of ari. dyavana (tortoise).--an exogamous sept of moger. e eddulu (bulls).--see yeddulu. ediannaya (hornet's nest).--an exogamous sept of bant. egadavan.---recorded, at times of census, as an exogamous sept of anappans, who are canarese cattle-grazers settled in the tamil country. possibly it is a corruption of heggade, a title among kurubas. ekakshara.--a sub-division of satani. the name is derived from ekakshara, meaning one syllable, i.e., the mystic syllable om. ekari.--this caste is summed up in the madras census report, , under the names ekari, ekali, yakari, and yakarlu, as a sub-caste of mutracha. mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] that "ekaris or yakarlu are a class of cultivators and village watchmen, found chiefly in the northern taluks of north arcot, and in the adjoining district of cuddapah. it is very doubtful whether the ekaris and mutrachas are identical castes. the census statistics are, i think, sufficient to throw grave doubt on this view. neither name, for instance, appears as a sub-division of the other, although this would certainly be the case if they were synonymous. nor is there any similarity in the sub-divisions that are given. they are said, in the nellore manual, to be hunters and mercenaries, and in cuddapah, where they are known to some as boyas and kiratas, they are classed as a forest tribe. it is clear, however, that they enjoyed some authority, for several rose to be poligars. thus the poligars of kallur, tumba, pulicherla, bangari and gudipati are of this caste, and many of its members are village policemen. they do not wear the sacred thread, but employ brahmans as their priests. their ceremonies differ very little from those of the kapus. they are flesh-eaters, and their titles are naidu and dora. the caste possesses some interest as being that which had, in , the highest proportion of widowed among females between the ages of and . little is known of the caste history. some assert that they were formerly hindu cotton cleaners, and that their name is derived from the verb yekuta, to clean cotton. they returned sub-divisions, of which the most important seem to be dodda (big) and pala." there is neither intermarriage, nor free interdining between ekaris and mutrachas. by some, kampin, and nagiripilla kayalu, and by others kammi and yerrai were given as sub-divisions. one of the recognised names of washermen in tamil is egali or ekali. elakayan.--a sub-division of nayar. it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "its hereditary occupation is to get plantain leaves for the use of the cherukunnu temple, where travellers are fed daily by the chirakkal raja." elayad.--for the following note on the elayads or ilayatus i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. ilayatu literally means younger, and the name is employed to denote a caste, which is supposed to be the last among the numerous sub-divisions of malabar brahmans. the caste-men make use of two titles, ilayatu and nambiyatiri, the latter of which has the same origin as nambutiri, meaning a person worthy of worship. women are generally known as ilayammas, and, in some parts of north travancore, also kunjammas. by the caste-men themselves the women are called akattulavar, or those inside, in the same way as nambutiri women. children are called kunjunnis. the ilayatus exact from the nayars the name of ilayachchan, or little father. according to the jatinirnaya, a work ascribed to parasurama, the ilayatus were once brahmans of undiminished purity, but became degraded owing to the priestly service which was performed for a nayar servant attached to one of their households. two members of the house of azhvancheri tamprakkal were brothers. the younger resolved to go to a foreign country, and could get no other nayar servant than one who was obliged to perform his mother's anniversary ceremony on the way. he promised to act as the priest on this occasion, and is even believed to have eaten the food prepared by the nayar. when the matter became known to his elder brother, he assembled all the vaidik brahmans, and the younger brother was excommunicated. this tradition, like the majority of malabar traditions, has to be accepted with reserve. the ilayatus assert that, until interdicted by rama iyen dalawa in revenge for a supposed dishonour to him, they had the privilege of commensality with nambutiri brahmans; but rama iyen's authority, large as it was, did not extend to cochin and british malabar, where too the ilayatus appear to labour under the same difficulty. those who encouraged the higher classes of nayars with ritualistic functions became onnam parisha or the first party of ilayatus, the remainder being grouped in another class known as randam or second party. the latter are lower in the social scale than the former. the two sections do not intermarry, and interdining is restricted to the male sex. the ilayatus generally have a dejected appearance, and their poverty is proverbial. most of them earn only a scanty living by their traditional occupation, and yet it is notorious that other walks of life have absolutely no attraction for them. not only is english education not welcomed, but even the study of sanskrit finds only a few steadfast votaries. the ilayatus are, however, a naturally clever, and intelligent community, and, under favourable conditions, are found to take a more prominent place in society. the house of an ilayatu is, like that of a nambutiri, called illam. it is generally large, being the gift of some pious nayar. every ilayatu house possesses a serpent grove, where periodical offerings are made. the dress and ornaments of the ilayatus are exactly like those of the nambutiris. the wedding ornament is called kettu-tali. children wear a ring tied to a thread round the neck from the moment of the first feeding ceremony. the ilayatus are strict vegetarians, and, though in some of their temples they have to make offerings of liquor to the deity, they are strictly forbidden by caste rules from partaking thereof. the chief occupation of the ilayatus is the priesthood of the nayars. the first division perform this service only for the ilakkar or highest class of nayars, while the second division do not decline to be the priests of any section of that community. in performing such services, the ilayatus recite various liturgic texts, but hardly any vedic hymns. the ilayatus have also been the recognised priests in several north travancore temples, the chief of which are the kainikkara bhagavata shrine, the payappara sasta shrine, and the parekkavu siva temple at kuttattukulam. ilayatus are the priests in most of the snake groves of malabar, that at mannarsalay commanding the greatest popularity and respect. ilayatus are, in all matters of caste such as smarta-vicharam, or enquiry into charges of adultery, etc., governed by the nambutiris, who are assisted by vaidiks belonging to the caste itself. it is the latter who are the regular priests of the ilayatus, and, though ignorant of the vedas, they seem to possess considerable knowledge of the priestly functions as carried out in malabar. nambutiris are sometimes invited to perform isvaraseva, sarpabali, and other religious rites. purification rites are performed by the caste priests only, and no nambutiri is called on to assist. brahmans do not cook food in the houses of ilayatus. the ilayatus are divided mostly into two septs or gotras, called visvamitra and bharadvaja. the marriage of girls is performed before or after puberty, between the twelfth and eighteenth years. no bride-price is paid, but a sum of not less than rs. has to be paid to the bridegroom. this is owing to the fact that, in an ilayatu family, as among the nambutiris, only the eldest son can lead a married life. all male members of a family, except the eldest, take to themselves some nayar or ambalavasi woman. widows do not remove their tuft of hair on the death of their husband, but throw their marriage ornament on to the funeral pyre, probably as a symbol of the performance of sati. the ilayatus resemble the nambutiris in all questions of inheritance. the ilayatus do not omit any of the sixteen religious ceremonies of the brahmans. the rules of name given are that the eldest son should be named after the paternal grandfather, the second after the maternal grandfather, and the third after the father. a parallel rule obtains in giving names to daughters. the ilayatus belong in the main to the white and black branches of the yajurveda, and observe the sutras of bodhayana and asvalayana. they recite only twenty-four gayatri hymns, thrice a day. women are believed to be polluted for ninety days after childbirth. it is noted in the cochin census report, , that the elayads are "their own priests, and for this reason, and from the fact that nayars perform sradhas (memorial service) in the houses of elayads, the nambudris do not cook or take meals in their houses, nor do they, kshatriyas or nampidis, take water from elayads. in former times, the elayads used to take their meals in nayar houses during the performance of the sradha ceremony of the nayars, as brahmans generally do on such ceremonial occasions amongst themselves, but they now decline to do it, except in a few wealthy and influential families. muthads and elayads wear the sacred thread. though in many respects the elayads are more brahmanical than the muthads, the majority of the ambalavasi castes do not take the food cooked or touched by the elayads. there are some temples, in which they officiate as chief priests. the muthad and elayad females are gosha. they both practice polygamy, and perform sarvaswadanam marriages like the nambudris." ella (boundary).--an exogamous sept of mutracha. elugoti (assembly).--an exogamous sept of devanga. elugu (bear).--an exogamous sept of yanadi. eluttacchan.--eluttacchan or ezhuttacchan, meaning teacher or master of learning, is the name for educated kadupattans of malabar employed as schoolmasters. eman.--a corruption of yajamanan, lord, recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a title of nayar. embrantiri.--embrantiri or embran is "a malayalam name for tulu brahmans settled in malabar. they speak both tulu and malayalam. some of them call themselves nambudris, but they never intermarry with that class." [ ] by wigram they are defined [ ] as "a class of sacrificing brahmans, chiefly tulu, who officiate at sudra ceremonies." it is a name for the tulu shivalli brahmans. emme (buffalo).--see yemme. ena korava.--see korava. enadi.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as "a name for shanans, derived from enadi nayanar, a saivite saint. it also means ambattan, or barber." the word denotes a chief, barber, or minister. enangan.--enangan or inangan is defined by mr. k. kannan nayar [ ] as "a member of an inangu, this being a community of a number of tarwads, the members of which may interdine or intermarry, and are bound to assist one another, if required, in the performance of certain social and religious rites." it is noted, in the gazetteer of malabar, that "an enangan or inangan is a man of the same caste and sub-division or marriage groups. it is usually translated kinsman, but is at once wider and narrower in its connotation. my enangans are all who can marry the same people that i can. an enangatti is a female member of an enangan's family." eneti.--said to be mendicants, who beg from gamallas. (see yanati.) entamara.--see yanati. era.--era cheruman, or eralan, is a sub-division of cheruman. eradi.--eradi has been defined [ ] as meaning "a cow-herd. a sub-division of the nayar caste, which formerly ruled in what is now the ernad taluk" of malabar. in the malabar manual, ernad is said to be derived from eradu, the bullock country. eradi denotes, according to the census report, , "a settlement in ernad. the caste of samantas, to which the zamorin of calicut belongs." eravallar.--the eravallars are a small forest tribe inhabiting the coimbatore district and malabar. for the following note on the eravallars of cochin, i am indebted to mr. l. k. anantha krishna iyer. [ ] eravallars are a wild tribe of inoffensive hill-men found in the forests of the cochin state, especially in the chittur taluk. they are also called villu vedans (hunters using bows). their language is tamil, though some speak malayalam. in addressing the elderly members of the caste, they use the titles muthan (elder) and pattan (grandfather). names in use for males are kannan (krishna), otukan, kothandan, kecharan, and attukaran, while females are called kanni, keyi, kaikayi, otuka, and ramayi. these hindu divine names are recent innovations after the names of members of the higher castes, with whom they frequently come in contact. the eravallars have no knowledge of the origin of their caste. they appear to be a rude and primitive people, like the other jungle tribes of the state, but are somewhat improving their status under their masters. their habits are less migratory than those of the malayars and kadars. they live in villages called pathis, situated in the forests. their huts are similar to those of the malayars and kadars. they propitiate their sylvan deities before the construction of their huts, and also before their occupation. some days are believed to be lucky, as mondays for sowing and weddings, wednesdays for building, and fridays for reaping. eravallars do not live as small independent communities, but are mostly attached to farmers, under whom they work for a daily wage of two edangazhis and a half of paddy (unhusked rice). the women also work for the same wage, but never agree to serve in a state of bondage. during the festival kathira in the village temple of their landlords, when sheaves of corn are brought, every male member gets from his landlord two veshtis (a cloth with a coloured border yards in length), and every woman a potava (coloured cloth yards in length). during the onam and vishu festivals, one para of paddy, two cocoanuts, a small quantity of gingelly (sesamum) and cocoanut oil are also given. the landlords partly defray their marriage and funeral expenses by a grant of a few paras of paddy, some salt and chillies. sometimes they agree to work for twenty valloms (a large corn measure) a year. to improve their condition, they borrow money from their landlords, and purchase a bullock or buffalo or two, to cultivate a plot of land, after clearing a portion of the forest belonging to their master. they raise some crops, and make some saving to pay off the debt. should they be so unfortunate as to fail in the undertaking, they willingly mortgage themselves to their master, or to some other, for the wages above mentioned, and wait for some favourable opportunity to pay off the debt. women never surrender themselves to work in a state of bondage, but are independent day-labourers. the eravallars are, as certified by their masters, always truthful, honest, faithful and god-fearing, and never, like the pulayas of the northern parts of the state, ungratefully run away from their masters. a girl, when she comes of age, is lodged in a separate hut (muttuchala) erected at a distance of a furlong from the main hut. only a few girl friends are allowed to be in company with her during the period of her seclusion, which is generally seven days, during which food is served to her at a distance, when she comes to take it. no grown-up member approaches her, for fear of pollution. she bathes on the morning of the seventh day, and is then allowed to enter the hut. the day is one of festivity to her friends and relations. if a girl is married before she attains puberty, her husband contributes something for the expenses of the ceremony. should a woman cohabit with a man before marriage and become pregnant, she used, in former times, to be put to death, but is now turned out of caste. instances of the kind are, they say, extremely rare. an eravallan who wishes to see his son married visits the parents of a girl with his brother-in-law and a few relatives, who make the proposal. if the parents agree, the wedding day is fixed, and all the preliminary arrangements are made at the hut of the bride, where the relatives assembled are treated to a dinner. the bride's price is only a rupee. the parents of the bride and bridegroom visit their respective landlords with a few packets of betel leaves, areca nuts, and tobacco, and inform them of the marriage proposal. the landlords give a few paras of paddy to defray a portion of the wedding expenses. they celebrate their weddings on mondays. on a monday previous to the wedding ceremony, the sister of the bridegroom, with a few of her relations and friends, goes to the bride's hut, and presents her parents with the bride's money, and a brass ring for the bride. on the monday chosen for the wedding, the same company, and a few more, go there, and dress the girl in the new garment brought by them. they are treated to a dinner as on the previous occasion. they then return with the bride to the hut of the bridegroom, where also the parties assembled are entertained. on the monday after this, the bridegroom and bride are taken to the bride's hut, where they stay for a week, and then return to the bridegroom's hut. marriage is now formally over. the tali (marriage badge) tying is dispensed with. this custom of marriage prevails among the izhuvas of the chittur taluk. the bridegroom gets nothing as a present during the wedding, but this is reserved for the karkadaka sankranthi, when he is invited by his father-in-law, and given two veshtis and a turban, after sumptuously feeding him. a widow can only marry a widower. it is called mundakettuka (marrying a widow). when they both have children, the widower must make a solemn promise to his castemen that he will treat and support the children by both marriages impartially. the present of a brass ring and cloth is essential. a man can divorce his wife, if he is not satisfied with her. the divorced wife can mate only with a widower. such cases, they say, are very rare among them. no ceremony is performed for a pregnant woman during the fifth or seventh month. if she dreams of dogs, cats, or wild animals coming to threaten her, it is believed that she is possessed of demons. then a devil-driver from this or some other caste is called in. he draws a hideous figure (kolam) on the floor with powdered rice, turmeric, and charcoal, and the woman is seated in front of it. he sings and beats his small drum, or mutters his mantram (consecrated formula). a lamp is lighted, and frankincense is burned. a kaibali is waved round the woman's face. she is worked up to a hysterical state, and makes frantic movements. boiled rice, flattened rice, plantains, cocoanuts, and fowl are offered to the demon. quite satisfied, the demon leaves her, or offers to leave her on certain conditions. if the woman remains silent and unmoved all the time, it is supposed that no demon resides in her body. very often a yantram (charm) is made on a piece of cadjan (palm) leaf, and rolled. it is attached to a thread, and worn round the neck. a woman in childbirth is located in a separate small hut (muttuchala) erected at a distance from the main hut. nobody attends upon her, except her mother or some old woman to nurse her. as soon as delivery takes place, the mother and child are bathed. her pollution is for seven days, during which she stays in the hut. she then bathes, and is removed to another hut close to the main hut, and is again under pollution for five months. her diet during this period is simple, and she is strictly forbidden to take meat. the only medicine administered to her during the period is a mixture of pepper, dried ginger, and palm sugar mixed with toddy. she comes back to the main hut after purifying herself by a bath at the end of the five months. the day is one of festivity. the eravallers bury their dead, and observe death pollution for five days. on the morning of the sixth day, the chief mourner, who may be the son or younger brother, gets shaved, bathes, and offers to the spirit of the departed boiled rice, parched rice, plantains, and fowl. a feast is given to the castemen once a year, when they have some savings. they think of their ancestors, who are propitiated with offerings. they are pure animists, and believe that the forests and hills are full of demons disposed to do them harm. many of them are supposed to live in trees, and to rule wild beasts. they also believe that there are certain local demons, which are supposed to reside in rocks, trees, or peaks, having influence over particular families or villages, and that services rendered to them are intended to mitigate their hunger rather than to seek benefits. their gods are kali, muni, kannimar, and karappu rayan. kali is adored to obtain her protection for themselves and their families while living in the forest. muni is worshipped for the protection of their cattle, and to secure good harvest. kannimar (the seven virgins) and karappu rayan are their family deities, who watch over their welfare. offerings of boiled rice, plantains, cocoanuts, and flattened rice are given to propitiate them. kali and muni are worshipped in the forest, and the others in their huts. the main occupation of the eravallers is ploughing dry lands for the cultivation of chama (panicum miliaceum), cholam (sorghum vulgare), dholl (cajanus indicus) and gingelly (sesamum indicum) seeds, and sowing the seeds, which begin in the middle of may, and harvesting in november. during these months, they are wholly occupied with agriculture. during the other months of the year, gardening, fencing, and thatching are their chief occupations. offerings are made to kali and muni, when they plough, sow, and reap. they are so propitiated, as they are supposed to protect their corn from destruction by wild beasts. the eravallers are skilful hunters. owing to their familiarity and acquaintance with the forests, they can point out places frequented by wild beasts, which they can recognise by smell, either to warn travellers against danger, or to guide sportsmen to the game. ten or fifteen of them form a party, and are armed with knives, bows and arrows. some of them act as beaters, and the animal is driven to a particular spot, where it is caught in a large net already spread, shot, or beaten to death. animals hunted are hares, porcupines, and wild pigs. the game is always equally divided. being good marksmen, they take skilful aim at birds, and kill them when flying. the ordinary dietary is kanji (gruel) of chama or cholam, mixed with tamarind, salt and chillies, prepared overnight, and taken in the morning. the same is prepared for the midday meal, with a vegetable curry consisting of dholl, horse gram (dolichos biflorus), and other grains grown in the garden of their masters, which they have to watch. they eat the flesh of sheep, fowls, pigs, hares, quails, and doves. they take food at the hands of brahmans, nayars, kammalars, and izhuvas. they refuse to take anything cooked by mannans, panans, parayans, and cherumans. they bathe when touched by a chakkiliyan, parayan, or cheruman. they stand a long way off from brahmans and nayars. both men and women are decently clad. males wear veshtis, one end of which hangs loose, and the other is tucked in between the legs. they have a shoulder cloth, either hanging loosely over their shoulders, or sometimes tied to the turban. they allow their hair to grow long, but do not, for want of means, anoint it with oil. they grow moustaches. they wear round the neck a necklace of small white beads to distinguish them from malayars, who are always afraid of them. some wear brass finger rings. women wear a potava (coloured cloth), half of which is worn round the loins, while the other half serves to cover the body. the hair is not smoothed with oil. it is twisted into a knot on the back. it is said that they take an oil bath once a week. their ear ornament is made of a long palmyra leaf rolled into a disc, and the ear lobes are sufficiently dilated to contain them. erkollar.--a tamil form of the telugu yerragolla, which is sub-division of tottiyan. ernadan.--in the madras census report, , the aranadans are described as a hill tribe in malabar, who kill pythons, and extract an oil from them, which they sell to people on the plains as a remedy for leprosy. these are, i have no doubt, the ernadans, concerning whom mr. g. hadfield writes to me as follows. they are a small jungle tribe, found exclusively in malabar, and are considered to be the lowest of the jungle tribes by the inhabitants of malabar, who consider themselves polluted if an ernadan approaches within a hundred yards. even paniyans and pariahs give them a wide berth, and they are prohibited from coming within four hundred yards of a village. one of their customs is very singular, viz., the father of a family takes (or used to take) his eldest daughter as his second wife. the ernadans use bows and arrows, principally for shooting monkeys, to the flesh of which they are very partial. they are not particular as to what they eat, and are, in fact, on a par with jackals in this respect, devouring snakes and the putrid flesh of various animals. they are fond of collecting the fat of snakes, and selling it. muhammadans employ them in felling timber, and cultivating fields. their clothing is exceedingly scanty, and, when hard up, they use wild plantain leaves for this purpose. through mr. hadfield's influence with the tribe, mr. f. fawcett was able to examine a few members thereof, who appeared before him accompanied by their mappilla master, at a signal from whom they ran off like hares, to attend to their work in the fields. their most important measurements were as follows:-- max. min. av. stature (cm.) . . . cephalic index nasal index . . . the ernadans, according to these figures, are short of stature, platyrhine, with an unusually high cephalic index. erra.--see yerra. erudandi.--see gangeddu. erudukkaran.--see gangeddu. erumai (buffalo).--an exogamous sept of toreya. eruman.--a sub-division of kolayan. ettarai (eight and a half).--an exogamous sept of tamil goldsmiths. ettuvitan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. eurasian.--eurasian (eur-asian) may, after the definition in 'hobson-jobson,' [ ] be summed up as a modern name for persons of mixed european and indian blood, devised as being more euphemistic than half-caste, and more precise than east-indian. when the european and anglo-indian defence association was established years ago, the term anglo-indian, after much consideration, was adopted as best designating the community. according to stocqueler, [ ] the name eurasian was invented by the marquis of hastings. east indian is defined by balfour [ ] as "a term which has been adopted by all classes of india to distinguish the descendants of europeans and native mothers. other names, such as half-caste, chatikar, and chi-chi, are derogatory designations. chattikar is from chitta (trousers) and kar (a person who uses them). the muhammadans equally wear trousers, but concealed by their outer long gowns. the east indians are also known as farangi (frank), a person of europe. the humbler east indians, if asked their race, reply that they are wallandez or oollanday, which is a modification of hollandais, the name having been brought down through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries from the dutch. east indians have, in india, all the rights and privileges of europeans. races with a mixture of european with asiatic blood possess a proud and susceptible tone of mind." for the purposes of the lawrence asylum, ootacamund, the word east indian is restricted to the children of european fathers by east indian or native mothers, or of east indian fathers and mothers, both of whom are the children of european fathers. by a ruling of the government of india a few years ago, it was decided that eurasians appointed in england to official posts in india are, if they are not statutory natives, to be treated as europeans as regards the receipt of exchange compensation allowance. some eurasians have, it may be noted, had decorations or knighthood conferred on them, and risen to the highest position in, and gained the blue ribbon of, government service. others have held, or still hold, positions of distinction in the various learned professions, legal, medical, educational, and ecclesiastical. the influence of the various european nations--portuguese, dutch, british, danish, and french--which have at different times acquired territory in peninsular india, is clearly visible in the polyglot medley of eurasian surnames, e.g., gomes, da souza, gonsalvez, rozario, cabral, da cruz, da costa, da silva, da souza, fernandez, fonseca, lazaro, henriquez, xavier, mendonza, rodriguez, saldana, almeyda, heldt, van spall, jansen, augustine, brisson, corneille, la grange, lavocat, pascal, devine, aubert, ryan, mckertish, macpherson, harris, johnson, smith, etc. little did the early adventurers, in the dawn of the seventeenth century, think that, as the result of their alliances with the native women, within three centuries banns of marriage would be declared weekly in madras churches between, for example, ben jonson and alice almeyda, emmanuel henricus and mary smith, augustus rozario and minnie fonseca, john harris and clara corneille. yet this has come to pass, and the eurasian holds a recognised place among the half-breed races of the world. the pedigree of the early eurasian community is veiled in obscurity. but the various modes of creation of a half-breed, which were adopted in those early days, when the sturdy european pioneers first came in contact with the native females, were probably as follows:-- a. european man (pure) b. native woman (pure). c. male offspring of a + b (first d. native woman. cross) e. female offspring of a + b (first f. european man. cross) g. native man. h. male offspring of c + d i. cross--female offspring of a + b. j. native woman. k. female offspring of c + d l. cross--male offspring of a + b. m. european man. n. native man. the eurasian half-breed, thus established, has been perpetuated by a variety of possible combinations:-- european man eurasian woman. native woman. eurasian man native woman. eurasian woman. european woman. native man eurasian woman. european woman. in the early days of the british occupation of madras, the traders and soldiers, arriving with an inadequate equipment of females, contracted alliances, regular or irregular, with the women of the country. and in these early days, when our territorial possessions were keenly contested with both european and native enemies, an attempt was made, under authority from high places, to obtain, through the medium of the british soldier, and in accordance with the creed that crossing is an essential means of improving a race, and rendering it vigorous by the infusion of fresh blood from a separate stock, a good cross, which should be available for military purposes. later on, as the number of the british settlers increased, connexions, either with the native women, or with the females of the recently established eurasian type, were kept up owing to the difficulty of communication with the mother-country, and consequent difficulty in securing english brides. of these barbaric days the detached or semi-detached bungalows in the spacious grounds of the old private houses in madras remain as a memorial. at the present day the conditions of life in india are, as the result of steamer traffic, very different, and far more wholesome. the eurasian man seeks a wife as a rule among his own community; and, in this manner, the race is mainly maintained. the number of eurasians within the limits of the madras presidency was returned, at the census, , as , . but on this point i must call mr. h. a. stuart, the census commissioner, into the witness box. "the number of eurasians," he writes, "is , , which is . per cent. more than the number returned in ." the figures for the last three enumerations are given in the following statement:-- year. total. males. females. , , , , , , , , , "it will be seen that, between and , there was a great decrease, and that the numbers in are slightly higher than they were twenty years ago. the figures, however, are most untrustworthy. the cause is not far to seek; many persons, who are really natives, claim to be eurasians, and some who are eurasians return themselves as europeans. it might be thought that the errors due to these circumstances would be fairly constant, but the district figures show that this cannot be the case. take malabar, for example, which has the largest number of eurasians after madras, and where the division between native christians with european names and people of real mixed race is very shadowy. in there were in this district , eurasians; in the number had apparently fallen to , ; while in it had again risen to , , or, if we include south-east wynaad, as we should do, to , . it is to be regretted that trustworthy statistics cannot be obtained, for the question whether the true eurasian community is increasing or decreasing is of considerable scientific and administrative importance. the eurasians form but a very small proportion of the community, for there is only one eurasian in every , of the population of the madras presidency, and it is more than probable that a considerable proportion of those returned as eurasians are in reality pure natives who have embraced the christian religion, taken an english or portuguese name, and adopted the european dress and mode of living. in the matter of education, or at least elementary education, they are more advanced than any other class of the community, and compare favourably with the population of any country in the world. they live for the most part in towns, nearly one-half of their number being found in the city of madras." in connection with the fact that, at times of census, native christians and pariahs, who masquerade in european clothes, return themselves as eurasians, and vice versâ, it may be accepted that some benefit must be derived by the individual in return for the masking of his or her nationality. and it has been pointed out to me that (as newspaper advertisements testify) many ladies will employ a native ayah rather than a eurasian nurse, and that some employers will take eurasian clerks into their service, but not native christians. it occasionally happens that pure-bred natives, with european name and costume, successfully pass themselves off as eurasians, and are placed on a footing of equality with eurasians in the matter of diet, being allowed the luxury of bread and butter, coffee, etc. mr. stuart had at his command no special statistics of the occupations resorted to by eurasians, but states that the majority of them are clerks, while very few obtain their livelihood by agriculture. in the course of my investigations in the city of madras, the following occupations were recorded:-- accountant. attendant, lunatic asylum. baker. bandsman. bill collector. blacksmith. boarding-house keeper. boatswain. boiler smith. carpenter. chemist's assistant. clerk, government. clerk, commercial. commission agent. compositor. compounder. contractor. coppersmith. crane attendant, harbour. draftsman. electric tram driver. electric tram inspector. engine-driver, ice factory. evangelist. filer. fireman. fitter. hammerer. harness-maker. jewel-smith. joiner. labourer. livery stable-keeper. mechanic. moulder. painter. petition writer. police inspector. porter. printer. proof-reader. railway-- auditor. chargeman. engine-driver. engineer. goods clerk. guard. locomotive inspector. parcels clerk. prosecuting inspector. shunter. signaller. station-master. storekeeper. ticket collector. tool-keeper. block signaller. carriage examiner. reporter. rivetter. saddler. schoolmaster. sexton. spring-smith. stereotyper. steward. telegraph clerk. watchmaker. watchman. in the census report, , the following statistics of the occupation of , eurasians in madras city ( , ), malabar ( , ) and chingleput ( ) are given. most of those in the last of these three reside in perambur, just outside the madras municipal limits:-- number of workers. endowments, scholarships, etc. pensioners railway clerks, station-masters, guards, etc. tailors merchants' and shop-keepers' clerks railway operatives teachers public service private clerks mechanics (not railway) carpenters telegraph department medical department cooks, grooms, etc. printing presses: workmen and subordinates independent means allowances from patrons, relatives and friends survey and public works department coffee and tea estate clerks and coolies inmates of asylums railway porters, etc. musicians and actors harbour service workmen, gun carriage factories postal department non-commissioned officers, army mendicants midwives priests, ministers, etc. tramway officials sellers of hides and bones, shoe and boot makers, tanners, etc. local and municipal service shipping clerks, etc. brokers and agents lawyers' clerks merchants and shop-keepers landholders watch and clock makers money-lenders, etc. military clerks blacksmiths chemists and druggists prisoners pleaders brass and copper smiths inmates of convents, etc. ship's officers, etc. prostitutes authors, editors, etc. cultivating tenants club managers, etc. hotel-keepers, etc. minor occupations as bearing on the subject of eurasian marriage, i am enabled, through the courtesy of a railway chaplain and the chaplain of one of the principal churches in the city of madras, to place on record the following statistics abstracted from the registers. it may, in explanation, be noted that m indicates the bridegroom, f the bride, and w widow or widower remarriage:-- (a) railway. =======+========+========+========+========+======= m. | f. | m. | f. | m. | f. -------+--------+--------+--------+--------+------- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | w | | | w | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | w | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | =======+========+========+========+========+====== (b) madras city. ========+========+========+========+========+====== m. | f. | m. | f. | m. | f. --------+--------+--------+--------+--------+------ | | | | | w | | | | w | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | w | | | | | | | w | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | w | w | | | | | | | | | | w | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | w w | w | | | w | | | | | | | | | | | w | w | | | w | | | | w | | | | w | w | | ========+========+========+========+========+======= analysing these figures, with the omission of remarriages, we obtain the following results:-- (a) railway. bridegroom. bride. average age - - mean above average - - mean below average - - range of age - - (b) madras city. bridegroom. bride. average age - - mean above average - - mean below average - - range of age - - from the analysis of a hundred male cases in madras, in which enquiries were made with reference to the married state, in individuals ranging in age from to , with an average age of , i learn that were married; that male and female children had been born to them; and that , whose average age was , were unmarried. the limits of age of the men at the time of marriage were and ; of their wives and . the greatest number of children born to a single pair was . in only three cases, out of the seventy-four, was there no issue. in fifty cases, which were examined, of married men, with an average age of , children had been born, of whom had died, for the most part in early life, from 'fever' and other causes. the racial position of eurasians, and the proportion of black blood in their veins, are commonly indicated, not by the terms mulatto, quadroon, octoroon, sambo (or zambo), etc., but in fractions of a rupee. the european pure breed being represented by rs. - - , and the native pure breed by annas (= rupee), the resultant cross is, by reference to colour and other tests, gauged as being half an anna in the rupee (faint admixture of black blood), approaching european types; eight annas (half and half); fifteen annas (predominant admixture of black blood), approaching native types, etc. the eurasian body being enveloped in clothes, it was not till they stripped before me, for the purpose of anthropometry, that i became aware how prevalent is the practice of tattooing among the male members of the community. nearly all the hundred and thirty men (of the lower classes) whom i examined were, in fact, tattooed to a greater or less extent on the breasts, upper arms, forearms, wrists, back of the hands, or shoulders. the following varied selection of devices in blue, with occasional red, is recorded in my case-book:-- anchor. ballet girl with flag, stars and stripes. bracelets round wrists. burmese lady carrying umbrella. bird. bugles. conventional artistic devices. cross and anchor. crown and flags. crossed swords and pistols. dancing-girl. dancing-girl playing with cobras. elephant. floral devices. flowers in pot. hands joined in centre of a heart. hands joined, and clasping a flower. heart. heart and cross. initials of the individual, his friends, relatives, and inamorata, sometimes within a heart or laurel wreath. lizard. mercy (word on left breast). mermaid. portraits of the man and his lady-love. queen alexandra. royal arms and banners. sailing boat. scorpion. solomon's seal. steam boat. svastika (buddhist emblem). watteau shepherdess. the most elaborate patterns were executed by burmese tattooers. the initials of the individual's christian and surnames, which preponderated over other devices, were, as a rule, in roman, but occasionally in tamil characters. in colour the eurasians afford examples of the entire colour scale, through sundry shades of brown and yellow, to pale white, and even florid or rosy. the pilous or hairy system was, in the cases recorded by me, uniformly black. the colour of the iris, like that of the skin, is liable to great variation, from lustrous black to light, with a predominance of dark tints. blue was observed only in a solitary instance. the eurasian resists exposure to the sun better than the european, and, while many wear solah topis (pith sun-hats), it is by no means uncommon to see a eurasian walking about in the middle of a hot day with his head protected only by a straw hat or cap. the average height of the eurasians examined by me in madras, according to my measurements of subjects, is . cm. ( feet - / inches), and compares as follows with that of the english and various native classes inhabiting the city of madras:-- cm. english . eurasians . muhammadans . brahmans . pallis . vellalas . paraiyans . the height, as might be expected, comes between that of the two parent stocks, european and native, and had, in the cases examined, the wide range of . cm., the difference between a maximum of . cm. ( feet) and a minimum of cm. ( feet). the average length of the head was . cm. and the breadth . cm. and it is to be noted that, in per cent. of the cases examined, the breadth exceeded cm.:-- length. breadth. index. cm. cm. brahmans . . . eurasians . . muhammadans . . . vellalas . . . paraiyans . . . pallis . . the breadth of the head is very clearly brought out by the following analysis of forty subjects belonging to each of the above six classes, which shows at a glance the preponderance of heads exceeding cm. in breadth in eurasians, brahmans, and (to a less extent) in muhammadans:-- - - - - cm. cm. cm. cm. eurasians ... brahmans muhammadans ... vellalas ... ... paraiyans ... ... pallis ... the head of a cross-breed, it has been said, generally takes after the father, and the breadth of the eurasian head is a persisting result of european male influence. the effect of this influence is clearly demonstrated in the following cases, all the result of re-crossing between british men and eurasian women:-- length. breadth. cm. cm. . . . . . . . . . . ---- ---- average . . eurasian average . . the character of the nose is, as those who have studied ethnology in india will appreciate, a most important factor in the differentiation of race, tribe, and class, and in the determination of pedigree. "no one," mr. risley writes, [ ] "can have glanced at the literature of the subject, and in particular, at the védic accounts of the aryan advance, without being struck by the frequent references to the noses of the people whom the aryans found in possession of the plains of india. so impressed were the aryans with the shortcomings of their enemies' noses that they often spoke of them as 'the noseless ones,' and their keen perception of the importance of this feature seems almost to anticipate the opinion of dr. collignon that the nasal index ranks higher as a distinctive character than the stature or even the cephalic index itself." in the subjoined table, based on the examination of forty members of each class, the high proportion of leptorhine eurasians, muhammadans, and vellalas, with nasal indices ranging between and , is at once manifest, and requires no comment:-- - . - . - . - . eurasians muhammadans vellalas pallis paraiyans i pass on to the eurasians of the west coast. my visit to calicut, the capital of the malabar district, was by chance coincident with the commemoration of the four hundredth anniversary of the arrival of vasco da gama at calicut after his discovery of the sea-route from europe to india. concerning the origin of the indo-portuguese half-breed, i learn [ ] that, on his return from the recapture of goa, albuquerque brought with him the women he had carried away when the portuguese were driven out of the place. as soon as affairs became tolerably settled again at that port, he had them converted to christianity, and married them to portuguese men. no less than of his men were thus married in goa, and others who desired to follow their example were so numerous that albuquerque had great difficulty in granting their requests. the marriage of portuguese men to native women had already been sanctioned by dom manuel, but this privilege was only to be conceded to men of proved character, and who had rendered good service. albuquerque, however, extended the permission to many far beyond what he was authorised to do, and he took care that the women so married were the daughters of the principal men of the land. this he did in the hope of inducing them to become christians. to those who were married albuquerque allotted lands, houses and cattle, so as to give them a start in life, and all the landed property which had been in possession of the moorish mosques and hindu pagodas he gave to the principal churches of the city, which he dedicated to santa catherina. the names of some members of the community at calicut recalled to mind pedro alvares cabral, who anchored before calicut in , and established a factory at cochin; the first portuguese governor, dom franciso de almeida; andré furtado de mendonca, who concluded a treaty with the king of calicut; and many others, whose exploits are handed down to posterity in the indo-portuguese archives. though portuguese names persist at the present day, it does not follow of necessity that their owners have any portuguese blood in their veins, for some are merely descendants of native converts to christianity, or of household slaves of portuguese officers. "in malabar," writes the census commissioner, , "there is a section of europeanized native christians--goa roman catholics--some of whom have adopted european dress and customs; and in all districts the popular interpretation of the word eurasian is very liberal. there are many pariahs and native christians, who have adopted a travesty of european clothes, and who would return themselves as eurasians, if allowed to do so." a social distinction is made at calicut between eurasians and east indians. with a view at clearing up the grounds on which this distinction is based, my interpreter was called on to submit a note on the subject, which arrived couched in language worthy of mark twain. i, therefore, reproduce it in the original indo-anglian. "eurasians are classified to those who stand second in the list of europeans and those born in any part of india, and who are the pedigree of european descendants, being born of father european and mother east indian, and notwithstanding those who can prove themselves as really good indian descendants, such as mother and father of the same sex, therefore these are called eurasians. "east indians are those offsprings of christians of the east, and they atimes gather the offsprings of eurasians to the entering their marriage to the east indian females in the east indian community, thereby they are called east indians. "native christians are those of hindu nations converted into christians by their embracing the poles of christianity. all hindus thereby converted are made christians by a second baptism are called native christians. "coaster. they are alluded to those who belong to the coast, and who come from a country that has a sea coast into that country that has not got a sea coast is therefore called a coaster. a very rude word." speaking in general terms, it may be said that eurasians are of greater stature, and possess skins of lighter hue than the east indians, who, as the result of intermarriage with native christian women, have reverted in the direction of the native type. the eurasians examined by me at calicut, nearly all of whom were roman catholics, were earning a livelihood in the following capacities:-- bandsman. municipal inspector. boot-maker. musician. bugler. petition-writer. carpenter. police constable. clerk. railway guard. coffee estate writer. schoolmaster. compositor. tailor. copyist. tin-smith. mechanic. weaver. as in madras, so in malabar, tattooing is very prevalent among the male members of the community, and the devices are characterised by a predominance of religious emblems and snakes. the following patterns are recorded in my notes:-- bangle on wrist. boat. bird (the holy ghost). chalice. christ crucified. conventional and geometrical designs. cross. cross and crown. cross and heart. cross and i.n.r.i. crossed swords. fish. flags. flower. flower and leaves. initials. ladder. sacred heart. snake encircling forearms. snake coiled round forearm. solomon's seal. steam boat. there are, in north malabar, many individuals, whose fathers were european. writing, in , concerning the tiyan community, mr. logan states [ ] that "the women are not as a rule excommunicated if they live with europeans, and the consequence is that there has been among them a large admixture of european blood, and the caste itself has been materially raised in the social scale. in appearance some of the women are almost as fair as europeans." on this point, the report of the malabar marriage commission, , states that "in the early days of british rule, the tiyan women incurred no social disgrace by consorting with europeans, and, up to the last generation, if the sudra girl could boast of her brahmin lover, the tiyan girl could show more substantial benefits from her alliance with a white man of the ruling race. happily the progress of education, and the growth of a wholesome public opinion, have made shameful the position of a european's concubine; and both races have thus been saved from a mode of life equally demoralizing to each." during a visit to ootacamund on the nilgiri hills, i was enabled to examine the physique of the elder boys at the lawrence asylum, the object of which is "to provide for children of european and east indian officers and soldiers of her majesty's army (british and native), and of europeans and east indians in the medical service, military and civil, who are serving, or have served within the limits of the presidency of madras, a refuge from the debilitating effects of a tropical climate, and from the serious drawbacks to the well-being of children incidental to a barrack life; to afford for them a plain, practical, and religious education; and to train them for employment in different trades, pursuits, and industries." as the result of examination of thirty-three eurasian boys, i was able to testify to the excellence of their physical condition. [ ] a good climate, with a mean annual temperature of °, good food, and physical training, have produced a set of boys well-nourished and muscular, with good chests, shoulders, and body weight. some final words are necessary on liability to certain diseases, as a differentiating character between eurasians and europeans. the census commissioner, , states that eurasians seem to be peculiarly liable to insanity and leprosy. to these should be added elephantiasis (filarial disease), concerning which surgeon-major j. maitland writes as follows [ ] "almost all the old writers on elephantiasis believed that the dark races were more susceptible to the disease than white people; but it is extremely doubtful if this is the case. it is true that, in those countries where the disease is endemic, the proportion of persons affected is much greater among the blacks than among the whites; but it has to be borne in mind that the habits of the former render them much more liable to the disease than the latter. the majority of the white people, being more civilised, are more careful regarding the purity of their drinking water than the natives, who are proverbially careless in this respect. in india, although it is comparatively rare to meet with europeans affected with the disease, yet such cases are from time to time recorded. eurasians are proportionately more liable to the disease than pure europeans, but not so much so as natives. doctors patterson and hall of bahia [ ] examined the blood of persons in that place, and found the following proportions affected with filaria; of whites, in ; of blacks, in - / ; of the mixed race, in . doctor laville [ ] states that, in the society islands, out of a total of european and american residents, were affected with elephantiasis. taking all these facts into consideration, together with our knowledge of the pathology of the disease, i do not think we are justified in saying that the black races are more susceptible to the disease than white people. on the other hand, owing to the nature of their habits, they are much more liable to the diseases than are the white races." during the five years - , ninety-eight eurasians suffering from filarial diseases were admitted into the general hospital, madras. to colonel w. a. lee, i.m.s., superintendent of the government leper asylum, madras, i am indebted for the following note on leprosy in its relation to the eurasian and european communities. "europeans are by no means immune to the disease, which, in the majority of instances, is contracted by them through coitus with leprous individuals. leprosy is one of the endemic diseases of tropical and sub-tropical countries, to the risk of contracting which europeans who settle on the plains of india, and their offspring from unions with the inhabitants of the land, as well as the descendants of the latter, become exposed, since, by the force of circumstances, they are thrown into intimate contact with the native population. the eurasian community furnishes a considerable number of lepers, and the disease, once introduced into a family, has a tendency to attack several of its members, and to reappear in successive generations, occasionally skipping one--a feature akin to the biological phenomenon known as atavism, but of perhaps doubtful analogy, for the possibility of a fresh infection or inoculation has always to be borne in mind. there are numerous instances of such hereditary transmission among the patients, both native and eurasian, in the leper hospital. the spread of the disease by contagion is slow, the most intimate contact even, such as that between parent and child, often failing to effect inoculation. still there is much evidence in support of its being inoculable by cohabitation, prolonged contact, wearing the same clothing, sharing the dwelling, using the same cooking and eating utensils, and even by arm-to-arm vaccination. influenced by a belief in the last mentioned cause, vaccination was formerly regarded with much suspicion and dislike by eurasians in madras. but their apprehensions on this score have abated since animal vaccine was substituted for the humanised material. it has also for long been a popular belief among the same class that the suckling of their infants by infected native wet-nurses is a common source of the disease. attempts to reproduce leprosy from supposed pure cultures of the leprosy bacillus have invariably failed, and this strengthens the belief that the disease would die out if sufferers from the tubercular or mixed forms were segregated, and intermarriage with members of known leprous families interdicted. experience shows that, where such marriages are freely entered into, a notable prevalence of the disease results, as at pondicherry for example, where the so-called creole population is said to contain a large proportion of lepers from this cause." writing concerning the prevalence of insanity in different classes, the census commissioner, , states that "it appears from the statistics that insanity is far more prevalent among the eurasians than among any other class. the proportion is insane person in every . for england and wales the proportion is in every , and it is significant that the section of the population of madras, which shows the greatest liability to insanity, is that which has an admixture of european blood. i have no information regarding the prevalence of insanity among eurasians for any other province or state in india except mysore, and there the proportion is in ." for the following tabular statement of admissions into the government lunatic asylum, madras, i am indebted to captain c. h. leet-palk, i.m.s.:-- ======+=================+=================+================ | eurasians. | natives. | europeans. -- |-----------------|-----------------|---------------- | male. | female. | male. | female. | male. | female. ------+-------+---------+-------+---------+-------+-------- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ... | | | | | | ======+=======+=========+=======+=========+=======+======== leaving out of question the europeans, in whom, owing to the preponderance of the male sex in madras, a greater number of male than female lunatics is to be expected, and considering only eurasians and natives, the far higher proportion of female as compared with male lunatics in the eurasian than in the native community, is very conspicuous. taking, for example, the numbers remaining in the asylum in . whereas the proportion of eurasian males to females was : , that of natives was . : . ; and the high proportion of female eurasian inmates was visible in other years. the subject seems to be one worthy of further study by those competent to deal with it. g gabit.--a bombay fishing caste returned at the census, . to malpe in the south canara district, during the fishing season, come fishermen with a flotilla of keeled and outrigged sailing boats from ratnagiri in the bombay presidency. hither also come fishermen from goa. the reasons given by the ratnagiri fishermen for coming southward are that fish are not so abundant off their own coast, competition is keener, and salt more expensive. moreover, the crystals of bombay salt are too large for successful curing, and "do not agree with the fish, of which the flesh is turned black." if, they said contemptuously, they were to sun-dry fish by the local method, their people would laugh at them for bringing back, not fish, but dried cow-dung for fuel. the ratnagiri boats go well out of sight of land to the fishing ground, where they catch seir, pomfret, cat-fish (arius), and other big fish near the surface, and sharks in deeper water. if the fishing is not good near malpe, they may go south as far as mangalore. to the ratnagiri fishermen the seir (cybium) is the most valuable and lucrative fish. under existing arrangements, by which clashing of interests is avoided, the fishery at malpe is divided into two zones, viz., the deep sea fished by the large ratnagiri boats, and the shallow littoral water by the smaller local and goa boats. gadaba.--the gadabas are a tribe of agriculturists, coolies, and hunters in the vizagapatam district. hunting is said to be gradually decreasing, as many of the forests are now preserved, and shooting without a license is forbidden. men sometimes occupy themselves in felling trees, catching birds and hares, and tracking and beating game for sportsmen. the gadabas are also employed as bearers in the hills, and carry palanquins. there is a settlement of them on the main road between sembliguda and koraput, in a village where they are said to have been settled by a former raja expressly for such service. it is said that the gadabas will not touch a horse, possibly because they are palanquin-bearers, and have the same objection to the rival animal that a cabman has for a motor-car. there is a tradition that the tribe owes its name to the fact that its ancestors emigrated from the banks of the godabari (godavari) river, and settled at nandapur, the former capital of the rajas of jeypore. the gadabas have a language of their own, of which a vocabulary is given in the vizagapatam manual. this language is included by mr. g. a. grierson [ ] in the munda linguistic family. the tribe is apparently divided into five sections, called bodo (big) or gutob, parenga, olaro, kaththiri or kaththara, and kapu. of these, the last two are settled in the plains, and say that they are bodo and olaro gadabas who migrated thither from the hills. as among the gadabas, so among the savaras, there is a section which has settled on the plains, and adopted kapu as its name. in the madras census report, , nearly a thousand gadabas are returned as belonging to the chenchu sub-division. chenchu is the name of a separate jungle tribe in the telugu country, and i have been unable to confirm the existence of a chenchu sub-division among the gadabas. in the madras census report, , mr. h. g. turner states that "very much akin to the gadabas are a class called kerang kapus. they will not admit any connexion with them; but, as their language is almost identical, such gainsaying cannot be permitted them. they are called kerang kapu from the circumstance of their women weaving cloths, which they weave from the fibre of a jungle shrub called kerang (calotropis gigantea)." mr. h. a. stuart remarks [ ] that "the kapu gadabas are possibly the kerang kapus mentioned by mr. turner as akin to the gadabas, for i find no mention of the caste under the full name of kerang kapu, nor is kerang found as a sub-division of either kapu or gadaba." writing concerning the numeral system of the kerang kapus, mr. turner observes that it runs thus: moi, umbar, jugi, o, malloi, turu, gu, tammar, santing, goa, and for eleven ( and following numbers), they prefix the word go, e.g., gommoi, gombaro, etc. the kerang kapus can count up to nineteen, but have no conception of twenty. according to mr. w. francis, the only tribe on the hills which has this system of notation is the bonda poraja. the gadabas have very similar names for the first five numerals; but, after that, lapse into oriya, e.g., sat, at, no, das, etc. the bonda poraja numerals recorded by mr. francis are muyi, baar, gii, oo, moloi, thiri, goo, thamam, and so on up to nineteen, after which they cannot count. this system, as he points out, agrees with the one described by mr. turner as belonging to the kerang kapus. the gutob gadaba numerals recorded by mr. c. a. henderson include muititti ( + a hand), and martitti ( + a hand). some gadaba women wear a bustle or dress improver, called irre or kitte. this article of attire is accounted for by the following tradition. "a goddess visited a gadaba village incognito, and asked leave of one of the women to rest on a cot. she was brusquely told that the proper seat for beggars was the floor, and she consequently decreed that thenceforth all gadaba women should wear a bustle to remind them to avoid churlishness." [ ] the gadaba female cloths are manufactured by themselves from cotton thread and the fibre of silloluvada or ankudi chettu (holarrhena antidysenterica) and boda luvada or bodda chettu (ficus glomerata). the fibre is carefully dried, and dyed blue or reddish-brown. the edges of the cloth are white, a blue strip comes next, while the middle portion is reddish-brown with narrow stripes of white or blue at regular intervals. the gadabas account for the dress of their women by the following legend. when rama, during his banishment, was wandering in the forests of dandaka, his wife sita accompanied him in spite of his entreaties to the contrary. it was one of the cruel terms of his stepmother kaika that rama should wear only clothing made from jungle fibre, before leaving the capital. according to the hindu religion, a virtuous wife must share both the sorrows and joys of her lord. consequently sita followed the example of rama, and wore the same kind of clothing. they then left the capital amidst the loud lamentation of the citizens. during their wanderings, they met some gadaba women, who mocked and laughed at sita. whereupon she cursed them, and condemned them to wear no other dress but the cloth made of fibre. in a note on the gadabas, [ ] mr. l. lakshminarayan writes that "although mill-prepared cloths are fast replacing house-spun cloths in all communities, yet, in the case of the gadabas, there is a strong superstition which prevents the use of cloths prepared outside, particularly in regard to the cloths worn by their women. the legend (about sita) is fully believed by the gadabas, and hence their religious adherence to their particular cloth. at the time of marriage, it is absolute that the gadaba maiden should wear this fibre-made cloth, else misfortune will ruin the family. a bundle of twigs is brought, and the stems freed of leaves are bruised and twisted to loosen the bark, and are then dried for two or three days, after which the bark is ripped out and beaten down smooth with heavy sticks, to separate the bark from the fibre. the fibre is then collected, and combed down smooth, and spun into a tolerably fine twist. it is this twist that the gadaba maiden weaves in her crude loom, and prepares from it her marriage sari. according to a good custom among these people, a gadaba maiden must learn to weave her cloths before she becomes eligible for marriage. and no gadaba ever thinks of marrying a wife who cannot prepare her own cloths. men can use cotton and other cloths, whereas women cannot do so, for they are under the curse of sita. but the passion for fineries in woman is naturally so strong that the modern gadaba woman is now taking the liberty of putting cotton thread for the woof and ankudu fibre for the warp, and thus is able to turn out a more comfortable and finer cloth. but some old crones informed me that this mixed cloth is not so auspicious as that prepared wholly from the fibre." some gadaba women wear immense earrings made of long pieces of brass wire wound into a circle, which hang down from a hole in the ear, and sometimes reach to the shoulders. the wire is sold in the shandy (market) at so much a cubit. the head-dress of some of the women consists of a chaplet of oliva shells, and strings of beads of various sizes and colours, or the red and black berries of abrus precatorius, with pendants which hang over the forehead. the women also wear bead necklaces, to which a coin may sometimes be seen attached as a pendant. bracelets and rings are as a rule made of brass or copper, but sometimes silver rings are worn. toe-rings and brass or silver anklets are considered fashionable ornaments. among the olaro gadabas, the wearing of brass anklets by a woman indicates that she is married. for teaching backward children to walk, the gadabas employ a bamboo stick split so as to make a fork, the prongs of which are connected by a cross-bar. the apparatus is held by the mother, and the child, clutching the cross-bar, toddles along. among the bodo and olaro sections, the following septs occur:--kora (sun), nag (cobra), bhag (tiger), kira (parrot), and gollari (monkey). the gadabas who have settled in the plains seem to have forgotten the sept names, but will not injure or kill certain animals, e.g., the cobra. girls are as a rule married after puberty. when a young man's parents think it time for him to get married, they repair to the home of an eligible girl with rice and liquor, and say that they have come to ask a boon, but do not mention what it is. they are treated to a meal, and return home. some time afterwards, on a day fixed by the disari, three or four aged relatives of the young man go to the girl's house, and the match is fixed up. after a meal, they return to their homes. on the day appointed for the wedding ceremonies, the bridegroom's relations go to the home of the bride, taking with them a rupee towards the marriage expenses, a new cloth for the girl's mother, and half a rupee for the females of the bride's village, which is regarded as compensation for the loss of the girl. to the bride are given a glass bead necklace, and brass bangles to be worn on the right wrist. a feast follows. on the following day, the bride is conducted to the village of the bridegroom, in front of whose home a pandal (booth), made of four bamboo poles, covered with green leaves, has been erected. within the pandal, stems of the sal (shorea robusta), addagirli, and bamboo joined together, are set up as the auspicious post. beside this a grindstone is placed, on which the bride sits, with the bridegroom seated on her thighs. the females present throw turmeric powder over them, and they are bathed with turmeric-water kept ready in a new pot. they are then presented with new cloths, and their hands are joined together by the officiating disari. a feast, with much drinking, follows, and the day's proceedings conclude with a dance. on the following day, mud is heaped up near the pandal, into which the disari throws a handful of it. the remainder of the mud is carried into the pandal by the contracting couple, who pour water over it, and throw it over those who are assembled. all then proceed to a stream, and bathe. a further feast and dance follows, of which the newly married couple are spectators, without taking part in it. in a note on marriage among the parenga gadabas, mr. g. f. paddison writes that they have two forms of marriage rite, one of which (biba) is accompanied by much feasting, gifts of bullocks, toddy, rice, etc. the most interesting feature is the fight for the bride with fists. all the men on each side fight, and the bridegroom has to carry off the bride by force. then they all sit down, and feast together. in the other form (lethulia), the couple go off together to the jungle, and, when they return, pay twenty rupees, or whatever they can afford, to the girl's father as a fine. a dinner and regular marriage follow elopement and payment of the fine. the ghorojavai system, according to which a man works for a stated period for his future father-in-law, is practiced by the gadabas. but a cash payment is said to be now substituted for service. the remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. if she does not marry him, the second husband has to pay a sum of money, called in oriya the rand tonka, to him. when a man divorces his wife, her relations are summoned, and he pays her two rupees before sending her away. of this sum, one rupee is paid as buchni for suspicion regarding her chastity, and the other as chatni for driving her away. a divorced woman may remarry. in the hills, the village headman is called janni or nayako, and in the plains naidado. he is assisted by a kirasani, who is also the caste priest. concerning the religion of the gadabas, mr. h. d. taylor writes [ ] that it is "simple, and consists of feasts at stated intervals. the chief festival is ittakaparva, or hunting feast, in march and april. on this occasion, the whole male population turns out to hunt, and, if they return unsuccessful, the women pelt them with cow-dung on their return to the village; if, however, successful, they have their revenge upon the women in another way. the chief deities (though spoken of generally under the term devata or mahaprabhu) are ganga devi or takurani, iswara or mouli, bhairava, and jhankara. it is iswara or mouli who is worshipped at chaitra. jhankara is the god of land, rainfall and crops, and a cow is sacrificed to him. there are not, as a rule, temples, but the puja (worship) place consists of a sacred grove surrounded with a circle of stones, which takes the name of jhankara from the god to whom puja is performed. ganga devi, iswara and mouli have temples at certain places, but as a rule there is no building, and the site of puja is marked by trees and stones. to iswara a she-buffalo is sacrificed at chaitra. to the other devatas cocks and goats are sacrificed. ganga devi or takurani is the goddess of life and health, both of men and cattle; to her pigs, goats, and pigeons are sacrificed. there are one or two curious superstitions. if a member of the caste is supposed to be possessed of a devil, he or she is abused and beaten by other members of the caste until the devil is cast out. in some parts the superstition is that a piece of wild buffalo horn buried in the ground of the village will avert or cure cattle disease." sometimes a sal or kosangi tree is planted, and surrounded by a bamboo hedge. it is worshipped with animal sacrifices at harvest time, and the kirasani acts as priest. "there is," mr. g. f. paddison writes, "rather a curious custom in connection with a village goddess. close to her shrine a swing is kept. on this swing, once a year at the great village festival, thorns are placed, and the village priest or priestess sits on them without harm. if the pujari is a male, he has been made neuter. but, if the village is not fortunate enough to possess a eunuch, a woman performs the ceremony. [at the fire-walking ceremony at nuvagode in ganjam, the priest sits on a thorny swing, and is endowed with prophetic powers.] when there is small-pox or other epidemic disease in a village, a little go-cart is built, composed of a box on legs fixed to a small board on wheels. in this box is placed a little clay image, or anything else holy, and carried away to a distant place, and left there. a white flag is hoisted, which looks like quarantine, but is really intended, i think, to draw the goddess back to her shrine. vaccination is regarded as a religious ceremony, and the gadabas, i believe, invariably present the vaccinator as the officiating priest with rice." the gadabas, like other hill tribes, name their children after the day of the week on which they are born. on the plains, however, some give their children low-country names, e.g., ramudu, lachigadu, arjanna, etc. males are, as a rule, burnt; but, if a person dies in the night or on a rainy day, the corpse is sometimes buried. women and children are usually buried, presumably because they are not thought worth the fuel necessary for cremation. only relations are permitted to touch a corpse. death pollution is observed for three days, during which the caste occupation must not be engaged in. stone slabs are erected to the memory of the dead, and sacrifices are offered to them now and again. the gadabas have a devil dance, which they are willing to perform before strangers in return for a small present. it has been thus described by captain glasfurd. [ ] "at the time of the dusserah, holi, and other holidays, both men and women dance to the music of a fife and drum. sometimes they form a ring by joining hands all round, and with a long hop spring towards the centre, and then hop back to the full extent of their arms, while they at the same time keep circling round and round. at other times, the women dance singly or in pairs, their hands resting on each other's wrists. when fatigued, they cease dancing, and sing. a man steps out of the crowd, and sings a verse or two impromptu. one of the women rejoins, and they sing at each other for a short time. the point of these songs appears to consist in giving the sharpest rejoinder to each other. the woman reflects upon the man's ungainly appearance and want of skill as a cultivator or huntsman, and the man retorts by reproaching her with her ugliness and slatternly habits." in connection with dancing, mr. henderson writes that "all the gadaba dancing i have seen was the same as that of the porjas, and consisted of a sort of women's march, at times accompanied by a few men who wander round, and occasionally form a ring through which the line of women passes. sometimes the men get on each other's shoulders, and so form a sort of two-storied pyramid. the women's song is comparatively quite melodious." in recent years, some gadabas have emigrated to assam, to work in the tea-gardens. but emigration has now stopped by edict. for the information contained in this article, i am mainly indebted to notes by mr. c. a. henderson, mr. w. francis, mr. c. hayavadana rao, and the kumara raja of bobbili. gadi (cart).--an exogamous sept of mala. gadidhe kandla (donkey's eyes).--an exogamous sept of boya. gadu.--a common suffix to the name of individuals among various telugu classes, e.g., ramigadu, subbigadu. gaduge (throne).--a gotra of kurni. gaita.--a sub-division of konda razu. gajjal (a small bell).--a sub-division of toreya. gali.--gali or galollu, meaning wind, devil, or spirit, is recorded as an exogamous sept of kamma, kuruba, and mala. gamalla.--the gamallas are a class of toddy-drawers, and distillers and vendors of arrack in the telugu country and are supposed to be idigas who have bettered themselves, and separated from that caste. both gamallas and idigas worship the deity kattamayya. at the census, , some returned idiga as their sub-division. in the cuddapah district some toddy-drawers style themselves asilivandlu. possibly the idiga, gamalla, and asili toddy-drawing classes only represent three endogamous sections of a single caste. in the nellore district, the toddy-drawers style themselves gamandla or gavandlavandlu, and say that they have one gotra kaumandlapu or gaumandlapu. it is probable that the name gamandla or gavandla has been coined by brahman purohits, to connect the caste with kaumandala maharishi of the puranas. the gamallas say that they were created to draw toddy by the sage kavundinya, and that they belong to the gaundla varnam (caste). i am informed that a puranam, called gamandla or gamudi puranam, has been created. in the social scale, the toddy-drawers appear to occupy a higher position in the telugu than in the tamil country, and they are sometimes said to be telagas or balijas, who have adopted toddy-drawing as a profession. the more prosperous members of the community are toddy and arrack (liquor) shop-keepers, and the poorer members extract toddy from the palm-trees. the kapus of the nellore district employ gamallas as their cooks and domestic servants, and all menial service and cooking are done by gamallas in the houses of kapus on the occasion of festivals and marriages. concerning the origin of the gamallas, the following legend is current. a rishi was doing penance by standing on his head, and, like the chamæleon, living on light and air, instead of food. according to some, the rishi was kaumandla, while others do not know his name. an idiga girl passed by the rishi, carrying a pot filled with toddy, which polluted the air, so that the rishi could not continue the penance. being struck with the girl's beauty, he followed her to her home, and pointed out to her that she was the cause of his mishap. he asked her to become his wife, but she announced that she was already married. eventually, however, they became secretly united, and, in consequence, the whole town caught fire. the girl's husband, returning home with some toddy, was amazed at the sight, and she, to protect him, hid the rishi in a vat. into this vat the husband poured the toddy, which made the rishi breathe hard, so that the toddy, for the first time on record, began to foam. noticing this, the husband found a lingam, into which the rishi had been transformed. this lingam was worshipped by the gamandlas, and they are at the present day saivites. like other telugu castes, the gamallas have exogamous septs, such as parvathala (hills), kudumalu (a cake), annam (cooked rice), and pandhi (pig). among gotras, the following may be noted:--kavundinya, karunya, vachalya, and surapandesvara (sura panda, toddy pot). marriage is, as a rule, adult, and remarriage of widows is permitted, though the tendency at the present day is to abandon the practice. at the wedding of a widow, the bottu (marriage badge) is tied round her neck at night. prior to the marriage ceremony, the worship of female ancestors must be performed. a new female cloth, betel, and flowers, are placed on a tray, and worshipped by the mothers of the contracting couple. the cloth is given as a present to a sister or other near relation of the bride or bridegroom. the dead are cremated, and the widow breaks one or two of her bangles. fire must be carried to the burning-ground by the father of the deceased, if he is alive. on the day following cremation, the hot embers are extinguished, and the ashes collected, and shaped into an effigy, near the head of which three conical masses of mud and ashes are set up. to these representatives of rudra, yama, and the spirit of the departed, cooked rice and vegetables are offered up on three leaves. one of the leaves is given to the jangam, who officiates at the rite, another to a washerman, and the third is left, so that the food on it may be eaten by crows. all, who are assembled, wait till these birds collect, and the ashes are finally poured on a tree. on the ninth, tenth, or eleventh day after death, a ceremony called the peddadinam (big day) is performed. cooked rice, curry, meat, and other things, are placed on a leaf inside the house. sitting near this leaf, the widow weeps and breaks one or two of the glass bangles, which she wears on the wrist. the food is then taken to a stream or tank (pond), where the agnates, after shaving, bathing, and purification, make an effigy of the dead person on the ground. close to this cooked rice and vegetables are placed on three leaves, and offered to the effigy. the widow's remaining bangles are broken, and she is presented with a new cloth, called munda koka (widow's cloth) as a sign of her condition. all gamallas, rich or poor, engage on this occasion the services of mala pambalas and bainedus (musicians and story-tellers) to recite the story of the goddess ankamma. the performance is called ankamma kolupu. some of the malas make on the ground a design, called muggu, while the others play on the drum, and carry out the recitation. the design must be made in five colours, green (leaves of cassia auriculata), white (rice flour), red (turmeric and lime), yellow (turmeric), and black (burnt rice-husk). it represents a male and female figure (virulu, heroes), who are supposed to be the person whose peddadinam is being celebrated, and an ancestor of the opposite sex. if the family can afford it, other designs, for example of ankamma, are also drawn. on the completion of the muggu, cocoanuts, rice, and betel are offered, and a fowl is sacrificed. like many other telugu castes, the gamallas have a class of beggars, called eneti, attached to them, for whom a subscription is raised when they turn up. the gamallas are mostly saivites, and their priests are aradhya brahmans, i.e., telugu brahmans, who have adopted some of the customs of the lingayats. they worship a variety of gods and goddesses, who include potharaju, katamayya, gangamma, mathamma, and thallamma, or thadlamma. once or twice during the year, a pot of toddy is brought from every house to the shrine of thallamma, and the liquor contained in some of the pots is poured on the floor, and the remainder given to those assembled, irrespective of caste. at the festival of dipavali, the celebrants bathe in the early morning, and go, in wet clothes, to an ant-hill, before which they prostrate themselves, and pour a little water into one of the holes. round the hill they wind five turns of cotton thread, and return home. subsequently they come once more to the ant-hill with a lamp made of flour paste. carrying the light, they go thrice or five times round the hill, and throw into a hole therein split pulse (phaseolus mungo). during the whole of this day they fast. on the following morning they again go to the hill, pour milk into it, and snap the threads wound round it. at the festival of sankaranthi, the principal member of every family observes the worship of ancestors. various articles are placed in a room on leaf plates representing the ancestors, who are worshipped by the celebrant after he has been purified by bathing. taking a little of the food from each leaf, he places it on a single leaf, which is worshipped, and placed in the court-yard, so that the crows may partake thereof. the remainder of the food is distributed among the members of the family. at the census, , some gamallas returned themselves as settigadu (chetti). gampa (basket).--a sub-division of kamma and telaga, and an exogamous sept of odde. the name, among the kammas, refers to a deadly struggle at gandikota, in which some escaped by hiding in baskets. gampa dhompti is the name of a sub-division of the madigas, whose marriage offerings to the god are placed in a basket. ganayata.--recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of lingayat jangams in the nellore, cuddapah, and kurnool districts. the sanskrit word ganam means siva's attendants. gandham (sandal paste).--an exogamous sept of balijas, one sub-division of whom is called gandhavallu or gandhapodi (sandal perfume sellers). the paste made by rubbing sandal (santalum album) wood on a stone with water is widely used in connection with hindu ceremonial observance. a brahman, for example, after worshipping, smears his body with the paste. at festivals, and other ceremonial occasions, sandal paste is distributed to guests along with betel leaves and areca nuts (pan-supari). gandhapodi also occurs as an exogamous sept of boya. gandikota.--a sub-division of kamma. gandi kottei is recorded [ ] as a sub-division of kapu or reddi, "found only in madura and tinnevelly, and also known simply as kottei reddis. kottei is the tamil for a fort, the corresponding telugu word being kota. their females do not appear in public." gandla.--see ganiga. gangadikara.--gangadikara, said doubtfully to mean those who lived on the banks of the ganges, has been recorded as a sub-division of the holeyas, okkiliyans, and vakkaligas. the name probably refers to gangavadi, the country of the gangas, a royal line which ruled over the greater part of the modern mysore in former times. gangeddu.--the gangeddulu are a class of mendicants, who travel about the country exhibiting performing bulls. "the exhibition of sacred bulls, known as gangeddulu (ganga's bulls) is very common in the towns and villages of southern india. the presence of the swami (god) bull, as he is popularly called, is made known by his keeper playing on a small drum, which emits a dismal, booming sound, in the intervals of addressing his dumb companion in a piercing voice. the bull is led about from house to house, and made to go through several tricks, which he does with evident zest. the keeper in the meanwhile talks to him, and puts questions to him, to which he replies by shakes of his head. he will kneel down in an attitude of worship, with his head inclined to the ground, or he will approach you, and gently rub his nozzle against your hand. usually a diminutive cow accompanies the bull, and, like him, is grandly attired, and resounds with tinkling bells. she is introduced to the spectators as the bull's ammagaru, that is consort or spouse. then a scene between the pair is enacted, the gist of which is that the husband is displeased with the wife, and declines to hold converse with her. as a result of the difference, he resolves to go away, and stalks off in high dudgeon. the keeper attempts to make peace between them, and is rewarded by being charged by the irate husband and knocked down, though no harm is done to him as the animal's horns are padded. the keeper rises, shakes himself, and complains woefully of the treatment he has received. indeed, it is only after a great deal of coaxing and wheedling, and promises of buying him endless quantities of rice cakes and other bazaar delicacies, that the bull condescends to return, and a reconciliation is effected." for the following note, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the gangeddulu, erudandis, or perumal madukkarans, often acquire and train deformed male calves. it is a popular superstition that for a family to keep such animals in its possession is to court destruction. consequently, when one is born, information is sent to a gangeddu, who, on his arrival, is sumptuously fed. the calf is then washed, and a new cloth tied to its horns. a small present of money is made to the gangeddu, and he takes the animal away. temples sometimes dispose of their deformed calves in a similar manner. when the trained animals are exhibited in public, the deformity, which is the hall-mark of a genuine gangeddu, is shown, usually at the commencement of the performance, or at any time at the bidding of any of the spectators. it is only after the exhibition of the deformity, which is usually concealed within the trappings of the animal, that remuneration, generally in kind, or in old rags and copper coins, is doled out to them. villagers worship the bulls, when they happen to pass their houses, and, as soon as they enter a village, the females wash the feet of the animals with milk and water. they then adorn their foreheads with kunkumam (aniline powder) and turmeric paste, and burn incense and camphor before them. cocoanuts, plantains, betel leaves and areca nuts, and money are also offered in a plate, and are the perquisite of the gangeddu. the bulls are thus venerated, as they represent basavanna, the sacred bull which is the vehicle of siva. the language of the gangeddulu is telugu, but those who have migrated to the tamil country also speak the language of the south. they profess the vaishnavite religion, and are of the tengalai persuasion. they have brahman gurus (religious preceptors), who reside at srirangam, tirupati, and other places. by them the gangeddulu are branded on the shoulder with the emblems of the chank and chakram, and initiated into the mysteries of the dasari priesthood. but, though they call themselves dasaris, the gangeddulu have no marital or other connection with the dasaris. in addition to training and exhibiting the performing bulls and cultivating land, the gangeddulu officiate as dasaris in the month of peratasi (september-october). their principal insignia of office are the chank shell, which is blown to announce their arrival, and the iron lamp (called garudasthambha), which is kept burning, and is said to represent venkatesa, the presiding deity at tirupati. as dasaris, little is expected of them, except offering fruits to the god, and assisting at funerals. several proverbs, of which the following are examples, are current concerning this aspect of their life:-- the mistake of a dasari is excused with an apology. the songs of a dasari are known only to the god, i.e., they are unintelligible and unreal. for the song of a dasari alms are the payment, i.e., that is all the song is worth. sing again what you have sung, oh! dasari with dirty teeth. when a beggar was asked whether he was a dasari or a jangam, he replied that it depends on the next village. this in reference to his being a time-server. a gangeddu mendicant is, like his bulls, picturesquely attired. he is very punctilious about having his sect-mark on the forehead, invariably wears a turban, and his body is clothed in a long white cloth robe. when going about with the performing bulls, the gangeddulu generally travel in pairs, one carrying a drum, and the other a bell-metal gong. one of them holds in one hand the nose-rope of the bull, and in the other the whip. the bulls are dressed up in a patch work quilt with two eye-holes in it. of names which are given to the animals, rama and lakshmana are very popular. the tameness of the bulls is referred to in the proverb "as mild as a gangeddu." the perumal madukkarans, or perumal erudukkarans, both of which names indicate those who lead bulls about, are found chiefly in the chingleput, north and south arcot districts. "every now and then," mr. s. m. natesa sastri writes, [ ] "throughout madras, a man dressed up as a buffoon is to be seen leading about a bull, as fantastically got up as himself with cowries (cypræa arabica shells) and rags of many colours, from door to door. the bull is called in tamil perumal erudu, and in telugu ganga eddu, the former meaning vishnu's bull and the latter ganga's bull. the origin of the first is given in a legend, but that of the last is not clear. the conductors of these bulls are neatherds of high caste, called pu idaiyan, i.e., flower neatherds (see idaiyan), and come from villages in the north and south arcot districts. they are a simple and ignorant set, who firmly believe that their occupation arises out of a command from the great god venkatachalapati, the lord of the venkatachala near tirupaddi (tirupati) in the north arcot district. their legend is as follows. among the habitual gifts to the venkatachala temple at tirupaddi were all the freaks of nature of the neighbourhood as exhibited in cattle, such as two-tailed cows, five-legged bulls, four-horned calves, and so on. the pu idaiyans, whose original duty was to string flowers for the temple, were set to graze these abortions. now to graze cows is an honour, but to tend such creatures as these the pu idaiyans regarded as a sin. so they prayed to venkatachalapati to show them how they could purge it away. on this, the god gave them a bull called after himself the perumal bull and said: 'my sons, if you take as much care of this bull as you would of your own children, and lead it from house to house, begging its food, your sin will be washed away.' ever since then they have been purging themselves of their original sin. the process is this. the bull leader takes it from house to house, and puts it questions, and the animal shakes its head in reply. this is proof positive that it can reason. the fact is the animal is bought when young for a small sum, and brought up to its profession. long practice has made its purchasers experts in selecting the animals that will suit them. after purchase the training commences, which consists in pinching the animal's ears whenever it is given bran, and it soon learns to shake its head at the sight of bran. i need hardly say that a handful of bran is ready in its conductor's hands when the questions are put to it. it is also taught to butt at any person that speaks angrily to it. as regards the offerings made to these people, one-sixth goes to feeding the bulls, and the remaining five-sixths to the conductors. they look upon it as 'good work', but the village boys and girls think it the greatest fun in the world to watch its performances, and the advent of a vishnu's bull is hailed by the youngsters with the greatest delight." gangimakkalu.--gangimakkalu, or gangaputra, meaning children or sons of ganga, the goddess of water, is the name of a sub-division of kabbera. the allied gangavamsamu, or people of ganga, is a name for jalaris. ganiga or gandla.--the name ganiga is derived from the telugu ganuga, meaning an oil-mill. the ganigas are said [ ] to be "the oil pressers of the canarese people, corresponding to the telugu gandla and the tamil vaniyan. this caste is sub-divided into three sections, none of whom eat together or intermarry. these sections are the hegganigas, who yoke two oxen to a stone oil-mill; kirganigas, who make oil in wooden mills; and ontiyeddu ganigas, who yoke only one animal to the mill. they are collectively known as jotipans or jotinagarams (people of the city of light). in addition to pressing oil, they also make palm-leaf umbrellas, cultivate land, and work as labourers. they employ brahmans to perform their ceremonies. their guru is the head of the vyasaraya mutt at anegundi. early marriage is practiced. widow remarriage is not allowed. they eat fish, mutton, and fowls, but do not drink liquor. chetti is their title." in the madras census report, , it is stated that the guru of the ganigas is the head of the mutt at sringeri, and that they employ havig brahmans for their ceremonies. sringeri is the name of a smarta (saivite) mutt or religious institution at several places, such as tanjore and kumbakonam; and there is a town of this name in mysore, from which the mutt derives its name. concerning the ganigas of the mysore province, mr. v. n. narasimmiyengar writes as follows. [ ] "the account locally obtained connects this caste with the nagartas, as forming the leading communities of the left-hand faction, in opposition to the lingayats and other castes composing the right-hand faction. caste supremacy is ever associated in india with preternatural mythology. if the average brahman traces his nobility literally to the face of brahma, according to the vedic purusha sukta, every other castelet claims a patent of superiority in a similar miraculous origin. the ganigas allege that they immigrated from the north at a time beyond living memory. a mysore noble, named mallaraje ars, established and first peopled the pete (market town) of bangalore, when the ganigas first came there, followed by the nagartas, who are said to have been co-emigrants with the ganigas. mallaraj made sattis and yajamans (headmen) of the principal members of the two castes, and exempted them from the house-tax. the ganigas are both vaishnavites and saivites. their guru is known as dharmasivacharsvami in the madras presidency, and certain gotras (family names) are said to be common to the ganigas and nagartas, but they never eat together or intermarry. the ganigas claim the peculiar privilege of following the vishnu image or car processions, throughout the province, with flags exhibiting the figures of hanuman and garuda, and torches. these insignia are alleged to have been aboriginally given to an ancestor, named siriyala satti, by rama, as a reward for a valuable gem presented by him. the ganigas call themselves dharmasivachar vaisyas like the nagartas, and the feud between them used often to culminate in much bitter unpleasantness. the order includes a small division of the linga-wearing oilmongers, known as sajjana (good men), whose population is a small fraction of the community. the sajjanas, however, hold no social intercourse of any kind with the other sub-divisions." the ganigas of sandur, in the little maratha state of that name, returned yenne (oil) and kallu (stone) as sub-divisions. the average cephalic index of these ganigas was very high, being . as against . for the ganigas of mysore city. "the oil-mill of the ganigas is," mr. w. francis writes, [ ] "a sort of large wooden mortar, usually formed out of the heart of a tamarind tree, and firmly imbedded in the ground. a wooden cylinder, shod with iron, fits roughly into the cavity. a cross beam is lashed to this in such a way that one end is close to the ground, and to this a pair of bullocks or buffaloes are fastened. by an arrangement of pullies, the pressure of the cylinder can be increased at pleasure. as the bullocks go round the trough, the seeds are crushed by the action of the cylinder, so that the expressed oil falls to the bottom, while the residuum, as oil-cake, adheres to the side of the mortar." the following note refers to the onteddu (single bullock) ganigas, who claim superiority over those who employ two bullocks in working their oil-mills. the former belong to the right-hand, and the latter to the left-hand faction. among them are various sub-divisions, of which the deva and onteddu may intermarry, while the kasi, teli (gingelly: sesamum), and chandanapu are endogamous. like other telugu castes they have gotras, some of which are interesting, as there are certain prohibitions connected with them. for example, members of the badranollu and balanollu gotras may not cut the tree erythroxylon monogynum. in like manner, members of the viranollu and viththanollu gotras are forbidden to cut feronia elephantum, and those of the vedanollu gotra to cut nyctanthes arbor-tristis. members of certain other gotras do not cultivate turmeric, sugarcane, or the millet (panicum miliare). the onteddu ganigas are saivites, and disciples of lingayat brahmans (aradhyas). some, however, wear the sacred thread, and others bear on the forehead the red streak of the vaishnavites. in some places, their special deity is chaudeswara, who is the god of some of the weaving classes. in the kistna district they claim mallikarjunasvami as their deity. their primary occupation is oil-pressing, but some are traders in cotton, oil-seeds, etc., or cultivators. in some localities, the animal which works the oil-mill is not blindfolded, while it is in others, because, it is said, it would otherwise fall down after a few revolutions. crushing gingelly oil is, according to the shastras, a sinful act, but condoned inasmuch as devatas use this oil for lamps, and men in temples. for the removal of the oil-cake, or turning the seeds in the mill, the left hand only is used. burning the tongue with a piece of gold, as a means of purification after some offence has been committed, is a common practice. the marriage rites conform, for the most part, to the telugu type. but, while the wrist thread is being tied on, common salt is held in the hand. a dagger (baku) is then given to the bridegroom, who keeps it with him till the conclusion of the ceremonies. on the wedding day, the bridegroom wears the sacred thread. the tali is not an ordinary bottu, but a thread composed of thin strings, which is removed on the last day, and replaced by a bottu. on the third day, the bride and bridegroom worship a jammi tree (prosopis spicigera), and the latter, removing his sacred thread, throws it on the tree. five young men, called bala dasulu, also worship the tree, and, if they are wearing the sacred thread, throw it thereon. the dead are as a rule buried, in a sitting posture if the deceased was an orthodox saivite. if a young man dies a bachelor, the corpse is married to an arka plant (calotropis gigantea), and decorated with a wreath made of the flowers thereof. the final death ceremonies are performed on the eleventh day. food is offered to crows and the soul of the dead person, who is represented by a wooden post dressed with his clothes. the bangles of a widow are broken near the post, which is finally thrown into a tank or stream. ganiga further occurs as an occupational name for lingayat oil-vendors, and for mogers who are employed as oil-pressers. ganta.--ganta or gantla, meaning a bell, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of kamma and balija. gantelavaru, or men of the bell, is given by mr. s. m. natesa sastri [ ] as the family name of one section of the donga (thieving) dasaris, and of the kabberas, who are said to join the ranks of this criminal class. gantugazula occurs, in the mysore census report, , as a sub-division of koracha. in the vizagapatam manual, the tiragati gantlavallu are described as repairing hand-mills, catching antelopes, and selling their skins. ganti (a hole pierced in the ear-lobe).--an exogamous sept of gudala. garadi.--garadi or garadiga is the name of a class of mendicants in the telugu country and mysore who are snake-charmers, practice sleight of hand, and perform various juggling and mountebank tricks. garappa (dry land).--a synonym of challa yanadi. gatti.--a small caste of cultivators, found chiefly near kumbla and someswara in the kasaragod taluk of south canara. other names for the caste are poladava and holadava, both signifying men of the field. like the bants, they follow the aliya santana law of inheritance (in the female line), have exogamous septs or balis, and, on the day of the final death ceremonies, construct car-like structures, if the deceased was an important personage in the community. the bants and gattis interdine, but do not intermarry. the headman of the gattis is called gurikara. the god of the someswara temple is regarded as the caste deity, and every family has to pay an annual fee of four annas to this temple. failure to do so would entail excommunication. gattu (bank or mound).--an exogamous sept of devanga. gaud.--a title of sadar. gauda.--the gaudas or gaudos are a large caste of canarese cultivators and cattle-breeders. "gauda and gaudo," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are really two distinct castes, the former being canarese and the latter uriya. each name is, however, spelt both ways. the two names are, i presume, etymologically the same. the ordinary derivation is from the sanskrit go, a cow, but dr. gustav oppert contends [ ] that the root of gauda is a dravidian word meaning a mountain. among the canarese, and to a less extent among the uriyas also, the word is used in an honorific sense, a custom which is difficult to account for if dr. oppert's philology is correct." "gaudas," mr. stuart writes further, [ ] "also called halvaklumakkalu (children of the milk class), are very numerously represented in the south canara district. they have a somewhat elaborate system of caste government. in every village there are two headmen, the grama gauda and the vattu or gattu gauda. for every group of eight or nine villages there is another head called the magane gauda, and for every nine maganes there is a yet higher authority called the kattemaneyava. the caste is divided into eighteen baris or balis, which are of the usual exogamous character. the names of some of these are as follows: bangara (gold), nandara, malara (a bundle of glass bangles, as carried about for sale), salu, hemmana (pride or conceit), kabru, goli (portulaca oleracea, a pot-herb), basruvogaru (basru, belly), balasanna, and karmannaya. marriage is usually adult, and sexual license before marriage with a member of the caste is tolerated, though nominally condemned. the dhare form of marriage (see bant) is used, but the bridal pair hold in their joined hands five betel leaves, one areca nut and four annas, and, after the water has been poured, the bridegroom ties a tali to the neck of the bride. divorce is permitted freely, and divorced wives and widows can marry again. a widow with children, however, should marry only her late husband's elder brother. if she marries any one else, the members of her former husband's family will not even drink water that has been touched by her. they burn their dead. on the third day, the ashes are made into the form of a man, which is cut in two, buried, and a mound made over it. in the house two planks are placed on the ground, and covered with a cloth. on one of these, a vessel containing milk is placed, and on the other a lamp, rice, cocoanut, pumpkin, etc., are deposited. the agnates and some boys go round the plank three times, and afterwards go to the mound, taking with them the various articles in a cloth. three plantain leaves are spread in front of the mound, and cooked food, etc., placed thereon. four posts are set up round the mound, and cloths stretched over them, and placed round the sides. on the sixteenth day, sixteen plantain leaves are placed in a row, and one leaf is laid apart. cakes, cooked fowl's flesh, toddy and arrack (liquor) are placed on the leaves in small leaf-cups. the assembled agnates then say "we have done everything as we should do, and so our ancestors who have died must take the man who is now dead to their regions. i put the leaf which is apart in the same row with the sixteen leaves." "once a year, in the month of mituna (june-july), the gaudas perform a ceremony for the propitiation of all deceased ancestors. they have a special preference for venkataramaswami, to whom they make money offerings once a year in september. they employ brahmins to give them sacred water when they are under pollution, but they do not seek their services for ordinary ceremonies. they are, for the most part, farmers, but some few are labourers. the latter receive three or four seers of paddy a day as wages. their house language is tulu in some places, and canarese in others, but all follow the ordinary system of inheritance, and not the custom of descent through females. their title is gauda." as bearing on the superstitious beliefs of the people of south canara, the following case, which was tried before the sessions judge in , may be cited. a young gauda girl became pregnant by her brother-in-law. after three days' labour, the child was born. the accused, who was the mother of the girl, was the midwife. finding the delivery very difficult, she sent for a person named korapulu to come and help her. the child was, as they thought, still-born. on its head was a red protuberance like a ball; round each of its forearms were two or three red bands; the eyes and ears were fixed very high in the head; and the eyes, nose, and mouth were abnormally large. korapulu and the girl's younger sister at once carried the mother out of the out-house lest the devil child should do her harm or kill her. the accused called for a man named isuf saiba, who was standing in the yard outside. he came in, and she asked him to call some of the neighbours, to decide what to do. the child, she said, was a devil child, and must be cut and killed, lest it should devour its mother. while they were looking at the child, it began to move and roll its eyes about, and turn on the ground. it is a belief of the villagers that such a devil child, when born and brought in contact with the air, rapidly grows, and causes great trouble, usually killing the mother, and sometimes killing all the inmates of the house. the accused told isuf saiba to cover the child with a vessel, which he did. then there was a sound from inside the vessel, either of the child moving or making some sound with its mouth. the accused then put her hand under the vessel, dragged the child half way out, and then, while isuf saiba pressed the edge of the earthenware vessel on the abdomen of the child, the accused took a knife, and cut the body in half. when the body was cut in two, there was no blood, but a mossy green liquid, or a black liquid, oozed out. the accused got two areca leaves, and put one piece of the child on one, and one on the other, and told isuf saiba to get a spade, and come and bury them. so they went out into the jungle close to the house, and isuf saiba dug two holes about half a yard deep, one on one hillock, and one on another. in these two holes the two pieces of the child were separately buried. the object of this was to prevent the two pieces joining together again, in which case the united devil child would have come out of the grave, and gone to kill its mother. the birth and death of this devil child were not kept secret, but were known throughout the village. gauda or gaudu further occurs as a title of idiga, kuruba, and vakkaliga, an exogamous sept and gotra of kuruba and kurni, and a sub-division of golla. gaudi.--it is recorded, in the mysore census report, , that a maleru (temple servant) woman, who cohabits with one of a lower class than her own, is degraded into a gaudi. gaudo.--the gaudos are described, in the madras census reports, and , as "the great pastoral caste of the ganjam oriyas. like those of all the cowherd classes, its members say that they are descended from the yadava tribe, in which krishna was born (cf. idaiyan). the majority of the gaudos in the northern districts are now cultivators, but there is evidence that the keeping and breeding of cattle is their traditional occupation. the most important sub-division is sollokhondia; many of them are herdsmen and milk-sellers. fourteen sub-divisions have been reported. they are apoto, behara, bolodiya, dongayato, dumalo, gopopuriya, kolata, komiriya, kusilya, ladia, madhurapurya, mogotho, pattilia, and sollokhondia." in the census report, , it is noted that "there are many gowdus of high social standing, who have gotten unto themselves much wealth in cattle. these men own, in many instances, large herds of buffaloes, which, being reared in the boundless pastures of the hills, are much prized by the cartmen of the low country for draught purposes." of the sub-division noted above, behara is apparently a title only. bolodiya is the name of a section of the tellis, who use pack-bullocks (bolodi, a bull) for carrying grain about the country. pattilia must be a mistake for pachilia. the sections among the gaudos which are recognised by all castes in the ganjam district are sollokhondia, bhatta, gopopuriya, madhurapuriya, mogotho, apoto, and pachilia. these, with the exception of gopopuriya and madhurapuriya, seem to be endogamous sub-divisions. the bhatta gaudos go by the name of gopopuriya in some places and madhurapuriya in others, both these names being connected with the legendary history of the origin of the caste. the apoto and bhatta gaudos are sometimes employed as palanquin-bearers. the mogotho gaudos, who live on the hills, are regarded as an inferior section, because they do not abstain from eating fowls. the sollokhondia section is regarded as superior, and consequently all oriya castes, brahman and non-brahman, will accept water at the hands of members thereof. an orthodox oriya non-brahman, and all oriya brahmans, will not receive water from telugu or tamil brahmans, whom they call komma brahmans, komma being a corrupt form of karma, i.e., brahmans who are strict in the observance of the various karmas (ceremonial rites). the sollokhondia gaudos are agriculturists, rear cattle and sheep, and sometimes earn a living by driving carts. they have gotras, among which the most common are moiro (peacock), nagasiro (cobra), and kochimo (tortoise). their caste council is presided over by a hereditary headman called mahankudo, who is assisted by a bhollobaya, desiya, and khorsodha or dhondia. the khorsodha is the caste servant, and the desiya eats with a delinquent who is received back into the fold after he has been tried by the council. the sollokhondias are for the most part paramarthos, i.e., followers of the chaitanya form of vaishnavism. they show a partiality for the worship of jagannathaswami, and various takuranis (village deities) are also reverenced. bairagis are the caste priests. the marriage prohibitions among the sollokhondias are those which hold good among many oriya castes, but marriage with the maternal uncle's daughter (menarikam) is sometimes practiced. on the evening preceding the marriage day (bibha), after a feast, the bride and bridegroom's parties go to a temple, taking with them all the articles which are to be used in connection with the marriage ceremonial. on their way back, seven married girls, carrying seven vessels, go to seven houses, and beg water, which is used by the bridal couple for their baths on the following day. either on the day before the wedding day, or on the bibha day, the bridegroom is shaved, and the bride's nails are pared. sometimes a little of the hair of her forehead is also cut off. the marriage rites do not materially differ from those of the bhondaris (q.v.). the dead, excepting young children, are burnt. the eldest son carries a pot of fire to the burning ground. on the day following cremation, the mourners revisit the spot, and, after the fire has been extinguished, make an image of a man with the ashes on the spot where the corpse was burnt. to this image food is offered. seven small flags, made of cloths dyed with turmeric, are stuck into the shoulders, abdomen, legs, and head of the image. a fragment of calcined bone is carried away, put into a lump of cow-dung, and kept near the house of the deceased, or near a tank (pond). on the ninth day after death, towards evening, a bamboo, split or spliced into four at one end, is set up in the ground outside the house beneath the projecting roof, and on it a pot filled with water is placed. on the spot where the deceased breathed his last, a lamp is kept. a hole is made in the bottom of the pot, and, after food has been offered to the dead man, the pot is thrown into a tank. on the tenth day, a ceremony is performed on a tank bund (embankment). the piece of bone, which has been preserved, is removed from its cow-dung case, and food, fruits, etc., are offered to it, and thrown into the tank. the bone is taken home, and buried near the house, food being offered to it until the twelfth day. on the eleventh day, all the agnates bathe, and are touched with ghi (clarified butter) as a sign of purification. sradh (memorial service) is performed once a year on sankaranthi (pongal) day. food, in the form of balls, is placed on leaves in the backyard, and offered to the ancestors. some food is also thrown up into the air. all sections of the gaudos have adopted infant marriage. if a girl fails to secure a husband before she attains puberty, she has to go through a form of marriage called dharma bibha, in which the bridegroom is, among the sollokhondias, represented by an old man, preferably the girl's grandfather, and among the other sections by a sahada or shadi tree (streblus asper) or an arrow (khando). like various other oriya castes, the gaudos worship the goddess lakshmi on thursdays in the month of november, which are called lakshmi varam, or lakshmi's day. the goddess is represented by a basket filled with grain, whereon some place a hair ball, which has been vomited by a cow. the ball is called gaya panghula, and is usually one or two inches in diameter. the owner of a cow which has vomited such a ball regards it as a propitious augury for the prosperity of his family. a feast is held on the day on which the ball is vomited, and, after the ball has been worshipped, it is carefully wrapped up, and kept in a box, in which it remains till it is required for further worship. some people believe that the ball continues to grow year by year, and regard this as a very good sign. bulls are said not to vomit the balls, and only very few cows do so. gauliar.--a synonym for lingayat gollas, or kannadiyans. gaundala.--a synonym of gamalla. gauri.--a division of okkiliyan, named after gauri, siva's consort. the equivalent gaura occurs among the komatis, and gauriga among the medaras. one division of the kabberas is called gaurimakkalu, or sons of gauri. gautama.--a brahmanical gotra adopted by bhatrazus, khatris, and kondaiyamkottai maravans. gautama was a sage, and the husband of ahalya, who was seduced by indra. gavala (cowry shell: cypræa arabica).--an exogamous sept of madiga. a cotton thread string, with cowries strung on it, is one of the insignia of a madiga matangi. gavalla.--a synonym for gamalla. gavara.--it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "this caste is practically confined to the vizagapatam district, and they have been classed as cultivators on the strength of a statement to that effect in the district manual. gavara is, however, an important sub-division of komatis (traders), and these gavaras are probably in reality gavara komatis. these are so called after gauri, the patron deity of this caste." for the following note i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. a tradition is current that the gavaras originally lived at vengi, the ancient capital of the eastern chalukyan kings, the ruins of which are near ellore in the godavari district. the king was desirous of seeing one of their women, who was gosha (in seclusion), but to this they would not consent. under orders from the king, their houses were set on fire. some of them bolted themselves in, and perished bravely, while others locked up their women in big boxes, and escaped with them to the coast. they immediately set sail, and landed at pudimadaka in the anakapalli taluk. thence they marched as far as kondakirla, near which they founded the village of wadapalli or wodapalli, meaning the village of the people who came in boats. they then built another village called gavarla anakapalli. they received an invitation from king payaka rao, the founder of anakapalli, and, moving northwards, established themselves at what is now known as gavarapeta in the town of anakapalli. they began the foundation of the village auspiciously by consecrating and planting the sandra karra (acacia sundra), which is not affected by 'white-ants,' instead of the pala karra (mimusops hexandra), which is generally used for this purpose. consequently, anakapalli has always flourished. the gavaras speak telugu, and, like other telugu castes, have various exogamous septs or intiperulu. girls are married either before or after puberty. the custom of menarikam, by which a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter, is in force, and it is said that he may also marry his sister's daughter. the remarriage of widows is permitted, and a woman who has had seven husbands is known as beththamma, and is much respected. some gavaras are vaishnavites, and others saivites, but difference in religion is no bar to intermarriage. both sections worship the village deities, to whom animal sacrifices are offered. the vaishnavites show special reverence to jagganathaswami of orissa, whose shrine is visited by some, while others take vows in the name of this god. on the day on which the car festival is celebrated at puri, local car festivals are held in gavara villages, and women carry out the performance of their vows. a woman, for example, who is under a vow, in order that she may be cured of illness or bear children, takes a big pot of water, and, placing it on her head, dances frantically before the god, through whose influence the water, which rises out of the pot, falls back into it, instead of being spilt. the vaishnavites are burnt, and the saivites buried in a sitting posture. the usual chinna (little) and pedda rozu (big day) death ceremonies are performed. men wear a gold bangle on the left wrist, and another on the right arm. women wear a silver bangle on the right wrist, and a bracelet of real or imitation coral, which is first worn at the time of marriage, on the left wrist. they throw the end of their body-cloth over the left shoulder. they do not, like women of other non-brahman castes in the vizagapatam district, smoke cigars. the original occupation of the caste is said to have been trading, and this may account for the number of exogamous septs which are named after settis (traders). at the present day, the gavaras are agriculturists, and they have the reputation of being very hard-working, and among the best agriculturists in the vizagapatam district. the women travel long distances in order to sell vegetables, milk, curds, and other produce. the caste titles are anna, ayya, and occasionally nayudu. gaya (cow).--an exogamous sept of kondra. gayinta.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a small caste of hill cultivators, speaking oriya and telugu. the name is said to be derived from gayinti, an iron digging implement. gayinta is reported to be the same as gaintia, a name of enetis or entamaras. gazula.--gazula or gazul (glass bangle) has been recorded as a sub-division of balija, kapu, and toreya. the gazula balijas make glass bangles. the toreyas have a tradition that they originated from the bangles of machyagandhi, the daughter of a fisherman on the jumna, who was married to king shantanu of hastinapur. gedala (buffaloes).--a sept of bonthuk savara. geddam (beard).--an exogamous sept of boya and padma sale. gejjala (bells tied to the legs while dancing).--an exogamous sept of balija and korava. gejjegara.--a sub-caste of the canarese panchalas. they are described, in the mysore census report, , as makers of small round bells (gungru), which are used for decorating the head or neck of bullocks, and tied by dancing-girls round their ankles when dancing. genneru (sweet-scented oleander).--an exogamous sept of boya. gentoo.--gentoo or jentu, as returned at times of census, is stated to be a general term applied to balijas and telugu speaking sudras generally. the word is said by yule and burnell [ ] to be "a corruption of the portuguese gentio, a gentile or heathen, which they applied to the hindus in contradistinction to the moros or moors, i.e., mahomedans. the reason why the term became specifically applied to the telugu people is probably because, when the portuguese arrived, the telugu monarchy of vijayanagar was dominant over a great part of the peninsula." in a letter written from prison to sir philip francis, rajah nuncomar referred to the fact that "among the english gentry, armenians, moores and gentoos, few there is who is not against me." gentoo still survives as a caste name in the madras quarterly civil list ( ). ghair-i-mahdi.--the name, meaning without mahdi, of a sect of muhammadans, who affirm that the imam mahdi has come and gone, while orthodox muhammadans hold that he is yet to come. ghasi.--see haddi. ghontoro.--a small caste of oriyas, who manufacture brass and bell-metal rings and bangles for the hill people. the name is derived from ghonto, a bell-metal plate. gidda (vulture).--a sept of poroja. gikkili (rattle).--a gotra of kurni. giri razu.--a contraction of puragiri razu or puragiri kshatriya, by which names some perikes style themselves. goa.--a sub-division of kudubis, who are said to have emigrated from goa to south canara. go brahman.--a name given to brahmans by kammalans, who style themselves visva brahmans. godagula.--the godagulas are recorded, in the madras census report, , as being the same as the gudalas, who are a telugu caste of basket-makers. according to mr. c. hayavadana rao, to whom i am indebted for the following note, they are a distinct caste, speaking oriya, and sometimes calling themselves odde (oriya) medara. like the medaras, they work in split bamboo, and make sundry articles which are not made by other castes who work in this medium. unlike the gudalas, they are a polluting class, and have the following legend to account for their social degradation. god told them to make winnows and other articles for divine worship. this, they did, and, after they had delivered them, they attended a marriage feast, at which they eat flesh and drank liquor. on their return, god called on them to vomit the food which they had partaken of, and they accordingly brought up the meat and drink, whereon god cursed them, saying "begone, you have eaten forbidden food." they craved for forgiveness, but were told in future to earn their living as bamboo-workers. the custom of menarikam, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is so rigidly enforced that, if the uncle refuses to give his daughter in marriage, the man has a right to carry her off, and then pay a fine, the amount of which is fixed by the caste council. a portion thereof is given to the girl's parents, and the remainder spent on a caste feast. if the maternal uncle has no daughter, a man may, according to the eduru (or reversed) menarikam custom, marry his paternal aunt's daughter. six months before the marriage ceremony takes place, the pasupu (turmeric) ceremony is performed. the bridegroom's family pay six rupees to the bride's family, to provide the girl with turmeric, wherewith she adorns herself. on the day fixed for the wedding, the parents of the bridegroom go with a few of the elders to the bride's house, and couple the request to take away the girl with payment of nine rupees and a new cloth. of the money thus given, eight rupees go to the bride's parents, and the remainder to the caste. the bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom, who meets her at the pandal (booth) erected in front of his house. they are bathed with turmeric water, and sacred threads are put on their shoulders by the kula maistri who officiates as priest. the couple then play with seven cowry (cyproea arabica) shells, and, if the shells fall with the slit downwards, the bride is said to have won; otherwise the bridegroom is the winner. this is followed by the mudu akula homam, or sacrifice of three leaves. a new pot, containing a lighted wick, is placed before the couple. on it are thrown leaves of the rayi aku (ficus religiosa), marri aku (ficus bengalensis), and juvvi aku (ficus tsiela). the kula maistri of the bridegroom's party spreads out his right hand over the mouth of the pot. on it the bride places her hand. the bridegroom then places his hand on hers, and the kula maistri of the bride's village puts his hand on that of the bridegroom. the elders then call out in a loud voice "know, caste people of vaddadi madugula; know, caste people of kimedi; know, caste people of gunupuram and godairi; know, caste people of all the twelve countries, that this man and woman have become husband and wife, and that the elders have ratified the ceremony." the contracting couple then throw rice over each other. on the morning of the following day, the saragatha ceremony is performed. the bridegroom's party repair to the bank of the local stream, where they are met by the caste people, who are presented with betel, a cheroot, and a pot of jaggery (crude sugar) water as cool drink. the sacred threads worn by the bride and bridegroom are removed at the conclusion of the marriage ceremonies. the remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother, or vice versâ. divorce is also allowed, and a divorcée may remarry. her new husband has to pay a sum of money, a portion of which goes to the first husband, while the remainder is devoted to a caste feast. the dead are burnt, and the chinna rozu (little day) death ceremony is observed. goda-jati (wall people).--a sub-division of kammas. the name has reference to a deadly struggle at gandikota, in which some escaped by hiding behind a wall. goda-poose (wall polishing).--an exogamous sept of tsakala. godari.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as telugu leather-workers in ganjam and vizagapatam. they are stated, in the vizagapatam manual, to make and sell slippers in that district. godari is, i gather, a synonym of madiga, and not a separate caste. goddali (spade or axe).--an exogamous sept of odde and panta reddi. godomalia (belonging to, or a group of forts).--a sub-division of bhondari, the members of which act as barbers to rajahs who reside in forts. golaka.--recorded in the madras census report, , as a name meaning bastard, and clubbed with the moilis, or temple servants in south canara descended from dancing-girls. in the mysore census report, , it is defined as a term applied to the children of brahmans by malerus, or temple servants. goli (portulaca oleracea: a pot-herb).--an exogamous sept of gauda. golkonda.--a sub-division of tsakala. golla.--"the gollas," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are the great pastoral caste of the telugu people. the traditions of the caste give a descent from the god krishna, whose sportings with the milk maids play a prominent part in hindu mythology. the hereditary occupation of the gollas is tending sheep and cattle, and selling milk, but many of them have now acquired lands and are engaged in farming, and some are in government service. they are quiet, inoffensive, and comparatively honest. in the time of the nabobs, this last characteristic secured to them the privilege of guarding and carrying treasure, and one sub-division, bokhasa gollas, owes its origin to this service. even now those who are employed in packing and lifting bags of money in the district treasuries are called gollas, though they belong to other castes. as a fact they do hold a respectable position, and, though poor, are not looked down upon, for they tend the sacred cow. sometimes they assert a claim to be regarded as representatives of the go-vaisya division. their title is mandadi, but it is not commonly used." mr. stuart writes further [ ] that "the social status of the gollas is fairly high, for they are allowed to mix freely with the kapu, kamma, and balija castes, and the brahmans will take buttermilk from their hands. they employ satanis as their priests. in their ceremonies there is not much difference between them and the kapus. the name golla is generally supposed to be a shortened form of sanskrit gopala" (protector of cows). the gollas also call themselves konanulu, or konarlu, and, like the tamil idaiyans, sometimes have the title konar. other titles in common use are anna, ayya, and occasionally nayudu. in the manual of the kurnool district, it is stated that the gollas "keep sheep, and sell milk and ghi (clarified butter). they eat and mess with the balijas, and other high caste sudras; but, unlike their brethren of the south, in the matter of street processions, they are classed with goldsmiths, or the left-hand section. when any one is reduced to poverty, the others give him each a sheep, and restore his flock. they occasionally dedicate their girls to venkatesa as basavis" (prostitutes). it is noted, in the gazetteer of the vizagapatam district, that "in the country round madgole, legends are still recounted of a line of local golla chieftains, who gave their name to golgonda, and built the forts, of which traces still survive in those parts". each telugu new year's day, it is stated, gollas come across from godavari, and go round the golla villages, reciting the names of the progenitors of the fallen line, and exhibiting paintings illustrative of their overthrow. "at vajragada (diamond fort) are the ruins of a very large fortress, and local tradition gives the names of seven forts, by which it was once defended. these are said to have been constructed by the golla kings. a tale is told of their having kidnapped a daughter of the ruler of madgole, and held out here against his attacks for months, until they were betrayed by a woman of their own caste, who showed the enemy how to cut off their water-supply. they then slew their womenkind, says the story, dashed out against the besiegers, and fell to a man, fighting to the last." concerning the gollas of mysore, i gather [ ] that "there are two main divisions in this caste, viz., uru (village) and kadu (forest). the two neither intermarry, nor eat together. a section of the gollas, by guarding treasure while on transit, have earned the name of dhanapala. in fact, one of the menial offices in government treasuries at the present day is that of golla. the caste worships krishna, who was born in this caste. the kadu gollas are said to have originally immigrated from northern india, and are still a nomadic tribe, living in thatched huts outside the villages. some of their social customs are akin to those of the kadu kurubas. it is said that, on the occurrence of a childbirth, the mother with the babe remains unattended in a small shed outside the village from seven to thirty days, when she is taken back to her home. in the event of her illness, none of the caste will attend on her, but a nayak (beda) woman is engaged to do so. marriages among them are likewise performed in a temporary shed erected outside the village, and the attendant festivities continue for five days, when the marriage couple are brought into the village. the golla is allowed to marry as many wives as he likes, and puberty is no bar to marriage. they eat flesh, and drink spirituous liquors. the wife cannot be divorced except for adultery. their females do not wear the bodice (ravike) usually put on by the women of the country. nor do they, in their widowhood, remove or break the glass bangles worn at the wrists, as is done in other castes. but widows are not allowed to remarry. only persons have returned gotras, the chief being yadava, karadi, atreya, and amswasa. the first two are really sub-sects, while atreya is the name of a brahmin rishi." yadava, or descendant of king yadu, from whom krishna was descended, also occurs as a synonym for idaiyan, the great tamil shepherd class. concerning the adivi, or forest gollas, mr. f. fawcett writes as follows. [ ] "the people of every house in the village let loose a sheep, to wander whither it will, as a sort of perpetual scapegoat. when a woman feels the first pains of labour, she is turned out of the village into a little leaf or mat hut about two hundred yards away. in this hut she must bring forth her offspring unaided, unless a midwife can be called in to be with her before the child is born. for ninety days the woman lives in the hut by herself. if any one touches her, he or she is, like the woman, outcasted, and turned out of the village for three months. the woman's husband generally makes a little hut about fifty yards from her, and watches over her; but he may not go near her on pain of being outcasted for three months. food is placed on the ground near the woman's hut, and she takes it. on the fourth day after parturition, a woman of the village goes to her, and pours water on her, but she must not come in contact with her. on the fifth day, the village people clear of stones and thorny bushes a little bit of ground about ten yards on the village side of the hut, and to this place the woman removes her hut. no one can do it for her, or help her. on the ninth, fifteenth, and thirtieth days, she removes the hut in the same way nearer to the village, and, again, once in each of the two following months. on the ninetieth day, the headman of the village calls the woman to come out of the hut. the dhobi (washerman) then washes her clothes. she puts on clean clothes, and the headman takes her to the temple of their tutelary deity junjappa, where the caste pujari breaks cocoanuts, and then accompanies her to her house, where a purificatory ceremony is performed. junjappa, it is said, takes good care of the mother and child, so that death is said to be unknown." it is stated [ ] that, in the chitaldrug district of mysore, "the wife of the eldest son in every family is not permitted to clean herself with water after obeying the calls of nature. it is an article of their belief that their flocks will otherwise not prosper." writing in the early part of the last century about the gollas, buchanan informs us that "this caste has a particular duty, the transporting of money, both belonging to the public and to individuals. it is said that they may be safely intrusted with any sum; for, each man carrying a certain value, they travel in bodies numerous in proportion to the sum put under their charge; and they consider themselves bound in honour to die in defence of their trust. of course, they defend themselves vigorously, and are all armed; so that robbers never venture to attack them. they have hereditary chiefs called gotugaru, who with the usual council settle all disputes, and punish all transgressions against the rules of caste. the most flagrant is the embezzlement of money entrusted to their care. on this crime being proved against any of the caste, the gotugaru applies to amildar, or civil magistrate, and having obtained his leave, immediately causes the delinquent to be shot. smaller offences are atoned for by the guilty person giving an entertainment." the golla caste has many sub-divisions, of which the following are examples:-- erra or yerra (red). said to be the descendants of a brahman by a golla woman. ala or mekala, who tend sheep and goats. puja or puni. gangeddu, who exhibit performing bulls. gauda, who, in vizagapatam, visit the western part of the district during the summer months, and settle outside the villages. they tend their herds, and sell milk and curds to the villagers. karna. pakanati. racha (royal). peddeti. mostly beggars, and considered low in the social scale, though when questioned concerning themselves they say they are yerra gollas. at the census, , the following were returned as sub-castes of the gollas:-- dayyalakulam (wrestlers), perike muggalu or mushti golla (beggars and exorcists), podapotula (who beg from gollas), gavadi, and vadugayan, a tamil synonym for gollas in tinnevelly. another tamil synonym for golla is bokhisha vadugar (treasury northerners). golla has been given as a sub-division of dasaris and chakkiliyans, and golla woddar (odde) as a synonym of a thief class in the telugu country. in a village near dummagudem in the godavari district, the rev. j. cain writes, [ ] are "a few families of basava gollalu. i find they are really kois, whose grandfathers had a quarrel with, and separated from, their neighbours. some of the present members of the families are anxious to be re-admitted to the society and privileges of the neighbouring kois. the word basava is commonly said to be derived from bhasha, a language, and the gollas of this class are said to have been so called in consequence of their speaking a different language from the rest of the gollas." like many other telugu castes, the gollas have exogamous septs or intiperu, and gotras. as examples of the former, the following may be quoted:-- agni, fire. avula, cows. chinthala, tamarind. chevvula, ears. gundala, stones. gurram, horse. gorrela, sheep. gorantla, henna (lawsonia alba). kokala, woman's cloth. katari, dagger. mugi, dumb. nakkala, jackal. saddikudu, cold rice or food. sevala, service. ullipoyala, onions. vankayala, brinjal (solanum melongena). some of these sept names occur among other classes, as follows:-- avula, balijas, kapus, and yerukalas. chinthala, devangas, komatis, malas, and madigas. gorantla, padma sales. gorrela, kammas, kapus. gurram, malas, padma sales, and togatas. nakkala, kattu marathis, and yanadis. those who belong to the raghindala (ficus religiosa) gotra are not allowed to use the leaves of the sacred fig or pipal tree as plates for their food. members of the palavili gotra never construct palavili, or small booths, inside the house for the purpose of worship. those who belong to the akshathayya gotra are said to avoid rice coloured with turmeric or other powder (akshantalu). members of the kommi, jammi, and mushti gotras avoid using the kommi tree, prosopis spicigera, and strychnos nux-vomica respectively. of the various sub-divisions, the puja gollas claim superiority over the others. their origin is traced to simhadri raju, who is supposed to have been a descendant of yayathi raja of the mahabaratha. yayathi had six sons, the last of whom had a son named kariyavala, whose descendants were as follows:-- penubothi (his son), | avula amurthammayya, | kalugothi ganganna, | oli raju, | simhadri raju. | +------------+-------+------+-------------+ | | | | peddi erunuka noranoka poli raju. raju. raju. raju. the gollas are believed to be descended from the four last kings. according to another legend, there were five brothers, named poli raju, erranoku raju, katama raju, peddi raju, and errayya raju, who lived at yellamanchili, which, as well as sarvasiddhi, they built. the rajas of nellore advanced against them, and killed them, with all their sheep, in battle. on this, janagamayya, the son of peddi raju, who escaped the general slaughter, made up his mind to go to kasi (benares), and offer oblations to his dead father and uncles. this he did, and the gods were so pleased with him that they transported him in the air to his native place. he was followed by three persons, viz., ( ) kulagentadu, whose descendants now recite the names of the progenitors of the caste; ( ) podapottu (or juggler), whose descendants carry metal bells, sing, and produce snakes by magic; ( ) thevasiyadu, whose descendants paint the events which led to the destruction of the golla royalty on large cloths, and exhibit them to the gollas once a year. at the time when janagamayya was translated to heaven, they asked him how they were to earn their living, and he advised them to perform the duties indicated, and beg from the caste. even at the present day, their descendants go round the country once a year, after the telugu new year's day, and collect their dues from golla villages. by religion the gollas are both vallamulu (vaishnavites) and striramanthulu (saivites), between whom marriage is permissible. they belong to the group of castes who take part in the worship of ankamma. a special feature of their worship is that they place in a bamboo or rattan box three or four long whip-like ropes made of cotton or agave fibre, along with swords, sandals and idols. the ropes are called virathadlu, or heroes' ropes. the contents of the box are set beneath a booth made of split bamboo (palavili), and decorated with mango leaves, and flowers. there also is placed a pot containing several smaller pots, cowry shells, metal and earthenware sandals, and the image of a bull called bolli-avu (bull idol). when not required for the purpose of worship, the idols are hung up in a room, which may not be entered by any one under pollution. some karna gollas earn their living by selling poultry, or by going about the country carrying on their head a small box containing idols and virathadlu. placing this at the end of a street, they do puja (worship) before it, and walk up and down with a rope, with which they flagellate themselves. as they carry the gods (devarlu) about, these people are called devara vallu. as the gollas belong to the left-hand section, the pedda golla, or headman, has only a madiga as his assistant. at the marriages of mutrachas, madigas, and some other classes, a form of worship called virala puja is performed with the object of propitiating heroes or ancestors (viralu). a kindred ceremony, called ganga puja, is carried out by the gollas, the expenses of which amount to about a hundred rupees. this ganga worship lasts over three days, during which nine patterns, called muggu, are drawn on the floor in five colours, and represent dhamarapadmam (lotus flower), palavili (booth), sulalu (tridents), sesha panpu (serpent's play?), alugula simhasanam (throne of sakti), viradu perantalu (hero and his wife), ranivasam (rani's palace), bonala (food), and ganga. the last is a female figure, and probably represents ganga, the goddess of water, though one of the golla ancestors was named gangi raju. the patterns must be drawn by madigas or malas. three pambalas, or madigas skilled in this work, and in reciting the stories of various gods and goddesses, commence their work on the afternoon of the third day, and use white powder (rice flour), and powders coloured yellow (turmeric), red (turmeric and chunam), green (leaves of cassia auriculata), and black (charred rice husk). on an occasion when my assistant was present, the designs were drawn on the floor of the courtyard of the house, which was roofed over. during the preparation of the designs, people were excluded from the yard, as some ill-luck, especially an attack of fever, would befall more particularly boys and those of feeble mind, if they caught sight of the muggu before the drishti thiyadam, or ceremony for removing the evil eye has been performed. near the head of the figure of ganga, when completed, was placed an old bamboo box, regarded as a god, containing idols, ropes, betel, flowers, and small swords. close to the box, and on the right side of the figure, an earthen tray, containing a lighted wick fed with ghi (clarified butter) was set. on the left side were deposited a kalasam (brass vessel) representing siva, a row of chembus (vessels) called bonalu (food vessels), and a small empty box tied up in a cloth dyed with turmeric, and called brammayya. between these articles and the figure, a sword was laid. several heaps of food were piled up on the figure, and masses of rice placed near the head and feet. in addition, a conical mass of food was heaped up on the right side of the figure, and cakes were stuck into it. all round this were placed smaller conical piles of food, into which broomsticks decorated with betel leaves were thrust. masses of food, scooped out and converted into lamps, were arranged in various places, and betel leaves and nuts scattered all over the figure. towards the feet were set a chembu filled with water, a lump of food coloured red, and incense. the preparations concluded, three gollas stood near the feet of the figure, and took hold of the red food, over which water had been sprinkled, the incense and a fowl. the food and incense were then waved in front of the figure, and the fowl, after it had been smoked by the incense, and waved over the figure, had its neck wrung. this was followed by the breaking of a cocoanut, and offering fruits and other things. the three men then fell prostrate on the ground before the figure, and saluted the goddess. one of them, an old man, tied little bells round his legs, and stood mute for a time. gradually he began to perspire, and those present exclaimed that he was about to be possessed by the spirit of an ancestor. taking up a sword, he began to cut himself with it, especially in the back, and then kept striking himself with the blunt edge. the sword was wrested from him, and placed on the figure. the old man then went several times round the muggu, shaking and twisting his body into various grotesque attitudes. while this was going on, the bridegroom appeared on the scene, and seated himself near the feet of the figure. throwing off his turban and upper cloth, he fell on the floor, and proceeded to kick his legs about, and eventually, becoming calmer, commenced to cry. being asked his name, he replied that he was kariyavala raju. further questions were put to him, to which he made no response, but continued crying. incense and lights were then carried round the image, and the old man announced that the marriage would be auspicious, and blessed the bride and bridegroom and the assembled gollas. the ceremony concluded with the burning of camphor. the big mass of food was eaten by puni gollas. it is stated in the manual of the nellore district that, when a golla bridegroom sets out for the house of his mother-in-law, he is seized on the way by his companions, who will not release him until he has paid a piece of gold. the custom of illatom, or application of a son-in-law, obtains among the gollas, as among the kapus and some other telugu-classes. [ ] in connection with the death ceremonies, it may be noted that the corpse, when it is being washed, is made to rest on a mortar, and two pestles are placed by its side, and a lighted lamp near the head. there is a proverb to the effect that a golla will not scruple to water the milk which he sells to his own father. another proverb refers to the corrupt manner in which he speaks his mother-tongue. the insigne of the caste at conjeeveram is a silver churning stick. [ ] gollari (monkey).--an exogamous sept of gadaba. gomma.--recorded by the rev. j. cain as the name for koyis who live near the banks of the godavari river. villages on the banks thereof are called gommu ullu. gonapala (old plough).--an exogamous sept of devanga. gondaliga.--the gondaligas are described, in the mysore census report, , as being mendicants "of mahratta origin like the budabudikes, and may perhaps be a sub-division of them. they are worshippers of durgi. their occupation, as the name indicates, is to perform gondala, or a kind of torch-light dance, usually performed in honour of amba bhavani, especially after marriages in desastha brahman's houses, or at other times in fulfilment of any vow." gone (a sack).--an exogamous sept of maala. the gone perikes have been summed up as being a telugu caste of gunny-bag weavers, corresponding to the janappans of the tamil country. gunny-bag is the popular and trading name for the coarse sacking and sacks made from jute fibre, which are extensively used in indian trade. [ ] gone is further an occupational sub-division of komati. the gonigas of mysore are described, in the census report, , as sack-weavers and makers of gunny-bags, agriculturists, and grain porters at bangalore; and it is noted that the abnormal fall of per cent. in the number of the caste was due to their being confounded with ganigas. gonjakari.--a title of haddi. gonji (glycosmis penlaphylla).--an exogamous sept of mala. gopalam (alms given to beggars).--an exogamous sept of togata. gopalan (those who tend cattle).--a synonym of idaiyan. gopopuriya.--a sub-division of gaudo. gorantla (lawsonia alba: henna).--an exogamous sept of golla and padma sale. the leaves of this plant are widely used by natives as an article of toilet for staining the nails, and by muhammadans for dyeing the hair red. gorava.--a synonym of kuruba. goravaru.--a class of canarese mendicants. gore.--recorded, at times of census, as a synonym of lambadi. gora means trader or shop-keeper, and trading lambadis may have assumed the name. gorige (cyamopsis psoralioides).--an exogamous sept of devanga. gorrela (sheep).--an exogamous sept of golla, kamma, and kapu. konda gorri (hill sheep) occurs as an exogamous sept of jatapu. gosangi.--a synonym for madiga, recorded as kosangi, in the madras census report, . the gosangulu are described in the vizagapatam manual ( ), as "beggars who style themselves descendants of jambavanta, the bear into which brahma transformed himself, to assist rama in destroying ravana. the gosangis are considered to be illegitimate descendants of madigas, and a curious thing about them is that their women dress up like men, and sing songs when begging. as mendicants they are attached to the madigas." gosayi or goswami.--the gosayis are immigrant religious mendicants from northern and western india. i gather from the mysore census reports that "they mostly belong to the dandi sub-division. the gosayi is no caste; commonly any devotee is called a gosayi, whether he lives a life of celibacy or not; whether he roams about the country collecting alms, or resides in a house like the rest of the people; whether he leads an idle existence, or employs himself in trade. the mark, however, that distinguishes all who bear this name is that they are devoted to a religious life. some besmear their bodies with ashes, wear their hair dishevelled and uncombed, and in some instances coiled round the head like a snake or rope. they roam about the country in every direction, visiting especially spots of reputed sanctity, and as a class are the pests of society and incorrigible rogues. some of them can read, and a few may be learned; but for the most part they are stolidly ignorant. most of them wear a yellowish cloth, by which they make themselves conspicuous. the gosayis, although by profession belonging to the religious class, apply themselves nevertheless to commerce and trade. as merchants, bankers and tradesmen, they hold a very respectable position. they never marry. one of the chief peculiarities of this caste is that brahmans, kshatriyas, vaisyas, and sudras, the two former especially, may, if they choose, become gosayis; but if they do so, and unite with the members of this fraternity in eating and drinking, holding full and free intercourse with them, they are cut off for ever from their own tribes. it is this circumstance which constitutes gosayis a distinct and legitimate caste, and not merely a religious order. at death a horrible custom is observed. a cocoanut is broken on the head of the deceased by a person specially appointed for the purpose, until it is smashed to pieces. the body is then wrapped in a reddish cloth, and thrown into the ganges. a partial explanation of this practice is furnished in southern india. the final aim of hindu religious life is nirvana or moksham in the next life, and this can only be attained by those holy men, whose life escapes, after smashing the skull, through the sushumna nadi, a nerve so called, and supposed to pervade the crown of the head. the dying or dead sanyasi is considered to have led such a holy life as to have expired in the orthodox manner, and the fiction is kept up by breaking the skull post mortem, in mimicry of the guarantee of his passage to eternal bliss. accordingly, the dead body of a brahman sanyasi in southern india undergoes the same process and is buried, but never burned or thrown into the river." a few gosayis, at the mysore census, returned gotras, of which the chief were achuta and daridra (poverty-stricken). in the madras census report, , mandula (medicine man) and bavaji are returned as a sub-division and synonym of gosayi. the name guse or gusei is applied to oriya brahmans owing to their right of acting as gurus or family priests. gosu (pride).--an exogamous sept of devanga. goundan.--it is noted, in the salem manual, that "some of the agricultural classes habitually append the title goundan as a sort of caste nomenclature after their names, but the word applies, par excellence, to the head of the village, or ur goundan as he is called." as examples of castes which take goundan as their title, the pallis, okkiliyans, and vellalas may be cited. a planter, or other, when hailing a malayali of the shevaroy hills, always calls him goundan. goyi (lizard: varanus).--an exogamous sept of bottada. gramani.--the title of some shanans, and of the headman of the khatris. in malabar, the name gramam (a village) is applied to a brahmanical colony, or collection of houses, as the equivalent of the agraharam of the tamil country. [ ] gudala.--the gudalas are a telugu caste of basket-makers in vizagapatam and ganjam. the name is derived from guda, a basket for baling water. for the following note i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the original occupation of the caste is said to have been the collection of medicinal herbs and roots for native doctors and sick persons, which is still carried on by some gudalas at saluru town. the principal occupations, however, are the manufacture of bamboo baskets, and fishing in fresh water. like other telugu castes, the gudalas have exogamous septs or intiperulu, e.g., korra (setaria italica), paththi (cotton), nakka (jackal) and ganti (hole pierced in the ear-lobe). the custom of menarikam, whereby a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is practiced. marriage generally takes place before a girl reaches puberty. a brahman officiates at weddings. the bride-price (voli) consists of a new cloth for the bride, and seven rupees for her parents, which are taken by the bridegroom's party to the bride's house, together with some oil and turmeric for the bridal bath, and the sathamanam (marriage badge). a feast is held, and the sathamanam is tied on the bride's neck. the newly married pair are conducted to the house of the bridegroom, where a further feast takes place, after which they return to the bride's home, where they remain for three days. widows are permitted to remarry thrice, and the voli on each successive occasion is rs. , rs. , and rs. - - . when a widow is remarried, the sathamanam is tied on her neck near a mortar. the members of the caste reverence a deity called ekkaladevata, who is said to have been left behind at their original home. the dead are cremated, and the chinna rozu (little day) death ceremony is observed. on the third day, cooked rice is thrown over the spot where the corpse was burnt. gudavandlu.--recorded, in the nellore manual, as vaishnavites, who earn their livelihood by begging. the name means basket people, and probably refers to satanis, who carry a basket (guda) when begging. gudi (temple).--a sub-division of okkiliyan, an exogamous sept of jogi, and a name for temple dasaris, to distinguish them from the donga or thieving dasaris. gudigara.--in the south canara manual, the gudigaras are summed up as follows. "they are a canarese caste of wood-carvers and painters. they are hindus of the saivite sect, and wear the sacred thread. shivalli brahmans officiate as their priests. some follow the aliya santana mode of inheritance (in the female line), others the ordinary law. they must marry within the caste, but not within the same gotra or family. infant marriage is not compulsory, and they have the dhare form of marriage. among those who follow the aliya santana law, both widows and divorced women may marry again, but this is not permitted among the other sections. the dead are either cremated or buried, the former being the preferential mode. the use of alcoholic liquor, and fish and flesh is permitted. their ordinary title is setti." "the gudigars, or sandal-wood carvers," mr. d'cruz writes, [ ] "are reported to have come originally from goa, their migration to mysore and canara having been occasioned by the attempts of the early portuguese invaders to convert them to christianity. the fact that their original language is konkani corroborates their reputed konkanese origin. they say that the derivation of the word gudigara is from gudi, a temple, and that they were so called because they were, in their own country, employed as carvers and painters in the ornamentation of temples. another derivation is from the sanskrit kuttaka (a carver). they assert that their fellow castemen are still employed in turning, painting, and other decorative arts at goa. like the chitrakaras (ornamenters or decorative artists), they claim to be kshatriyas, and tradition has it that, to escape the wrath of parasu rama in the sixth incarnation of vishnu, who vowed to destroy all kshatriyas, they adopted the profession of carvers and car-builders. they are also expert ivory-carvers, and it has been suggested that they may be distantly connected with the kondikars, or ivory-carvers of bengal. the art of sandalwood carving is confined to a few families in the sorab and sagar taluks of the shimoga district, in the north-west corner of the province. there are two or three families in sagar, and about six in sorab, which contribute in all about thirty-five artisans employed in the craft. the art is also practiced by their relations, who found a domicile in hanavar, kumpta, sirsi, siddapur, biligi, and banavasi in the north canara district. but the work of the latter is said to be by no means so fine as that executed by the artisans of sorab and sagar. the artisans of north canara, however, excel in pith-work of the most exquisite beauty. they usually make basingas, i.e., special forehead ornaments, richly inlaid with pearls, and worn on the occasion of marriage. the delicate tools used by the wood-carvers are made from european umbrella spokes, ramrods, and country steel. the main stimulus, which the art receives from time to time at the present day, is from orders from the government, corporate public bodies, or maharajas, for address boxes, cabinets, and other articles specially ordered for presentations, or for the various fine-art exhibition, for which high prices are paid." in conversation with the workmen from sorab and sagar for work in the palace which is being built for h. h. the maharaja of mysore, it was elicited that there are some gudigars, who, from want of a due taste for the art, never acquire it, but are engaged in carpentry and turning. others, having acquired land, are engaged in cultivation, and fast losing all touch with the art. at udipi in south canara, some gudigars make for sale large wooden buffaloes and human figures, which are presented as votive offerings at the iswara temple at hiriadkap. they also make wooden dolls and painted clay figures. the following extracts from mr. l. rice's 'mysore gazetteer' may be appropriately quoted. "the designs with which the gudigars entirely cover the boxes, desks, and other articles made, are of an extremely involved and elaborate pattern, consisting for the most part of intricate interlacing foliage and scroll-work, completely enveloping medallions containing the representation of some hindu deity or subject of mythology, and here and there relieved by the introduction of animal forms. the details, though in themselves often highly incongruous, are grouped and blended with a skill that seems to be instinctive in the east, and form an exceedingly rich and appropriate ornamentation, decidedly oriental in style, which leaves not the smallest portion of the surface of the wood untouched. the material is hard, and the minuteness of the work demands the utmost care and patience. hence the carving of a desk or cabinet involves a labour of many months, and the artists are said to lose their eyesight at a comparatively early age. european designs they imitate to perfection." and again: "the articles of the gudigar's manufacture chiefly in demand are boxes, caskets and cabinets. these are completely covered with minute and delicate scroll-work, interspersed with figures from the hindu pantheon, the general effect of the profuse detail being extremely rich. the carving of sorab is considered superior to that of bombay or canton, and, being a very tedious process requiring great care, is expensive. the gudigars will imitate admirably any designs that may be furnished them. boards for album-covers, plates from jorrock's hunt, and cabinets surrounded with figures, have thus been produced for european gentlemen with great success." a gold medal was awarded to the gudigars at the delhi durbar exhibition, , for a magnificent sandal-wood casket (now in the madras museum), ornamented with panels representing hunting scenes. when a marriage is contemplated, the parents of the couple, in the absence of horoscopes, go to a temple, and receive from the priest some flowers which have been used for worship. these are counted, and, if their number is even, the match is arranged, and an exchange of betel leaves and nuts takes place. on the wedding day, the bridegroom goes, accompanied by his party, to the house of the bride, taking with him a new cloth, a female jacket, and a string of black beads with a small gold ornament. they are met en route by the bride's party. each party has a tray containing rice, a cocoanut, and a looking-glass. the females of one party place kunkuma (red powder) on the foreheads of those of the other party, and sprinkle rice over each other. at the entrance to the marriage pandal (booth), the bride's brother pours water at the feet of the bridegroom, and her father leads him into the pandal. the new cloth, and other articles, are taken inside the house, and the mother or sister of the bridegroom, with the permission of the headman, ties the necklet of black beads on the bride's neck. her maternal uncle takes her up in his arms, and carries her to the pandal. thither the bridegroom is conducted by the bride's brother. a cloth is held as a screen between the contracting couple, who place garlands of flowers round each other's necks. the screen is then removed. a small vessel, containing milk and water, and decorated with mango leaves, is placed in front of them, and the bride's mother, taking hold of the right hand of the bride, places it in the right hand of the bridegroom. the officiating brahman places a betel leaf and cocoanut on the bride's hand, and her parents pour water from a vessel thereon. the brahman then ties the kankanams (wrist-threads) on the wrists of the contracting couple, and kindles the sacred fire (homam). the guests present them with money, and lights are waved before them by elderly females. the bridegroom, taking the bride by hand, leads her into the house, where they sit on a mat, and drink milk out of the same vessel. a bed is made ready, and they sit on it, while the bride gives betel to the bridegroom. on the second day, lights are waved, in the morning and evening, in front of them. on the third day, some red-coloured water is placed in a vessel, into which a ring, an areca nut, and rice are dropped. the couple search for the ring, and, when it has been found, the bridegroom puts it on the finger of the bride. they then bathe, and try to catch fish in a cloth. after the bath, the wrist-threads are removed. gudisa (hut).--an exogamous sept of boya and kapu. gudiya.--the gudiyas are the sweet-meat sellers of the oriya country. they rank high in the social scale, and some sections of oriya brahmans will accept drinking water at their hands. sweet-meats prepared by them are purchased for marriage feasts by all castes, including brahmans. the caste name is derived from gudo (jaggery). the caste is divided into two sections, one of which is engaged in selling sweet-meats and crude sugar, and the other in agriculture. the former are called gudiyas, and the latter kolata, holodia, or bolasi gudiyas in different localities. the headman of the caste is called sasumallo, under whom are assistant officers, called behara and bhollobaya. in their ceremonial observances on the occasion of marriage, death, etc., the gudiyas closely follow the gaudos. they profess the paramartho or chaitanya form of vaishnavism, and also worship takuranis (village deities). the gudiyas are as particular as brahmans in connection with the wearing of sect marks, and ceremonial ablution. cloths worn during the act of attending to the calls of nature are considered to be polluted, so they carry about with them a special cloth, which is donned for the moment, and then removed. like the gudiyas, oriya brahmans always carry with them a small cloth for this purpose. the titles of the gudiyas are behara, sahu, and sasumallo. in the madras census report, , the caste name is given as godiya. gudugudupandi.--a tamil synonym for budubudukala. guha vellala.--the name assumed by some sembadavans with a view to connecting themselves with guha (or kuha), who rowed the boat of rama to ceylon, and, as vellalas, gaining a rise in the social scale. maravans also claim descent from guha. gujarati.--a territorial name, meaning people from gujarat, some of whom have settled in the south where they carry on business as prosperous traders. in the madras census report, , gujjar is returned as a synonym. at a public meeting held in madras, in , to concert measures for establishing a pinjrapole (hospital for animals) it was resolved that early steps should be taken to collect public subscriptions from the hindu community generally, and in particular from the nattukottai chettis, gujaratis, and other mercantile classes. the mover of the resolution observed that gujaratis were most anxious, on religious grounds, to save all animals from pain, and it was a religious belief with them that it was sinful to live in a town where there was no pinjrapole. a pinjrapole is properly a cage (pinjra) for the sacred bull (pola) released in the name of siva. [ ] it is noted by mr. drummond [ ] that every marriage and mercantile transaction among the gujaratis is taxed with a contribution ostensibly for the pinjrapole. in , a proposal was set on foot to establish a gujarati library and reading-room in madras, to commemorate the silver jubilee of the administration of the gaekwar of baroda. gulimi (pickaxe).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. gullu (solanum ferox).--a gotra of kurni. gulti.--a section of boya, members of which are to be found in choolay, madras city. gummadi (cucurbita maxima).--an exogamous sept of tsakalas, who will not cultivate the plant, or eat the pumpkin thereof. guna.--guna or guni is a sub-division of velama. the name is derived from the large pot (guna), which dyers use. guna tsakala (hunchbacked washerman).--said to be a derisive name given to velamas by balijas. gundala (stones).--an exogamous sept of golla. gundam (pit).--an exogamous sept of chenchu. gundu (cannon-ball).--a gotra of kurni. guni.--guni is the name of oriya dancing-girls and prostitutes. it is derived from the sanskrit guna, meaning qualifications or skill, in reference to their possession of qualification for, and skill acquired by training when young in enchanting by music, dancing, etc. gunta (well).--a sub-division of boyas, found in the anantapur district, the members of which are employed in digging wells. guntaka (harrow).--an exogamous sept of kapu. guntala (pond).--an exogamous sept of boya. gupta.--a vaisya title assumed by some muttans (trading caste) of malabar, and tamil pallis. guri.--recorded, in the vizagapatam manual, as a caste of paiks or fighting men. gurikala (marksman) occurs, in the madras census report, , as a sub-division of patra. gurram (horse).--an exogamous sept of chenchu, golla, mala, padma sale, and togata. the gurram togatas will not ride on horseback. kudire, also meaning horse, occurs as a gotra or exogamous sept of kurni and vakkaliga. gurukkal.--for the following note on the gurukkals or kurukkals of travancore, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. the kurukkals are priests of castes, whose religious rites are not presided over by ilayatus. they are probably of tamil origin. males are often called nainar and females nachchiyar, which are the usual titles of the tamil kurukkals also. in the keralolpatti the caste men are described as chilampantis, who are the adiyars or hereditary servants of padmanabhaswami in trivandrum. they seem to have been once known also as madamutalis or headmen of matts, and tevara pandarams, or pandarams who assisted the brahman priest in the performance of religious rites in the maharaja's palace. it is said that the kurukkals originally belonged to the great vaisya branch of manu's fourfold system of caste, and migrated from the pandyan country, and became the dependants of the kupakkara family of pottis in trivandrum, whose influence, both religious and secular, was of no mean order in mediæval times. these pottis gave them permission to perform all the priestly services of the ambalavasi families, who lived to the south of quilon. it would appear from the keralolpatti and other records that they had the kazhakam or sweeping and other services at the inner entrance of sri padmanabha's temple till the time of umayamma rani in the eighth century of the malabar era. as, however, during her reign, a kurukkal in league with the kupakkara potti handed over the letter of invitation, entrusted to him as messenger, for the annual utsavam to the tarnallur nambudiripad, the chief ecclesiastical functionary of the temple, much later than was required, the kurukkal was dismissed from the temple service, and ever afterwards the kurukkals had no kazhakam right there. there are some temples, where kurukkals are the recognised priests, and they are freely admitted for kazhakam service in most south travancore temples. to the north of quilon, however, the variyars and pushpakans enjoy this right in preference to others. some kurukkals kept gymnasia in former times, and trained young men in military exercises. at the present day, a few are agriculturists. the kurukkals are generally not so fair in complexion as other sections of the ambalavasis. their houses are known as bhavanams or vidus. they are strict vegetarians, and prohibited from drinking spirituous liquor. the females (kurukkattis) try to imitate nambutiri brahmans in their dress and ornaments. the arasilattali, which closely resembles the cherutali, is worn round the neck, and the chuttu in the ears. the mukkutti, but not the gnattu, is worn in the nose. the minnu or marriage ornament is worn after the tali-kettu until the death of the tali-tier. the females are tattooed on the forehead and hands, but this practice is going out of fashion. the sect marks of women are the same as those of the nambutiris. the kurukkals are smartas. the tiruvonam asterism in the month of avani (august-september) furnishes an important festive occasion. the kurukkals are under the spiritual control of certain men in their own caste called vadhyars. they are believed to have been originally appointed by the kuppakkara pottis, of whom they still take counsel. the kurukkals observe both the tali-kettu kalyanam and sambandham. the male members of the caste contract alliances either within the caste, or with marans, or the vatti class of nayars. women receive cloths either from brahmans or men of their own caste. the maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter is regarded as the most proper wife for a man. the tali-kettu ceremony is celebrated when a girl is seven, nine or eleven years old. the date for its celebration is fixed by her father and maternal uncle in consultation with the astrologer. as many youths are then selected from among the families of the inangans or relations as there are girls to be married, the choice being decided by the agreement of the horoscopes of the couple. the erection of the first pillar of the marriage pandal (booth) is, as among other hindu castes, an occasion for festivity. the ceremony generally lasts over few days, but may be curtailed. on the wedding day, the bridegroom wears a sword and palmyra leaf, and goes in procession to the house of the bride. after the tali has been tied, the couple are looked on as being impure, and the pollution is removed by bathing, and the pouring of water, consecrated by the hymns of vadhyars, over their heads. for the sambandham, which invariably takes place after a girl has reached puberty, the relations of the future husband visit her home, and, if they are satisfied as to the desirability of the match, inform her guardians of the date on which they will demand the horoscope. when it is received on the appointed day, the astrologer is consulted, and, if he is favourably inclined, a day is fixed for the sambandham ceremony. the girl is led forward by her maternal aunt, who sits among those who have assembled, and formally receives cloths. cloths are also presented to the maternal uncle. divorce is common, and effected with the consent of the vadhyar. inheritance is in the female line (marumakkathayam). it is believed that, at the time of their migration to travancore, the kurukkals wore their tuft of hair (kudumi) behind, and followed the makkathayam system of inheritance (in the male line). a change is said to have been effected in both these customs by the kupakkara potti in the years and of the malabar era. the kurukkals observe most of the religious ceremonies of the brahmans. no recitation of hymns accompanies the rites of namakarana and annaprasana. the chaula and upanayana are performed between the ninth and twelfth years of age. on the previous day, the family priest celebrates the purificatory rite, and ties a consecrated thread round the right wrist of the boy. the tonsure takes place on the second day, and on the third day the boy is invested with the sacred thread, and the gayatri hymn recited. on the fourth day, the brahmacharya rite is closed with a ceremony corresponding to the samavartana. when a girl reaches puberty, some near female relation invites the women of the village, who visit the house, bringing sweetmeats with them. the girl bathes, and reappears in public on the fifth day. only the pulikudi or drinking tamarind juice, is celebrated, as among the nayars, during the first pregnancy. the sanchayana, or collection of bones after the cremation of a corpse, is observed on the third, fifth, or seventh day after death. death pollution lasts for eleven days. tekketus are built in memory of deceased ancestors. these are small masonry structures built over graves, in which a lighted lamp is placed, and at which worship is performed on anniversary and other important occasions (see brahman.) gutob.--a sub-division of gadaba. gutta koyi.--recorded by the rev. j. cain as a name for hill koyis. guvvala (doves).--an exogamous sept of boya and mutracha. h haddi.--the haddis are a low class of oriyas, corresponding to the telugu malas and madigas, and the tamil paraiyans. it has been suggested that the name is derived from haddi, a latrine, or hada, bones, as members of the caste collect all sorts of bones, and trade in them. the haddis play on drums for all oriya castes, except khondras, tiyoros, tulabinas, and sanis. they consider the khondras as a very low class, and will not purchase boiled rice sold in the bazaar, if it has been touched by them. castes lower than the haddis are the khondras and jaggalis of whom the latter are telugu madigas, who have settled in the southern part of ganjam, and learnt the oriya language. the haddis may be divided into haddis proper, rellis, and chachadis, which are endogamous divisions. the haddis proper never do sweeping or scavenging work, which are, in some places, done by rellis. the relli scavengers are often called bhatta or karuva haddis. the haddis proper go by various names, e.g., sudha haddi, godomalia haddi, etc., in different localities. the haddis work as coolies and field labourers, and the selling of fruits, such as mango, tamarind, zizyphus jujuba, etc., is a favourite occupation. in some places, the selling of dried fish is a monopoly of the rellis. sometimes haddis, especially the karuva haddis, sell human or yak hair for the purpose of female toilette. the haddis have numerous septs or bamsams, one of which, hathi (elephant) is of special interest, because members of this sept, when they see the foot-prints of an elephant, take some dust from the spot, and make a mark on the forehead with it. they also draw the figure of an elephant, and worship it when they perform sradh (memorial service for the dead) and other ceremonies. there are, among the haddi communities, two caste officers entitled behara and nayako, and difficult questions which arise are settled at a meeting of the officers of several villages. it is said that sometimes, if a member of the caste is known to have committed an offence, the officers select some members of the caste from his village to attend the meeting, and borrow money from them. this is spent on drink, and, after the meeting, the amount is recovered from the offender. if he does not plead guilty at once, a quarrel ensues, and more money is borrowed, so as to increase the debt. in addition to the behara and nayako, there are, in some places, other officials called adhikari or chowdri, or bodoporicha and bhollobhaya. the caste title is nayako. members of higher castes are sometimes, especially if they have committed adultery with haddi women, received into the caste. girls are married after puberty. though contrary to the usual oriya custom, the practice of menarikam, or marriage with the maternal uncle's daughter, is permitted. when the marriage of a young man is contemplated, his father, accompanied by members of his caste, proceeds to the home of the intended bride. if her parents are in favour of the match, a small space is cleared in front of the house, and cow-dung water smeared over it. on this spot the young man's party deposit a pot of toddy, over which women throw zizyphus jujuba leaves and rice, crying at the same time ulu-ula. the village officials, and a few respected members of the caste, assemble in the house, and, after the engagement has been announced, indulge in a drink. on an auspicious day, the bridegroom's party go to the home of the bride, and place, on a new cloth spread on the floor, the bride-price (usually twenty rupees), and seven betel leaves, myrabolams (terminalia fruits), areca nuts, and cakes. two or three of the nuts are then removed from the cloth, cut up, and distributed among the leading men. after the wedding day has been fixed, an adjournment is made to the toddy shop. in some cases, the marriage ceremony is very simple, the bride being conducted to the home of the bridegroom, where a feast is held. in the more elaborate form of ceremonial, the contracting couple are seated on a dais, and the behara or nayako, who officiates as priest, makes fire (homam) before them, which he feeds with twigs of zizyphus jujuba and eugenia jambolana. mokuttos (forehead chaplets) and wrist-threads are tied on the couple, and their hands are connected by the priest by means of a turmeric-dyed thread, and then disconnected by an unmarried girl. the bride's brother arrives on the scene, dressed up as a woman, and strikes the bridegroom. this is called solabidha, and is practiced by many oriya castes. the ends of the cloths of the bride and bridegroom are tied together, and they are conducted inside the house, the mother-in-law throwing zizyphus leaves and rice over them. like other oriya castes, the haddis observe pollution for seven days on the occasion of the first menstrual period. on the first day, the girl is seated, and, after she has been smeared with oil and turmeric paste, seven women throw zizyphus leaves and rice over her. she is kept either in a corner of the house, or in a separate hut, and has by her a piece of iron and a grinding-stone wrapped up in a cloth. if available, twigs of strychnos nux-vomica are placed in a corner. within the room or hut, a small framework, made of broom-sticks and pieces of palmyra palm leaf, or a bow, is placed, and worshipped daily. if the girl is engaged to be married, her future father-in-law is expected to give her a new cloth on the seventh day. the haddis are worshippers of various takuranis (village deities), e.g., kalumuki, sathabavuni, and baidaro. cremation of the dead is more common than burial. food is offered to the deceased on the day after death, and also on the tenth and eleventh days. some haddis proceed, on the tenth day, to the spot where the corpse was cremated or buried, and, after making an effigy on the ground, offer food. towards night, they proceed to some distance from the house, and place food and fruits on a cloth spread on the ground. they then call the dead man by his name, and eagerly wait till some insect settles on the cloth. as soon as this happens, the cloth is folded up, carried home, and shaken over the floor close to the spot where the household gods are kept, so that the insect falls on sand spread on the floor. a light is then placed on the sanded floor, and covered with a new pot. after some time, the pot is removed, and the sand examined for any marks which may be left on it. this ceremony seems to correspond to the jola jola handi (pierced pot) ceremony of other castes (see bhondari). "the rellis," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "are a caste of gardeners and labourers, found chiefly in the districts of ganjam and vizagapatam. in telugu the word relli or rellis means grass, but whether there is any connection between this and the caste name i cannot say. they generally live at the foot of the hills, and sell vegetables, mostly of hill production." for the following note on the rellis of vizagapatam, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the rellis are also known as sachchari, and they further call themselves sapiri. the caste recognises the custom of menarikam, by which a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter. a girl is usually married after puberty. the bride-price is paid sometime before the day fixed for the marriage. on that day, the bride goes, with her parents, to the house of the bridegroom. the caste deities odda polamma (commonly known as sapiri daivam) and kanaka durgalamma are invoked by the elders, and a pig and sheep are sacrificed to them. a string of black beads is tied by the bridegroom round the bride's neck, and a feast is held, at which the sacrificed animals are eaten, and much liquor is imbibed. on the following morning, a new cloth, kunkumam (red powder), and a few pieces of turmeric are placed in a small basket or winnow, and carried in procession, to the accompaniment of music, through the streets by the bride, with whom is the bridegroom. the ceremony is repeated on the third day, when the marriage festivities come to an end. in a note on the rellis of ganjam, mr. s. p. rice writes [ ] that "the bridegroom, with the permission of the village magistrate, marches straight into the bride's house, and ties a wedding necklace round her neck. a gift of seven and a half rupees and a pig to the castemen, and of five rupees to the bride's father, completes this very primitive ceremony." widows are allowed to remarry, but the string of beads is not tied round the neck. the caste deities are usually represented by crude wooden dolls, and an annual festival in their honour, with the sacrifice of pigs and sheep, is held in march. the dead are usually buried, and, as a rule, pollution is not observed. some rellis have, however, begun to observe the chinnarozu (little day) death ceremony, which corresponds to the chinnadinamu ceremony of the telugus. the main occupation of the caste is gardening, and selling fruits and vegetables. the famine of - reduced a large number of rellis to the verge of starvation, and they took to scavenging as a means of earning a living. at the present day, the gardeners look down on the scavengers, but a prosperous scavenger can be admitted into their society by paying a sum of money, or giving a feast. pollution attaches only to the scavengers, and not to the gardening section. in the census report, , the pakais or sweepers in the godavari district, who have, it is said, gone thither from vizagapatam, are returned as a sub-caste of relli. the usual title of the rellis is gadu. the haddis who inhabit the southern part of ganjam are known as ghasis by other castes, especially telugu people, though they call themselves haddis. the name ghasi has reference to the occupation of cutting grass, especially for horses. the occupational title of grass-cutter is said by yule and burnell [ ] to be "probably a corruption representing the hindustani ghaskoda or ghaskata, the digger or cutter of grass, the title of a servant employed to collect grass for horses, one such being usually attached to each horse, besides the syce or horsekeeper (groom). in the north, the grass-cutter is a man; in the south the office is filled by the horsekeeper's wife." it is noted in 'letters from madras' [ ] that "every horse has a man and a maid to himself; the maid cuts grass for him; and every dog has a boy. i inquired whether the cat had any servants, but i found he was allowed to wait upon himself." in addition to collecting and selling grass, the ghasis are employed at scavenging work. outsiders, even jaggalis (madigas), paidis, and panos, are admitted into the ghasi community. the headman of the ghasis is called bissoyi, and he is assisted by a behara and gonjari. the gonjari is the caste servant, one of whose duties is said to be the application of a tamarind switch to the back of delinquents. various exogamous septs or bamsams occur among the ghasis, of which naga (cobra), asvo (horse), chintala (tamarind), and liari (parched rice) may be noted. adult marriage is the rule. the betrothal ceremony, at which the kanyo mulo, or bride-price, is paid, is the occasion of a feast, at which pork must be served, and the bissoyi of the future bride's village ties a konti (gold or silver bead) on her neck. the marriage ceremonial corresponds in the main with that of the haddis elsewhere, but has been to some extent modified by the telugu environment. the custom, referred to by mr. s. p. rice, of suspending an earthen pot filled with water from the marriage booth is a very general one, and not peculiar to the ghasis. it is an imitation of a custom observed by the higher oriya castes. the striking of the bridegroom on the back by the bride's brother is the solabidha of other castes, and the mock anger (rusyano) in which the latter goes away corresponds to the alagi povadam of telugu castes. at the first menstrual ceremony of a ghasi girl, she sits in a space enclosed by four arrows, round which a thread is passed seven times. the name odiya toti (oriya scavenger) occurs as a tamil synonym for haddis employed as scavengers in municipalities in the tamil country. hajam.--the hindustani name for a barber, and used as a general professional title by barbers of various classes. it is noted, in the census reports, that only fifteen out of more than two thousand individuals returned as hajam were muhammadans, and that, in south canara, hajams are konkani kelasis, and of marathi descent. halaba.--see pentiya. halavakki.--a canarese synonym for budubudukala. halepaik.--the halepaiks are canarese toddy-drawers, who are found in the northern taluks of the south canara district. the name is commonly derived from hale, old, and paika, a soldier, and it is said that they were formerly employed as soldiers. there is a legend that one of their ancestors became commander of the vijayanagar army, was made ruler of a state, and given a village named halepaikas as a jaghir (hereditary assignment of land). some halepaiks say that they belong to the tengina (cocoanut palm) section, because they are engaged in tapping that palm for toddy. there is intermarriage between the canarese-speaking halepaiks and the tulu-speaking billava toddy-drawers, and, in some places, the billavas also call themselves halepaiks. the halepaiks have exogamous septs or balis, which run in the female line. as examples of these, the following may be noted:-- chendi (cerbera odollum), honne (calophyllum inophyllum), tolar (wolf), devana (god) and ganga. it is recorded [ ] of the halepaiks of the canara district in the bombay presidency that "each exogamous section, known as a bali (literally a creeper), is named after some animal or tree, which is held sacred by the members of the same. this animal, tree or flower, etc., seems to have been once considered the common ancestor of the members of the bali, and to the present day it is both worshipped by them, and held sacred in the sense that they will not injure it. thus the members of the nagbali, named apparently after the nagchampa flower, will not wear this flower in their hair, as this would involve injury to the plant. the kadavebali will not kill the sambhar (deer: kadave), from which they take their name." the halepaiks of south canara seem to attach no such importance to the sept names. some, however, avoid eating a fish called srinivasa, because they fancy that the streaks on the body have a resemblance to the vaishnavite sectarian mark (namam). all the halepaiks of the kundapur taluk profess to be vaishnavites, and have become the disciples of a vaishnava brahman settled in the village of sankarappakodlu near wondse in that taluk. though venkataramana is regarded as their chief deity, they worship baiderkulu, panjurli, and other bhuthas (devils). the pujaris (priests) avoid eating new grain, new areca nuts, new sugarcane, cucumbers and pumpkins, until a feast, called kaidha puja, has been held. this is usually celebrated in november-december, and consists in offering food, etc., to baiderkulu. somebody gets possessed by the bhutha, and pierces his abdomen with an arrow. in their caste organisation, marriage and death ceremonies, the halepaiks closely follow the billavas. they do not, however, construct a car for the final death ceremonies. as they are vaishnavites, after purification from death pollution by their own caste barber, a vaishnavite mendicant, called dassaya, is called in, and purifies them by sprinkling holy water and putting the namam on their foreheads. there are said to be some differences between the halepaiks and billavas in the method of carrying out the process of drawing toddy. for example, the halepaiks generally grasp the knife with the fingers directed upwards and the thumb to the right, while the billavas hold the knife with the fingers directed downwards and the thumb to the left. for crushing the flower-buds within the spathe of the palm, billavas generally use a stone, and the halepaiks a bone. there is a belief that, if the spathe is beaten with the bone of a buffalo which has been killed by a tiger, the yield of toddy will, if the bone has not touched the ground, be greater than if an ordinary bone is used. the billavas generally carry a long gourd, and the halepaiks a pot, for collecting the toddy in. halige (plank).--a gotra of kurni. hallikara (village man).--recorded, in the mysore census report, , as a division of vakkaliga. halu (milk).--an exogamous sept of holeya and kurni, a sub-division of kuruba, and a name for vakkaligas who keep cattle and sell milk. halu mata (milk caste) has been given as a synonym for kuruba. in the mysore census report, , halu vakkal-makkalu, or children of the milk caste, occurs as a synonym for halu vakkaliga, and, in the south canara manual, halvaklumakkalu is given as a synonym for gauda. the madigas call the intoxicant toddy halu. (see pal.) hanbali.--a sect of muhammadans, who are followers of the imam abu 'abdi 'llah ahmad ibn hanbal, the founder of the fourth orthodox sect of the sunnis, who was born at baghdad a.h. (a.d. ). "his fame began to spread just at the time when disputes ran highest concerning the nature of the qur'an, which some held to have existed from eternity, whilst others maintained it to be created. unfortunately for ibn hanbal, the khalifah-at-muttasim was of the latter opinion, to which this doctor refusing to subscribe, he was imprisoned, and severely scourged by the khalifah's order." [ ] handa.--a title of canarese kumbaras. handichikka.--the handichikkas are stated [ ] to be "also generally known as handi jogis. this caste is traced to the pakanati sub-section of the jogis, which name it bore some five generations back when the traditional calling was buffalo-breeding. but, as they subsequently degenerated to pig-rearing, they came to be known as handi jogi or handichikka, handi being the canarese for pig. hanifi.--a sect of muhammadans, named after abu hanifah anhufman, the great sunni imam and jurisconsult, and the founder of the hanifi sect, who was born a.h. (a.d. ). hanuman.--hanuman, or hanumanta, the monkey god, has been recorded as a sept of domb, and gotra of medara. hari shetti.--a name for konkani-speaking vanis (traders). haruvar.--a sub-division of the badagas of the nilgiri hills. hasala.--concerning the hasalas or hasulas, mr. lewis rice writes that "this tribe resembles the soliga (or sholagas). they are met with along the ghâts on the north-western frontier of mysore. they are a short, thick-set race, very dark in colour, and with curled hair. their chief employment is felling timber, but they sometimes work in areca nut gardens and gather wild cardamoms, pepper, etc. they speak a dialect of canarese." in the mysore census report, , it is stated that "the hasalaru and maleru are confined to the wild regions of the western malnad. in the caste generation, they are said to rank above the halepaikas, but above the holeyas and madigas. they are a diminutive but muscular race, with curly hair and dolichocephalous head. their mother-tongue is tulu. their numbers are so insignificantly small as not to be separately defined. they are immigrants from south canara, and lead a life little elevated above that of primordial barbarism. they live in small isolated huts, which are, however, in the case of the hasalas, provided not only with the usual principal entrance, through which one has to crawl in, but also with a half-concealed hole in the rear, a kind of postern, through which the shy inmates steal out into the jungle at the merest suspicion of danger, or the approach of a stranger. they collect the wild jungle produce, such as cardamoms, etc., for their customary employers, whose agrestic slaves they have virtually become. their huts are annually or periodically shifted from place to place, usually the most inaccessible and thickest parts of the wilderness. they are said to be very partial to toddy and arrack (alcoholic liquor). it is expected that these savages smuggle across the frontier large quantities of wild pepper and cardamoms from the ghat forests of the province. their marriage customs are characterised by the utmost simplicity, and the part played therein by the astrologer is not very edifying. their religion does not seem to transcend devil worship. they bury the dead. a very curious obsequial custom prevails among the hasalas. when any one among them dies, somebody's devil is credited with the mishap, and the astrologer is consulted to ascertain its identity. the latter throws cowries (shells of cyproea moneta) for divination, and mentions some neighbour as the owner of the devil thief. thereupon, the spirit of the dead is redeemed by the heir or relative by means of a pig, fowl, or other guerdon. the spirit is then considered released, and is thence forward domiciled in a pot, which is supplied periodically with water and nourishment. this may be looked upon as the elementary germ of the posthumous care-taking, which finds articulation under the name of sradh in multifarious forms, accompanied more or less with much display in the more civilised sections of the hindu community. the hasalaru are confined to tirthahalli and mudigere." it is further recorded in the mysore census report, , that "in most of the purely malnad or hilly taluks, each vargdar, or proprietor of landed estate, owns a set of servants styled huttalu or huttu-alu and mannalu or mannu-alu. the former is the hereditary servitor of the family, born in servitude, and performing agricultural work for the landholder from father to son. the mannalu is a serf attached to the soil, and changes hands with it. they are usually of the holaya class, but, in some places, the hasalar race have been entertained." (see holeya.) concerning the hasalaru, mr. h. v. nanjundayya writes to me that "their marriages take place at night, a pujari of their caste ties the tali, a golden disc, round the bride's neck. being influenced by the surrounding castes, they have taken of late to the practice of inviting the astrologer to be present. in the social scale they are a little superior to madigas and holeyas, and, like them, live outside the village, but they do not eat beef. their approach is considered to defile a brahman, and they do not enter the houses of non-brahmans such as vakkaligas and kurubas. they have their own caste barbers and washermen, and have separate wells to draw water from." hasbe.--hasbe or hasubu, meaning a double pony pack-sack, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of holeya and vakkaliga. hastham (hand).--an exogamous sept of boya. hatagar.--a sub-division of devangas, who are also called kodekal hatagaru. hathi (elephant).--a sept of the oriya haddis. when members of this sept see the foot-prints of an elephant, they take some dust from the spot, and make a mark on the forehead with it. they also draw the figure of an elephant, and worship it, when they perform sradh (memorial service for the dead) and other ceremonies. hathinentu manayavaru (eighteen house).--a sub-division of devanga. hatti (hut or hamlet).--an exogamous sept of kappilliyan and kuruba. hattikankana (cotton wrist-thread).--a sub-division of kurubas, who tie a cotton thread round the wrist at the marriage ceremony. heggade.--the heggades are summed up, in the madras census report, , as being a class of canarese cultivators and cattle-breeders. concerning the heggades of south canara, mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] that they "are classified as shepherds, but the present occupation of the majority of them is cultivation. their social position is said to be somewhat inferior to that of the bants. they employ brahmins as their priests. in their ceremonies, the rich follow closely the brahminical customs. on the second day of their marriage, a pretence of stealing a jewel from the person of the bride is made. the bridegroom makes away with the jewel before dawn, and in the evening the bride's party proceeds to the house where the bridegroom is to be found. the owner of the house is told that a theft has occurred in the bride's house and is asked whether the thief has taken shelter in his house. a negative answer is given, but the bride's party conducts a regular search. in the meanwhile a boy is dressed to represent the bridegroom. the searching party mistake this boy for the bridegroom, arrest him, and produce him before the audience as the culprit. this disguised bridegroom, who is proclaimed to be the thief, throws his mask at the bride, when it is found to the amusement of all present that he is not the bridegroom. the bride's party then, confessing their inability to find the bridegroom, request the owner of the house to produce him. he is then produced, and conducted in procession to the bride's house." some bants who use the title heggade wear the sacred thread, follow the hereditary profession of temple functionaries, and are keepers of the demon shrines which are dotted all over south canara. of the heggades who have settled in the coorg country, the rev. g. richter states [ ] that "they conform, in superstitions and festivals, to coorg custom, but are excluded from the community of the coorgs, in whose presence they are allowed to sit only on the floor, whilst the former occupy a chair, or, if they are seated on a mat, the heggades must not touch it." in the mysore and coorg gazetteer, heggade is defined by mr. l. rice as the headman of a village, the head of the village police, to whom, in some parts of the province, rent-free lands are assigned for his support. heggade is sometimes used as a caste name by kurubas, and occurs as an exogamous sept of stanikas. hegganiga.--a sub-division of ganigas, who use two oxen for their oil-pressing mills. helava.--helava, meaning lame person, is the name of a class of mendicants, who, in bellary, mysore, and other localities, are the custodians of village histories. they generally arrive at the villages mounted on a bullock, and with their legs concealed by woollen blankets. they go from house to house, giving the history of the different families, the names of heroes who died in war, and so forth. hijra (eunuchs).--see khoja. hire (big).--a sub-division of kurni. hittu (flour).--a gotra of kurni. holadava.--a synonym of gatti. holeya.--the bulk of the holeyas are, in the madras presidency, found in south canara, but there are a considerable number in coimbatore and on the nilgiris (working on cinchona, tea, and coffee estates). in the manual of the south canara district it is noted that "holeyas are the field labourers, and former agrestic serfs of south canara, pulayan being the malayalam and paraiyan the tamil form of the same word. the name is derived by brahmins from hole, pollution, and by others from hola, land or soil, in recognition of the fact that, as in the case of the paraiyan, there are customs remaining which seem to indicate that the holeyas were once masters of the land; but, whatever the derivation may be, it is no doubt the same as that of paraiyan and pulayan. the holeyas are divided into many sub-divisions, but the most important are mari, mera, and mundala or bakuda. the mera holeyas are the most numerous, and they follow the ordinary law of inheritance through males, as far as that can be said to be possible with a class of people who have absolutely nothing to inherit. of course, demon propitiation (bhuta worship) is practically the exclusive idea of the holeyas, and every one of the above sub-divisions has four or five demons to which fowls, beaten rice, cocoanuts and toddy, are offered monthly and annually. the holeyas have, like other classes of south canara, a number of balis (exogamous septs), and persons of the same bali cannot intermarry. though the marriage tie is as loose as is usual among the depressed and low castes of southern india, their marriage ceremony is somewhat elaborate. the bridegroom's party goes to the bride's house on a fixed day with rice, betel leaf and a few areca nuts, and waits the whole night outside the bride's hut, the bridegroom being seated on a mat specially made by the bride. on the next morning the bride is made to sit opposite the bridegroom, with a winnowing fan between them filled with betel leaf, etc. meanwhile the men and women present throw rice over the heads of the couple. the bride then accompanies the bridegroom to his hut, carrying the mat with her. on the last day the couple take the mat to a river or tank where fish may be found, dip the mat into the water, and catch some fish, which they let go after kissing them. a grand feast completes the marriage. divorce is easy, and widow marriage is freely practiced. holeyas will eat flesh including beef, and have no caste scruples regarding the consumption of spirituous liquor. both men and women wear a small cap made of the leaf of the areca palm." the holeyas who were interviewed by us all said that they do not go through the ceremony of catching fish, which is performed by shivalli brahmans and akkasales. "all tulu brahmin chronicles," mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] "agree in ascribing the creation of malabar and canara, or kerala, tuluva, and haiga to parasu rama, who reclaimed from the sea as much land as he could cover by hurling his battle-axe from the top of the western ghauts. a modified form of the tradition states that parasu rama gave the newly reclaimed land to naga and machi brahmins, who were not true brahmins, and were turned out or destroyed by fishermen and holeyas, who held the country till the tulu brahmins were introduced by mayur varma (of the kadamba dynasty). all traditions unite in attributing the introduction of the tulu brahmins of the present day to mayur varma, but they vary in details connected with the manner in which they obtained a firm footing in the land. one account says that habashika, chief of the koragas, drove out mayur varma, but was in turn expelled by mayur varma's son, or son-in-law, lokaditya of gokarnam, who brought brahmins from ahi-kshetra, and settled them in thirty-two villages. another makes mayur varma himself the invader of the country, which till then had remained in the possession of the holeyas and fishermen who had turned out parasu rama's brahmins. mayur varma and the brahmins whom he had brought from ahi-kshetra were again driven out by nanda, a holeya chief, whose son chandra sayana had, however, learned respect for brahmins from his mother, who had been a dancing-girl in a temple. his admiration for them became so great that he not only brought back the brahmins, but actually made over all his authority to them, and reduced his people to the position of slaves. a third account makes chandra sayana, not a son of a holeya king, but a descendant of mayur varma and a conqueror of the holeya king." in coorg, the rev. g. richter writes, [ ] "the holeyas are found in the coorg houses all over the country, and do all the menial work for the coorgs, by whom, though theoretically freemen under the british government, they were held as gleboe adscripti in a state of abject servitude until lately, when, with the advent of european planters, the slave question was freely discussed, and the 'domestic institution' practically abolished. the holeyas dress indifferently, are of dirty habits, and eat whatever they can get, beef included. their worship is addressed to eiyappa devaru and chamundi, or kali goddess once every month; and once every year they sacrifice a hog or a fowl." of the holeyas of the mysore province, the following account is given in the mysore census reports, and . "the holeyas number , persons, being . per cent. of the total population. they constitute, as their name implies, the back-bone of cultivation in the country. hola is the kanarese name for a dry-crop field, and holeya means the man of such field. the caste has numerous sub-divisions, among which are kannada, gangadikara, maggada (loom), and morasu. the holeyas are chiefly employed as labourers in connection with agriculture, and manufacture with hand-looms various kinds of coarse cloth or home-spun, which are worn extensively by the poorer classes, notwithstanding that they are being fast supplanted by foreign cheap fabrics. in some parts of the mysore district, considerable numbers of the holeyas are specially engaged in betel-vine gardening. as labourers they are employed in innumerable pursuits, in which manual labour preponderates. the aleman sub-division furnishes recruits as barr sepoys. it may not be amiss to quote here some interesting facts denoting the measure of material well-being achieved by, and the religious recognition accorded to the outcastes at certain first-class shrines in mysore. at melkote in the mysore district, the outcastes, i.e., the holeyas and madigs, are said to have been granted by the great visishtadvaita reformer, ramanujacharya, the privilege of entering the vishnu temple up to the sanctum sanctorum, along with brahmans and others, to perform worship there for three days during the annual car procession. the following anecdote, recorded by buchanan, [ ] supplies the raison d'être for the concession, which is said to have also been earned by their forebears having guarded the sacred murti or idol. on ramanujacharya going to melkota to perform his devotions at that celebrated shrine, he was informed that the place had been attacked by the turk king of delhi, who had carried away the idol. the brahman immediately set out for that capital, and on arrival found that the king had made a present of the image to his daughter, for it is said to be very handsome, and she asked for it as a plaything. all day the princess played with the image, and at night the god assumed his own beautiful form, and enjoyed her bed, for krishna is addicted to such forms of adventures. ramanujacharya, by virtue of certain mantras, obtained possession of the image, and wished to carry it off. he asked the brahmans to assist him, but they refused; on which the holeyas volunteered, provided the right of entering the temple was granted to them. ramanujacharya accepted their proposal, and the holeyas, having posted themselves between delhi and melkota, the image of the god was carried down in twenty-four hours. the service also won for the outcastes the envied title of tiru-kulam or the sacred race. in , however, when the dewan (prime minister) purnaiya visited the holy place, the right of the outcastes to enter the temple was stopped at the dhvaja stambham, the consecrated monolithic column, from which point alone can they now obtain a view of the god. on the day of the car procession, the tiru-kulam people, men, women and children, shave their heads and bathe with the higher castes in the kalyani or large reservoir, and carry on their head small earthen vessels filled with rice and oil, and enter the temple as far as the flagstaff referred to above, where they deliver their offerings, which are appropriated by the dasayyas, who resort simultaneously as pilgrims to the shrine. besides the privilege of entering the temple, the tiru-kula holeyas and madigs have the right to drag the car, for which service they are requited by getting from the temple two hundred seers of ragi (grain), a quantity of jaggery (crude sugar), and few bits of the dyed cloth used for decorating the pandal (shed) which is erected for the procession. at the close of the procession, the representatives of the aforesaid classes receive each a flower garland at the hands of the sthanik or chief worshipper, who manages to drop a garland synchronously into each plate held by the recipients, so as to avoid any suspicion of undue preference. in return for these privileges, the members of the tiru-kulam used to render gratuitous services such as sweeping the streets round the temple daily, and in the night patrolling the whole place with drums during the continuance of the annual procession, etc. but these services are said to have become much abridged and nearly obsolete under the recent police and municipal régime. the privilege of entering the temple during the annual car procession is enjoyed also by the outcastes in the vishnu temple at belur in the hassan district. it is, however, significant that in both the shrines, as soon as the car festival is over, i.e., on the th day, the concession ceases, and the temples are ceremonially purified. "in the pre-survey period, the holeya or madig kulvadi, in the maidan or eastern division, was so closely identified with the soil that his oath, accompanied by certain formalities and awe-inspiring solemnities, was considered to give the coup de grâce to long existing and vexatious boundary disputes. he had a potential voice in the internal economy of the village, and was often the fidus achates of the patel (village official). in the malnad, however, the holeya had degenerated into the agrestic slave, and till a few decades ago under the british rule, not only as regards his property, but also with regard to his body, he was not his own master. the vargdar or landholder owned him as a hereditary slave. the genius of british rule has emancipated him, and his enfranchisement has been emphasized by the allurements of the coffee industry with its free labour and higher wages. it is, however, said that the improvement so far of the status of the outcastes in the malnad has not been an unmixed good, inasmuch as it is likewise a measure of the decadence of the supari (betel) gardens. be that as it may, the holeya in the far west of the province still continues in many respects the bondsman of the local landholder of influence; and some of the social customs now prevailing among the holeyas there, as described hereunder, fully bear out this fact. "in most of the purely malnad or hilly taluks, each vargdar, or proprietor of landed estate, owns a set of servants called huttalu or huttu-alu and mannalu or mannu-alu. the former is the hereditary servitor of the family, born in servitude, and performing agricultural work for the landholder from father to son. the mannalu is a serf attached to the soil, and changes with it. these are usually of the holeya class, but in some places men of the hasalar race have been entertained. to some estates or vargs only huttu-alus are attached, while mannu-alus work on others. notwithstanding the measure of personal freedom enjoyed by all men at the present time, and the unification of the land tenures in the province under the revenue survey and settlement, the traditions of birth, immemorial custom, ignorance, and never-to-be-paid-off loads of debt, tend to preserve in greater or less integrity the conditions of semi-slavery under which these agrestic slaves live. it is locally considered the acme of unwisdom to loosen the immemorial relations between capital and labour, especially in the remote backwoods, in which free labour does not exist, and the rich supari cultivation whereof would be ruined otherwise. in order furthermore to rivet the ties which bind these hereditary labourers to the soil, it is alleged that the local capitalists have improvised a kind of gretna green marriage among them. a legal marriage of the orthodox type contains the risk of a female servant being lost to the family in case the husband happened not to be a huttalu or mannalu. so, in order to obviate the possible loss, a custom prevails according to which a female huttalu or mannalu is espoused in what is locally known as the manikattu form, which is neither more nor less than licensed concubinage. she may be given up after a time, subject to a small fine to the caste, and anybody else may then espouse her on like conditions. not only does she then remain in the family, but her children will also become the landlord's servants. these people are paid with a daily supply of paddy or cooked food, and a yearly present of clothing and blankets (kamblis). on special occasions, and at car feasts, they receive in addition small money allowances. "in rural circles, in which the holeyas and madigs are kept at arm's length by the bramanical bodies, and are not allowed to approach the sacerdotal classes beyond a fixed limit, the outcastes maintain a strict semi-religious rule, whereby no brahman can enter the holeya's quarters without necessitating a purification thereof. they believe that the direst calamities will befall them and theirs if otherwise. the ultraconservative spirit of hindu priestcraft casts into the far distance the realization of the hope that the lower castes will become socially equal even with the classes usually termed sudras. but the time is looming in the near distance, in which they will be on a level in temporal prosperity with the social organisms above them. unlike the land tenures said to prevail in chingleput or madras, the mysore system fully permits the holeyas and madigs to hold land in their own right, and as sub-tenants they are to be found almost everywhere. the highest amount of land assessment paid by a single holeya is rs. in the bangalore district, and the lowest six pies in the kolar and mysore districts. the quota paid by the outcastes towards the land revenue of the country aggregates no less than three lakhs of rupees, more than two-thirds being paid by the holeyas, and the remainder by the madigs. these facts speak for themselves, and afford a reliable index to the comparative well-being of these people. instances may also be readily quoted, in which individual holeyas, etc., have risen to be money-lenders, and enjoy comparative affluence. coffee cultivation and allied industries have thrown much good fortune into their lap. here and there they have also established bhajane or prayer houses, in which theistic prayers and psalms are recited by periodical congregation. a beginning has been made towards placing the facilities of education within easy reach of these depressed classes." in connection with the holeyas of south canara, it is recorded [ ] that "the ordinary agricultural labourers of this district are holeyas or pariahs of two classes, known as mulada holeyas and salada holeyas, the former being the old hereditary serfs attached to muli wargs (estates), and the latter labourers bound to their masters' service by being in debt to them. nowadays, however, there is a little difference between the two classes. neither are much given to changing masters, and, though a mulada holeya is no longer a slave, he is usually as much in debt as a salada holeya, and can only change when his new master takes the debt over. to these labourers cash payments are unknown, except occasionally in the case of salada holeyas, where there is a nominal annual payment to be set off against interest on the debt. in other cases interest is foregone, one or other of the perquisites being sometimes docked as an equivalent. the grain wage consists of rice or paddy (unhusked rice), and the local seer is, on the average, as nearly as possible one of tolas. the daily rice payments to men, women, and children vary as follows:-- men from seer to seers. women from / seer to seers. children from / seer to seer. "in addition to the daily wages, and the midday meal of boiled rice which is given in almost all parts, there are annual perquisites or privileges. except on the coast of the mangalore taluk and in the coondapoor taluk, every holeya is allowed rent free from / to / acre of land, and one or two cocoanut or palmyra trees, with sometimes a jack or mango tree in addition. the money-value of the produce of this little allotment is variously estimated at from to rupees per annum. throughout the whole district, cloths are given every year to each labourer, the money value being estimated at rupee per adult, and annas for a child. it is also customary to give a cumbly (blanket) in the neighbourhood of the ghauts, where the damp and cold render a warm covering necessary. on three or four important festivals, presents of rice and other eatables, oil and salt are given to each labourer, or, in some cases, to each family. the average value of these may be taken at rupee per labourer, or rs. per family. presents are also made on the occasion of a birth, marriage, or funeral, the value of which varies very much in individual cases. whole families of holeyas are attached to the farms, but, when their master does not require their services, he expects them to go and work elsewhere in places where such work is to be got. in the interior, outside work is not to be had at many seasons, and the master has to pay them even if there is not much for them to do, but, one way or another, he usually manages to keep them pretty well employed all the year round." in a note on the kulwadis, kulvadis or chalavadis of the hassan district in mysore, captain j. s. f. mackenzie writes [ ] that "every village has its holigiri--as the quarter inhabited by the holiars is called--outside the village boundary hedge. this, i thought, was because they are considered an impure race, whose touch carries defilement with it. such is the reason generally given by the brahman, who refuses to receive anything directly from the hands of a holiar, and yet the brahmans consider great luck will wait upon them if they can manage to pass through the holigiri without being molested. to this the holiars have a strong objection, and, should a brahman attempt to enter their quarters, they turn out in a body and slipper him, in former times it is said to death. members of the other castes may come as far as the door, but they must not enter the house, for that would bring the holiar bad luck. if, by chance, a person happens to get in, the owner takes care to tear the intruder's cloth, tie up some salt in one corner of it, and turn him out. this is supposed to neutralize all the good luck which might have accrued to the trespasser, and avert any evil which might have befallen the owner of the house. all the thousand-and-one castes, whose members find a home in the village, unhesitatingly admit that the kulwadi is de jure the rightful owner of the village. he who was is still, in a limited sense, 'lord of the village manor.' if there is a dispute as to the village boundaries, the kulwadi is the only one competent to take the oath as to how the boundary ought to run. the old custom for settling such disputes was as follows. the kulwadi, carrying on his head a ball made of the village earth, in the centre of which is placed some water, passes along the boundary. if he has kept the proper line, everything goes well; but should he, by accident, even go beyond his own proper boundary, then the ball of earth, of its own accord, goes to pieces, the kulwadi dies within fifteen days, and his house becomes a ruin. such is the popular belief. again, the skins of all animals dying within the village boundaries are the property of the kulwadi, and a good income he makes from this source. to this day a village boundary dispute is often decided by this one fact. if the kulwadis agree, the other inhabitants of the villages can say no more. when--in our forefathers' days, as the natives say--a village was first established, a stone called 'karu kallu' is set up. to this stone the patel once a year makes an offering. the kulwadi, after the ceremony is over, is entitled to carry off the rice, etc., offered. in cases where there is no patel, the kulwadi goes through the yearly ceremony. but what i think proves strongly that the holia was the first to take possession of the soil is that the kulwadi receives, and is entitled to receive, from the friends of any person who dies in the village, a certain fee or as my informant forcibly put it, 'they buy from him the ground for the dead.' this fee is still called in canarese nela haga, from nela earth, and haga, a coin worth anna pies. in munzerabad the kulwadi does not receive this fee from those ryots who are related to the headman. here the kulwadi occupies a higher position. he has, in fact, been adopted into the patel's family, for, on a death occurring in such family, the kulwadi goes into mourning by shaving his head. he always receives from the friends the clothes the deceased wore, and a brass basin. the kulwadi, however, owns a superior in the matter of burial fees. he pays yearly a fowl, one hana ( annas pies), and a handful of rice to the agent of the sudgadu siddha, or lord of the burning ground (q.v.)." a kulwadi, whom i came across, was carrying a brass ladle bearing the figure of a couchant bull (basava) and a lingam under a many-headed cobra canopy. this ladle is carried round, and filled with rice, money, and betel, on the occasion of marriages in those castes, of which the insignia are engraved on the handle. these insignia were as follows:-- weavers--shuttle and brush. bestha--fish. uppara--spade and basket for collecting salt. korama--baskets and knife for splitting canes and bamboos. idiga--knife, and apparatus for climbing palm-trees. hajam--barber's scissors, razor, and sharpening stone. ganiga--oil-press. madavali--washerman's pot, fire-place, mallet, and stone. kumbara--potter's wheel, pots, and mallet. vakkaliga--plough. chetti--scales and basket. kuruba--sheep-shears. a small whistle, called kola-singanatha, made of gold, silver, or copper, is tied round the neck of some holeyas, vakkaligas, besthas, agasas and kurubas, by means of threads of sheep's wool intertwined sixteen times. all these castes are supposed to belong to the family of the god bhaira, in whose name the whistle is tied by a bairagi at chunchingiri near nagamangala. it is usually tied in fulfilment of a vow taken by the parents, and the ceremony costs from a hundred to two hundred rupees. until the vow is fulfilled, the person concerned cannot marry. at the ceremony, the bairagi bores a hole in the right ear-lobe of the celebrant with a needle called diksha churi, and from the wound ten drops of blood fall to the ground (cf. jogi purusha). he is then bathed before the whistle is tied round his neck. as the result of wearing the whistle, the man attains to the rank of a priest in his caste, and is entitled to receive alms and meals on festive and ceremonial occasions. he blows his whistle, which emits a thin squeak, before partaking of food, or performing his daily worship. it is noted in the mysore census report, , that the marriage of the holeyas is "nothing but a feast, at which the bridegroom ties the bottu (marriage badge) round the bride's neck. the wife cannot be divorced except for adultery. widows are prohibited from remarrying, but the caste winks at a widow's living with a man." in an account given to me of marriage among the gangadikara holeyas, i was told that, if a girl reaches puberty without being married, she may live with any man whom she likes within the caste. if he pays later on the bride price of twelve rupees, the marriage ceremonies take place, and the issue becomes legitimate. on the first day of these ceremonies, the bride is taken to the house of her husband-elect. the parties of the bride and bridegroom go, accompanied by music, to a river or tank, each with four new earthen pots, rice, betel, and other things. the pots, which are decorated with flowers of the areca palm, are filled with water, and set apart in the houses of the contracting couple. this ceremonial is known as bringing the god. at night the wrist-threads (kankanam), made of black and white wool, with turmeric root and iron ring tied on them, are placed round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom. on the following day, cotton thread is passed round the necks of three brass vessels, and also round the head of the bridegroom, who sits before the vessels with hands folded, and betel leaves stuck between his fingers. married women anoint him with oil and turmeric, and he is bathed. he is then made to stand beneath a tree, and a twig of the jambu (eugenia jambolana) tree is tied to the milk-post. a similar ceremony is performed by the bride. the bridegroom is conducted to the marriage booth, and he and the bride exchange garlands and put gingelly (sesamum) and jirige (cummin) on each other's heads. the bottu is passed round to be blessed, and tied by the bridegroom on the bride's neck. this is followed by the pouring of milk over the hands of the contracting couple. on the third day, the wrist-threads are removed, and the pots thrown away. the holeyas have a large number of exogamous septs, of which the following are examples:-- ane, elephant. hasubu, pack-sack. male, garland. malige, jasmine. nerali, eugenia jambolana. tene, setaria italica. hutta, ant-hill. chatri, umbrella. halu, milk. mola, hare. kavane, sling. jenu, honey. it is recorded in the mysore census report, , that " out of the entire population of , have returned gotras, the names thereof being harichandra, kali, yekke, and karadi. in thus doing, it is evident that they are learning to venerate themselves, like others in admittedly higher grades of society." some holeya families are called hale makkalu, or old children of the gangadikara vakkaligas, and have to do certain services for the latter, such as carrying the sandals of the bridegroom, acting as messenger in conveying news from place to place, carrying fire before corpses to the burning-ground, and watching over the burning body. it is said that, in the performance of these duties, the exogamous septs of the holeya and vakkaliga must coincide. in the census report, , balagai, bakuda, begara or byagara, kusa (or uppara) maila, and ranivaya (belonging to a queen) are recorded as sub-sects of the holeyas. of these, balagai is a synonym, indicating that the holeyas belong to the right-hand section. the bakudas are said to resent the application of that name to them, and call themselves aipattukuladavaru, or the people of fifty families, presumably from the fact that they are divided into fifty balis or families. these balis are said to be named after deceased female ancestors. begara or byagara is a synonym, applied to the holeyas by kanarese lingayats. maila means dirt, and probably refers to the washerman section, just as mailari (washerman) occurs among the malas. the tulu-speaking holeyas must not be confounded with the canarese-speaking holeyas. in south canara, holeya is a general name applied to the polluting classes, nalkes, koragas, and the three divisions of holeyas proper, which differ widely from each other in some respects. these divisions are-- ( ) bakuda or mundala--a stranger, asking a woman if her husband is at home, is expected to refer to him as her bakuda, and not as her mundala. ( ) mera or mugayaru, which is also called kaipuda. ( ) mari or marimanisaru. of these, the first two sections abstain from beef, and consequently consider themselves superior to the mari section. the bakudas follow the aliya santana law of succession (in the female line), and, if a man leaves any property, it goes to his nephew. they will not touch dead cows or calves, or remove the placenta when a cow calves. nor will they touch leather, especially in the form of shoes. they will not carry cots on which rice sheaves are thrashed, chairs, etc., which have four legs, but, when ordered to do so, either break off one leg, or add an extra leg by tying a stick to the cot or chair. the women always wear their cloth in one piece, and are not allowed, like other holeyas, to have it made of two pieces. the bakudas will not eat food prepared or touched by bilimaggas, jadas, paravas or nalkes. the headman is called mukhari. the office is hereditary, and, in some places, is, as with the guttinaya of the bants, connected with his house-site. this being fixed, he should remain at that house, or his appointment will lapse, except with the general consent of the community to his retaining it. in some places, the mukhari has two assistants, called jammana and bondari, of whom the latter has to distribute toddy at assemblies of the caste. on all ceremonial occasions, the mukhari has to be treated with great respect, and even an individual who gets possessed by the bhutha (devil) has to touch him with his kadasale (sword). in cases of adultery, a purificatory ceremony, called gudi suddha, is performed. the erring woman's relations construct seven small huts, through which she has to pass, and they are burned down. the fact of this purificatory ceremony taking place is usually proclaimed by the bondari, and the saying is that people should assemble. they sprinkle water brought from a temple or sthana (devil shrine) and cow's urine over the woman just before she passes through the huts. a small quantity of hair from her head, a few hairs from the eyelids, and nails from her fingers are thrown into the huts. in some places, the delinquent has to drink a considerable quantity of salt-water and cow-dung water. her relatives have to pay a small money fine to the village deity. the ordeal of passing through huts is also practiced by the koragas of south canara. "the suggestion," mr. r. e. enthoven writes, "seems to be a rapid representation of seven existences, the outcaste regaining his (or her) status after seven generations have passed without further transgression. the parallel suggested is the law of manu that seven generations are necessary to efface a lapse from the law of endogamous marriage." the special bhuthas of the bakudas are kodababbu and kamberlu (or kangilu), but jumadi, panjurli, and tanimaniya are also occasionally worshipped. for the propitiation of kodababbu, nalkes are engaged to put on the disguise of this bhutha, whereas bakudas themselves dress up for the propitiation of kamberlu in cocoanut leaves tied round the head and waist. thus disguised, they go about the streets periodically, collecting alms from door to door. kamberlu is supposed to cause small-pox, cholera, and other epidemic diseases. on the day fixed for the betrothal ceremony, among the bakudas, a few people assemble at the home of the bride-elect, and the mukharis of both parties exchange betel or beat the palms of their hands, and proclaim that all quarrels must cease, and the marriage is to be celebrated. toddy is distributed among those assembled. the bride's party visit the parents of the bridegroom, and receive then or subsequently a white cloth, four rupees, and three bundles of rice. on the wedding day, those who are present seat themselves in front of the house where the ceremony is to take place, and are given betel to chew. a new mat is spread, and the bride and bridegroom stand thereon. if there is a kodababbu sthana in the vicinity, the jewels belonging thereto are worn by the bridegroom, who also wears a red cap, which is usually kept in the sthana, and carries in his hand the sword (kadasale) belonging thereto. the mukhari or jammana asks if the five groups of people, from barkur, mangalore, shivalli, chithpadi, mudanidambur, and udayavara, are present. five men come forward, and announce that this is so, and say "all relationship involving prohibited degrees may snap, and cease to exist." a tray of rice and a lamp are placed before the contracting couple, and those present throw rice over their heads. all then go to the toddy shop, and have a drink. they then return to the house and partake of a meal, at which the bridegroom and his bestman (maternal uncle's son) are seated apart. cooked rice is heaped up on a leaf before the bridegroom, and five piles of fish curry are placed thereon. first the bridegroom eats a portion thereof, and the remainder is finished off by the bestman. the bridal couple then stand once more on the mat, and the mukhari joins their hands, saying "no unlawful marriage should take place. prohibited relationship must be avoided." he sprinkles water from culms of cynodon dactylon over the united hands. the body of a dead bakuda is washed with hot water, in which mango (mangifera indica) bark is steeped. the dead are buried. the day for the final death ceremonies (bojja) is usually fixed by the mukhari or jammana. on that day, cooked food is offered to the deceased, and all cry "muriyo, muriyo." the son, after being shaved, and with his face veiled by a cloth, carries cooked rice on his head to a small hut erected for the occasion. the food is set down, and all present throw some of it into the hut. the mera or mugayar holeyas, like the bakudas, abstain from eating beef, and refuse to touch leather in any form. they have no objection to carrying four-legged articles. though their mother tongue is tulu, they seem to follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (in the male line). their headman is entitled kuruneru, and he has, as the badge of office, a cane with a silver band. the office of headman passes to the son instead of to the nephew. marriage is called badathana, and the details of the ceremony are like those of the mari holeyas. the dead are buried, and the final death ceremonies (bojja or savu) are performed on the twelfth or sixteenth day. a feast is given to some members of the community, and cooked food offered to the deceased at the house and near the grave. the mari or marimanisaru holeyas are sometimes called karadhi by the bakudas. like certain malayalam castes, the holeyas have distinct names for their homes according to the section. thus, the huts of the mari holeyas are called kelu, and those of the mera holeyas patta. the headmen among the mari holeyas are called mulia, boltiyadi, and kallali. the office of headman follows in the female line of succession. in addition to various bhuthas, such as panjurli and jumadi, the mari holeyas have two special bhuthas, named kattadhe and kanadhe, whom they regard as their ancestors. at times of festivals, these ancestors are supposed to descend on earth, and make their presence known by taking possession of some member of the community. men who are liable to be so possessed are called dharipuneyi, and have the privilege of taking up the sword and bell belonging to the bhuthasthana when under possession. marriage among the mari holeyas is called porathavu. at the betrothal ceremony, the headmen of the contracting parties exchange betel leaves and areca nuts. the bride-price usually consists of two bundles of rice and a bundle of paddy (unhusked rice). on the wedding day the bridegroom and his party go to the home of the bride, taking with them a basket containing five seers of rice, two metal bangles, one or two cocoanuts, a comb, and a white woman's cloth, which are shown to the headman of the bride's party. the two headmen order betel leaf and areca nuts to be distributed among those assembled. after a meal, a mat is spread in front of the hut, and the bride and bridegroom stand thereon. the bridegroom has in his hand a sword, and the bride holds some betel leaves and areca nuts. rice is thrown over their heads, and presents of money are given to them. the two headmen lift up the hands of the contracting couple, and they are joined together. the bride is lifted up so as to be a little higher than the bridegroom, and is taken indoors. the bridegroom follows her, but is prevented from entering by his brother-in-law, to whom he gives betel leaves and areca nuts. he then makes a forcible entrance into the hut. when a mari holeya girl reaches puberty, she is expected to remain within a hut for twelve days, at the end of which time the castemen are invited to a feast. the girl is seated on a pattern drawn on the floor. at the four corners thereof, vessels filled with water are placed. the girl's mother holds over her head a plantain leaf, and four women belonging to different balis (septs) pour water thereon from the vessels. these women and the girl then sit down to a meal, and eat off the same leaf. among the mari holeyas, the dead are usually buried, and the final death ceremonies are performed on the twelfth day. a pit is dug near the grave, into which an image of the deceased, made of rice straw, is put. the image is set on fire by his son or nephew. the ashes are heaped up, and a rude hut is erected round them by fixing three sticks in the ground, and covering them with a cloth. food is offered on a leaf, and the dead person is asked to eat it. the kusa holeyas speak canarese. they object to carrying articles with four legs, unless the legs are crossed. they do not eat beef, and will not touch leather. they consider themselves to be superior to the other sections of holeyas, and use as an argument that their caste name is uppara, and not holeya. why they are called uppara is not clear, but some say that they are the same as the upparas (salt workers) of mysore, who, in south canara, have descended in the social scale. the hereditary occupation of the upparas is making salt from salt earth (ku, earth). the headman of the kusa holeyas is called buddivant. as they are disciples of a lingayat priest at the mutt at kudli in mysore, they are saivites. every family has to pay the priest a fee of eight annas on the occasion of his periodical visitations. the bhuthas specially worshipped by the kusa holeyas are masti and halemanedeyya, but venkataramana of tirupati is by some regarded as their family deity. marriage is both infant and adult, and widows are permitted to remarry, if they have no children. at tumkur, in the mysore province, i came across a settlement of people called tigala holeya, who do not intermarry with other holeyas, and have no exogamous septs or house-names. their cranial measurements approach more nearly to those of the dolichocephalic tamil paraiyans than those of the sub-brachycephalic holeyas; and it is possible that they are tamil paraiyans, who migrated, at some distant date, to mysore. ==================+============+===========+========= ---- | cephalic | cephalic | cephalic | length. | breadth. | index. ------------------+------------+-----------+--------- | cm. | cm. | | | | tamil paraiyan | . | . | . tigala holeya | . | . | . holeya | . | . | . ==================+============+===========+========= holodia gudiya.--a name for the agricultural section of the oriya gudiyas. holuva (holo, plough).--a synonym of pentiya, and the name of a section of oriya brahmans, who plough the land. hon.--hon, honnu, and honne, meaning gold, have been recorded as gotras or exogamous septs of kurni, odde, and kuruba. honne (calophyllum inophyllum or pterocarpus marsupium).--an exogamous sept of halepaik and moger. the halepaiks sometimes call the sept sura honne. honnungara (gold ring).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. huli (tiger).--an exogamous sub-sept of kappiliyan. hullu (grass).--a gotra of kurni. hunise (tamarind).--an exogamous sub-sept of kappiliyan. hutta (ant-hill).--an exogamous sept of gangadikara holeya. huvvina (flowers).--an exogamous sept of odde and vakkaliga. i ichcham (date-palm: phoenix sylvestris).--ichcham or ichanjanar is recorded, in the tanjore manual, as a section of shanan. the equivalent ichang occurs as a tree or kothu of kondaiyankottai maravans. idacheri.--an occupational name for a section of nayars, who make and sell dairy produce. the word corresponds to idaiyan in the tamil country. idaiyan.--the idaiyans are the great pastoral or shepherd caste of the tamil country, but some are landowners, and a few are in government employ. those whom i examined at coimbatore were engaged as milkmen, shepherds, cultivators, gardeners, cart-drivers, shopkeepers, constables, family doctors, and mendicants. it is recorded in the tanjore manual that "the rev. mr. pope says that ideir are so-called from idei, middle, being a kind of intermediate link between the farmers and merchants." mr. nelson [ ] considers this derivation to be fanciful, and thinks that "perhaps they are so called from originally inhabiting the lands which lay midway between the hills and the arable lands, the jungly plains, suited for pasturage [i.e., the middle land out of the five groups of land mentioned in tamil works, viz., kurinji, palai, mullai, marutam, neytal]. [ ] the class consists of several clans, but they may be broadly divided into two sections, the one more thoroughly organised, the other retaining most of the essential characteristics of an aboriginal race. the first section follow the vaishnava sect, wear the namam, and call themselves yadavas. those belonging to the second section stick to their demon worship, and make no pretensions to a descent from the yadava race. they daub their foreheads with the sacred cow-dung ashes, and are regarded, apparently from this circumstance alone, to belong to the saiva sect." in the madras census report, , it is noted that milkmen and cowherds appear to hold a social position of some importance, and even brahmans do not disdain to drink milk or curds from their hands. further, the census superintendent, , writes that "the idaiyans take a higher social position than they would otherwise do, owing to the tradition that krishna was brought up by their caste, and to the fact that they are the only purveyors of milk, ghi (clarified butter), etc., and so are indispensable to the community. all brahmans, except the most orthodox, will accordingly eat butter-milk and butter brought by them. in some places they have the privilege of breaking the butter-pot on the gokulashtami, or krishna's birthday, and get a new cloth and some money for doing it. they will eat in the houses of vellalas, pallis, and nattamans." the idaiyans claim that timma raja, the prime minister of krishna deva raya of vijayanagar, who executed various works in the chingleput district, was an idaiyan by caste. the idaiyans have returned a large number of divisions, of which the following may be noted:-- kalkatti and pasi. the women, contrary to the usual tamil custom, have black beads in their tali-string. the practice is apparently due to the influence of telugu brahman purohits, as various telugu castes have glass beads along with the bottu (marriage badge). in like manner, the married pandamutti palli women wear a necklace of black beads. according to a legend, pasi is a pebble found in rivers, from which beads are made. a giant came to kill krishna when he was playing with the shepherd boys on the banks of a river. he fought the giant with these pebbles, and killed him. pal, milk. corresponds to the halu (milk) division of the canarese kuruba shepherd caste. pendukkumekki, denoting those who are subservient to their women. a man, on marriage, joins his wife's family, and he succeeds to the property, not of his father, but of his father-in-law. siviyan or sivala. an occupational name, meaning palanquin-bearer. sangukatti, or those who tie the conch or chank shell (turbinella rapa). it is narrated that krishna wanted to marry rukmani, whose family insisted on marrying her to sishupalan. when the wedding was about to take place, krishna carried off rukmani, and placed a bangle made of chank shell on her wrist. samban, a name of siva. most members of this division put on the sacred ashes as a sectarian mark. it is said that the yadavas were in the habit of making offerings to devendra, but krishna wanted them to worship him. with the exception of a few yadavas and paraiyans who were also employed in grazing cattle, all the shepherds refused to do so. it is stated that "in ancient times, men of the idaiyan caste ranked only a little above paraiyans, and that the idaicheri, or idaiyan suburb, was always situated close to the paraicheri, or paraiyan's suburb, in every properly constituted village." [ ] pudunattu or puthukkanattar, meaning people of the new country. the idaiyans claim that, when krishna settled in kishkindha, he peopled it with members of their caste. perun (big) tali, and siru (small) tali, indicating those whose married women wear a large or small tali. panjaram or pancharamkatti. the name is derived from the peculiar gold ornament called panjaram or pancharam shaped like a many-rayed sun, and having three dots on it, which is worn by widows. it is said that in this division "widow marriage is commonly practiced, because krishna used to place a similar ornament round the necks of the idaiyan widows of whom he became enamoured, to transform them from widows into married women, to whom pleasure was not forbidden, and that this sub-division is the result of these amours." [ ] maniyakkara. derived from mani, a bell, such as is tied round the necks of cattle, sheep and goats. kalla. most numerous in the area inhabited by the kallan caste. possibly an offshoot of this caste, composed of those who have taken to the occupation of shepherds. like the kallans, this sub-division has exogamous septs or kilais, e.g., deva (god), vendhan (king). sholia. territorial name denoting inhabitants of the chola country. anaikombu, or elephant tusk, which was the weapon used by krishna and the yadavas to kill the giant sakatasura. karutthakadu, black cotton country. a sub-division found mostly in madura and tinnevelly, where there is a considerable tract of black cotton soil. the perumal madukkarans or perumal erudukkarans (see gangeddu), who travel about the country exhibiting performing bulls, are said to belong to the pu (flower) idaiyan section of the idaiyan caste. this is so named because the primary occupation thereof was, and in some places still is, making garlands for temples. in the gazetteer of the madura district, it is recorded that "podunattu (pudunattu?) idaiyans have a tradition that they originally belonged to tinnevelly, but fled to this district secretly one night in a body in the time of tirumala nayakkan, because the local chief oppressed them. tirumala welcomed them, and put them under the care of the kallan headman pinnai devan, decreeing that, to ensure that this gentleman and his successors faithfully observed the charge, they should always be appointed by an idaiyan. that condition is observed to this day. in this sub-division a man has the same right to marry his paternal aunt's daughter as is possessed by the kallans. but, if the woman's age is much greater than the boy's, she is usually married instead to his cousin, or some one else on that side of the family. a brahman officiates at weddings, and the sacred fire is used, but the bridegroom's sister ties the tali (marriage badge). divorce and the remarriage of widows are prohibited. the dead, except infants, are burnt. caste affairs are settled by a headman called the nattanmaikaran, who is assisted by an accountant and a peon. all three are elected. the headman has the management of the caste fund, which is utilised in the celebration of festivals on certain days in some of the larger temples of the district. among these podunattus, an uncommon rule of inheritance is in force. a woman who has no male issue at the time of her husband's death has to return his property to his brother, father, or maternal uncle, but is allotted maintenance, the amount of which is fixed by a caste panchayat (council). among the valasu and pendukkumekki sub-divisions, another odd form of maintenance subsists. a man's property descends to his sons-in-law, who live with him, and not to his sons. the sons merely get maintenance until they are married." in the madras census report, , pondan or pogandan is recorded as a sub-caste of idaiyans, who are palanquin-bearers to the zamorin of calicut. in this connection, it is noted by mr. k. kannan nayar [ ] that "among the konar (cowherds) of poondurai near erode (in the coimbatore district), who, according to tradition, originally belonged to the same tribe as the gopas living in the southern part of kerala, and now forming a section of the nayars, the former matrimonial customs were exactly the same as those of the nayars. they, too, celebrated tali-kettu kalyanam, and, like the nayars, did not make it binding on the bride and bridegroom of the ceremony to live as husband and wife. they have now, however, abandoned the custom, and have made the tying of the tali the actual marriage ceremony." the typical panchayat (village council) system exists among the idaiyans, and the only distinguishing feature is the existence of a headman, called kithari or kilari, whose business it is to look after the sheep of the village, to arrange for penning them in the fields. in some places the headman is called ambalakkaran. in bygone days, those who were convicted of adultery were tied to a post, and beaten. in some places, when a girl reaches puberty, her maternal uncle, or his sons, build a hut with green cocoanut leaves, which she occupies for sixteen days, when purificatory ceremonies are performed. the marriage ceremonies vary according to locality, and the following details of one form therefore, as carried out at coimbatore, may be cited. when a marriage between two persons is contemplated, a red and white flower, tied up in separate betel leaves, are thrown before the idol at a temple. a little child is told to pick up one of the leaves, and, if she selects the one containing the white flower, the omens are considered auspicious, and the marriage will be arranged. on the day of the betrothal, the future bridegroom's father and other relations go to the girl's house with presents of a new cloth, fruits, and ornaments. the bride price (pariyam) is paid, and betel exchanged. the bridegroom-elect goes to the girl's cousins (maternal uncle's sons), who have a right to marry her, and presents them with four annas and betel. the acceptance of these is a sign that they consent to the marriage. on the marriage day, the bridegroom plants the milk-post, after it has been blessed by a brahman purohit, and is shaved by a barber. the bride and her female relations fetch some earth, and a platform is made out of it in the marriage pandal (booth). the brahman makes fire (homam), and places a cowdung pillayar (ganesa) in the pandal. the bride then husks some rice therein. the relations of the bride and bridegroom fetch from the potter's house seven pots called adukupanai, two large pots, called arasanipanai, and seven earthen trays, and place them in front of the platform. the pots are filled with water, and a small bit of gold is placed in each. the bridegroom goes to a pillayar shrine, and, on his return, the bride's brother washes his feet, and puts rings on his second toes. the kankanams (wrist-threads) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and the bridegroom takes his seat within the pandal, to which the bride is carried in the arms of one of her maternal uncles, while another carries a torch light placed on a mortar. the bride takes her seat by the side of the bridegroom, and the light is set in front of them. the tali is taken round to be blessed by those assembled, and handed to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride's neck. the couple then put a little earth in each of the seven trays, and sow therein nine kinds of grain. two vessels, containing milk and whey, are placed before them, and the relations pour a little thereof over their heads. the right hand of the bridegroom is placed on the left hand of the bride, and their hands are tied together by one of the bride's maternal uncle's sons. the bride is then carried into the house in the arms of an elder brother of the bridegroom. at the threshold she is stopped by the maternal uncle's sons, who may beat the man who is carrying her. the bridegroom pays them each four annas, and he and the bride are allowed to enter the house. on the night of the wedding day, they are shut up in a room. during the following days the pots are worshipped. on the seventh day, the ends of the cloths of the newly married couple are tied together, and they bathe in turmeric water. the wrist-threads are removed, they rub oil over each other's heads, and bathe in a tank. the bride serves food to the bridegroom, and their relations eat off the same leaf, to indicate the union between the two families. into one of the large pots a gold and silver ring, and into the other an iron style and piece of palm leaf are dropped. the couple perform the pot-searching ceremony, and whichever gets hold of the gold ring or style is regarded as the more clever of the two. the bridegroom places his right foot, and the bride her left foot on a grindstone, and they look at the star arundathi. the stone represents ahalliya, the wife of the sage gautama, who was cursed by her husband for her misconduct with indra, and turned into a stone, whereas arundathi was the wife of vasishta and a model of chastity. the newly married couple, by placing their feet on the stone, indicate their intention of checking unchaste desires, and by looking at arundathi, of remaining faithful to each other. the bride decorates a small grindstone with a cloth and ornaments, and takes it round to all her relations who are present, and who bless her with a hope that she will have many children. in the marava country, a grown-up idaiyan girl is sometimes married to a boy of ten or twelve. among some idaiyans, it is customary for the tali to be tied by the sister of the bridegroom, and not by the bridegroom, who must not be present when it is done. it is said that, in some places, like the gollas, when an idaiyan bridegroom sets out for the house of his bride, he is seized by his companions, who will not release him till he has paid a piece of gold. in the madura manual it is noted that "at an idaiyan wedding, on the third day, when the favourite amusement of sprinkling turmeric-water over the guests is concluded, the whole party betake themselves to the village tank (pond). a friend of the bridegroom brings a hoe and a basket, and the young husband fills three baskets with earth from the bottom of the tank, while the wife takes them away, and throws the earth behind. they then say 'we have dug a ditch for charity.' this practice may probably be explained by remembering that, in arid districts, where the idaiyans often tend their cattle, the tank is of the greatest importance." it is said that the siviyan and pendukkumekki sub-divisions take low rank, as the remarriage of widows is freely permitted among them. in the ramnad territory of the madura district, the marriage of widows is attributed to compulsion by a zamindar. according to the story, the zamindar asked an idaiyan whether he would marry a widow. the reply was that widows are aruthukattadhavar, i.e., women who will not tie the tali string again, after snapping it (on the husband's decease). this was considered impertinent by the zamindar, as marriage of widows was common among the maravars. to compel the idaiyans to resort to widow marriage, he took advantage of the ambiguity of the word aruthukattadhavar, which would also mean those who do not tie up in a bundle after cutting or reaping. at the time of the harvest season, the zamindar sent his servants to the idaiyans with orders that they were not to tie up the rice plants in sheaves. this led to severe monetary loss, and the idaiyans consented reluctantly to widow remarriage. on the death of a married idaiyan, at coimbatore, the corpse is placed in a seated posture. a measure of rice, a lighted lamp, and a cocoanut are placed near it, and burning fire-wood is laid at the door of the house. when the relations and friends have arrived, the body is removed from the house, and placed in a pandal, supported behind by a mortar. the male relations put on the sacred thread, and each brings a pot of water from a tank. the widow rubs oil over the head of the corpse, and some one, placing a little oil in the hands thereof, rubs it over her head. on the way to the burning-ground, a barber carries a fire-brand and a pot, and a washerman carries the mat, cloths, and other articles used by the deceased. when the idukadu, a spot made to represent the shrine of arichandra who is in charge of the burial or burning ground, is reached, the polluted articles are thrown away, and the bier is placed on the ground. a paraiyan makes a cross-mark at the four corners of the bier, and the son, who is chief mourner, places a small coin on three of the marks, leaving out the one at the north-east corner. the paraiyan takes these coins and tears a bit of cloth from the winding-sheet, which is sent to the widow. at the burning-ground, the relations place rice, water, and small coins in the mouth of the corpse. the coins are the perquisite of the paraiyan. the son, who is clean-shaved, carries a pot of water on his shoulder thrice round the pyre, and, at each turn, the barber makes a hole in it with a chank shell, when the head is reached. finally the pot is broken near the head. the sacred threads are thrown by those who wear them on the pyre, and the son sets fire to it, and goes away without looking back. the widow meanwhile has broken her tali string, and thrown it into a vessel of milk, which is set on the spot where the deceased breathed his last. the son, on his return home after bathing, steps across a pestle placed at the threshold. arathi (wave offering) is performed, and he worships a lighted lamp within the house. on the following day, rice and sesbania grandiflora are cooked, and served to the relatives by the widow's brothers. next day, milk, ghi (clarified butter), curds, tender cocoanuts, nine kinds of grain, water, and other articles required for worship, are taken to the burning-ground. the smouldering ashes are extinguished with water, and the fragments of the bones are collected, and placed on a leaf. a miniature plough is made, and the spot on which the body was burned is ploughed, and the nine kinds of grain are sown. on his return home, a turban is placed on the head of the son who acted as chief mourner by his maternal uncles. a new cloth is folded, and on it a betel leaf is placed, which is worshipped for sixteen days. on the sixteenth day, a brahman makes a human figure with holy grass, which has to be worshipped by the chief mourner not less than twenty-five times, and he must bathe between each act of worship. the bones are then carried in a new earthen pot, and floated on a stream. at night, food is cooked, and, with a new cloth, worshipped. rice is cooked at the door. a cock is tied to a sacrificial post, called kazhukumaram, set up outside the house, to which the rice is offered. one end of a thread is tied to the post, and the other end to a new cloth, which is worshipped inside the house. the thread is watched till it shakes, and then broken. the door is closed, and the cock is stuck on the pointed tip of the post, and killed. an empty car is carried in procession through the streets, and alms are given to beggars. a widow should remain gosha (in seclusion) for twelve months after her husband's death. when a grown-up, but unmarried male or female dies, a human figure, made out of holy grass, is married to the corpse, and some of the marriage rites are performed. the idaiyans are vaishnavites, and the more civilised among them are branded like vaishnava brahmans. saturday is considered a holy day. their most important festival is krishna jayanti, or sri jayanti, in honour of krishna's birthday. they show special reverence for the vessels used in dairy operations. the proverb that the sense of an idaiyan is on the back of his neck, for it was there that he received the blows, refers to "the story of the shepherd entering the gate of his house with a crook placed horizontally on his shoulders, and finding himself unable to get in, and his being made able to do so by a couple of blows on his back, and the removal of the crook at the same time. another proverb is that there is neither an andi among idaiyans, nor a tadan among the potters. the andi is always a saivite beggar, and, the idaiyans being always vaishnavites, they can never have in their midst a beggar of the saivite sect, or vice versâ. being extremely stupid, whenever any dispute arises among them, they can never come to any definite settlement, or, as the proverb says, the disputes between idaiyans are never easily settled. keeping and rearing cattle, grazing and milking them, and living thereby, are their allotted task in life, and so they are never good agriculturists. this defect is alluded to in the proverb that the field watered by the idaiyan, or by a member of the palli caste, must ever remain a waste." [ ] other proverbs, quoted by the rev. h. jensen, [ ] are as follows:-- the shepherd can get some fool to serve him. like a shepherd who would not give anything, but showed an ewe big with young. the shepherd destroyed half, and the fool half. in , an elementary school for idaiyans, called the yadava school, was established at madura. the usual title of the idaiyans is konan or kon meaning king, but, in the census report, , the titles pillai and kariyalan are also recorded. in the census report, , idaiya is given as a sub-division of vakkaiga; and, in the salem manual, idaiyan appears as a synonym of shanan. for the following note on the idaiyans who have settled in travancore, i am indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. they consist of two well-defined sections, namely, the tamil-speaking idaiyans, who are but recent immigrants, and largely found in tevala, agastisvaram and shenkotta, and the malayalam-speaking branch, who are early settlers residing chiefly in kartikapalli and other taluks of central travancore. the idaiyans are not largely found in travancore, because a branch of the indigenous sudra community, the idacheri nayars, are engaged in the same occupation. they are divided into two classes, viz., kangayan (shepherds) and puvandans, who neither interdine nor intermarry. the latter appear to be divided into four classes, pasi, gopalan, nambi, and valayitayan. puvandan is another form of the word pondan, which means a palanquin-bearer. it is well known that, in the tamil country, this was one of the duties of the idaiyans, as is evident from a sub-division called sivi or siviyar (palanquin) existing among them. in the early settlement records of travancore, they are referred to as sibis. many fancy, though incorrectly, that the word means one who collects flowers. as the sibis were experts in palanquin-bearing, they must have been brought from the tamil country to serve the mediæval rajas. at the present day, besides pursuing their traditional occupation, they also engage in agriculture and trade. the position of the puvandans in society is not low. they are entitled to the services of the brahman's washerman and barber, and they may enter temples, and advance as far as the place to which nayars go, except in some parts of central travancore. they are flesh-eaters, and the drinking of intoxicating liquor is not prohibited. on ceremonial occasions, women wear the tamil idaiya dress, while at other times they adopt the attire of nayar women. their ornaments are foreign, and clearly indicate that they are a tamil caste. the marriage badge is called sankhu tali, and a small conch-shaped ornament forms its most conspicuous feature. besides the ordinary hindu deities, they worship matam, yakshi, and maruta. at weddings, the idaiyan bridegroom holds a sword in his left hand, while he takes hold of the bride by the right hand. funeral ceremonies are supervised by a barber, who officiates as priest. corpses are either burnt or buried. though they appear to observe only eleven days' death pollution, they cannot enter a temple until the expiry of sixteen days. an anniversary ceremony in memory of the deceased is performed on the new-moon day in the month of karkatakam (july-august), and, on this day, most members of the caste go to varkalai to perform the rite. many purely tamil names are still preserved in the caste, such as tambi, chami, bhagavati, and chattu. idakottu (those who break).--an exogamous sept of oddes, who, during their work as navvies, break stones. idangai (left-hand).--recorded, at times of census, as a division of deva-dasis, who do service for castes belonging to the left-hand section. idiga.--the telugu toddy-drawers, whose hereditary occupation is the extraction of the juice of the date and palmyra palms, go by different names in different localities. those, for example, who live in the salem, north arcot and chingleput districts, are called idigas or indras. in the northern circars and the nellore district, they are known as gamallas or gamandlas, and in the cuddapah district as asilis. it is recorded, in the north arcot manual, that "idiga is one of the toddy-drawing castes of the telugu country, the name being derived from telugu idchu, to draw. the idigas are supposed to be a branch of the balija tribe, separated on account of their occupation. they are chiefly vaishnavites, having satanis as their priests. they are divided into two classes, the dandu (army) [ ] idigas and the balija idigas, of whom the former used originally to distil arrack, but, now that the manufacture is a monopoly, they usually sell it. the balija idigas extract toddy, the juice of the palm tree. they differ from the shanans in some of their professional customs, for, while the tamilians in climbing tie their knives behind them, the telugus tie them on the right thigh. tamilian drawers extract the juice from palmyras and cocoanuts, but rarely from the date, and the telugus from the palmyras and dates, but never from cocoanuts. the chief object of their worship is yellamma, the deity who presides over toddy and liquor. on every sunday, the pots containing liquor are decorated with flowers, saffron, etc., and offerings are made to them." in the madras census report, , it is stated that "it is said that the idigas are the descendants of balijas from rajahmundry in godavari district, and that their occupation separated them into a distinct caste. they are divided into two endogamous sections called either dandu and palli, or patha (old) and kotta (new). the headman of the caste is called gaudu. they employ brahmans as purohits for their ceremonies, and these brahmans are received on terms of equality by other brahmans. they bury their dead, and observe pollution for twelve days, during which they abstain from eating flesh. the consumption of alcohol is strictly prohibited, and is severely punished by the headman of the caste. they eat with all balijas, except the gazulu section. their titles are aiya, appa, and gaudu." it is noted by mr. f. fawcett that "in the northern districts, among the telugu population, the toddy-drawers use a ladder about eight or nine feet in length, which is placed against the tree, to avoid climbing a third or fourth of it. while in the act of climbing up or down, they make use of a wide band, which is passed round the body at the small of the back, and round the tree. this band is easily fastened with a toggle and eye. the back is protected by a piece of thick soft leather. it gives great assistance in climbing, which it makes easy. all over the southernmost portion of the peninsula, among the shanans and tiyans, the ladder and waist-band are unknown. they climb up and down with their hands and arms, using only a soft grummel of coir (cocoanut fibre) to keep the feet near together." the idigas claim to be descended from vyasa, the traditional compiler of the mahabharata. in a note by mr. f. r. hemingway on the idigas of the godavari district, they are said to worship a deity, to whom they annually offer fowls on new year's day, and make daily offerings of a few drops of toddy from the first pot taken from the tree. in this district they are commonly called chetti. the insigne of the idigas, as recorded at conjeeveram, is a ladder. [ ] idiya (pounder).--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a division of konkani sudras. the idiyans prepare rice in a special manner. paddy is soaked in water, and roasted over a fire. while hot, it is placed in a mortar, and pounded with a pestle. this rice is called avil, which is said to be largely used as a delicacy in travancore, and to be employed in certain religious ceremonies. the idiyans are stated to have left their native land near cochin, and settled in travancore at the invitation of a former sovereign. on arrival in the land of their adoption, they were given, free of tax, cocoanut gardens and rice land. in return, they were required to supply, free of charge, the palace of the maharajah and the temple of sri padmanabhaswami at trivandrum with as much beaten rice (avil) as might be required from time to time. iga (fly).--an exogamous sept of mutracha. the equivalent igala occurs as an exogamous sept of yanadi. ilai (leaf).--ilai or ele has been recorded as a sub-division of tigalas and toreyas who cultivate the betel vine (piper betle). elai vaniyan occurs as a synonym of senaikkudaiyans, who are betel leaf sellers in tinnevelly. ilaiyattakudi.--a sub-division of nattukottai chetti. ilakutiyan.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. ilamagan.--the ilamagans are described by mr. francis [ ] as "a cultivating caste found chiefly in the zamindari taluk of tiruppattur in madura. the word literally means a young man, but the young is interpreted by other castes in the sense of inferior. one says that it is made up of the sons of vallamban females and vellala males, another that it is a mixture of outcasted valaiyans, kallans and maravans, and a third that it is descended from illegitimate children of the vellalas and pallis. like the kallans and valaiyans, the members of the caste stretch the lobes of their ears, and leave their heads unshaven. the caste is divided into two or three endogamous sections of territorial origin. they do not employ brahmans as purohits; their widows may marry again; their dead are usually buried; and they will eat pork, mutton, fowls, and fish. they are thus not high in the social scale, and are, in fact, about on a par with the kallans. the headmen of the caste are called ambalam." it is suggested, in the census report, , that, from the fact that ilamagan appears as a sub-division of the maravans, it may perhaps be inferred that the two castes are closely allied. ilampi.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. ilayatu.--see elayad. illa (of a house).--an exogamous sept of yanadi. illam.--defined by mr. wigram [ ] as meaning the house of an ordinary nambudri brahman. it is recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. the name illam vellala has been assumed by some panikkans in the tamil country, whose exogamous septs are called illam. in travancore, ilakkar or illathu, meaning those attached to brahman houses, is said to be an occupational sub-division of nayars. ilakkar further occurs as an exogamous sept of mala arayans, known as the three thousand. illuvellani.--the name, derived from illu, house, and vellani, those who do not go out, of a sub-division of kammas, whose wives are kept gosha (in seclusion). inaka mukku bhatrazu.--beggars attached to padma sales. inangan.--see enangan. ina pulaya.--a sub-division of pulayans of travancore. indla (house).--an exogamous sept of chenchu and mutracha. indra.--see idiga. inichi (squirrel).--a gotra of kurni. inravar.--a tamil form of indra. ippi (bassia longifolia: mahua).--an exogamous sept of panta reddi. members of the ippala gotra of the besthas may not touch or use the ippa (or ippi) tree. iranderudhu (two bullocks).--a sub-division of vaniyans, who use two bullocks for their oil-mills. irani (earthen vessel used at marriages).--a gotra of kurni. irani.--a territorial name, meaning persian, of the shiah section of the moghal tribe of muhammadans. the iranis or beluchis are described by mr. paupa rao naidu [ ] as a troublesome nomad tribe "committing crime all over india openly from the houses and shops of villages and towns, mostly in broad daylight, with impunity, and escaping punishment except in rare cases. their ostensible profession is merchandise, dealing in the following articles:--ponies, knives, scissors, padlocks, false stones, false pearls, trinkets of several kinds, toys, beads, quicksilver, and false coins of different kinds. their camp generally consists of a few small tents, a few ponies, pack saddles to secure their culinary utensils, their dirty clothes, the leather or gunny bags containing their articles of merchandise; a few fighting cocks, and cages of birds. they are very fond of cock fighting, even on wagers of to rupees on each. they train these cocks specially brought up to fight." for information concerning the criminal methods of the iranis, i would refer the reader to mr. paupa rao naidu's account thereof. iranyavarma.--the name of one of the early pallava kings, returned at times of census as a caste name by some wealthy pallis, who also gave themselves the title of solakanar, or descendants of chola kings. irattai sekkan.--a sub-division of vaniyans, who use two bullocks for their oil-mills. iraya.--a name for cherumans, in malabar, who are permitted to come as far as the eaves (ira) of their employers' houses. irchakkollan (timber sawyer).--a synonym, in travancore, of tacchan (carpenter) kammalan. irkuli.--irkuli or irangolli vellala, said to mean vellalas who killed dampness, is a name assumed by some vannans. irpina (comb).--an exogamous sept of kamma. irulas of the nilgiris. in the kotagiri bazaar, which is an excellent hunting-ground for the anthropologist, may be seen gathered together on market-day kotas, badagas, kanarese, irulas, kurumbas, and an occasional toda from the kodanad mand. a tribal photograph was taken there, with the result that a deputation subsequently waited on me with a petition to the effect that "we, the undersigned, beg to submit that your honour made photos of us, and has paid us nothing. we, therefore, beg you to do this common act of justice." the deputation was made happy with a pourboire. in my hunt after irulas, which ended in an attack of malarial fever, it was necessary to invoke the assistance and proverbial hospitality of various planters. on one occasion news reached me that a gang of irulas, collected for my benefit under a promise of substantial remuneration, had arrived at a planter's bungalow, whither i proceeded. the party included a man who had been "wanted" for some time in connection with the shooting of an elephant on forbidden ground. he, suspecting me of base designs, refused to be measured, on the plea that he was afraid the height-measuring standard was the gallows. nor would he let me take his photograph, fearing (though he had never heard of bertillonage) lest it should be used for the purpose of criminal identification. unhappily a mischievous rumour had been circulated that i had in my train a wizard kurumba, who would bewitch the irulas, in order that i might abduct them (for what purpose was not stated). as the badagas are the fairest, so the irulas are the darkest-skinned of the nilgiri tribes, on some of whom, as has been said, charcoal would leave a white mark. the name irula, in fact, means darkness or blackness (irul), whether in reference to the dark jungles in which the irulas, who have not become domesticated by working as contractors or coolies on planters' estates, dwell, or to the darkness of their skin, is doubtful. though the typical irula is dark-skinned and platyrhine, i have noted some who, as the result of contact metamorphosis, possessed skins of markedly paler hue, and leptorhine noses. the language of the irulas is a corrupt form of tamil. in their religion they are worshippers of vishnu under the name of rangasvami, to whom they do puja (worship) at their own rude shrines, or at the hindu temple at karaimadai, where brahman priests officiate. "an irula pujari," breeks writes, [ ] "lives near the irula temples, and rings a bell when he performs puja to the gods. he wears the vishnu mark on his forehead. his office is hereditary, and he is remunerated by offerings of fruit and milk from irula worshippers. each irula village pays about two annas to the pujari about may or june. they say that there is a temple at kallampalla in the sattiyamangalam taluk, north of rangasvami's peak. this is a siva temple, at which sheep are sacrificed. the pujari wears the siva mark. they don't know the difference between siva and vishnu. at kallampalla temple is a thatched building, containing a stone called mariamma, the well-known goddess of small-pox, worshipped in this capacity by the irulas. a sheep is led to this temple, and those who offer the sacrifice sprinkle water over it, and cut its throat. the pujari sits by, but takes no part in the ceremony. the body is cut up, and distributed among the irulas present, including the pujari." in connection with the shrine on rangasvami peak, the following note is recorded in the gazetteer of the nilgiris. "it is the most sacred hill on all the plateau. hindu legend says that the god rangasvami used to live at karaimadai on the plains between mettupalaiyam and coimbatore, but quarrelled with his wife, and so came and lived here alone. in proof of the story, two footprints on the rock not far from arakod village below the peak are pointed out. this, however, is probably an invention designed to save the hill folk the toilsome journey to rangasvami's car festival at karaimadai, which used once to be considered incumbent upon them. in some places, the badagas and kotas have gone even further, and established rangasvami bettus of their own, handy for their own particular villages. on the real rangasvami peak are two rude walled enclosures sacred to the god ranga and his consort, and within these are votive offerings (chiefly iron lamps and the notched sticks used as weighing machines), and two stones to represent the deities. the hereditary pujari is an irula, and, on the day fixed by the badagas for the annual feast, he arrives from his hamlet near nandipuram, bathes in a pool below the summit, and marches to the top shouting 'govinda! govinda!' the cry is taken up with wild enthusiasm by all those present, and the whole crowd, which includes badagas, irulas, and kurumbas, surrounds the enclosures, while the irula priest invokes the deities by blowing his conch and beating his drum, and pours oblations over, and decorates with flowers, the two stones which represent them. that night, two stone basins on the summit are filled with ghee and lighted, and the glare is visible for miles around. the ceremonies close with prayers for good rain and fruitfulness among the flocks and herds, a wild dance by the irula, and the boiling (called pongal, the same word as pongal the tamil agricultural feast) of much rice in milk. about a mile from arakod is an overhanging rock called the kodai-kal or umbrella stone, under which is found a whitish clay. this clay is used by the irulas for making the vaishnava marks on their foreheads at this festival." the following account of an irula temple festival is given by harkness. [ ] "the hair of the men, as well as of the women and children, was bound up in a fantastic manner with wreaths of plaited straw. their necks, ears, and ankles were decorated with ornaments formed of the same material, and they carried little dried gourds, in which nuts or small stones had been inserted. they rattled them as they moved, and, with the rustling of their rural ornaments, gave a sort of rhythm to their motion. the dance was performed in front of a little thatched shed, which, we learnt, was their temple. when it was concluded, they commenced a sacrifice to their deity, or rather deities, of a he-goat and three cocks. this was done by cutting the throats of the victims, and throwing them down at the feet of the idol, the whole assembly at the same time prostrating themselves. within the temple there was a winnow, or fan, which they called mahri--evidently the emblem of ceres; and at a short distance, in front of the former, and some paces in advance one of the other, were two rude stones, which they call, the one moshani, the other konadi mari, but which are subordinate to the fan occupying the interior of the temple." a village near a coffee estate, which i inspected, was, at the time of my visit, in the possession of pariah dogs and nude children, the elder children and adults being away at work. the village was protected against nocturnal feline and other feral marauders by a rude fence, and consisted of rows of single-storied huts, with verandah in front, made of split bamboo and thatched, detached huts, an abundance of fowl-houses, and cucurbitaceous plants twining up rough stages. surrounding the village were a dense grove of plantain trees, castor-oil bushes, and cattle pens. when not engaged at work on estates or in the forest, the irulas cultivate, for their own consumption, ragi (eleusine coracana), samai (panicum miliare), tenai (setaria italica), tovarai (cajanus indicus), maize, plantains, etc. they also cultivate limes, oranges, jak fruit (artocarpus integrifolia), etc. they, like the kotas, will not attend to cultivation on saturday or monday. at the season of sowing, badagas bring cocoanuts, plantains, milk and ghi (clarified butter), and give them to the irulas, who, after offering them before their deity, return them to the badagas. "the irulas," a recent writer observes, "generally possess a small plot of ground near their villages, which they assiduously cultivate with grain, although they depend more upon the wages earned by working on estates. some of them are splendid cattle-men, that is, in looking after the cattle possessed by some enterprising planter, who would add the sale of dairy produce to the nowadays pitiable profit of coffee planting. the irula women are as useful as the men in weeding, and all estate work. in fact, planters find both men and women far more industrious and reliable than the tamil coolies." "by the sale of the produce of the forests," harkness writes, "such as honey and bees wax, or the fruit of their gardens, the irulas are enabled to buy grain for their immediate sustenance, and for seed. but, as they never pay any attention to the land after it is sown, or indeed to its preparation further than by partially clearing it of the jungle, and turning it up with the hoe; or, what is more common, scratching it into furrows with a stick, and scattering the grain indiscriminately, their crops are, of course, stunted and meagre. when the corn is ripe, if at any distance from the village, the family to whom the patch or field belongs will remove to it, and, constructing temporary dwellings, remain there so long as the grain lasts. each morning they pluck as much as they think they may require for the use of that day, kindle a fire upon the nearest large stone or fragment of rock, and, when it is well heated, brush away the embers, and scatter the grain upon it, which, soon becoming parched and dry, is readily reduced to meal, which is made into cakes. the stone is now heated a second time, and the cakes are put on it to bake. or, where they have met with a stone which has a little concavity, they will, after heating it, fill the hollow with water, and, with the meal, form a sort of porridge. in this way the whole family, their friends, and neighbours, will live till the grain has been consumed. the whole period is one of merry-making. they celebrate mahri, and invite all who may be passing by to join in the festivities. these families will, in return, be invited to live on the fields of their neighbours. many of them live for the remainder of the year on a kind of yam, which grows wild, and is called erula root. to the use of this they accustom their children from infancy." some irulas now work for the forest department, which allows them to live on the borders of the forest, granting them sites free, and other concessions. among the minor forest produce, which they collect, are myrabolams, bees-wax, honey, vembadam bark (ventilago madraspatana), avaram bark (cassia auriculata), deer's horns, tamarinds, gum, soapnuts, and sheekoy (acacia concinna). the forests have been divided into blocks, and a certain place within each block has been selected for the forest depot. to this place the collecting agents--mostly sholagars and irulas--bring the produce, and then it is sorted, and paid for by special supervisors. [ ] the collection of honey is a dangerous occupation. a man, with a torch in his hand, and a number of bamboo tubes suspended from his shoulders, descends by means of ropes or creepers to the vicinity of the comb. the sight of the torch drives away the bees, and he proceeds to fill the bamboos with the comb, and then ascends to the top of the rock. [ ] the irulas will not (so they say) eat the flesh of buffaloes or cattle, but will eat sheep and goat, field-rats, fowls, deer, pig (which they shoot), hares (which they snare with skilfully made nets), jungle-fowl, pigeons, and quail (which they knock over with stones). they informed mr. harkness that, "they have no marriage contract, the sexes cohabiting almost indiscriminately; the option of remaining in union, or of separating, resting principally with the female. some among them, the favourites of fortune, who can afford to spend four or five rupees on festivities, will celebrate their union by giving a feast to all their friends and neighbours; and, inviting the kurumbars to attend with their pipe and tabor, spend the night in dance and merriment. this, however, is a rare occurrence." the marriage ceremony, as described to me, is a very simple affair. a feast is held, at which a sheep is killed, and the guests make a present of a few annas to the bridegroom, who ties up the money in a cloth, and, going to the bride's hut, conducts her to her future home. widows are permitted to marry again. when an irula dies, two kurumbas come to the village, and one shaves the head of the other. the shorn man is fed, and presented with a cloth, which he wraps round his head. this quaint ceremonial is supposed, in some way, to bring good luck to the departed. outside the house of the deceased, in which the corpse is kept till the time of the funeral, men and women dance to the music of the irula band. the dead are buried in a sitting posture, with the legs crossed tailorwise. each village has its own burial-ground. a circular pit is dug, from the lower end of which a chamber is excavated, in which the corpse, clad in its own clothes, jewelry, and a new cloth, is placed with a lamp and grain. the pit is then filled in, and the position of the grave marked by a stone. on the third day a sheep is said to be killed, and a feast held. the following description of an annual ceremony was given to me. a lamp and oil are purchased, and rice is cooked in the village. they are then taken to the shrine at the burial-ground, offered up on stones, on which some of the oil is poured, and puja is done. at the shrine, a pujari, with three white marks on the forehead, officiates. like the badaga devadari, the irula pujari at times becomes inspired by the god. writing concerning the kurumbas and irulas, mr. walhouse says [ ] that "after every death among them, they bring a long water-worn stone (devva kotta kallu), and put it into one of the old cromlechs sprinkled over the nilgiri plateau. some of the larger of these have been found piled up to the cap-stone with such pebbles, which must have been the work of generations. occasionally, too, the tribes mentioned make small cromlechs for burial purposes, and place the long water-worn pebbles in them." the following sub-divisions of the tribe have been described to me:--poongkaru, kudagar (people of coorg), kalkatti (those who tie stone), vellaka, devala, and koppilingam. of these, the first five are considered to be in the relation of brothers, so far as marriage is concerned, and do not intermarry. members of these five classes must marry into the koppilingam sub-division. at the census, , kasuva or kasuba was returned as a sub-caste. the word means workmen, in allusion to the abandonment of jungle life in favour of working on planters' estates, and elsewhere. it is recorded by harkness that "during the winter, or while they are wandering about the forests in search of food, driven by hunger, the families or parties separate from one another. on these occasions the women and young children are often left alone, and the mother, having no longer any nourishment for her infant, anticipates its final misery by burying it alive. the account here given was in every instance corroborated, and in such a manner as to leave no doubt in our minds of its correctness." the following notes are abstracted from my case-book. man, æt. . sometimes works on a coffee estate. at present engaged in the cultivation of grains, pumpkins, jak-fruit, and plantains. goes to the bazaar at mettupalaiyam to buy rice, salt, chillies, oil, etc. acquires agricultural implements from kotas, to whom he pays annual tribute in grains or money. wears brass earrings obtained from kotas in exchange for vegetables and fruit. wears turban and plain loin-cloth, wrapped round body and reaching below the knees. bag containing tobacco and betel slung over shoulder. skin very dark. woman, æt. . hair curly, tied in a bunch behind round a black cotton swab. wears a plain waist-cloth, and print body-cloth worn square across breasts and reaching below the knees. tattooed on forehead. a mass of glass bead necklaces. gold ornament in left nostril. brass ornament in lobe of each ear. eight brass bangles on right wrist; two brass and six glass bangles on left wrist. five brass rings on right first finger; four brass and one tin ring on right forefinger. woman, æt. . red cadjan (palm leaf) roll in dilated lobes of ears. brass and glass bead ornament in helix of right ear. brass ornament in left nostril. a number of bead necklets, one with young cowry shells pendent, another consisting of a heavy roll of black beads. the latter is very characteristic of irula female adornment. one steel bangle, eight brass bangles, and one chank-shell bangle on right wrist; three lead, six glass bangles, and one glass bead bangle on left wrist. one steel and one brass ring on left little finger. woman, æt. . wears loin-cloth only. breasts fully exposed. cap of badaga pattern on head. girl, æt. . lobe of each ear being dilated by a number of wooden sticks like matches. average stature . cm.; nasal index (max. ). irulas of chingleput, north and south arcot. the irulas, or villiyans (bowmen), who have settled in the town of chingleput, about fifty miles distant from madras, have attained to a higher degree of civilisation than the jungle irulas of the nilgiris, and are defined, in the census report, , as a semi-brahmanised forest tribe, who speak a corrupt tamil. in a note on the irulas, mackenzie writes as follows. [ ] "after the yuga pralayam (deluge, or change from one yuga to another) the villars or irulans, malayans, and vedans, supposed to be descendants of a rishi under the influence of a malignant curse, were living in the forests in a state of nature, though they have now taken to wearing some kind of covering--males putting on skins, and females stitched leaves. roots, wild fruits, and honey constitute their dietary, and cooked rice is always rejected, even when gratuitously offered. they have no clear ideas about god, though they offer rice (wild variety) to the goddess kanniamma. the legend runs that a rishi, mala rishi by name, seeing that these people were much bothered by wild beasts, took pity on them, and for a time lived with them. he mixed freely with their women, and as the result, several children were born, who were also molested by wild animals. to free them from these, the rishi advised them to do puja (worship) to kanniamma. several other rishis are also believed to have lived freely in their midst, and, as a result, several new castes arose, among which were the yanadis, who have come into towns, take food from other castes, eat cooked rice, and imitate the people amidst whom they happen to live." in which respects the irula is now following the example of the yanadi. many of the chingleput irulas are very dark-skinned, with narrow chests, thin bodies, and flabby muscles, reminding me, in their general aspect, of the yanadis of nellore. clothing is, in the men, reduced to a minimum--dhuti, and languti of dirty white cotton cloth, or a narrow strip of gaudy manchester piece-good. the hair is worn long and ragged, or shaved, with kudimi, in imitation of the higher classes. the moustache is slight, and the beard billy-goaty. some of the men are tattooed with a blue dot on the glabella, or vertical mid-frontal line. for ornaments they have a stick in the helix, or simple ornament in the ear-lobe. their chief source of livelihood is husking paddy (rice), but they also gather sticks for sale as firewood in return for pice, rice, and sour fermented rice gruel, which is kept by the higher classes for cattle. this gruel is also highly appreciated by the yanadis. while husking rice, they eat the bran, and, if not carefully watched, will steal as much of the rice as they can manage to secrete about themselves. as an addition to their plain dietary they catch field (jerboa) rats, which they dig out with long sticks, after they have been asphyxiated with smoke blown into their tunnels through a small hole in an earthen pot filled with dried leaves, which are set on fire. when the nest is dug out, they find material for a meat and vegetable curry in the dead rats, with the hoarded store of rice or other grain. they feast on the bodies of winged white-ants (termites), which they search with torch-lights at the time of their seasonal epidemic appearance. some years ago a theft occurred in my house at night, and it was proved by a plaster cast of a foot-print in the mud produced by a nocturnal shower that one of my gardeners, who did not live on the spot, had been on the prowl. the explanation was that he had been collecting as a food-stuff the carcases of the winged ants, which had that evening appeared in myriads. some irulas are herbalists, and are believed to have the powers of curing certain diseases, snake-poisoning, and the bites of rats and insects. occasionally the irulas collect the leaves of the banyan, butea frondosa, or lotus, for sale as food-platters, and they will eat the refuse food left on the platters by brahmans and other higher classes. they freely enter the houses of brahmans and non-brahman castes, and are not considered as carrying pollution. they have no fixed place of abode, which they often change. some live in low, palmyra-thatched huts of small dimensions; others under a tree, in an open place, in ruined buildings, or the street pials (verandah) of houses. their domestic utensils consist of a few pots, one or two winnows, scythes, a crow-bar, a piece of flint and steel for making fire, and a dirty bag for tobacco and betel. in making fire, an angular fragment of quartz is held against a small piece of pith, and dexterously struck with an iron implement so that the spark falls on the pith, which can be rapidly blown into a blaze. to keep the children warm in the so-called cold season (with a minimum of ° to °), they put their babies near the fire in pits dug in the ground. for marital purposes they recognise tribal sub-divisions in a very vague way. marriage is not a very impressive ceremonial. the bridegroom has to present new cloths to the bride, and his future father- and mother-in-law. the cloth given to the last-named is called the pal kuli (milk money) for having nursed the bride. marriage is celebrated on any day, except saturday. a very modest banquet, in proportion to their slender means, is held, and toddy provided, if the state of the finances will run to it. towards evening the bride and bridegroom stand in front of the house, and the latter ties the tali, which consists of a bead necklace with a round brass disc. in the case of a marriage which took place during my visit, the bride had been wearing her new bridal cloth for a month before the event. the irulas worship periodically kanniamma, their tribal deity, and mari, the general goddess of epidemic disease. the deity is represented by five pots arranged in the form of a square, with a single pot in the centre, filled with turmeric water. close to these a lamp is lighted, and raw rice, jaggery (crude sugar), rice flour, betel leaves and areca nuts are offered before it. mari is represented by a white rag flag dyed with turmeric, hoisted on a bamboo in an open space near their dwellings, to which fowls, sheep, and other cooked articles, are offered. the dead are buried lying flat on the face, with the head to the north, and the face turned towards the east. when the grave has been half filled in, they throw into it a prickly-pear (opuntia dillenii) shrub, and make a mound over it. around this they place a row or two of prickly-pear stems to keep off jackals. no monumental stone is placed over the grave. by means of the following table a comparison can be readily made between the stature and nasal index of the jungle sholagas and nilgiri irulas, and of the more civilised irulas of chingleput and uralis of coimbatore:-- ===================+==========+============+============+============ | stature, |nasal index,|nasal index,|nasal index, | average. | average. | maximum. | minimum. -------------------+----------+------------+------------+------------ sholagas | . | · | · | · irulas, nilgiris | · | · | | · irulas, chingleput | · | · | · | uralis | · | · | · | · ===================+==========+============+============+============ the table shows clearly that, while all the four tribes are of short and uniform stature, the nasal index, both as regards average, maximum and minimum, is higher in the sholagas and irulas of the nilgiri jungles than in the more domesticated irulas of chingleput and uralis. in brief, the two former, who have mingled less with the outside world, retain the archaic type of platyrhine nose to a greater extent than the two latter. the reduction of platyrhiny, as the result of civilisation and emergence from the jungle to the vicinity of towns, is still further brought out by the following figures relating to the two classes of irulas, and the kanikars of travancore, who still live a jungle life, and those who have removed to the outskirts of a populous town:-- ===========================+=============================== | nasal index. ---- |----------+----------+--------- | average. | maximum. | minimum. ---------------------------+----------+----------+--------- irulas, jungle | . | | . kanikars, jungle | . | | . kanikars, domesticated | . | . | . irulas, domesticated | . | . | ===========================+==========+==========+========= the irulas of north arcot are closely related to those of chingleput. concerning them, mr. h. a. stuart writes as follows. [ ] "many members of this forest tribe have taken to agriculture in the neighbouring villages, but the majority still keep to the hills, living upon roots and wild animals, and bartering forest produce for a few rags or a small quantity of grain. when opportunity offers, they indulge in cattle theft and robbery. they disclaim any connection with the yanadis, whom they hate. their aversion is such that they will not even allow a yanadi to see them eating. they offer worship to the sapta kannikais or seven virgins, whom they represent in the form of an earthenware oil-lamp, which they often place under the bandari (dodonoea viscosa ?), which is regarded by them as sacred. these lamps are made by ordinary village potters, who, however, are obliged to knead the clay with their hands, and not with their feet. sometimes they place these representatives of their goddess in caves, but, wherever they place them, no pariah or yanadi can be allowed to approach. the chief occasion of worship, as with the kurumbas and yanadis, is at the head-shaving ceremony of children. all children at these times, who are less than ten years old, are collected, and the maternal uncle of each cuts off one lock of hair, which is fastened to a ragi (ficus religiosa) bough. they rarely contract marriages, the voluntary association of men and women being terminable at the will of either. the more civilised, however, imitate the hindu cultivating castes by tying a gold bead, stuck on a thread, round the bride's neck, but the marriage tie thus formed is easily broken. they always bury their dead. some irulas are credited with supernatural powers, and are applied to by low sudras for advice. the ceremony is called suthi or rangam. the medium affects to be possessed by the goddess, and utters unmeaning sounds, being, they say, unconscious all the while. a few of his companions pretend to understand with difficulty the meaning of his words, and interpret them to the inquirer. the irulas never allow any sort of music during their ceremonies, nor will they wear shoes, or cover their body with more than the scantiest rag. even in the coldest and dampest weather, they prefer the warmth of a fire to that of a cumbly (blanket). they refuse even to cover an infant with a cloth, but dig a small hollow in the ground, and lay the newly-born babe in it upon a few leaves of the bandari." there are two classes of irulas in the north arcot district, of which one lives in towns and villages, and the other leads a jungle life. among the latter, as found near kuppam, there are two distinct divisions, called iswaran vagaira and dharmaraja. the former set up a stone beneath a temporary hut, and worship it by offering cooked rice and cocoanuts on unam (lettsomia elliptica) leaves. the god dharmaraja is represented by a vessel instead of a stone, and the offerings are placed in a basket. in the jungle section, a woman may marry her deceased husband's brother. the dead are buried face upwards, and three stones are set up over the grave. the irulas of south arcot, mr. francis writes, [ ] "are chiefly found about the gingee hills, talk a corrupt tamil, are very dark skinned, have very curly hair, never shave their heads, and never wear turbans or sandals. they dwell in scattered huts--never more than two or three in one place--which are little, round, thatched hovels, with a low doorway through which one can just crawl, built among the fields. they subsist by watching crops, baling water from wells, and, when times are hard, by crime of a mild kind. in villupuram and tirukkoyilur taluks, and round gingee, they commit burglaries in a mild and unscientific manner if the season is bad, and they are pressed by want, but, if the ground-nut crop is a good one, they behave themselves. they are perhaps the poorest and most miserable community in the district. only one or two of them own any land, and that is only dry land. they snare hares now and again, and collect the honey of the wild bees by letting themselves down the face of cliffs at night by ladders made of twisted creepers. some of them are prostitutes, and used to display their charms in a shameless manner at the chettipalaiyam market near gingee, decked out in quantities of cheap jewellery, and with their eyelids darkened in clumsy imitation of their sisters of the same profession in other castes. there is little ceremony at a wedding. the old men of the caste fix the auspicious day, the bridegroom brings a few presents, a pandal (booth) is made, a tali is tied, and there is a feast to the relations. the rites at births and deaths are equally simple. the dead are usually buried, lying face upwards, a stone and some thorns being placed over the grave to keep off jackals. on the eleventh day after the death, the eldest son ties a cloth round his head--a thing which is otherwise never worn--and a little rice is coloured with saffron (turmeric) and then thrown into water. this is called casting away the sin, and ill-luck would befall the eldest son if the ceremony were omitted. the irulans pay homage to almost all the gramadevatas (village deities), but probably the seven kannimars are their favourite deities." as already indicated, the irulas, like the yerukalas, indulge in soothsaying. the yerukala fortune-teller goes about with her basket, cowry shells, and rod, and will carry out the work of her profession anywhere, at any time, and any number of times in a day. the irula, on the contrary, remains at his home, and will only tell fortunes close to his hut, or near the hut where his gods are kept. in case of sickness, people of all classes come to consult the irula fortune-teller, whose occupation is known as kannimar varniththal. taking up his drum, he warms it over the fire, or exposes it to the heat of the sun. when it is sufficiently dry to vibrate to his satisfaction, kannimar is worshipped by breaking a cocoanut, and burning camphor and incense. closing his eyes, the irula beats the drum, and shakes his head about, while his wife, who stands near him, sprinkles turmeric water over him. after a few minutes, bells are tied to his right wrist. in about a quarter of an hour he begins to shiver, and breaks out in a profuse perspiration. this is a sure sign that he is possessed by kanniamman. his wife unties his kudumi (tuft of hair), the shaking of the head becomes more violent, he breathes rapidly, and hisses like a snake. his wife praises kannimar. gradually the man becomes calmer, and addresses those around him as if he were the goddess, saying, "oh! children. i have come down on my car, which is decorated with mango flowers, margosa and jasmine. you need fear nothing so long as i exist, and you worship me. this country will be prosperous, and the people will continue to be happy. ere long my precious car, immersed in the tank (pond) on the hill, will be taken out, and after that the country will become more prosperous," and so on. questions are generally put to the inspired man, not directly, but through his wife. occasionally, even when no client has come to consult him, the irula will take up his drum towards dusk, and chant the praises of kannimar, sometimes for hours at a stretch, with a crowd of irulas collected round him. the name shikari (hunter) is occasionally adopted as a synonym for irula. and, in south arcot, some irulas call themselves ten (honey) vanniyans or vana (forest) pallis. irula (darkness or night).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. irumpu (iron) kollan.--a sub-division of kollan. irunul (two strings).--a division of marans in travancore, in which the remarriage of widows is permitted. iruvu (black ant).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. isan (god).--a title of koliyan. iswaran vagaira.--a division of the irulas of north arcot. the name denotes that they belong to the iswara (siva) section. ite.--the itevandlu are a class of telugu jugglers and acrobats, who "exhibit shows, such as wrestling, climbing high posts, rope-walking, etc. the women, like dommara females, act as common prostitutes." [ ] itattara.--recorded, in the travancore census report, , as a sub-division of nayar. izhava.--the izhavans or ilavans, and tiyans, are the malayalam toddy-drawing castes of malabar, cochin and travancore. the etymology of the name izhavan is dealt with in the article on tiyans. for the following note on the izhavas of travancore, i am, when not otherwise recorded, indebted to mr. n. subramani aiyar. these people are known as izhavas in south and parts of central travancore, and chovas in parts of central and north travancore. they constitute per cent. of the total population of the state. izhava is said to mean those belonging to izham, a corruption of simhalam, one of the old names of ceylon. jaffna, in the north of that island, appears to have been specially known by the name of izham, and from this place the izhavas are believed to have originally proceeded to malabar. chova is supposed to be a corruption of sevaka, or servant. in some old boat songs current in malabar, it occurs in the less corrupt form of chevaka. according to a legend, a pandyan princess named alli married narasimha, a rajah of the carnatic. the royal couple migrated to ceylon, and there settled themselves as rulers. on the line becoming extinct, however, their relatives and adherents returned to the continent, where they were accorded only a very low position in society. it is said that they were the ancestors of the izhavas. in support of this theory, it is urged that, in south travancore, the izhavas are known by the title of mudaliyar, which is also the surname of a division of the vellalas at jaffna; that the vattis and mannans call them mudaliyars; and that the pulayas have ever been known to address them only as muttatampurans. but it may be well supposed that the title may have been conferred upon some families of the caste in consideration of meritorious services on behalf of the state. one of the chief occupations, in which the izhavas first engaged themselves, was undoubtedly the cultivation of palm trees. in the famous grant of a.d., it is distinctly mentioned that they had a headman of their guild, and their duty was planting up waste lands. they had two special privileges, known as the foot-rope right and ladder right, which clearly explain the nature of their early occupation. the syrian christians appear to have a tradition that the izhavas were invited to settle on the west coast at their suggestion. the izhavas are said to have brought to kerala a variety each of the areca palm, champak, and lime tree, to whose vernacular names the word izham is even to-day invariably prefixed. in the middle ages, they were largely employed as soldiers by the rulers of malabar. titles and privileges were distributed among these soldiers. canter visscher, writing about the rajah of ambalapuzha in the middle of the eighteenth century, [ ] observes that "the rajah of porkkad has not many nayars, in the place of whom he is served by chegos," and that "in times of civil war or rebellion, the chegos are bound to take up arms for their lawful sovereign." the panikkans of ambanat house in the ambalapuzha taluk were the leaders of the izhava force, and many powers and privileges were conferred upon this family by the chembakasseri (ambalapuzha) princes. even so late as the days of maharaja rama verma, who died in m.e., large numbers of izhavas were employed as soldiers of the state, if we may believe the account of friar bartolomeo, [ ] who is generally a very accurate writer. the south travancore izhavas used to divide themselves into two parties on the occasion of the onam festival, and fight at kaithamukku near trivandrum. any young man who did not attend this camp of exercise had a piece of wood tied as a wedding ornament round his neck, was led in procession thrice round the village, and transported to the sea-coast. the izhavas proper are divided into three sub-sections called pachchili, pandi, and malayalam. the pachchilis live in the tract of land called pachchalur in the neyyattinkara taluk between tiruvellam and kovalam. they are only a handful in number. the pandis are largely found in trivandrum and chirayinkil. most of them take the title of panikkan. the malayala izhavas are sub-divided into four exogamous groups or illams, named muttillam, madampi or pallichal, mayanatti, and chozhi. pallichal is a place in the neyyattinkara taluk, and mayannat in quilon. the members of the chozhi illam are believed to have been later settlers. there is another division of these izhavas called patikramams, based on a more or less geographical distinction. these are also four in number, and called pallikkattara, palattara, irunkulamgara, and tenganad, their social precedence being in this order. pallikkattara is in chirayinkil, palattara in quilon, irunkulamgara in trivandrum, and tenganad in neyyattinkara. the palattara section is the most orthodox, and rigorously preserves its endogamous character, though some of the titular dignitaries among the chovas of central travancore have found it possible to contract alliances with them. the divisions of the illam and patikkramam are absent among the chovas. among these, however, there is a division into sthani or melkudi, tanikudi, and kizhkudi, the first denoting the titular head, the second the ordinary class, and the third those under communal degradation. among the last are included the toddy-drawing families, vaduvans, and nadis. vaduvans are the slaves of the izhavas, and, in ancient days, could be regularly bought and sold by them. nadis live in kartikapalli and some other parts of central travancore. they are people who have been outcasted from the community for various offences by the headmen, and cannot enter the kitchen of the ordinary izhavas. they are served for ceremonial purposes not by the regular priests of the izhavas, but by a distinct outcaste sect like themselves, known as nadikuruppus. the izhavattis, who are the priests of the caste, form a distinct sect with special manners and customs. channan, a corruption of the tamil word, chanror or chiefmen, is the most important of the titles of the izhavas. this title was conferred upon distinguished members of the caste as a family honour by some of the ancient sovereigns of the country. panikkan comes next in rank, and is derived from pani, work. tantan, from danda meaning punishment or control, is a popular title in some parts. asan, from acharya, a teacher, is extremely common. the recipients of this honour were instructors in gymnastics and military exercises to nayar and izhava soldiers in bygone times, and even now ruins of old kalaris or exercise grounds attached to their houses are discernible in many places. some izhavas in south travancore appear to be honoured with the title of mudaliyar. many families were invested with similar honours by the ancient ruling houses of ambalapuzha, kayenkulam, and jayasimhanad (quilon). even now, some titles are conferred by the rajah of idappalli. the wives of these dignitaries are respectively known as channatti, panikkatti, etc. the houses of the izhavas resemble those of the nayars in form. each house is a group of buildings, the most substantial of which, known as the arappura, stands in the centre. on the left side is the vadakkettu or woman's apartment, including the kitchen. there is a court-yard in front of the arappura, and a little building called kizhakkettu enclosing it on the eastern side. houses invariably face the east. the main entrance stands a little to the south of the kizhakkettu, to the south of which again is the tozhuttu or cow-shed. these buildings, of course, are found only in rich houses, the poor satisfying themselves with an arappura, a vatakketu, and a tozhuttu. a tekketu is to be seen to the south of the arappura in some cases. this is erected mainly to perpetuate the memory of some deceased member of the family known for learning, piety, or bravery. a pitha or seat, a conch, a cane, and a small bag containing ashes, are secured within. it is kept scrupulously free from pollution, and worship is offered on fixed days to the ancestors. the tekketu is enclosed on all the three sides, except the east. this description of houses in south travancore, as far as trivandrum, applies also to buildings erected to the north as far as quilon, though tekketus are not so largely found as in the south. in some parts here, the southern room of the main buildings is consecrated to the memory of ancestors. in central travancore there are big kalaris to the south of the arappura in most of the ancient houses, and antique weapons and images of tutelary divinities are carefully preserved therein. in dress and ornament, the izhavas closely resemble the nayars. the tattu form of dress is not prevalent among izhava women. in the wearing of the cloth, the left side comes inside instead of the right in the case of south travancore izhava women, though this rule is not without its exceptions. in south travancore, the ornaments of women differ considerably from those of the north. here they wear the pampadam or tamil sudra women's ear ornament, and adorn the wrists with a pair of silver bangles. the nose ornaments mukkuthi and gnattu have only recently begun to be worn, and are not very popular in central and north travancore. this is a point in which izhavas may be said to differ from the south travancore nayar matrons. the ear ornament of elderly izhava women in north travancore is of an antique type called atukkam-samkhu-chakkravum. women in the rural parts wear a curious neck ornament called anti-minnu. of late, all ornaments of nayar women are being worn by fashionable izhava females. but izhava and nayar women can be distinguished by the tie of the hair lock, the izhava women usually bringing it to the centre of the forehead, while the nayars place it on one side, generally the left. tattooing was once prevalent in south travancore, but is gradually losing favour. it was never in vogue in north travancore. the izhavas eat both fish and flesh. rabbits, deer, pigs, sheep, porcupines, fowls, doves, guinea-fowls, peacocks, and owls are believed to make popular dishes. the sweetmeat called ariyunta, and the curry known as mutirakkary, are peculiar to the izhavas, and prepared best by them. the most important occupation of the izhavas till recently was the cultivation of palm trees, and the preparation of toddy and arrack. barbosa, writing in the sixteenth century, states that "their principal employment is to till the palm trees, and gather their fruits; and to carry everything for hire from one point to another, because they are not in the habit of transporting them with beasts of burden, as there are none; and they hew stone, and gain their livelihood by all kinds of labour. some of them bear the use of arms, and fight in the wars when it is necessary. they carry a staff in their hand of a fathom's length as a sign of their lineage." with the progress of culture and enlightenment, the occupation of extracting liquor from the cocoanut palm has ceased to be looked upon with favour, and such families as are now given to that pursuit have come to be regarded as a low division of the chovas. in some parts of travancore, the latter do not even enjoy the privilege of commensality with the other izhavas. agriculture is a prominent profession, and there are several wealthy and influential landlords in the community. there is also a fair percentage of agricultural labourers. a preliminary rite, called pozhutana sowing, is performed by farmers, who throw three handfuls of rice seed on a clay image representing ganesa, and pray that their fields may yield a good harvest. before the time of reaping, on an auspicious morning, a few sheaves are brought, and hung up in some prominent place in the house. this ceremony is known as nira, and is common to all hindu castes. at the end of it, the inmates of the house partake of puttari or new rice. there are a few other customary rites observed by agriculturists, viz.:-- ( ) metiyittu-varuka, or throwing the grains of the first sheaf upon another, and covering it with its straw, this being afterwards appropriated by the chief agricultural labourer present. ( ) koytu-pitichcha-katta-kotukkuka, or handing over the first sheaves of grain fastened together with strychnos nux-vomica leaves to the owner of the field, who is obliged to preserve them till the next harvest season. ( ) kotuti, or offering of oblations of a few grains dipped in toddy to the spirits of agricultural fields, the pulaya priest crying aloud 'poli, va, poli, va,' meaning literally may good harvest come. as manufacturers, the izhavas occupy a position in travancore. they produce several kinds of cloth, for local consumption in the main, and make mats, tiles, and ropes, with remarkable skill. they are also the chief lemon-grass oil distillers of travancore. in the professions of medicine and astrology, the izhavas have largely engaged themselves. while it must be confessed that many of them are utter strangers to culture, there are several who have received a sound education, especially in sanskrit. on the whole, the izhavas may be said to be one of the most industrious and prosperous communities on the west coast. the izhavas form a pious and orthodox hindu caste. though they cannot enter the inner court-yard of temples, they attend there in considerable numbers, and make their pious offerings. over several temples the travancore izhavas have a joint right with the nayars. in illustration, the shrines of saktikulamgara in karunagappali, and chettikulangara in mavelikara, may be mentioned. over these and other temples, the rights that have been enjoyed from time immemorial by certain izhava families are respected even at the present day. in most places, the izhavas have their own temples, with a member of their own or the izhavatti caste as priest. as no provision had been made in them for daily worship, there was no necessity in early times for the regular employment of priests. the deity usually worshipped was bhadrakali, who was believed to help them in their military undertakings. the offerings made to her involved animal sacrifices. the temples are generally low thatched buildings with a front porch, an enclosure wall, and a grove of trees. there are many instances, in which the enclosure wall is absent. the bhadrakali cult is gradually losing favour under the teaching of a vedantic scholar and religious reformer named nanan asan. in many central and south travancore shrines, images of subramania have been set up at his instance, and daily worship is offered by bachelor priests appointed by the castemen. an association for the social, material, and religious amelioration of the community, called narayana dharma paripalana yogam, has been started. its head-quarters is at aruvippuram in the nayyatinkara taluk. every morning, the sun is specially worshipped by the cultured class. in ancient times, the adoration of anchu tampurakkal or the five deities, now identified with the pandavas of the mahabharata, prevailed among these people. this worship is found among the pulayas also. at mayyanad in quilon, there is still an izhava temple dedicated to these five lords. women visit shrines on all mondays and fridays, with a view to worshipping gauri, the consort of siva. male izhavas devote the first and last days of a month, as also that on which the star of their nativity falls, to religious worship. the izhavas of central travancore pay homage to a spirit called kayalil daivam, or the deity of backwaters. when a village becomes infected with small-pox or cholera, offerings are made to the bhadrakali shrine in that locality. the most important offering goes by the name of kalam vaikkuka, or pot placing. a woman of the house of the local panikkan or chief member fasts, and, bearing a pot containing five nalis (a small measure) of paddy (unhusked rice), proceeds to all the other izhava houses in the village, accompanied by musical instruments. one woman from every house marches to the shrine with her offering of paddy and a chuckram (nearly half an anna). the priest receives the offerings, converts the paddy into rice, and, depositing a portion of it in each of the pots, hands them back to the votaries on the morning of the next day. another ceremony performed on such occasions is called desakuruti, when women fast, and, taking all the food-stuffs necessary, proceed to the temple. after the sacrifice of a goat and fowls by the priest, they make an offering of the food to the deity before dinner. tukkam, or suspension, is another propitiatory ceremony. a religious observance, known as mamachchirappu, finds favour with the izhavas of central travancore in the month of vrischikam (november-december). every izhava bathes in the evening, addresses the deities by their names for about an hour, and then makes an offering of tender cocoanuts, fruits, and fried grain. this takes place according to the convenience of each family from twelve to forty-one days. in connection with the tukkam ceremony, mr. l. k. anantha krishna aiyar writes as follows. [ ] "there are two kinds of hook-swinging, namely garuda (brahmini kite) and thoni (boat) tukkam. the ceremony is performed in fulfilment of a vow, to obtain some favour of the deity kali, before whose presence it is carried out. the performer of the ceremony should bathe early in the morning, and be in a state of preparation either for a year or for forty-one days by worshipping the deity bhagavati. he must strictly abstain from meat, all kinds of intoxicating liquors, and association with women. during the morning hours, the performer dresses himself in a garment tucked into the waist-band, rubs his body with oil, and is shampooed particularly on the back, a portion of the flesh in the middle of which is stretched for the insertion of a hook. he is also taught by his instructor to perform various feats called payitta. this he continues till the festival, when he has to swing in fulfilment of the vow. in kite swinging, a kind of car, resting on two axles provided with four wheels, is employed. on it, there is a horizontal beam resting on two vertical supports. a strong rope tied to a ring attached to the beam is connected with the hook which passes through the flesh of the back. over the beam there is a kutaram (tent), which is tastefully decorated. inside it, two or three persons can swing at a time. there is a different arrangement in some places. instead of the beam and the supports, there is a small pole, on which rests a horizontal beam provided with a metallic ring at one end. the beam acts as a lever, so that one end of it can be either raised or lowered, so as to give some rest to the swinger. the rope tied to the ring is connected with the hook and the waist-band. for boat swinging, the same kind of vehicle, without wheels, is in use. for kite swinging, the performer has his face painted green. he has to put on artificial lips and wings in imitation of those of the kite, and wears long locks of hair like those of an actor in a kathakali. as he swings, the car is taken three, five, seven, nine, or eleven times round the temple. in boat swinging, the car is likewise carried round the temple, with the swinger performing his feats, as in the case of kite swinging, to the accompaniment of music. he has to put on the same kind of dress, except the lips and wings. in pillayeduthutukkam, or swinging with a child in fulfilment of a vow, the child is taken to the temple by his parents, who pay to the temple authorities thirty-four chuckrams in travancore, and sixty-four puthans [ ] in cochin. the child is then handed over to the swinger, who carries the child as he swings. these performances are sometimes made at the expense of the temple, but more generally of persons who make the outlay in fulfilment of a vow. in the latter case, it costs as much as rs. for the kite swinger, but only rs. for the boat swinger. during the festival, they are fed in the temple, owing to their being in a state of vow. it is the nayars, kammalars, kuruppans, and izhavas, who perform the swinging in fulfilment of a vow. in the fight between the goddess kali and the demon darika, the latter was completely defeated, and the former, biting him on the back, drank his blood to gratify her feelings of animosity. hook-swinging symbolises this incident, and the bloodshed by the insertion of the hook through the flesh is intended as an offering to the goddess." of the hook-swinging ceremony as performed a few years ago at the kollangadu temple in travancore, an excellent account is given by the rev. t. knowles, [ ] from which the following précis has been compiled. in front of the temple was a booth containing the image of the goddess bhadrakali, a cruel deity, who is supposed to delight in blood. at a little distance was the car. the bottom part of this was very much like a lorry used when transporting large logs of timber by means of elephants. there were four solid wheels of thick timber, with a frame work, like a railway waggon on a small scale. to this were attached two thick cable ropes. joined to the sides of the car were two upright posts, about feet high, strengthened with stays and cross-pieces. on the top was a piece of thick timber with a hole in it, and the bottom rounded, which fitted into a cross-piece, and allowed the long beam on which the men were swung to move up or down. this beam was or feet long, and about inches in diameter. it was placed through the hole in the piece of timber on the top of the upright frame, and balanced in the middle like a huge see-saw. at one end of the hole was a covered canopy, and at the other long ropes were fastened, which trailed on the ground. the whole arrangement of the car was such that, by lowering one end of the long beam to the ground, and fastening a man to it, and then pulling down the other end by the ropes, the man could be raised into the air to a height of some feet or more. the whole car could then be dragged by the thick cable ropes round the temple. while the subject was being prepared for swinging, a mat was stretched above his head, partly to do him honour, partly to protect him from the sun. his head and neck were richly ornamented, and below he was bedecked with peacock's feathers, and clad in a loin-cloth, which would bear some, if not all the weight of his body. amid the firing of mortars, beating of tom-toms, the screeching of flutes, and the shouts of the crowd, the canopied end of the long beam was lowered, and the devotee, lying prone on the ground, was fastened to the beam by means of ropes passing under his arms and around his chest. to some of the ropes, hooks were fastened. the priests took hold of the fleshy part of the man's back, squeezed up the flesh, and put some four hooks at least through it. a rudely fashioned sword and shield were then given to the man, and he was swung up into the air, waving the sword and shield, and making convulsive movements. slowly the people dragged the car round the temple, a distance not quite as far as round st. paul's cathedral. some of the men were suspended while the car was dragged round three or four times. the next devotee was fastened in the same way to the beam, but, instead of a sword and shield, the priests gave him an infant in his arms, and devotee and infant were swung up in the air, and the car dragged round the temple as before. some children were brought forward, whose parents had made vows about them. the little ones were made to prostrate themselves before the image of kali. then the fleshy parts of their sides were pinched up, and some wires put through. this done, the wires were placed in the hands of the relatives, and the children were led round and round the temple, as though in leading strings. it is on record that, when the devotee has been specially zealous, the whole machine has been moved to a considerable distance while he was suspended from it, to the admiration of the gaping multitudes." in connection with the religion of the ilavars, the rev. s. mateer writes as follows. [ ] "demon worship, especially that of bhadrakali, a female demon described as a mixture of mischief and cruelty, is the customary cultus of the caste, with sacrifices and offerings and devil-dancing like the shanars. shastavu and virabhadran are also venerated, and the ghosts of ancestors. groves of trees stand near the temples, and serpent images are common, these creatures being accounted favourites of kali. they carry their superstitions and fear of the demons into every department and incident of life. in some temples and ceremonies, as at paroor, sarkarei, etc., they closely associate with the sudras. the ilavar temples are generally low, thatched buildings, with front porch, a good deal of wooden railing and carving about them, an enclosure wall, and a grove or a few trees, such as ficus religiosa, plumeria, and bassia. at the ilavar temple near chakki in the outskirts of trevandrum, the goddess bhadrakali is represented as a female seated on an image, having two wings, gilt and covered with serpents. twice a year, fowls and sheep are sacrificed by an ilavan priest, and offerings of grain, fruit, and flowers are presented. the side-piercing ceremony is also performed here. a temple at mangalattukonam, about ten miles south of trevandrum, at which i witnessed the celebration of the annual festival on the day following meena bharani, in march or april, may be taken as a fair example of the whole. in connection with this temple may be seen a peculiar wooden pillar and small shrine at the top, somewhat like a pigeon-house. this is called a tani maram, and is a kind of altar, or residence, for the demon madan, resembling the temporary shrines on sticks or platforms erected by the pulayars. on it are carvings of many-headed serpents, etc., and a projecting lamp for oil. for the festival, the ground around the temple was cleared of weeds, the outhouses and sheds decorated with flowers, and on the tani maram were placed two bunches of plantains, at its foot a number of devil-dancing sticks. close by were five or six framework shrines, constructed of soft palm leaves and pith of plantain tree, and ornamented with flowers. these were supposed to be the residence of some minor powers, and in them were placed, towards night, offerings of flowers, rice, plantains, cocoanuts, and blood. the ilavars who assemble for the festival wear the marks of siva, a dot and horizontal lines on the forehead, and three horizontal lines of yellow turmeric on the chest. they begin to gather at the temple from noon, and return home at night. the festival lasts for five days. some of the neighbouring sudras and shanars also attend, and some pulayars, who pay one chuckram for two shots of firework guns in fulfilment of their vows. offerings here are generally made in return for relief from sickness or trouble of some kind. the pujari, or priest, is an ilavan, who receives donations of money, rice, etc. a kind of mild hook-swinging ceremony is practised. on the occasion referred to, four boys, about fifteen or sixteen years of age, were brought. they must partly fast for five days previously on plain rice and vegetable curry, and are induced to consent to the operation, partly by superstitious fear, and partly by bribes. on the one hand they are threatened with worse danger if they do not fulfil the vows made by their parents to the devi (deity); on the other hand, if obedient, they receive presents of fine clothes and money. dressed in handsome cloths and turbans, and adorned with gold bracelets and armlets, and garlands of flowers, the poor boys are brought to present a little of their blood to the sanguinary goddess. three times they march round the temple; then an iron is run through the muscles of each side, and small rattans inserted through the wounds. four men seize the ends of the canes, and all go round in procession, with music and singing and clapping of hands, five or seven times, according to their endurance, till quite exhausted. the pujari now dresses in a red cloth, with tinsel border, like a brahman, takes the dancing-club in hand, and dances before the demon. cocks are sacrificed, water being first poured upon the head; when the bird shakes itself, the head is cut off, and the blood poured round the temple. rice is boiled in one of the sheds in a new pot, and taken home with the fowls by the people for a feast in the house. at mayanadu, the bhagavathi of the small temple belonging to the ilavars is regarded as the sister of the one worshipped in the larger temple used by the sudras, and served by a brahman priest; and the cars of the latter are brought annually to the ilavar's temple, and around it three times before returning to their own temple. at the ilavar's temple, the same night, the women boil rice in new earthen pots, and the men offer sheep and fowls in sacrifice. in further illustration of the strange superstitious practices of this tribe, two more incidents may be mentioned. an ilavatti, whose child was unwell, went to consult an astrologer, who informed her that the disease was caused by the spirit of the child's deceased grandmother. for its removal he would perform various incantations, for which he required the following, viz.:--water from seven wells, dung from five cowsheds, a larva of the myrmeleon, a crab, a frog, a green snake, a viral fish, parched rice, ada cake, cocoanut, chilly, and green palm leaves. an ilavan, who had for some time been under christian instruction, was led away by a brother, who informed him that, if he built a small temple for the worship of nina madan, and offered sacrifices, he should find a large copper vessel full of gold coins hid underground, and under the charge of this demon. the foolish man did so, but did not find a single cash. now the lying brother avers that the demon will not be satisfied unless a human sacrifice is offered, which, of course, is impossible." the headmen of the izhava caste are the channans and panikkans, invested with these titles by the sovereigns of this state who have been already referred to. the limits of their jurisdiction were generally fixed in the charters received from them by their rulers, and even to-day their authority remains supreme in all social matters. the priests, it may be noted, are only a minor class, having no judicial functions. chief among the offences against the caste rules may be mentioned non-observance of pollution, illicit connection, non-performance of the tali-kettu before the age of puberty, non-employment of the village barber and washerman, non-celebration of ceremonies in one's own village, and so on. the headman comes to know of these through the agency of the village barber or washerman, and also a class of secondary dignitaries known as kottilpattukar or naluvitanmar. in every village, there are four families, invested with this authority in olden times by the rulers of the state on payment of fifty-nine fanams to the royal treasury. they are believed to hold a fourth of the authority that pertains to the chieftain of the village. if, on enquiry, an offence is proved, a fine is imposed on the offender, which he is obliged to pay to the local shrine. if the offence is grave, a feast has to be given by him to the villagers. in cases of failure, the services of the village priest and washerman, and also the barber, are refused, and the culprit becomes ostracised from society. the headman has to be paid a sum of ten chuckrams on all occasions of ceremonies, and the naluvitanmar four chuckrams each. there is a movement in favour of educating the priests, and delegating some of the above powers to them. three forms of inheritance may be said to prevail among the izhavas of travancore, viz.: ( ) makkathayam (inheritance from father to son) in the extreme south; ( ) marumakkatayam (through the female line) in all taluks to the north of quilon; ( ) a mixture of the two between neyyatinkara and that taluk. according to the mixed mode, one's own children are not left absolutely destitute, but some portion of the property is given them for maintenance, in no case, however, exceeding a half. in families observing the marumakkatayam law, male and female heirs own equal rights. partition, though possible when all consent, rarely takes place in practice, the eldest male member holding in his hands the management of the whole property. in quilon and other places, the widow and her children are privileged to remain in her husband's house for full one year after his death, and enjoy all the property belonging to him. on the subject of inheritance, the rev. s. mateer writes as follows. "the nepotistic law of inheritance is, to a considerable extent, followed by this caste. those in the far south being more closely connected with the tamil people, their children inherit. amongst the ilavars in trevandrum district, a curious attempt is made to unite both systems of inheritance, half the property acquired by a man after his marriage, and during the lifetime of his wife, going to the issue of such marriage, and half to the man's nepotistic heirs. in a case decided by the sadr court, in , the daughter of an ilavan claimed her share in the movable and immovable property of her deceased father, and to have a sale made by him while alive declared null and void to the extent of her share. as there was another similar heir, the court awarded the claimant a half share, and to this extent the claim was invalidated. their rules are thus stated by g. kerala varman tirumulpad:--'if one marries and gives cloth to an ilavatti (female), and has issue, of the property acquired by him and her from the time of the union, one-tenth is deducted for the husband's labour or individual profit; of the remainder, half goes to the woman and her children, and half to the husband and his heirs (anandaravans). the property which an ilavan has inherited or earned before his marriage devolves solely to his anandaravans, not to his children. if an ilavatti has continued to live with her husband, and she has no issue, or her children die before obtaining any share of the property, when the husband dies possessing property earned by both, his heirs and she must mutually agree, or the castemen decide what is fair for her support; and the husband's heir takes the remainder.'" the marriage of izhava girls consists of two distinct rites, one before they attain puberty called tali-kettu, and the other generally after that period, but in some cases before, called sambandham. it is, however, necessary that the girl must have her tali tied before some one contracts sambandham with her. the tali-tier may be, but often is not, as among the nayars, the future husband of the girl. but, even for him, the relation will not be complete without a formal cloth presentation. the legitimate union for a person is with his maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter. generally there is a separate ceremony called grihapravesam, or entrance into the house of the bridegroom after sambandham. widows may contract alliances with other persons after the death of the first husband. in all cases, the izhava husband takes his wife home, and considers it infra dig. to stay in the house of his father-in-law. the method of celebrating the tali-kettu differs in different parts of travancore. the following is the form popular in central travancore. all the elderly members of the village assemble at the house of the girl, and fix a pillar of jack (artocarpus integrifolia) wood at the south-east corner. on the kaniyan (astrologer) being three times loudly consulted as to the auspiciousness of the house he gives an affirmative reply, and the guardian of the girl, receiving a silver ring from the goldsmith, hands it over to the vatti (priest), who ties it on the wooden post. the carpenter, kaniyan, and goldsmith receive some little presents. the next item in the programme is the preparation of the rice necessary for the marriage, and a quantity of paddy (unhusked rice) is brought by the girl to the pandal ground, and formally boiled in a pot. the pandal (booth) is generally erected on the south side of the house. the chartu, or a chit from the kaniyan, certifying the auspiciousness of the match and the suitable date for its formal adoption, is taken by the guardian and four machchampis or inangans to the headman of the latter. these machchampis are izhavas of the village, equal in status to the guardian of the girl. all the preliminary arrangements are now over, and, on the day previous to the marriage, the girl bathes, and, wearing the bleached cloths supplied by the mannan (washerman), worships the local deity, and awaits the arrival of the bridegroom. in the evening, the wife of the vatti applies oil to her hair, and after a bath the rite known as kalati begins, as a preliminary to which a thread passing through a silver ring is tied round her right wrist. kalati is recitation of various songs by the women of the village before the girl. this is followed by kanjiramala, or placing the girl before a line of carved wooden images, and songs by the vatti women. on the following day, the girl is introduced, at the auspicious hour, within the katirmandapa or raised platform decorated with sheaves of corn within the pandal. the minnu or marriage ornament, prepared by the goldsmith, is handed over to the priest, along with two cloths to be worn by the bride and bridegroom. a string is made of thread taken from these cloths, and the minnu attached to it. the mother-in-law of the bridegroom now stands ready at the gate, and, on his arrival, places a garland of flowers round his neck. the new cloths are then presented by the vatti and his wife to the bridegroom and bride respectively, after some tender cocoanut leaves, emblematic of the established occupation of the caste, are thrust into the bridegroom's waist by the headman of the village. in former days, a sword took the place of these leaves. the minnu is then tied round the neck of the bride, and all parties, including the parent or guardian, give presents to the bridegroom. the day's ceremony is then over, and the bridegroom remains at the house of the bride. the string is removed from the bride's wrist by the vatti on the fourth day, and the couple bathe. more than one girl may have the tali tied at the same time, provided that there are separate bridegrooms for them. only boys from the families of machchampis can become tali-tiers. the sambandham of north and central travancore differs from that of south travancore in some material respects. in the former, on the appointed day, the bridegroom, who is a different person from the tali-tier, accompanied by his relations and friends, arrives at the bride's house, and the guardian of the former offers a sum of money to the guardian of the latter. a suit of clothes, with ten chuckrams or ten rasis (coins), is presented by the bridegroom to the bride, who stands in a room within and receives it, being afterwards dressed by his sister. the money goes by right to her mother, and is known as ammayippanam. now comes the time for the departure of the bride to her husband's house, when she receives from her guardian a nut-cracker, lime-can, a dish filled with rice, and a mat. a red cloth is thrown over her head, and a few members accompany the party for some distance. in south travancore, the bridegroom is accompanied, besides others, by a companion, who asks in the midst of the assembly whether they assent to the proposed alliance, and, on their favourable reply, hands over a sum of money as an offering to the local shrine. another sum is given for the maintenance of the bride, and, in the presence of the guardian, a suit of clothes is given to her by the bridegroom. the wife is, as elsewhere, immediately taken to the husband's house. this is called kudivaippu, and corresponds to the grahapravesam celebrated by brahmans. the following account of marriage among the izhavas of malabar is given in the gazetteer of that district. "a girl may be married before puberty, but the consummation is not supposed to be effected till after puberty, though the girl may live with her husband at once. if the marriage is performed before puberty, the ceremony is apparently combined with the tali-kettu kalyanam. the bride is fetched from the devapura or family chapel with a silk veil over her head, and holding a betel leaf in her right hand in front of her face. she stands in the pandal on a plank, on which there is some rice. on her right stand four enangans of the bridegroom, and on her left four of her own. the elder of the bridegroom's enangans hands one of the bride's enangans a bundle containing the tali, a mundu and pava (cloths), some rice, betel leaves, and a coin called meymelkanam, which should be of gold and worth at least one rupee. all these are provided by the bridegroom. he next hands the tali to the bridegroom's sister, who ties it. after this, all the enangans scatter rice and flowers over the bride. in this caste, the claim of a man to the hand of his paternal aunt's daughter is recognised in the ceremony called padikkal tada (obstruction at the gate), which consists of a formal obstruction offered by eleven neighbours to the bride's removal, when she is not so related to her husband they are bought off by a fee of two fanams, and a packet of betel leaf. the girl is then taken to the bridegroom's house. if very young, she is chaperoned by a female relative. on the fourth day there is a feast at the bridegroom's house called nalam kalyanam and this concludes the ceremonies. marriage after puberty is called pudamari. the ceremonial is the same, but there is no padikkal tada." when an izhava girl reaches puberty, the occasion is one for a four days' religious ceremonial. on the first day, the vatti priestess anoints the girl with oil, and after a bath, dresses her in the cloth supplied by the mannatti (washerwoman). she is then laid on a broad wooden plank, and is supposed not to go out until she bathes on the fourth day. all the female relations of the family present her with sweetmeats. on the seventh day, she is again taken to and from the village tank (pond) with much éclat, and, on her return, she either treads on cloths spread on the floor, or is carried by an elderly woman. after this, she husks a quantity of paddy, and cooks the rice obtained thence. if this ceremony takes place at the house of a headman, the villagers present him with a vessel full of sugared rice. a two days' ceremonial, called pulikudi in north travancore, and vayattu pongala in the south, which corresponds to the pumsavana of brahmans, is observed at the seventh month of pregnancy. on the first day, at twilight in the evening, the pregnant woman, preceded by the priestess, proceeds to the foot of a tamarind tree on the southern side of the compound. arriving there, she receives a thread seven yards in length, to which a silver ring is attached at one end, and, by means of circumambulation, entwines the tree with the thread. if the thread is by chance or inadvertence broken during this process, the popular belief is that either the mother or the child will die soon. next day, the thread is unwound from the tree, and a handful of tamarind leaves is given to the woman by her husband. on re-entering the house, tamarind juice is poured through the hands of the husband into those of the wife, who drinks it. the priestess then pours a quantity of oil on the navel of the woman from a betel leaf, and, from the manner in which it flows down, it is believed that she is able to determine the sex of the unborn child. the woman has to lean against a cutting of an ambazham (spondias mangifera) tree while she is drinking the juice, and this cutting has to be planted in some part of the compound. if it does not grow properly, the adversity of the progeny is considered to be sealed. the husband is given a ring and other presents on this occasion. women bathe on the third, fifth, and nineteenth day after delivery, and wear the mattu or changed cloth of the mannatti, in order to be freed from pollution. the name-giving ceremony of the child takes place on the twenty-eighth day. it is decorated with a pair of iron anklets, and a ribbon passed through a few pieces of iron is tied round its waist. it is then held standing on a vessel filled with rice, and, its left ear being closed, a name is muttered by its guardian into the right ear. the first feeding ceremony is observed in the sixth month, when the iron ornaments are removed, and replaced by silver and gold ones. the ear-boring ceremony takes place at an auspicious hour on some day before the child attains its seventh year. in former times, only the eldest male member of a family was cremated, but no such restriction obtains at the present day. when a member of the community dies, three handfuls of rice are placed in the mouth of the corpse by the eldest heir after a bath, followed by the sons, nephews, and grandsons of the deceased. every relative throws an unbleached cloth over the corpse, after which it is taken to the burning-ground, where the pyre is lighted by the heir with a consecrated torch handed to him by the priest. a wooden plank is furnished by the carpenter, and an impression of the foot of the deceased smeared with sandal paste is made on it. the name, and date of the death of the deceased, are inscribed thereon, and it has to be carefully preserved in the house of the heir. the record refreshes his memory on occasions of sradh (memorial service), etc. when the cremation is half completed, the contents of a tender cocoanut are placed beside the head of the corpse as an offering, and prayers are muttered. a pot full of water is then borne by the chief mourner on his shoulder thrice round the corpse. as he does so, the priest pricks the pot thrice with an iron instrument. finally, the pot is broken on the pyre, and the chief mourner returns home without turning back and looking at the corpse. on the second day, an oblation of food (pinda) is offered to the departed. the inmates of the house are fed with conji (rice gruel) on this day by the relatives. the sanchayana, or collection of bones, takes place on the fifth day. pollution lasts for fifteen days in central and north travancore, but only for ten days in the south. there are some rites, not observed necessarily by all members of the caste, on the forty-first day, and at the end of the first year. persons who have died of contagious diseases, women who die after conception or on delivery, and children under five years of age, are buried. pollution is observed only for nine days when children die; and, in the case of men who die of contagious disease, a special group of ceremonies is performed by the sorcerer. those who are under pollution, besides being forbidden to enter shrines and other sanctuaries, may not read or write, or partake of liquor, butter, milk, ghi, dhal, or jaggery. j jada.--jada or jandra, meaning great men, has been recorded as a synonym of devanga and kurni. jaggali.--the jaggalis are defined, in the manual of the ganjam district, as uriya workers in leather in ganjam. it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "the traditional occupation of this caste was apparently leatherworking, but now it is engaged in cultivation and miscellaneous labour. its members speak both oriya and telugu. they admit outcastes from other communities to their ranks on payment of a small fee. marriage is either infant or adult, and widows and divorcées may remarry. satanis are employed as priests. they eat beef and pork, and drink alcohol. they bury their dead. in some places they work as syces (grooms), and in others as firewood-sellers and as labourers. patro and behara are their titles." it may, i think, be accepted that the jaggalis are telugu madigas, who have settled in ganjam, and learnt the oriya language. it is suggested that the name is derived from the oriya jagiba, watching, as some are village crop-watchers. jaikonda (lizard).--a sept of domb. jain.--"few," mr. t. a. gopinatha rao writes, [ ] "even among educated persons, are aware of the existence of jainas and jaina centres in southern india. the madras presidency discloses vestiges of jaina dominion almost everywhere, and on many a roadside a stone tirthankara, standing or sitting cross-legged, is a common enough sight. the present day interpretations of these images are the same all over the presidency. if the images are two, one represents a debtor and the other a creditor, both having met on the road, and waiting to get their accounts settled and cleared. if it is only one image, it represents a debtor paying penalty for not having squared up his accounts with his creditor." it is recorded, in the madras census report, , that "out of a total of , jains, as many as , have returned both caste and sub-division as jain. the remainder have returned sub-divisions, of which some, such as digambara and swetambara, are sectarian rather than caste divisions, but others like marvadi, osval, vellalan, etc., are distinct castes. and the returns also show that some jains have returned well-known castes as their main castes, for we have jain brahmans, kshatriyas, gaudas, vellalas, etc. the jain bants, however, have all returned jain as their main caste." at the madras census, , , jains were returned. though they are found in nearly every district of the madras presidency, they occur in the largest number in the following:-- south canara , north arcot , south arcot , at the mysore census, , , jains were returned. it is recorded in the report that "the digambaras and swetambaras are the two main divisions of the jain faith. the root of the word digambara means space clad or sky clad, i.e., nude, while swetambara means clad in white. the swetambaras are found more in northern india, and are represented but by a small number in mysore. the digambaras are said to live absolutely separated from society, and from all worldly ties. these are generally engaged in trade, selling mostly brass and copper vessels, and are scattered all over the country, the largest number of them being found in shimoga, mysore, and hassan districts. sravana belagola, in the hassan district, is a chief seat of the jains of the province. tirthankaras are the priests of the jain religion, and are also known as pitambaras. the jain yatis or clergy here belong to the digambara sect, and cover themselves with a yellow robe, and hence the name pithambara." the dasa banajigas of mysore style themselves jaina kshatriya ramanujas. in connection with the terms digambara and swetambara, it is noted by bühler [ ] that "digambara, that is those whose robe is the atmosphere, owe their name to the circumstance that they regard absolute nudity as the indispensable sign of holiness, though the advance of civilization has compelled them to depart from the practice of their theory. the swetambara, that is they who are clothed in white, do not claim this doctrine, but hold it as possible that the holy ones who clothe themselves may also attain the highest goal. they allow, however, that the founder of the jaina religion and his first disciples disdained to wear clothes." the most important jain settlement in southern india at the present day is at sravana belagola in mysore, where the jains are employed in the manufacture of metal vessels for domestic use. the town is situated at the base of two hills, on the summit of one of which, the indra betta, is the colossal statue of gomatesvara, gummatta, or gomata raya, [ ] concerning which mr. l. rice writes as follows. [ ] "the image is nude, and stands erect, facing the north. the figure has no support above the thighs. up to that point it is represented as surrounded by ant-hills, from which emerge serpents. a climbing plant twines itself round both legs and both arms, terminating at the upper part of the arm in a cluster of fruit or berries. the pedestal on which the feet stand is carved to represent an open lotus. the hair is in spiral ringlets, flat to the head, as usual in jain images, and the lobe of the ears lengthened down with a large rectangular hole. the extreme height of the figure may be stated at feet, though higher estimates have been given-- feet inches by sir arthur wellesley (afterwards duke of wellington), and feet inches by buchanan." of this figure, fergusson writes [ ] that nothing grander or more imposing exists anywhere out of egypt, and even there no known statue surpasses it in height, though, it must be confessed, they do excel it in the perfection of art they exhibit." other colossal statues of gummata are situated on the summit of hills outside the towns of karkal and venur or yenur in south canara. concerning the former, dr. e. hultzsch writes as follows. [ ] "it is a monolith consisting of the figure itself, of a slab against which it leans, and which reaches up to the wrists, and of a round pedestal which is sunk into a thousand-petalled lotus flower. the legs and arms of the figure are entwined with vines (drâkshâ). on both sides of the feet, a number of snakes are cut out of the slab against which the image leans. two inscriptions [ ] on the sides of the same slab state that this image of bahubalin or gummata jinapati was set up by a chief named vîra-pândya, the son of bhairava, in a.d. - . an inscription of the same chief is engraved on a graceful stone pillar in front of the outer gateway. this pillar bears a seated figure of brahmadêva, a chief of pattipombuchcha, the modern humcha in mysore, who, like vîra-pândya, belonged to the family of jinadatta, built the chaturmukha basti in a.d. - . as its name (chaturmukha, the four-faced) implies, this temple has four doors, each of which opens on three black stone figures of the three tirthankaras ari, malli, and munisuvrata. each of the figures has a golden aureole over the head." according to a legend recorded by mr. m. j. walhouse, [ ] the karkal statue, when finished, was raised on to a train of twenty iron carts furnished with steel wheels, on each of which ten thousand propitiatory cocoanuts were broken and covered with an infinity of cotton. it was then drawn by legions of worshippers up an inclined plane to the platform on the hill-top where it now stands. the legend of kalkuda, who is said to have made the colossal statue at "belgula," is narrated at length by mr. a. c. burnell. [ ] told briefly, the story is as follows. kalkuda made a gummata two cubits higher than at belur. bairanasuda, king of karkal, sent for him to work in his kingdom. he made the gummatasami. although five thousand people were collected together, they were not able to raise the statue. kalkuda put his left hand under it, and raised it, and set it upright on a base. he then said to the king "give me my pay, and the present that you have to give to me. it is twelve years since i left my house, and came here." but the king said "i will not let kalkuda, who has worked in my kingdom, work in another country," and cut off his left hand and right leg. kalkuda then went to timmanajila, king of yenur, and made a gummata two cubits higher than that at karkal. in connection with the figure at sravana belagola, fergusson suggests [ ] that the hill had a mass or tor standing on its summit, which the jains fashioned into a statue. the high priest of the jain basti at karkal in gave as his name lalitha kirthi bhattaraka pattacharya variya jiyaswamigalu. his full-dress consisted of a red and gold-embroidered benares body-cloth, red and gold turban, and, as a badge of office, a brush of peacock's feathers mounted in a gold handle, carried in his hand. on ordinary occasions, he carried a similar brush mounted in a silver handle. the abhishekam ceremony is performed at karkal at intervals of many years. a scaffold is erected, and over the colossal statue are poured water, milk, flowers, cocoanuts, sugar, jaggery, sugar-candy, gold and silver flowers, fried rice, beans, gram, sandal paste, nine kinds of precious stones, etc. concerning the statue at yenur, mr. walhouse writes [ ] that "it is lower than the kârkala statue ( - / feet), apparently by three or four feet. it resembles its brother colossi in all essential particulars, but has the special peculiarity of the cheeks being dimpled with a deep grave smile. the salient characteristics of all these colossi are the broad square shoulders, and the thickness and remarkable length of the arms, the tips of the fingers, like rob roy's, nearly reaching the knees. [one of sir thomas munro's good qualities was that, like rama, his arms reached to his knees or, in other words, he possessed the quality of an ajanubahu, which is the heritage of kings, or those who have blue blood in them.] like the others, this statue has the lotus enwreathing the legs and arms, or, as dr. burnell suggests, it may be jungle creepers, typical of wrapt meditation. [there is a legend that bahubalin was so absorbed in meditation in a forest that climbing plants grew over him.] a triple-headed cobra rises up under each hand, and there are others lower down." "the village of mudabidure in the south canara district," dr. hultzsch writes, "is the seat of a jaina high priest, who bears the title chârukirti-panditâchârya-svâmin. he resides in a matha, which is known to contain a large library of jaina manuscripts. there are no less than sixteen jaina temples (basti) at mûdabidure. several of them are elaborate buildings with massive stone roofs, and are surrounded by laterite enclosures. a special feature of this style of architecture is a lofty monolithic column called mânastambha, which is set up in front of seven of the bastis. in two of them a flagstaff (dhvajastambha), which consists of wood covered with copper, is placed between the mânastambha and the shrine. six of them are called settarabasti, and accordingly must have been built by jaina merchants (setti). the sixteen bastis are dedicated to the following tîrthankaras:--chandranatha or chandraprabha, nêminâtha, pârsvanâtha, Âdinâtha, mallinâtha, padmaprabha, anantanâtha, vardhamâna, and sântinâtha. in two of these bastis are separate shrines dedicated to all the tîrthankaras, and in another basti the shrines of two yakshis. the largest and finest is the hosabasti, i.e., the new temple, which is dedicated to chandranâtha, and was built in a.d. - . it possesses a double enclosure, a very high mânastambha, and a sculptured gateway. the uppermost storey of the temple consists of wood-work. the temple is composed of the shrine (garbagriha), and three rooms in front of it, viz., the tîrthakaramandapa, the gaddigemandapa, and the chitramandapa. in front of the last-mentioned mandapa is a separate building called bhairâdêvimandapa, which was built in a.d. - . round its base runs a band of sculptures, among which the figure of a giraffe deserves to be noted. the idol in the dark innermost shrine is said to consist of five metals (pancha-lôha), among which silver predominates. the basti next in importance is the gurugalabasti, where two ancient talipot (srîtâlam) copies of the jaina siddhânta are preserved in a box with three locks, the keys of which are in charge of three different persons. the minor bastis contain three rooms, viz., the garbhagriha, the tîrthakaramandapa, and the namaskâramandapa. one of the sights of mûdabidire is the ruined palace of the chautar, a local chief who follows the jaina creed, and is in receipt of a pension from the government. the principal objects of interest at the palace are a few nicely-carved wooden pillars. two of them bear representations of the pancha-nârîturaga, i.e., the horse composed of five women, and the nava-nârî-kunjara, i.e., the elephant composed of nine women. these are fantastic animals, which are formed by the bodies of a number of shepherdesses for the amusement of their lord krishna. the jains are divided into two classes, viz., priests (indra) and laymen (srivaka). the former consider themselves as brâhmanas by caste. all the jainas wear the sacred thread. the priests dine with the laymen, but do not intermarry with them. the former practice the makkalasantâna, i.e., the inheritance through sons, and the latter aliya-santâna, i.e., the inheritance through nephews. the jainas are careful to avoid pollution from contact with outcastes, who have to get out of their way in the road, as i noticed myself. a jaina marriage procession, which i saw passing, was accompanied by hindu dancing-girls. near the western end of the street in which most of the jainas live, a curious spectacle presents itself. from a number of high trees, thousands of flying foxes (fruit-bat, pteropus medius) are suspended. they have evidently selected the spot as a residence, because they are aware that the jainas, in pursuance of one of the chief tenets of their religion, do not harm any animals. following the same street further west, the jaina burial-ground is approached. it contains a large ruined tank with laterite steps, and a number of tombs of wealthy jain merchants. these tombs are pyramidal structures of several storeys, and are surmounted by a water-pot (kalasa) of stone. four of the tombs bear short epitaphs. the jainas cremate their dead, placing the corpse on a stone in order to avoid taking the life of any stray insect during the process." in their ceremonials, e.g., marriage rites, the jains of south canara closely follow the bants. they are worshippers of bhuthas (devils), and, in some houses, a room called padoli is set apart, in which the bhutha is kept. when they make vows, animals are not killed, but they offer metal images of fowls, goats, or pigs. of the jains of the north arcot district, mr. h. a. stuart writes [ ] that "more than half of them are found in the wandiwash taluk, and the rest in arcot and polur. their existence in this neighbourhood is accounted for by the fact that a jain dynasty reigned for many years in conjeeveram. they must at one time have been very numerous, as their temples and sculptures are found in very many places, from which they themselves have now disappeared. they have most of the brahman ceremonies, and wear the sacred thread, but look down upon brahmans as degenerate followers of an originally pure faith. for this reason they object generally to accepting ghee (clarified butter) or jaggery (crude sugar), etc., from any but those of their own caste. they are defiled by entering a pariah village, and have to purify themselves by bathing and assuming a new thread. the usual caste affix is nainar, but a few, generally strangers from other districts, are called rao, chetti, das, or mudaliyar. at pillapalaiyam, a suburb of conjeeveram in the chingleput district, is a jain temple of considerable artistic beauty. it is noted by sir m. e. grant duff [ ] that this is "left unfinished, as it would seem, by the original builders, and adapted later to the shivite worship. now it is abandoned by all its worshippers, but on its front stands the census number -a--emblematic of the new order of things." concerning the jains of the south arcot district, mr. w. francis writes [ ] that "there is no doubt that in ancient days the jain faith was powerful in this district. the periya puranam says that there was once a jain monastery and college at pataliputra, the old name for the modern tirupapuliyur, and remains of jain images and sculptures are comparatively common in the district. the influence of the religion doubtless waned in consequence of the great saivite revival, which took place in the early centuries of the present era, and the periya puranam gives a story in connection therewith, which is of local interest. it says that the saivite poet-saint appar was at one time a student in the jain college at pataliputra, but was converted to saivism in consequence of the prayers of his sister, who was a devotee of the deity in the temple at tiruvadi near panruti. the local king was a jain, and was at first enraged with appar for his fervent support of his new faith. but eventually he was himself induced by appar to become a saivite, and he then turned the paliputra monastery into a temple to siva, and ordered the extirpation of all jains. later on there was a jain revival, but this in its turn was followed by another persecution of the adherents of that faith. the following story connected with this latter occurs in one of the mackenzie manuscripts, and is supported by existing tradition. in a.d., the ruler of gingee was one venkatampettai, venkatapati, [ ] who belonged to the comparatively low caste of the kavarais. he asked the local brahmans to give him one of their daughters to wife. they said that, if the jains would do so, they would follow suit. venkatapati told the jains of this answer, and asked for one of their girls as a bride. they took counsel among themselves how they might avoid the disgrace of connecting themselves by marriage with a man of such a caste, and at last pretended to agree to the king's proposal, and said that the daughter of a certain prominent jain would be given him. on the day fixed for the marriage, venkatapati went in state to the girl's house for the ceremony, but found it deserted and empty, except for a bitch tied to one of the posts of the verandah. furious at the insult, he issued orders to behead all jains. some of the faith were accordingly decapitated, others fled, others again were forced to practice their rites secretly, and yet others became saivites to escape death. not long afterwards, some of the king's officers saw a jain named virasenacharya performing the rites peculiar to his faith in a well in velur near tindivanam, and hauled him before their master. the latter, however, had just had a child born to him, was in a good temper, and let the accused go free; and virasenacharya, sobered by his narrow escape from death, resolved to become an ascetic, went to sravana belgola, and there studied the holy books of the jain religion. meanwhile another jain of the gingee country, gangayya udaiyar of tayanur in the tindivanam taluk, had fled to the protection of the zamindar of udaiyarpalaiyam in trichinopoly, who befriended him and gave him some land. thus assured of protection, he went to sravana belgola, fetched back virasenacharya, and with him made a tour through the gingee country, to call upon the jains who remained there to return to their ancient faith. these people had mostly become saivites, taken off their sacred threads and put holy ashes on their foreheads, and the name nirpusi vellalas, or the vellalas who put on holy ash, is still retained. the mission was successful, and jainism revived. virasenacharya eventually died at velur, and there, it is said, is kept in a temple a metal image of parsvanatha, one of the twenty-four tirthankaras, which he brought from sravana belgola. the descendants of gangayya udaiyar still live in tayanur, and, in memory of the services of their ancestor to the jain cause, they are given the first betel and leaf on festive occasions, and have a leading voice in the election of the high-priest at sittamur in the tindivanam taluk. this high-priest, who is called mahadhipati, is elected by representatives from the chief jain villages. these are, in tindivanam taluk, sittamur itself, viranamur, vilukkam, peramandur, alagramam, and the velur and tayanur already mentioned. the high-priest has supreme authority over all jains south of madras, but not over those in mysore or south canara, with whom the south arcot community have no relations. he travels round in a palanquin with a suite of followers to the chief centres--his expenses being paid by the communities he visits--settles caste disputes, and fines, and excommunicates the erring. his control over his people is still very real, and is in strong contrast to the waning authority of many of the hindu gurus. the jain community now holds a high position in tindivanam taluk, and includes wealthy traders and some of quite the most intelligent agriculturists there. the men use the title of nayinar or udaiyar, but their relations in kumbakonam and elsewhere in that direction sometimes call themselves chetti or mudaliyar. the women are great hands at weaving mats from the leaves of the date-palm. the men, except that they wear the thread, and paint on their foreheads a sect-mark which is like the ordinary vaishnavite mark, but square instead of semi-circular at the bottom, and having a dot instead of a red streak in the middle, in general appearance resemble vellalas. they are usually clean shaved. the women dress like vellalas, and wear the same kind of tali (marriage emblem) and other jewellery. the south arcot jains all belong to the digambara sect, and the images in their temples of the twenty-four tirthankaras are accordingly without clothing. these temples, the chief of which are those at tirunirankonrai [ ] and sittamur, are not markedly different in external appearance from hindu shrines, but within these are images of some of the tirthankaras, made of stone or of painted clay, instead of representations of the hindu deities. the jain rites of public worship much resemble those of the brahmans. there is the same bathing of the god with sacred oblations, sandal, and so on; the same lighting and waving of lamps, and burning of camphor; and the same breaking of cocoanuts, playing of music, and reciting of sacred verses. these ceremonies are performed by members of the archaka or priest class. the daily private worship in the houses is done by the laymen themselves before a small image of one of the tirthankaras, and daily ceremonies resembling those of the brahmans, such as the pronouncing of the sacred mantram at daybreak, and the recital of forms of prayer thrice daily, are observed. the jains believe in the doctrine of re-births, and hold that the end of all is nirvana. they keep the sivaratri and dipavali feasts, but say that they do so, not for the reasons which lead hindus to revere these dates, but because on them the first and the last of the twenty-four tirthankaras attained beatitude. similarly they observe pongal and the ayudha puja day. they adhere closely to the injunctions of their faith prohibiting the taking of life, and, to guard themselves from unwittingly infringing them, they do not eat or drink at night lest they might thereby destroy small insects which had got unseen into their food. for the same reason, they filter through a cloth all milk or water which they use, eat only curds, ghee and oil which they have made themselves with due precautions against the taking of insect life, or known to have been similarly made by other jains, and even avoid the use of shell chunam (lime). the vedakkarans (shikari or hunting caste) trade on these scruples by catching small birds, bringing them to jain houses, and demanding money to spare their lives. the jains have four sub-divisions, namely, the ordinary laymen, and three priestly classes. of the latter, the most numerous are the archakas (or vadyars). they do the worship in the temples. an ordinary layman cannot become an archaka; it is a class apart. an archaka can, however, rise to the next higher of the priestly classes, and become what is called an annam or annuvriti, a kind of monk who is allowed to marry, but has to live according to certain special rules of conduct. these annams can again rise to the highest of the three classes, and become nirvanis or munis, monks who lead a celibate life apart from the world. there is also a sisterhood of nuns, called aryanganais, who are sometimes maidens, and sometimes women who have left their husbands, but must in either case take a vow of chastity. the monks shave their heads, and dress in red; the nuns similarly shave, but wear white. both of them carry as marks of their condition a brass vessel and a bunch of peacock's feathers, with which latter they sweep clean any place on which they sit down, lest any insect should be there. to both classes the other jains make namaskaram (respectful salutation) when they meet them, and both are maintained at the cost of the rest of the community. the laymen among the jains will not intermarry, though they will dine with the archakas, and these latter consequently have the greatest trouble in procuring brides for their sons, and often pay rs. or rs. to secure a suitable match. otherwise there are no marriage sub-divisions among the community, all jains south of madras freely intermarrying. marriage takes place either before or after puberty. widows are not allowed to remarry, but are not required to shave their heads until they are middle-aged. the dead are burnt, and the death pollution lasts for twelve days, after which period purification is performed, and the parties must go to the temple. jains will not eat with hindus. their domestic ceremonies, such as those of birth, marriage, death and so on resemble generally those of the brahmans. a curious difference is that, though the girls never wear the thread, they are taught the thread-wearing mantram, amid all the ceremonies usual in the case of boys, when they are about eight years old." it is recorded, in the report on epigraphy, - , that at eyil in the south arcot district the jains asked the collector for permission to use the stones of the siva temple for repairing their own. the collector called upon the hindus to put the siva temple in order within a year, on pain of its being treated as an escheat. near the town of madura is a large isolated mass of naked rock, which is known as anaimalai (elephant hill). "the madura sthala purana says it is a petrified elephant. the jains of conjeeveram, says this chronicle, tried to convert the saivite people of madura to the jain faith. finding the task difficult, they had recourse to magic. they dug a great pit ten miles long, performed a sacrifice thereon, and thus caused a huge elephant to arise from it. this beast they sent against madura. it advanced towards the town, shaking the whole earth at every step, with the jains marching close behind it. but the pandya king invoked the aid of siva, and the god arose and slew the elephant with his arrow at the spot where it now lies petrified." [ ] in connection with the long barren rock near madura called nagamalai (snake hill), "local legends declare that it is the remains of a huge serpent, brought into existence by the magic arts of the jains, which was only prevented by the grace of siva from devouring the fervently saivite city it so nearly approaches." [ ] two miles south of madura is a small hill of rock named pasumalai. "the name means cow hill, and the legend in the madura sthala purana says that the jains, being defeated in their attempt to destroy madura by means of the serpent which was turned into the nagamalai, resorted to more magic, and evolved a demon in the form of an enormous cow. they selected this particular shape for their demon, because they thought that no one would dare kill so sacred an animal. siva, however, directed the bull which is his vehicle to increase vastly in size, and go to meet the cow. the cow, seeing him, died of love, and was turned into this hill." on the wall of the mantapam of the golden lotus tank (pothamarai) of the minakshi temple at madura is a series of frescoes illustrating the persecution of the jains. for the following account thereof, i am indebted to mr. k. v. subramania aiyar. sri gnana sammandha swami, who was an avatar or incarnation of subramaniya, the son of siva, was the foremost of the sixty-three canonised saints of the saivaite religion, and a famous champion thereof. he was sent into the world by siva to put down the growing prevalence of the jaina heresy, and to re-establish the saivite faith in southern india. he entered on the execution of his earthly mission at the age of three, when he was suckled with the milk of spirituality by parvati, siva's consort. he manifested himself first at the holy place shiyali in the present tanjore district to a brahman devotee named sivapathabja hirthaya and his wife, who were afterwards reputed to be his parents. during the next thirteen years, he composed about sixteen thousand thevaram (psalms) in praise of the presiding deity at the various temples which he visited, and performed miracles. wherever he went, he preached the saiva philosophy, and made converts. at this time, a certain koon (hunch-back) pandyan was ruling over the madura country, where, as elsewhere, jainism had asserted its influence, and he and all his subjects had become converts to the new faith. the queen and the prime-minister, however, were secret adherents to the cult of siva, whose temple was deserted and closed. they secretly invited sri gnana sammandha to the capital, in the hope that he might help in extirpating the followers of the obnoxious jain religion. he accordingly arrived with thousands of followers, and took up his abode in a mutt or monastery on the north side of the vaigai river. when the jain priests, who were eight thousand in number, found this out, they set fire to his residence with a view to destroying him. his disciples, however, extinguished the flames. the saint, resenting the complicity of the king in the plot, willed that the fire should turn on him, and burn him in the form of a virulent fever. all the endeavours of the jain priests to cure him with medicines and incantations failed. the queen and the prime-minister impressed on the royal patient the virtues of the saiva saint, and procured his admission into the palace. when sammandha swami offered to cure the king by simply throwing sacred ashes on him, the jain priests who were present contended that they must still be given a chance. so it was mutually agreed between them that each party should undertake to cure half the body of the patient. the half allotted to sammandha was at once cured, while the fever raged with redoubled severity in the other half. the king accordingly requested sammandha to treat the rest of his body, and ordered the jaina priests to withdraw from his presence. the touch of sammandha's hand, when rubbing the sacred ashes over him, cured not only the fever, but also the hunched back. the king now looked so graceful that he was thenceforward called sundara (beautiful) pandyan. he was re-converted to saivism, the doors of the siva temple were re-opened, and the worship of siva therein was restored. the jain priests, not satisfied with their discomfiture, offered to establish the merits of their religion in other ways. they suggested that each party should throw the cadjan (palm-leaf) books containing the doctrines of their respective religions into a big fire, and that the party whose books were burnt to ashes should be considered defeated. the saint acceding to the proposal, the books were thrown into the fire, with the result that those flung by sammandha were uninjured, while no trace of the jain books remained. still not satisfied, the jains proposed that the religious books of both parties should be cast into the flooded vaigai river, and that the party whose books travelled against the current should be regarded as victorious. the jains promised sammandha that, if they failed in this trial, they would become his slaves, and serve him in any manner he pleased. but sammandha replied: "we have already got sixteen thousand disciples to serve us. you have profaned the name of the supreme siva, and committed sacrilege by your aversion to the use of his emblems, such as sacred ashes and beads. so your punishment should be commensurate with your vile deeds." confident of success, the jains offered to be impaled on stakes if they lost. the trial took place, and the books of the saivites travelled up stream. sammandha then gave the jains a chance of escape by embracing the saiva faith, to which some of them became converts. the number thereof was so great that the available supply of sacred ashes was exhausted. such of the jains as remained unconverted were impaled on stakes resembling a sula or trident. it may be noted that, in the mahabharata, rishi mandaviar is said to have been impaled on a stake on a false charge of theft. and ramanuja, the guru of the vaishnavites, is also said to have impaled heretics on stakes in the mysore province. the events recorded in the narrative of sammandha and the jains are gone through at five of the twelve annual festivals at the madura temple. on these occasions, which are known as impaling festival days, an image representing a jain impaled on a stake is carried in procession. according to a tradition the villages of mela kilavu and kil kilavu near solavandan are so named because the stakes (kilavu) planted for the destruction of the jains in the time of tirugnana extended so far from the town of madura. for details of the literature relating to the jains, i would refer the reader to a. guérinot's 'essai de bibliographie jaina,' annales du musée guimet, paris, . jain vaisya.--the name assumed by a small colony of "banians," who have settled in native cochin. they are said [ ] to frequent the kalli (stone) pagoda in the kannuthnad taluk of north travancore, and believe that he who proceeds thither a sufficiently large number of times obtains salvation. of recent years, a figure of brahma is said to have sprung up of itself on the top of the rock, on which the pagoda is situated. jakkula.--described [ ] as an inferior class of prostitutes, mostly of the balija caste; and as wizards and a dancing and theatrical caste. at tenali, in the kistna district, it was customary for each family to give up one girl for prostitution. she was "married" to any chance comer for one night with the usual ceremonies. under the influence of social reform, the members of the caste, in , entered into a written agreement to give up the practice. a family went back on this, so the head of the caste prosecuted the family and the "husband" for disposing of a minor for the purpose of prostitution. the records state that it was resolved, in , that they should not keep the females as girls, but should marry them before they attain puberty. "as the deeds of the said girls not only brought discredit on all of us, but their association gives our married women also an opportunity to contract bad habits, and, as all of our castemen thought it good to give up henceforth the custom of leaving girls unmarried now in vogue, all of us convened a public meeting in the tenali village, considered carefully the pros and cons, and entered into the agreement herein mentioned. if any person among us fail to marry the girls in the families before puberty, the managing members of the families of the girls concerned should pay rs. to the three persons whom we have selected as the headmen of our caste, as penalty for acting in contravention of this agreement. if any person does not pay the headmen of the caste the penalty, the headmen are authorised to recover the amount through court. we must abstain from taking meals, living, or intermarriage with such of the families as do not now join with us in this agreement, and continue to keep girls unmarried. we must not take meals or intermarry with those that are now included in this agreement, but who hereafter act in contravention of it. if any of us act in contravention of the terms of the two last paragraphs, we should pay a penalty of rs. to the headmen." jalagadugu.--defined, by mr. c. p. brown, [ ] as "a caste of gold-finders, who search for gold in drains, and in the sweepings of goldsmiths' shops." a modest livelihood is also obtained, in some places, by extracting gold from the bed of rivers or nullahs (water-courses). the name is derived from jala, water, gadugu, wash. the equivalent jalakara is recorded, in the bellary gazetteer, as a sub-division of kabbera. in the city of madras, gold-washers are to be found working in the foul side drains in front of jewellers' shops. the health officer to the corporation informs me that he often chases them, and breaks their pots for obstructing public drains in their hunt for pieces of gold and other metals. for the following note on the gold-washers of madras, i am indebted to dr. k. t. mathew: "this industry is carried on in the city by the oddars, and was practically monopolised by them till a few years back, when other castes, mostly of the lower orders, stepped in. the oddars now form a population of several thousands in the city, their chief occupation being conservancy cooly work. the process of gold washing is carried out by women at home, and by the aged and adults in their spare hours. the ashes, sweepings, and refuse from the goldsmiths' shops are collected on payment of a sum ranging from one rupee to ten rupees per mensem, and are brought in baskets to a convenient place alongside their huts, where they are stored for a variable time. the drain silts from streets where there are a large number of jewellers' shops are similarly collected, but, in this case, the only payment to be made is a present to the municipal peon. the materials so collected are left undisturbed for a few days or several months, and this storing away for a time is said to be necessary to facilitate the extraction of the gold, as any immediate attempt to wash the stuff results in great loss in the quantity obtained. from the heap as much as can be taken on an ordinary spade is put into a boat-shaped tub open at one end, placed close to the heap, and so arranged that the waste water from the tub flows away from the heap behind, and collects in a shallow pool in front. the water from the pool is collected in a small chatty (earthen vessel), and poured over the heap in the tub, which is continually stirred up with the other hand. all the lighter stuff in this way flows out of the tub, and all the hard stones are every now and then picked out and thrown away. this process goes on until about a couple of handfuls of dark sand, etc., are left in the tub. to this a small quantity of mercury is added, briskly rubbed for a minute or two, and the process of washing goes on, considerable care being taken to see that no particle of mercury escapes, until at last the mercury, with a great many particles of metallic dust attached, is collected in a small chatty--often a broken piece of a pot. the mercury, with the metallic particles in it, is then well washed with clean water, and put into a tiny bag formed of two layers of a piece of rag. the mass is then gently pressed until all the mercury falls into a chatty below, leaving a small flattened mass of dark substance in the bag, which is carefully collected, and kept in another dry chatty. the washing process is repeated until enough of the dark substance--about a third of a teaspoonful--is collected. this substance is then mixed with powdered common salt and brick-dust, put into a broken piece of a pot, and covered with another piece. the whole is placed in a large earthen vessel, with cow-dung cakes well packed above and below. a blazing fire is soon produced, and kept up till the mass is melted. this mass is carefully removed, and again melted with borax in a hole made in a piece of good charcoal, by blowing through a reed or hollow bamboo, until the gold separates from the mass. the fire is then suddenly quenched, and the piece of gold is separated and removed." jalari.--the jalaris are telugu fishermen, palanquin-bearers, and cultivators in ganjam and vizagapatam. the name, mr. c. hayavadana rao writes, is derived from jala, a net. some are fresh-water fishermen, while others fish with a cast-net (visuru valalu) from the sea-shore, or on the open sea. they bear the name gangavamsamu, or people of ganga, in the same way that a division of the kabbera fishing caste is called gangimakkalu. in caste organisation, ceremonial, etc., the jalaris coincide with the milas. they are called noliyas by the oriyas of ganjam. they have house-names like other telugus, and their females do not wear brass bangles, as low-caste oriya women do. the jalaris have two endogamous divisions, called panrendu kotla (twelve posts), and edu kotla (seven posts), in reference to the number of posts for the booth. the former claim superiority over the latter, on the ground that they are illegitimate jalaris, or recently admitted into the caste. like other telugu castes, the jalaris have a caste council under the control of a headman called pilla. in imitation of the oriyas, they have created an assistant headman called dolobehara, and they have the usual caste servant. in their puberty, marriage and death ceremonies, they closely follow the vadas and palles. the prohibitions regarding marriage are of the telugu form, but, like the oriya castes, the jalaris allow a widow to marry her deceased husband's younger brother. the marriage ceremonies last for three days. on the first day, the pandal (booth), with the usual milk-post, is erected. for every marriage, representatives of the four towns peddapatnam, vizagapatam, bimlipatam, and revalpatnam, should be invited, and should be the first to receive pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts) after the pandal has been set up. peddapatnam is the first to be called out, and the respect may be shown to any person from that town. the representatives of the other towns must belong to particular septs, as follows:-- vizagapatam buguri sept. revalpatnam jonna sept. bimlipatam sundra sept. the jalaris are unable to explain the significance of this "counting towns," as they call it. possibly peddapatnam was their original home, from which particular septs emigrated to other towns. on the second day of the marriage ceremonies, the tying of the sathamanam (marriage badge) takes place. the bridegroom, after going in procession through the streets, enters the house at which the marriage is to be celebrated. at the entrance, the maternal uncle of the bride stands holding in his crossed hands two vessels, one of which contains water, and the other water with jaggery (crude sugar) dissolved in it. the bridegroom is expected to take hold of the vessel containing the sweetened water before he enters, and is fined if he fails to do so. when the bridegroom approaches the pandal, some married women hold a bamboo pole between him and the pandal, and a new earthen pot is carried thrice round the pole. while this is being done, the bride joins the bridegroom, and the couple enter the pandal beneath a cloth held up to form a canopy in front thereof. this ceremonial takes place towards evening, as the marriage badge is tied on the bride's neck during the night. an interesting feature in connection with the procession is that a pole called digametlu (shoulder-pole), with two baskets tied to the ends, is carried. in one of the baskets a number of sieves and small baskets are placed, and in the other one or more cats. this digametlu is always referred to by the vadas when they are questioned as to the difference between their marriage ceremonies and those of the jalaris. other castes laugh at this custom, and it is consequently dying out. the jalaris always marry young girls. one reason assigned for this is "the income to married young girls" at the time of the marriage ceremonies. two or more married couples are invited to remain at the house in which the marriage takes place, to help the bridal couple in their toilette, and assist at the nalagu, evil eye waving, and other rites. they are rewarded for their services with presents. another instance of infant marriage being the rule on account of pecuniary gain is found among the dikshitar brahmans of chidambaram. only married males have a voice in temple affairs, and receive a share of the temple income. consequently, boys are sometimes married when they are seven or eight years old. at every jalari marriage, meals must be given to the castemen, a rupee to the representatives of the patnams, twelve annas to the headman and his assistant, and three rupees to the malas. like other telugu castes, the jalaris have intiperus (septs), which resemble those of the vadas. among them, jonna and buguri are common. in their religious observances, the jalaris closely follow the vadas. the madras museum possesses a collection of clay and wooden figures, such as are worshipped by the fishing castes at gopalpur, and other places on the ganjam coast. concerning these, mr. j. d'a. c. reilly writes to me as follows. the specimens represent the chief gods worshipped by the fishermen. the tahsildar of berhampur got them made by the potters and carpenters, who usually make such figures for the gopalpur fishermen. i have found fishermen's shrines at several places. separate families appear to have separate shrines, some consisting of large chatties (earthen pots), occasionally ornamented, and turned upside down, with an opening on one side. others are made of bricks and chunam (lime). all that i have seen had their opening towards the sea. two classes of figures are placed in these shrines, viz., clay figures of gods, which are worshipped before fishing expeditions, and when there is danger from a particular disease which they prevent; and wooden figures of deceased relations, which are quite as imaginative as the clay figures. figures of gods and relations are placed in the same family shrine. there are hundreds of gods to choose from, and the selection appears to be a matter of family taste and tradition. the figures which i have sent were made by a potter at venkatarayapalle, and painted by a carpenter at uppulapatti, both villages near gopalpur. the tahsildar tells me that, when he was inspecting them at the gopalpur traveller's bungalow, sixty or seventy fishermen objected to their gods being taken away. he pacified them by telling them that it was because the government had heard of their devotion to their gods that they wanted to have some of them in madras. the collection of clay figures includes the following:-- bengali babu.--wears a hat, and rides on a black horse. he blesses the fishermen, secures large hauls of fish for them, and guards them against danger when out fishing. samalamma.--wears a red skirt and green coat and protects the fishermen from fever. rajamma, a female figure, with a sword in her right hand, riding on a black elephant. she blesses barren women with children, and favours her devotees with big catches when they go out fishing. yerenamma, riding on a white horse, with a sword in her right hand. she protects fishermen from drowning, and from being caught by big fish. bhagirathamma, riding on an elephant, and having eight or twelve hands. she helps fishermen when fishing at night, and protects them against cholera, dysentery, and other intestinal disorders. nukalamma.--wears a red jacket and green skirt, and protects the fishing community against small-pox. orosondi ammavaru.--prevents the boats from being sunk or damaged. bhagadevi.--rides on a tiger, and protects the community from cholera. veyyi kannula ammavaru, or the goddess of a thousand eyes, represented by a pot pierced with holes, in which a gingelly (sesamum) oil light is burnt. she attends to the general welfare of the fisher folk. jali (acacia arabica).--a gotra of kurni. jalli.--jalli, meaning palm tassels put round the neck and horns of bulls, occurs as an exogamous sept of jogi. the name occurs further as a sub-division of kevuto. jambava.--a synonym of the madigas, who claim descent from the rishi audi jambavadu. jambu (eugenia jambolana).--an exogamous sept of odde. jambuvar (a monkey king with a bear's face).--an exogamous sept of kondaiyamkottai maravan. jamkhanvala (carpet-maker).--an occupational name for patnulkarans and patvegars. jammi (prosopis spicigera).--a gotra of gollas, members of which may not use the tree. it is further a gotra of chembadis. children of this caste who are named after the caste god gurappa or gurunathadu are taken, when they are five, seven, or nine years old, to a jammi tree, and shaved after it has been worshipped with offerings of cooked food, etc. the jammi or sami tree is regarded as sacred all over india. some orthodox hindus, when they pass it, go round it, and salute it, repeating a sanskrit verse to the effect that "the sami tree removes sins; it is the destroyer of enemies; it was the bearer of the bows and arrows of arjuna, and the sight of it was very welcome to rama." janappan.--the janappans, mr. w. francis writes, [ ] "were originally a section of the balijas, but they have now developed into a distinct caste. they seem to have been called janappan, because they manufactured gunny-bags of hemp (janapa) fibre. in tamil they are called saluppa chettis, saluppan being the tamil form of janappan. some of them have taken to calling themselves desayis or desadhipatis (rulers of countries), and say they are balijas. they do not wear the sacred thread. the caste usually speaks telugu, but in madura there is a section, the women of which speak tamil, and also are debarred from taking part in religious ceremonies, and, therefore, apparently belonged originally to some other caste." in a note on the janappans of the north arcot district [ ] mr. h. a. stuart states that janappan is "the name of a caste, which engages in trade by hawking goods about the towns and villages. originally they were merely manufacturers of gunny-bags out of hemp (janapa, crotalaria juncea), and so obtained their name. but they are now met with as dasaris or religious beggars, sweetmeat-sellers, and hawkers of english cloths and other goods. by the time they have obtained to the last honourable profession, they assume to be balijas. telugu is their vernacular, and chetti their usual caste name. according to their own tradition, they sprung from a yagam (sacrificial rite) made by brahma, and their remote ancestor thus produced was, they say, asked by the merchants of the country to invent some means for carrying about their wares. he obtained some seeds from the ashes of brahma's yagam, which he sowed, and the plant which sprang up was the country hemp, which he manufactured into a gunny-bag. the janapa chettis are enterprising men in their way, and are much employed at the fairs at gudiyattam and other places as cattle-brokers." the saluppans say that they have twenty-four gotras, which are divided into groups of sixteen and eight. marriage is forbidden between members of the same group, but permitted between members of the sixteen and eight gotras. among the names of the gotras, are the following:-- vasava. madalavan. vamme. piligara. mummudi. mukkanda. pilli vankaravan. vadiya. makkiduvan. thonda. thallelan. kola. gendagiri. the janappans of the telugu country also say that they have only twenty-four gotras. some of these are totemistic in character. thus, members of the kappala (frog) gotra owe their name to a tradition that on one occasion, when some of the family were fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. consequently, members of this gotra do not injure frogs. members of the thonda or thonda maha rishi gotra abstain from using the fruit or leaves of the thonda plant (cephalandra indica). the fruits of this plant are among the commonest of native vegetables. in like manner, members of the mukkanda sept may not use the fruit of momordica charantia. those of the vamme gotra abstain from eating the fish called bombadai, because, when some of their ancestors went to fetch water in the marriage pot, they found a number of this fish in the water collected in the pot. so, too, in the kola gotra, the eating of the fish called kolasi is forbidden. in their marriage customs, those who live in the telugu country follow the telugu puranic form, while those who have settled in the tamil country have adopted some of the marriage rites thereof. there are, however, some points of interest in their marriage ceremonies. on the day fixed for the betrothal, those assembled wait silently listening for the chirping of a lizard, which is an auspicious sign. it is said that the match is broken off, if the chirping is not heard. if the omen proves auspicious, a small bundle of nine to twelve kinds of pulses and grain is given by the bridegroom's father to the father of the bride. this is preserved, and examined several days after the marriage. if the grain and pulses are in good condition, it is a sign that the newly married couple will have a prosperous career. there are both saivites and vaishnavites among these people, and the former predominate in the southern districts. most of the vaishnavites are disciples of bhatrazus. the bhatrazu priest goes round periodically, collecting his fees. those among the saivites who are religiously inclined are disciples of pandarams of mutts (religious institutions). those who have settled in the salem district seem to consider damayanti and kamatchi as the caste deities. the manufacture of gunny-bags is still carried on by some members of the caste, but they are mainly engaged in trade and agriculture. in the city of madras, the sale of various kinds of fruits is largely in the hands of the janappans. sathu vandlu, meaning a company of merchants or travellers, occurs as a synonym of janappan. in the mysore census report, , janappa is returned as a sub-division of the gonigas, who are sack-weavers, and makers of gunny-bags. jandayi (flag).--an exogamous sept of yanadi. janga (calf of the leg).--an exogamous sept of mala. jangal jati.--a synonym, denoting jungle folk, of the kurivikarans or kattu marathis. jangam.--it is noted, in the madras census report, , that "strictly speaking, a jangam is a priest to the religious sect of lingayats, but the term is frequently loosely applied to any lingayat, which accounts for the large numbers under this head ( , ). jangams proper are said to be of two classes, pattadikaris, who have a definite head-quarters, and charamurtis, who go from village to village, preaching the principles of the lingayat sect. many jangams are priests to sudras who are not lingayats, others are merely religious beggars, and others of them go in for trade." in the census report, , it is further recorded that "the full name is jangama lingayat, meaning those who always worship a moveable lingam, in contradistinction to the sthavara (immoveable) lingam of the temples. only two of the sub-divisions returned are numerically important, ganayata and sthavara. the sub-division sthavara is curious, for a sthavara jangam is a contradistinction in terms. this sub-division is found only in the two northern districts, and it is possible that the jangam caste, as there found, is different from the ordinary jangam, for, in the vizagapatam district manual, the jangams are said to be tailors." in the telugu country lingayats are called jangalu. the ganta jangams are so called, because they carry a metal bell (ganta). the jangams are thus referred to by pietro della valle. [ ] "at ikkeri i saw certain indian friars, whom in their language they call giangama, and perhaps are the same with the sages seen by me elsewhere; but they have wives, and go with their faces smeared with ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a kind of hood or cowl upon their heads of dyed linen of that colour which is generally used amongst them, namely a reddish brick colour, with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, filled with something within that makes a jangling as they walk. i saw many persons come to kiss their feet, and, whilst such persons were kissing them, and, for more reverence, touching their feet with their foreheads, these giangamas stood firm with a seeming severity, and without taking notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the world." (see lingayat.) janjapul (sacred thread).--an exogamous sept of boya. janmi.--janmi or janmakaran means "proprietor" or "landlord"; the person in whom the janman title rests. janman denotes ( ) birth, birthright, proprietorship; ( ) freehold property, which it was considered disgraceful to alienate. janmabhogam is the share in the produce of the land, which is due to the janmi." [ ] in - , the collector of malabar obtained, for the purpose of carrying out a scheme of assessment approved by government, a return from all proprietors of the seed, produce, etc., of all their fields. this return is usually known as the janmi pymaish of m.e. (malabar era). [ ] writing to me concerning malabar at the present day, a correspondent states that "in almost every taluk we have jungle tribes, who call themselves the men of janmis. in the old days, when forests were sold, the inhabitants were actually entered in the contract as part of the effects, as, in former times, the landlord sold the adscripti or ascripti glebæ with the land. now that is not done. however, the relationship exists to the following extent, according to what a tahsildar (native magistrate) tells me. the tribesmen roam about the forests at will, and each year select a place, which has lain fallow for five years or more for all kinds of cultivation. sometimes they inform the janmis that they have done so, sometimes they do not. then, at harvest time, the janmi, or his agent, goes up and takes his share of the produce. they never try to deceive the janmi. he is asked to settle their disputes, but these are rare. they never go to law. the janmi can call on them for labour, and they give it willingly. if badly treated, as they have been at times by encroaching plainsmen, they run off to another forest, and serve another janmi. at the onam festival they come with gifts for the janmi, who stands them a feast. the relation between the jungle folk and the janmi shows the instinct in a primitive people to have a lord. there seems to be no gain in having a janmi. his protection is not needed, and he is hardly ever called in to interfere. if they refused to pay the janmi his dues, he would find it very hard to get them. still they keep him." in the middle of the last century, when planters first began to settle in the malabar wynad, they purchased the land from the janmis with the paniyans living on it, who were practically slaves of the landowners. the hereditary rights and perquisites claimed, in their villages, by the astrologer, carpenter, goldsmith, washerman, barber, etc., are called cherujanmam. janni.--the name of the caste priests of jatapus. japanese.--at the mysore census, , two japanese were returned. they were managers of the silk farm instituted on japanese methods by mr. tata of bombay in the vicinity of bangalore. jat.--a few members of this north indian class of muhammadans, engaged in trade, have been returned at times of census in mysore. jatapu.--the jatapus are defined, in the madras census report, , as "a civilised section of the khonds, who speak khond on the hills and telugu on the plains, and are now practically a distinct caste. they consider themselves superior to those khonds who still eat beef and snakes, and have taken to some of the ways of the castes of the plains." for the following note, i am indebted to mr. c. hayavadana rao. the name jatapu is popularly believed to be an abbreviated form of konda jatapu doralu, or lords of the khond caste. to this caste the old chiefs of the palkonda zamindari are said to have belonged. it is divided into a number of septs, such, for example, as:-- thorika or thoyika, who revere the thorika kodi, a species of wild fowl. kadrika, who revere another species of fowl. mamdangi, who revere the bull or cow. addaku, who revere the addaku (bauhinia racemosa), which is used by low-country people for eating-platters. konda gorre, who revere a certain breed of sheep. navalipitta, who revere the peacock. arika, who revere the arika (paspalum scrobiculatum). other septs, recorded in the census report, , are koalaka (arrow), kutraki (wild goat), and vinka (white ant, termes). marriage is celebrated either before or after a girl reaches puberty. a man may claim his paternal aunt's daughter as his wife. the marriage ceremonies closely resemble those of the low-country telugu type. the bride-price, called voli, is a new cloth for the bride's mother, rice, various kinds of grain, and liquor. the bride is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and a feast is held. on the following morning, the kallagolla sambramam (toe-nail cutting) ceremony takes place, and, later on, at an auspicious hour, the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple, and their hands joined together. they then bathe, and another feast is held. the remarriage of widows is allowed, and a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. divorce is permitted, and divorcées may remarry. the dead are usually buried, but those who die from snake-bite are said to be burnt. death pollution lasts for three days, during which the caste occupation of cultivating is not carried on. an annual ceremony is performed by each family in honour of the dead. a fowl or goat is killed, a portion of the day's food collected in a plate, and placed on the roof of the house. once in twenty years or so, all the castemen join together, and buy a pig or cow, which is sacrificed in honour of the ancestors. the caste goddess is jakara devata, who is propitiated with sacrifices of pigs, sheep, and buffaloes. when the crop is gathered in, the first fruits are offered to her, and then partaken of. the caste headman is called nayudu or samanthi, and he is assisted by the janni, or caste priest, who officiates at ceremonials, and summons council meetings. the caste titles are dora, naiko, and samanto. jatikirtulu.--recorded, in the madras census report, , as a class of beggars in the cuddapah district. the name means those who praise the caste, and may have reference to the bhatrazus. jati pillai (children of the caste).--a general name for beggars, who are attached to particular castes, from the members of which they receive alms, and at whose ceremonies they take part by carrying flags in processions, etc. it is their duty to uphold the dignity of the caste by reciting the story of its origin, and singing its praises. as examples of jati pillais, the following may be cited:-- mailari attached to komatis. viramushti attached to beri chettis and komatis. nokkan attached to pallis. mastiga attached to madigas. it is recorded by mr. m. paupa rao naidu [ ] that some koravas, who go by the name of jatipalli koravas, "are prevalent in the southern districts of the madras presidency, moving always in gangs, and giving much trouble. their women tattoo in return for grain, money, or cloths, and help their men in getting acquainted with the nature and contents of the houses." jaura.--the jauras are a small oriya caste, closely allied to the khoduras, the members of which manufacture lac (jau) bangles and other articles. lac, it may be noted, is largely used in india for the manufacture of bangles, rings, beads, and other trinkets worn as ornaments by women of the poorer classes. dhippo (light) and mohiro (peacock) occur as common exogamous septs among the jauras, and are objects of reverence. the jauras are mainly saivites, and suramangala and bimmala are the caste deities. titles used by members of the caste are danse, sahu, dhov, and mahapatro. javvadi (civet-cat).--an exogamous sept of medara. jelakuppa (a fish).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. jen (honey).--a sub-division of kurumba. jenna.--a title of oriya castes, e.g., bolasi and kalinji. jerribotula (centipedes).--an exogamous sept of boya. jetti.--a telugu caste of professional wrestlers and gymnasts, who, in the telugu districts, shampoo and rub in ointments to cure nerve pains and other disorders. in tanjore, though living in a tamil environment, they speak telugu. they wear the sacred thread, and consider themselves to be of superior caste, never descending to any degrading work. during the days of the rajas of tanjore, they were employed in guarding the treasury and jewel rooms. but, since the death of the late raja, most of them have emigrated to mysore and other native states, a few only remaining in tanjore, and residing in the fort. the jettis, in mysore, are said [ ] to have been sometimes employed as executioners, and to have despatched their victim by a twist of the neck. [ ] thus, in the last war against tipu sultan, general matthews had his head wrung from his body by the "tiger fangs of the jetties, a set of slaves trained up to gratify their master with their infernal species of dexterity." [ ] they are still considered skilful in setting dislocated joints. in a note regarding them in the early part of the last century, wilks writes as follows. "these persons constitute a distinct caste, trained from their infancy in daily exercises for the express purpose of exhibitions; and perhaps the whole world does not produce more perfect forms than those which are exhibited at these interesting but cruel sports. the combatants, clad in a single garment of light orange-coloured drawers extending half-way down the thigh, have their right arm furnished with a weapon, which, for want of a more appropriate term, we shall name a cæstus, although different from the roman instruments of that name. it is composed of buffalo horn, fitted to the hand, and pointed with four knobs, resembling very sharp knuckles, and corresponding to their situation, with a fifth of greater prominence at the end nearest the little finger, and at right angles with the other four. this instrument, properly placed, would enable a man of ordinary strength to cleave open the head of his adversary at a blow; but, the fingers being introduced through the weapon, it is fastened across them at an equal distance between the first and second lower joints, in a situation, it will be observed, which does not admit of attempting a severe blow, without the risk of dislocating the first joints of all the fingers. thus armed, and adorned with garlands of flowers, the successive pairs of combatants, previously matched by the masters of the feast, are led into the arena; their names and abodes are proclaimed; and, after making their prostrations, first to the raja seated on his ivory throne, and then to the lattices behind which the ladies of the court are seated, they proceed to the combat, first divesting themselves of the garlands, and strewing the flowers gracefully over the arena. the combat is a mixture of wrestling and boxing, if the latter may be so named. the head is the exclusive object permitted to be struck. before the end of the contest, both of the combatants may frequently be observed streaming with blood from the crown of the head down to the sand of the arena. when victory seems to have declared itself, or the contest is too severely maintained, the moderators in attendance on the raja make a signal for its cessation by throwing down turbans and robes, to be presented to the combatants. the victor frequently goes off the arena in four or five somersaults, to denote that he retires fresh from the contest. the jettis are divided into five classes, and the ordinary price of victory is promotion to a higher class. there are distinct rewards for the first class, and in their old age they are promoted to be masters of the feast." in an account of sports held before tipu sultan at seringapatam, james scurry, who was one of his prisoners, writes as follows. [ ] "the getiees would be sent for, who always approached with their masters at their head, and, after prostration, and making their grand salams, touching the ground each time, they would be paired, one school against another. they had on their right hands the wood-guamootie (wajramushti) of four steel talons, which were fixed to each back joint of their fingers, and had a terrific appearance when their fists were closed. their heads were close shaved, their bodies oiled, and they wore only a pair of short drawers. on being matched, and the signal given from tippu, they begin the combat, always by throwing the flowers, which they wear round their necks, in each other's faces; watching an opportunity of striking with the right hand, on which they wore this mischievous weapon which never failed lacerating the flesh, and drawing blood most copiously. some pairs would close instantly, and no matter which was under, for the gripe was the whole; they were in general taught to suit their holds to their opponent's body, with every part of which, as far as concerned them, they were well acquainted. if one got a hold against which his antagonist could not guard, he would be the conqueror; they would frequently break each other's legs and arms; and, if anyway tardy, tippu had means of infusing spirit into them, for there were always two stout fellows behind each, with instruments in their hands that would soon put them to work. they were obliged to fight as long as tippu pleased, unless completely crippled, and, if they behaved well, they were generally rewarded with a turban and shawl, the quality being according to their merit." the jettis of mysore still have in their possession knuckle-dusters of the type described above, and take part annually in matches during the dasara festival. a jetti police constable, whom i saw at channapatna, had wrestled at baroda, and at the court of nepal, and narrated to me with pride how a wrestler came from madras to bangalore, and challenged any one to a match. a jetti engaged to meet him in two matches for rs. each, and, after going in for a short course of training, walked round him in each encounter, and won the money easily. the mysore jettis are said to be called, in some places, mushtigas. and some are stated to use a jargon called mallabasha. [ ] jetti further occurs as the name of an exogamous sept of the kavarais. jew.--it has been said by a recent writer that "there is hardly a more curious, and in some respects one might almost say a more weird sight than the jew town, which lies beyond the british settlement at cochin. crossing over the lagoon from the beautiful little island of bolghotty, where the british residency for the cochin state nestles in a bower of tropical vegetation, one lands amidst cocoanut trees, opposite to one of the old palaces of the cochin rajahs, and, passing through a native bazaar crowded with dark-skinned malayalis, one turns off abruptly into a long narrow street, where faces as white as those of any northern european race, but semitic in every feature, transport one suddenly in mind to the jewish quarter in jerusalem, or rather perhaps to some ghetto in a polish city." in the preparation of the following note, i have been much indebted to the cochin census report, , and to a series of articles published by mr. elkan n. adler in the jewish chronicle. [ ] the circumstances under which, and the time when the jews migrated to the malabar coast, are wrapped in obscurity. they themselves are able to give accounts of only isolated incidents, since whatever records they had were lost at the destruction by the portuguese of their original settlement at cranganur in , and by the destruction at a later period of such fragments as remained in their possession in the struggle between the portuguese and the dutch, for the portuguese, suspecting that the jews had helped the dutch, plundered their synagogue in cochin. it is recorded by the dutch governor moens [ ] that "when heer van goens besieged cochin, the jews were quite eager to provide the troops of the dutch company with victuals, and to afford them all the assistance they could, hoping that they would enjoy under this company the greatest possible civil and religious liberty; but, when the above-mentioned troops were compelled to leave this coast before the end of the good monsoon, without having been able to take cochin, the portuguese did not fail to make the jews feel the terrible consequences of their revenge. for, no sooner had the dutch retreated, than a detachment of soldiers was sent to the jewish quarters, which were pillaged and set fire to, whilst the inhabitants fled to the high-lands, and returned only after cochin was taken by the dutch. "the jews, who still hold that the malabar israelites were in possession of an old copy of the sepher thora, say that this copy, and all other documents, got lost on the occasion when the portuguese destroyed the jewish quarters, but this is not likely. for, whereas they had time to save their most valuable property according to their own testimony, and to take it to the mountains, they would not have failed to take along with them these documents, which were to them of inestimable value. for it is related that for a new copy of the pentateuch which at that time was in their synagogue they had so much respect, and took such great care of it, that they even secured this copy, and took it along, and (when they returned) carried it back with great rejoicing, as it was done in olden times with the ark of the covenant." writing in the eighteenth century, captain hamilton states [ ] that the jews "have a synagogue at cochin, not far from the king's palace, in which are carefully kept their records, engraven on copper plates in hebrew characters; and when any of the characters decay, they are new cut, so that they can show their own history from the reign of nebuchadnezzar to this present time. myn heer van reeda, about the year , had an abstract of their history translated from the hebrew into low dutch. they declare themselves to be of the tribe of manasseh, a part whereof was, by order of that haughty conqueror nebuchadnezzar, carried to the easternmost province of his large empire, which, it seems, reached as far as cape comerin, which journey , of them travelled in three years from their setting out of babylon." the elders of the white jews of cochin have in their possession a charter on two copper plates in vatteluttu character, "the original character which once prevailed over nearly all the tamil country and south-west coast, but which has long ceased to be used in the former place, and, in the latter, is now only known in a later form, used for drawing up documents by hindu rajas." [ ] concerning this copper-plate charter, mr. adler writes that "the white jews say that they have always held it; the black jews contend that it was originally theirs. the title-deed is quaint in many ways. it consists of three strips of copper, one of which is blank, one etched on both sides, and the third on one side only. the characters are made legible by being rubbed with whitening. the copper plates have a round hole in the corner, through which a string was passed to tie them together under seal, but the seal is lost. they are now kept together by a thin and narrow copper band, which just fits." taking dr. gundert's [ ] and mr. ellis' [ ] translation of the charter as guides, mr. burnell translates it as follows:-- [ ] svasti sri.--the king of kings has ordered (this is) the act of grace ordered by his majesty srî pârkaran iravi vanmar [ ] wielding the sceptre and reigning in a hundred thousand places, (in) the year (which is) the opposite to the second year, the thirty-sixth year, (on) the day he designed to abide in mûyirikkôdu. [ ] we have given to isuppu irabbân [ ] ansuvannam (as a principality), and seventy-two proprietary rights (appertaining to the dignity of a feudal lord) also tribute by reverence (?) and offerings, and the profits of ansuvannam, and day-lamps, and broad garments (as opposed to the custom of malabar), and palankins, and umbrellas, and large drums, and trumpets, and small drums and garlands, and garlands across streets, etc., and the like, and seventy-two free houses. moreover, we have granted by this document on copper that he shall not pay the taxes paid by the houses of the city into the royal treasury, and the (above-said) privileges to hold (them). to isuppu irabbân, prince of ansuvannam, and to his descendants, his sons and daughters, and to his nephews, and to (the nephews) of his daughters in natural succession, ansuvannam (is) an hereditary estate, as long as the world and moon exist. srî. the charter is witnessed by various local chiefs. a somewhat different reading is given by dr. g. oppert [ ] who renders the translation as follows:-- "hail and happiness! the king of kings, his holiness srî bhaskara ravi varma, who wields the sceptre in many hundred thousand places, has made this decree on the day that he was pleased to dwell in muyirikodu in the thirty-sixth year of his reign. we have granted unto joseph rabban anjavannan the [dignity of] prince, with all the seventy-two rights of ownership. he shall [enjoy] the revenues from female elephants and riding animals, and the income of anjavannan. he is entitled to be honoured by lamps by day, and to use broad-cloth and sedan chairs, and the umbrella and the drums of the north and trumpets, and little drums, and gates, and garlands over the streets, and wreaths, and so on. we have granted unto him the land tax and weight tax. moreover, we have by these copper tablets sanctioned that, when the houses of the city have to pay taxes to the palace, he need not pay, and he shall enjoy other privileges like unto these. to joseph rabban, the prince of anjavannam, and to his descendants, and to his sons and daughters, and to the nephews and sons-in-law of his daughters, in natural succession, so long as the world and moon exist, anjuvannam shall be his hereditary possession." it is suggested by dr. oppert that anjuvannam is identical with the fifth or foreign caste. dr. e. hultzsch, the latest authority on the subject of the copper plates, gives the following translation: [ ] "hail! prosperity! (the following) gift (prasada) was graciously made by him who had assumed the title 'king of kings' (kogon), his majesty (tiruvadi) the king (ko), the glorious bhaskara ravivarman, in the time during which (he) was wielding the sceptre and ruling over many hundred thousands of places, in the thirty-sixth year after the second year, on the day on which (he) was pleased to stay at muyirikkodu. we have given to issuppu irappan (the village of) anjuvannam, together with the seventy-two proprietary rights (viz.), the tolls on female elephants and other riding-animals, the revenue of anjuvannam, a lamp in day-time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, a parasol, a vaduga (i.e., telugu?) drum, a large trumpet, a gateway, an arch, a canopy (in the shape) of an arch, a garland, and so forth. we have remitted tolls and the tax on balances. moreover, we have granted with (these) copper-leaves that he need not pay (the dues) which the (other) inhabitants of the city pay to the royal palace (koyil), and that (he) may enjoy (the benefits) which (they) enjoy. to issuppu irappan of anjuvannam, to the male children and to the female children born of him, to his nephews, and to the sons-in-law who have married (his) daughters (we have given) anjuvannam (as) an hereditary estate for as long as the world and the moon shall exist. hail! thus do i know, govardhana-martandan of venadu. thus do i know, kodai srikanthan of venapalinadu. thus do i know, manavepala-manavyan of eralanadu. thus do i know, irayiram of valluvanadu. thus do i know, kodai ravi of nedumpuraiyurnadu. thus do i know, murkham sattan, who holds the office of sub-commander of the forces. the writing of the under-secretary van--talaiseri--gandan kunrappolan." "the date of the inscription," dr. hultzsch adds, "was the thirty-sixth year opposite to the second year. as i have shown on a previous occasion, [ ] the meaning of this mysterious phrase is probably 'the thirty-sixth year (of the king's coronation, which took place) after the second year (of the king's yauvarajya).' the inscription records a grant which the king made to issuppu irappan, i.e., joseph rabban. the occurrence of this semitic name, combined with the two facts that the plates are still with the cochin jews, and that the latter possess a hebrew translation of the document, proves that the donee was a member of the ancient jewish colony on the western coast. the grant was made at muriyikkodu. the hebrew translation identifies this place with kodunnallur (cranganore), where the jewish colonists resided, until the bad treatment which they received at the hands of the portuguese induced them to settle near cochin. the object of the grant was anjuvannam. this word means 'the five castes,' and may have the designation of that quarter of cranganore, in which the five classes of artisans--ain-kammalar, as they are called in the smaller kottayam grant--resided." in a note on the kottayam plate of vira raghava, which is in the possession of the syrian christians, rai bahadur v. venkayya writes as follows. [ ] "vira-raghava conferred the title of manigramam on the merchant iravikkorran. similarly anjuvannam was bestowed by the cochin plates on the jew joseph rabban. the old malayalam work payyanur pattola, which dr. gundert considered the oldest specimen of malayalam composition, refers to anjuvannam and manigramam. the context in which the two names occur in this work implies that they were trading institutions. in the kottayam plates of sthanu ravi, both anjuvannam and manigramam are frequently mentioned. both of them were appointed along with the six hundred to be 'the protectors' of the grant. they were 'to preserve the proceeds of the customs duty as they were collected day by day,' and 'to receive the landlord's portion of the rent on land. if any injustice be done to them, they may withhold the customs and the tax on balances, and remedy themselves the injury done to them. should they themselves commit a crime, they are themselves to have the investigation of it.' to anjuvannam and manigramam was granted the freehold of the lands of the town (of kollam?). from these extracts, and from the reference in the payyanur pattola, it appears that anjuvannam and manigramam were semi-independent trading corporations. the epithet setti (merchant) given to ravikkorran, the trade rights granted to him, and the sources of revenue thrown open to him as head of manigramam, confirm the view that the latter was a trading corporation. there is nothing either in the cochin grant, or in the subjoined inscription to show that anjuvannam and manigramam were, as believed by dr. gundert and others, jewish and christian principalities, respectively. it was supposed by dr. burnell that the plate of vira-raghava created the principality of manigramam, and the cochin plates that of anjuvannam, and that, consequently, the existence of these two grants is presupposed by the plates of sthanu ravi, which mention both anjuvannam and manigramam very often. the cochin plates did not create anjuvannam, but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith to a jew named joseph rabban. similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other corporation, manigramam, was bestowed at a later period on ravikkorran. therefore, anjuvannam and manigramam must have existed as institutions even before the earliest of these three copper-plates was issued. it is just possible that ravikkorran was a christian by religion. but his name and title give no clue in this direction, and there is nothing christian in the document, except its possession by the present owners." it is recorded by mr. francis day [ ] that governor moens obtained three different translations of the plates, and gave as the most correct version one, in which the following words occur:--"we, erawi, wanwara, emperor of malabar ... give this deed of rights to the good joseph rabban, that he may use the five colours, spread his religion among the five castes." mr. burnell, however, notes that dr. gundert has ascertained beyond doubt that anjuvannan (literally five colours) does not mean some privilege, but is the name of a place. concerning the copper-plates, governor moens writes thus. "the following translation is by the jewish merchant ezechiel rabby, who was an earnest explorer of anything that had any connection with his nation. after this i will give another translation, which i got from our second interpreter barend deventer, who was assisted by an old and literary inhabitant of malabar; and lastly i will add a third one, which i obtained from our first interpreter simon of tongeren, assisted by a heathen scribe of calicut, in order thus not to allow the jews to be the judges in their own affair, but rather to enable the reader to judge for himself in this doubtful matter. the first translation runs thus:-- "by the help of god, who created the universe and appoints the kings, and whom i honour, i, erawi wanwara, emperor of malabar, grant in the th year of our happy reign at the court of moydiricotta--alias cranganore--this act of privileges to the jew josep rabaan, viz., that he may make use of the five colours, spread his religion among the five castes or dynasties, fire salutes on all solemnities, ride on elephants and horses, hold stately processions, make use of cries of honour, and in the day-time of torches, different musical instruments, besides a big drum; that he may walk on roads spread with white linen, hold tournaments with sticks, and sit under a stately curtain. these privileges we give to josep rabaan and to the households, provided that the others of this nation must obey the orders of his and their descendants so long as the sun shall shine on the earth. this act is granted in the presence of the kings of trevancore, tekkenkore, baddenkenkore, calicoilan, aringut, sammoryn, palcatchery, and colastry; written by the secretary calembi kelapen in the year kalijogam. "'the second translation differs in important statements from the first, and would deserve more attention when neutral people of malabar could be found, who could testify to the credibility of the same; but, notwithstanding the trouble i have taken to find such persons, it has been hitherto in vain. the second translation runs thus:-- "'in the quiet and happy time of our reign, we, erawi wanwara, imitator of (successor to ?) the sceptres, which for many hundreds of thousands of years have reigned in justice and righteousness, the glorious footsteps of whom we follow, now in the second year of our reign, being the th year of our residence in the town of moydiricotta, grant hereby, on the obtained good testimony of the great experience of joseph rabaan, that the said person is allowed to wear long dresses of five colours, that he may use carriages together with their appurtenances, and fans which are used by the nobility. he shall have precedence to the five castes, be allowed to burn day-lamps, to walk on spread out linen, to make use of palanquins, payeng umbrellas, large bent trumpets, drums, staff, and covered seats. we give him charge over the families and their temples, which are found both here and elsewhere, and we renounce our rights on all taxes and duties on both houses. he shall everywhere be allowed to have lodgings. all these privileges and prerogatives, explained in this charter, we grant to joseph rabaan head of the five castes, and to his heirs, sons, daughters, children's children, the sons-in-law married to the daughters, together with their descendants, as long as the sun and moon shall shine; and we grant him also all power over the five castes, as long as the names of their descendants shall last. witnesses hereof are the head of the country of wenaddo named comaraten matandden; the head of the country of wenaaodea named codei cheri-canden; the head of the country of erala named mana bepalamaan; the head of the country walonaddo named trawaren chaten; the head of the country neduwalur named codei trawi; besides the first of the lesser rulers of territories of the part of cusupady pawagan, namely the heir of murkom chaten named kelokandan; written by the secretary named gunawendda wanasen nayr, kisapa kelapa; signed by the emperor. "'the third translation runs as follows:-- "'in the name of the most high god, who created the whole world after his own pleasure, and maintains justice and righteousness, i, erwij barman, raise my hands, and thank his majesty for his grace and blessing bestowed on my reign in cranganore, when residing in the fortress of muricotta. i have granted for good reasons to my minister joseph raban the following privileges; that he may wear five coloured cloths, long dresses, and hang on the shoulders certain cloths; that they may cheer together, make use of drums and tambourines, burn lights during the day, spread cloths on the roads, use palanquins, umbrellas, trumpet torches, burning torches, sit under a throne (?), and act as head of all the jews numbering seventy-two houses, who will have to pay him the tolls and taxes of the country, no matter in what part of the country they are living; these privileges i give to joseph raban and his descendants, be they males or females, as long as any one of them is alive, and the sun and moon shine on the earth; for this reason i have the same engraved on a copper-plate as an everlasting remembrance. witnesses are the kings of travancore, berkenkore, sammorin, arangolla, palcatchery, collastry, and corambenaddo; written by the secretary kellapen. "'the aforesaid copper-plate is written in the old broken northern tamil language, but with different kinds of characters, viz., sanskrit and tamil, and is now read and translated by a heathen scribe named callutil atsja, who was born at calicut, and who, during the war, fled from that place, and stays at present on the hills. "'when these translations are compared with one another, it will be observed at once that, in the first, the privileges are granted to the jew joseph rabban, and to the jewish families, whereas, in the second, no trace is found of the word jew; and joseph rabban is, in the third, not called a jew, but the minister of the king, although he may be taken for a jew from the context in the course of the translation, for he is there appointed as head of all the other jews to the number of houses. it is equally certain that the name of rabaan is not exclusively proper to the jews only. furthermore, the first and last translations grant the above-mentioned privileges not only to joseph rabaan, but also to the jewish families, whereas, according to the second translation, the same are given to joseph rabaan, his family and offspring only. the second translation, besides, does not at all mention the freedom granted, and the consent to spread the jewish religion among the five castes. thus, it is obvious that these three translations do not agree, that the first and third coincide more with each other than they do with the second; that, for that reason, the first and last translations deserve more to be believed than the second, which stands alone; but that this, for that very reason, does not prove what it, properly speaking, ought to prove, and, whereas i am not acquainted with the malabar language, i prefer to refrain from giving my opinion on the subject. for hitherto i have been unable to come across, either among the people of malabar and canara, or among the literary priests and natives, any one who was clever enough to translate these old characters for the fourth time, notwithstanding the fact that i had sent a copy of these characters to the north and south of cochin, in order to have them deciphered. "'the witnesses who were present at the granting of this charter differ also. the first and third translations, however, seem also to concur more with each other than with the second one. but the discrepancy of the second translation lies in this, that in it not the personal names of the witnesses are recorded, but only their offices or dignities, in which they officiated at that time; whereas the mistake in the first and third translations consists herein, that the witnesses are called kings, and more so of those places by which names these places were called some time after and subsequently when times had changed, and by which names they are still known. the second translation, however, calls them merely heads of the countries, in the same manner as they were known at the time of the emperor, when these heads were not as yet kings, because these heads bore the title of king and ruler only after the well-known division of the malabar empire into four chief kingdoms, and several smaller kingdoms and principalities. it must be admitted, however, that the head of the country of cochin is, in the first and third translations, not mentioned by that name, although the kingdom of cochin is in reality one of the four chief kingdoms of malabar. i add this here for elucidation, in order that one should not wonder, when reading this charter, that inferior heads of countries and districts of the malabar empire could be called kings, because the empire being at that time not as yet divided, they were not kings. it seems, therefore, to have been a free translation, of which the translators of the first and third translations have made use, and which has been pointed out in the second translation. "'the other statements of this charter, especially the authority over the five castes, must be explained according to the ancient times, customs, and habits of the people of malabar, and need not be taken into consideration here. whether this charter has in reality been granted to the jews or not, it is certain that not at any time has a jew had great authority over his co-religionists, and still less over the so-called five castes. moreover, the property of the jews has never been free from taxes, notwithstanding the fact that the kings to whom they were subject appointed as a rule as heads of the jews men of their own nationality. they were known by the name of moodiliars, who had no other authority than to dispose of small civil disputes, and to impose small fines of money. "'there is, however, a peculiarity, which deserves to be mentioned. although, in the charter, some privileges are granted, which were also given to other people, yet to no one was it ever permitted to fire three salutes at the break of day, or on the day of a marriage feast of one who entered upon the marriage state, without a previous request and special permission. this was always reserved, even to the present day, to the kings of cochin only. yet up to now it was always allowed to the jews without asking first. and it is known that the native kings do not easily allow another to share in outward ceremonies, which they reserve for themselves. if, therefore, the jews would have arrogated to themselves this privilege without high authority, the kings of cochin would put a stop to this privilege of this nation, whose residences are situated next to the cochin palace, but for this reason, i suppose, dare not do so.'" various authorities have attempted to fix approximately the date of the copper-plate charter. mr. burnell gives a.d. as its probable date. the rev. g. milne rae, accepting the date as fixed by mr. burnell, argues that the jews must have received the grant a few generations after the settlement, and draws the conclusion that they might have settled in the country some time about the sixth century a.d. dr. j. wilson, in a lecture [ ] on the beni-israels of bombay, adopts the sixth century of the christian era as the probable date of the arrival of the beni-israels in bombay, about which time also, he is inclined to think, the cochin jews came to india, for their first copper-plate charter seems to belong to this period. there is no tradition among the jews of cochin that they and the beni-israels emigrated to the shores of india from the same spot or at the same time, and the absence of any social intercourse between the beni-israels and the cochin jews seems to go against this theory. in one of the translations of the charter obtained by the dutch governor moens, the following words appear: "written by the secretary calembi kelapoor, in the year of the kali-yuga (i.e., a.d.)." this date does not appear, however, in the translations of gundert, ellis, burnell and oppert. the charter was given in the thirty-sixth year of the reign of the donor bhaskara ravi varma. and, as all, except the last of the foreign viceroys of kerala, are said to have been elected for twelve years only, cheruman perumal, reputed to be the last of perumals, who under exceptional circumstances had his term extended, according to malabar tradition, to thirty-six years, may be identical with bhaskara ravi varma, who, mr. day says, reigned till a.d. mr. c. m. whish gives a still earlier date, for he fixes a.d. as the probable date of the grant. in connection with the claim to the antiquity of the settlement of the jews in malabar, it is set forth in the cochin census report that they "are supposed to have first come in contact with a dravidian people as early as the time of solomon about b.c. , for 'philology proves that the precious cargoes of solomon's merchant ships came from the ancient coast of malabar.' it is possible that such visits were frequent enough in the years that followed. but the actual settlement of the jews on the malabar coast might not have taken place until long afterwards. mr. logan, in the manual of malabar, writes that 'the jews have traditions, which carry back their arrival on the coast to the time of their escape from servitude under cyrus in the sixth century b.c.,' and the same fact is referred to by sir w. hunter in his 'history of british india.' this eminent historian, in his 'indian empire' speaks of jewish settlements in malabar long before the second century a.d. a roman merchant ship, that sailed regularly from myos hormuz on the red sea to arabia, ceylon, and malabar, is reported to have found a jewish colony in malabar in the second century a.d. in regard to the settlement of the jews in malabar, mr. whish observes that 'the jews themselves say that mar thomas, the apostle, arrived in india in the year of our lord , and themselves, the jews, in the year .' in view of the commercial intercourse between the jews and the people of the malabar coast long before the christian era, it seems highly probable that christianity but followed in the wake of judaism. the above facts seem to justify the conclusion that the jews must have settled in malabar at least as early as the first century a.d." at cochin the jews enjoyed full privileges of citizenship, and were able to preserve the best part of their religious and civil liberty, and to remain here for centuries unseen, unknown, and unsearched by their persecutors. but, in the sixteenth century, they fell victims by turns to the oppression of fanatical moors and over-zealous christians. "in , the mahomedans made an onslaught on the cranganur jews, slew a great number, and drove out the rest to a village to the east; but, when they attacked the christians, the nayars of the place retaliated, and in turn drove all the mahomedans out of cranganur. the portuguese enlarged and strengthened their cranganur fort, and compelled the jews finally to desert their ancient settlement of anjuvannam." thus, with the appearance of a powerful christian nation on the scene, the jews experienced the terrors of a new exile and a new dispersion, the desolation of cranganur being likened by them to the desolation of jerusalem in miniature. some of them were driven to villages adjoining their ruined principality, while others seem to have taken shelter in cochin and ernakulam. "cranganore," mr. adler writes, "was captured by the mahomedan sheikh or zamorin in , and razed to the ground. the rajah daniel seems to have previously sent his brother david to europe to negociate with the pope and the portuguese for an offensive and defensive alliance against the zamorin. anyhow, a mysterious stranger, who called himself david rubbeni, appeared in rome in march, , and, producing credentials from the portuguese authorities in india and egypt, was received with much honour by the pope, king john of portugal, and the emperor charles the fifth in turn. after some years he fell a victim to the inquisition, but his failure and non-return to india are more easily explained by the fact that he was too late, and that the state he represented was no longer existent, than by the cheap assumption of all our historians, including graetz, that he was an impostor with a cock-and-bull story. whether the famous diary of david rubbeni is genuine or not is less certain. but i have elsewhere sought to re-establish this long-discredited ambassador, and here limit myself to drawing attention to his name, which seems to have been david rabbani. to this day david is one of the commonest names among the cochin jews, as well as the b'nei israel, and rabbani is the name of the ruling family under the copper grant. its alteration into rubeni was due to sixteenth century interest in the lost ten tribes, and a consequent desire of identifying the royal family as sprung from reuben, the first-born of israel. reuben, too, is a favourite name among the b'nei israel. with the destruction of their capital, the jews left and migrated, though to no great distance. within miles south of cranganore are four other places, all on the cochin back-water, where the black jews still have synagogues. parur, chennan mangalam, and mala have each one synagogue, ernakulam has two, and cochin three, of which one belongs to the white jews. the parur jews have also the ruins of another synagogue marked by a ner tamid, which they say existed years ago, when there were eighteen bote midrash (schools) and jewish houses. this tradition further confirms the importance of cranganore before . with the advent of the dutch, better times ensued for the jews. the dutch were bitter foes of the portuguese and their inquisition, and friends of their enemies. naturally the jews were on the side of the dutch, and, as naturally, had to suffer for their temerity. in the dutch attacked the ranee's palace at mattancheri and besieged the adjoining town of cochin, but had to retire before portuguese reinforcements. the portuguese therefore burnt the synagogue adjoining the palace, because they suspected the jews, no doubt with justice, of having favoured the dutch. in the following year, however, 'the dutch renewed their attack on cochin, this time with complete success. the port and town fell into their hands, and with it fell the portuguese power in india. by a series of treaties, cochin and holland became close allies, and the dutch settlement became firmly established in cochin.' the dutch helped the white jews to rebuild their synagogue. the dutch clock is still the pride of cochin jewry." it is well known that the cochin jews are generally divided into two classes, the white and the black. writing in the early part of the eighteenth century, [ ] baldæus states that "in and about the city of cochin, lived formerly some jews, who even now have a synagogue allow'd them without the fortifications; they are neither white nor brown, but quite black. the portuguese histories mention that at a certain time certain blasphemous papers against our saviour, with some severe reflections against the jesuit gonsalvus pereira (who afterwards suffer'd martyrdom at monopatapa) being found in a box set in the great church for the gathering of alms; and the same being supposed to be laid there by some european jews, who now and then used to resort thither privately, this gave occasion to introduce the inquisition into goa." it is noted by the rev. j. h. lord [ ] that "jacob saphir, a jewish traveller, who visited his co-religionists in cochin in recent years, having described some of the jews resident there as black, hastens to tone down his words, and adds, they are not black like the raven, or as the nubians, but only as the appearance of copper. but hagim jacob ha cohen, another modern jewish traveller, chastizing the latter for calling them black at all, declares that he will write of this class everywhere as the non-white, and never anywhere (god forbid!) as the black." the black jews claim to have been the earliest settlers, while the white jews came later. but the latter assert that the former are pure natives converted to the jewish faith. these two difficult, yet important, issues of priority of settlement and purity of race have divided antiquarians and historians quite as much as they have estranged the two classes of jews themselves from one another. according to the rev. c. buchanan, [ ] the white jews dwelling in jews' town in mattancheri are later settlers than the black jews. they had only the bible written on parchment, and of modern appearance, in their synagogue, but he managed to get from the black jews much older manuscripts written on parchment, goat's skin, and cotton paper. he says that "it is only necessary to look at their countenances to be satisfied that their ancestors must have arrived in india many years before the white jews. their hindu complexion, and their very imperfect resemblance to the european jews, indicate that they had been detached from the parent stocks in judea many ages before the jews in the west, and that there have been marriages with families not israelitish." the rev. j. hough observes [ ] that the black jews "appear so much like the natives of india, that it is difficult at first sight to distinguish them from the hindu. by a little closer observation, however, the jewish contour of their countenances cannot be mistaken." in the lecture already referred to, dr. wilson states that "their family names, such as david castile (david the castilian) go to prove that they (the white jews) are descended of the jews of spain, probably of those driven from that country in the reign of ferdinand and isabella, and of german and egyptian jews. the real ancient jews of cochin are the black jews' descendants, we believe, of judea-arabians and indian proselytes. some rather obscure references to the jews of cochin and quilon are made by benjamin of tudela, who returned to spain from his eastern voyage in . he found no white jews in india. speaking of those in the pepper country near chulam (quilon), he says that all the cities and countries inhabited by these people contain only about jews (members of the synagogue), who are of black colour as well as the other inhabitants." referring to jan linschoten's 'itinerary,' published in holland in , mr. adler observes that "the jews who interested our traveller were the 'rich merchants and of the king of cochin's nearest counsellers, who are most white of colour like men of europe, and have many fair women. there are many of them that came of the country palestine and jerusalem thither, and spoke over all the exchange verie perfect and good spanish.' this directly confirms the view that the white jews were new comers from foreign lands. their knowledge of spanish is now quite a thing of the past, but it proves that they were sephardim." in regard to the claim of the white jews to being the only genuine jews, it may be of interest to record the opinion of a jew, rabbi david d'beth hithel, who travelled in cochin in . he says that "the white jews say of them (the black jews) that they are descendants of numerous slaves who were purchased and converted to judaism, set free and carefully instructed by a rich white jew some centuries ago. at his cost, they say, were all their old synagogues erected. the black jews believe themselves to be the descendants of the first captivity, who were brought to india, and did not return with the israelites who built the second temple. this account i am inclined to believe correct. though called black jews--they are of somewhat darker complexion than the white jews--yet they are not of the colour of the natives of the country, or of persons descended from indian slaves." this passage bears reference to a tradition current among the black jews that they are the descendants of the jews who were driven out of the land of israel thirteen years before the destruction of the first temple built by solomon. they are said to have first come to calicut, whence they emigrated to cranganur. "the white jews," mr. adler writes, "claiming that they, and they alone, are the true descendants of the aboriginal jews of cranganur, retain the copper tablets in their possession, and boast that, about the beginning of the seventeenth century, the rajah of cochin invested the head of the hallegua family with the hereditary title of mudaliar or noble [and a wand with a silver knob as a sign of his dignity], with the power of punishing certain crimes. the males of that family still bear the title, but their feudal rights have been abrogated. nowadays the number of white jews has dwindled to less than , so that it was easy to procure a list of all their names. from the foreign origin of their surnames (kindel, ashkenazi, mizrahi, koder, roby, sassoon), as well as for other reasons, it seems certain that the white jews are late comers, who did not settle in india till after the destruction of cranganur. they were traders, who came to cochin; they prospered under the rule of the dutch, and built their synagogue and quarter after the black jews were already established there. though, now, they hold themselves jealously aloof from the black jews, they were at first quite intimate and friendly. the indian environment has had the opposite effect to that which england has had upon our ashkenazim and our no longer exclusive sephardim. in india caste is varna, which means colour, and their difference in colour has produced caste distinctions among the indian jews. but, although the white jews are fair, some of them are certainly not quite white, nor are the black jews quite black. some of the 'black' jews are hardly distinguishable from their 'white' brethren. their customs, ritual, and religious observances are the same. their synagogues are so alike that it needs some keenness of eyesight to detect that two pictures are not of the identical building. the only great (?) difference is that the white jews have theirs tiled with rare old blue tiles, over which newspaper correspondents wax eloquent. they say the tiles are old dutch, but really they are genuine chinese [blue and white canton china], [ ] whereby hangs a tale. the synagogue was built nearly years ago in a corner of the rajah's palace-yard. at that time, the dutch were in possession of what is now british cochin, and they were the only people trading with china. the rajah, through his allies the dutch, had imported a large quantity of the best china tiles to pave his darbar hall, but the jews, says mr. thurston, thought they would just do for the synagogue they were building, so they told the rajah that he could not possibly use them, inasmuch as bullock's blood had been employed in their manufacture. his highness, much perturbed at the indignity to so sacred an animal, bade them take the tiles away, and never let him see them again. hence their presence in the synagogue. the other synagogue has tiles also, but they are of gleaming white." the synagogues, it may be added, are square whitewashed buildings, surmounted by a bell-tower. it is said that the kadyabagan synagogue of the black jews is admitted by the white jews to be the oldest at present existing, having been built in the th century. it is recorded by governor moens that "in the jewish quarters (situated) next to the palace of the king of cochin at cochin de sima there are two synagogues, viz., one for the white jews, and the other for the black jews. the latter have readers of their own tribe, who hold the services, but, when a white rabbi comes to their synagogue, the honour of conducting the service must be given to him." "the dates," the rev. j. h. lord writes, "of the synagogues of the black jews altogether antedate those of the white. thus, the date on the mural slab of the now disused and dilapidated cochin angadi synagogue is a.d. = years ago. that of the kadavambagom synagogue in cochin is a.d. , or = years ago. that of the cochin theckumbagom synagogue is a.d. , or = years ago; while that of the synagogue of the white jews is a.d. or = years ago. hence the institutions of the black jews are the more ancient. the tomb-stone dates of the black jews are also far more ancient than those of the white jews. the earliest date of any tomb-stone of the black jews is six hundred years old." it is further noted by the rev. j. h. lord that "the black jews are still the ones who make use of the privileges granted in the copper-plate charter. they still carry a silk umbrella, and lamps lit at day-time, when proceeding to their synagogue on the th day after birth of sons. they spread a cloth on the ground, and place ornaments of leaves across the road on occasions when their brides and bridegrooms go to get married, and use then cadanans (mortars which are charged with gunpowder, and fired), and trumpets. after the wedding is over, four silk sunshades, each supported on four poles, are borne, with lamps burning in front, as the bridal party goes home. the black jews say that the white jews use none of these, and never have done so. the white jews aver that they were accustomed formerly to use such privileges, but have discontinued them." there is record of disputes between the white and black jews for as early a time as that of the dutch settlement, or even earlier. jealousy and strife between the two sections on matters of intermarriage and equal privileges seem to have existed even during the time of the portuguese. canter visscher, in his 'letters from malabar,' [ ] refers to these party feelings. "the blacks," he writes, "have a dark coloured rabbi, who must stand back if a white one enters, and must resign to him the honour of performing the divine service in the synagogue. on the other hand, when the black rabbis enter the synagogue of whites, they must only be hearers. there has lately been a great dispute between the two races; the black wishing to compel the white jewesses to keep their heads uncovered, like their own women, and trying to persuade the rajah to enforce such a rule. the dispute ended, however, with permission given to every one, both men and women, to wear what they chose." more than once, jewish rabbis have been appealed to on the subject of racial purity, and they have on all occasions upheld the claims of a section of the black jews to being jews, and the white jews have as often repudiated such decisions, and questioned their validity. the weight of authority, and the evidence of local facts, seem to militate against the contention of the white jews that the black jews do not belong to the israelitish community, but are the descendants of emancipated slaves and half castes. the white jews appear to have maintained the purity of their race by declining intermarriage with the black jews. it must be admitted that, in the earlier centuries, the original settlers purchased numerous slaves, who have since then followed the religion of their masters. it is recorded by stavorinus [ ] that "when these jews purchase a slave, they immediately manumit him; they circumcise him and receive him as their fellow israelite, and never treat him as a slave." it is noted by canter visscher [ ] that "the jews make no objection to selling their slaves who are not of their own religion to other nations, obliging them, however, when sold, to abandon the use of the jewish cap, which they had before worn on their heads. but slaves, male or female, once fully admitted into their religion by the performance of the customary rites, can never be sold to a stranger." the jews are said to have had former fugitive connections with the women of these converts, and brought into existence a mixed race of dravidians and semitics. it would be uncharitable to infer from this that all the black jews are the descendants of converted slaves or half-castes, as it would be unreasonable to suppose that all of them are the descendants of the original settlers. it is noted by mr. adler that "the rev. j. h. lord quotes an interesting pronouncement on the racial purity of the black jews of malabar made by haham bashi of jerusalem in . the rabbi is said to have referred to the maharikash (r. jacob castro, of alexandria), whose responsum in confirmed the 'jichus' or the 'mejuchasim' and decided likewise. he is even said to have allowed one of his relatives to marry a brown jew! nowadays, the white jews hold aloof from the larger community, black or brown, and profess to be of another caste altogether. but one of the most intelligent of their number, who took us round the synagogues, professed to think such exclusiveness exaggerated and unfair, and admitted that their own grandfathers had lived with black jewesses in a more or less binding marital relation, and it is abundantly clear that, till recently, the black and white jews were quite friendly, and the very fact of the white jews holding the title-deeds merely proves that they were trusted by the true owners to keep them for safe custody, as they were richer and possessed safes. in an article in the 'revue des deux mondes,' [ ] pierre loti, writing of the black jews, says that "le rabbin me fait d'ameres doléances sur la fierté des rivaux de la rue proche, qui ne veulent jamais consentir à contracter marriage, ni même à frayer avec ses paroissiens. et, pour comble, me dit-il, le grand rabbin de jérusalem, à qui on avait adressé une plainte collective, le priant d'intervenir, s'est contenté d'émettre, en réponse, cette généralité plutôt offensante: pour nicher ensemble, il faut être des moineaux de même plumage." in recent years, a distinction appears to have grown up among the black jews, so that they now want to be distinguished as brown jews and black jews, the former claiming to be meyookhasim or genuine jews. in this connection, mr. adler writes that "the black jews are themselves divided into two classes, the black jews proper, who are darker, and have no surnames, and the noble, who have family names and legitimate descent, and claim to be the true descendants of the cranganur or singili jews." the white jews are generally known by the name of paradesis (foreigners). this designation is found in some of the sirkar (state) accounts, and also in a few theetoorams or royal writs granted to them. it is argued that they must have been so called at first to distinguish them from the more ancient israelites. the existence for centuries of three small colonies of black jews at chennamangalam and mala in the cochin state, and parur in travancore, at a distance of five or six miles from cranganur, shows that they must have sought refuge in those places on being hard pressed by the moors and the portuguese. there are no white jews in any of these stations, nor can they point to any vested interests in the tracts about cranganur, the most ancient jewish settlement in the state. the jews wear a long tunic of rich colour, a waistcoat buttoned up to the neck, and full white trousers. they go about wearing a skull cap, and put on a turban when they go to the synagogue. the black jews dress more or less like the native mahomedans. many of them put on shirts, and have skull caps like the jonaka mappilas. they generally wear coloured cloths. the jews invariably use wooden sandals. these, and their locks brought down in front of the ears, distinguish them from other sections of the population. the jewesses always wear coloured cloths. hebrew is still the liturgical language, and is studied as a classic by a few, but the home language is malayalam. the white jews celebrate their marriages on sundays, but the black jews still retain the ancient custom of celebrating them on tuesdays after sunset. though polygamy is not prohibited, monogamy is the rule. the males generally marry at the age of , while the marriageable age for girls is or . marriages are generally celebrated on a grand scale. the festivities continue for seven days in the case of the white jews, and for fifteen days among the black jews, who still make use of some of the ancient privileges granted by the charter of cheraman perumal. the jews of all sections have adopted a few hindu customs. thus, before going to the synagogue for marriage, a tali (marriage badge) is tied round the bride's neck by some near female relative of the bridegroom (generally his sister) in imitation of the hindu custom, amidst the joyful shouts (kurava) of women. divorce is not effected by a civil tribunal. marriages are dissolved by the making good the amount mentioned in the kethuba or marriage document. in regard to their funerals, the corpse is washed, but not anointed, and is deposited in the burial-ground, which is called beth haim, the house of the living. like their brethren in other parts of the world, the cochin jews observe the sabbath feasts and fasts blended intimately with their religion, and practice the rite of circumcision on the eighth day, when the child is also named. the passover is celebrated by the distribution of unleavened bread, but no kid is killed, nor is blood sprinkled upon the door-post and lintel. the other feasts are the feast of pentecost, feast of trumpets, and feast of tabernacles. the day of atonement, and the anniversary of the destruction of jerusalem, are observed as fasts. on the day of atonement, the jews pray in the synagogue from a.m. till p.m. the jewish fasts commence from p.m. on the day previous to the fast, and end at p.m. next day. their days begin and end with sunset. the feast of tabernacles is observed with more pomp and ceremony than other feasts. a pandal, or temporary shed, with a flat roof, covered over with plaited leaves of the cocoanut palm, and decorated with festoons, is put up in the court-yard of, or near every house, beneath which the inmates of the house assemble and take their meals. on the last day of the feast, a large can filled with oil is lit up in front of the synagogue. on that day, the congregation assembles in the synagogue. persons of both sexes and of all ages meet in the house of prayer, which is gorgeously decorated for the occasion. on this day, when the books are taken outside the synagogue by the male congregation, the females, who are seated in the gallery, come into the synagogue, and, when the books are taken back, they return to their gallery. the genuine jews are, as indicated, known as m'yukhasim (those of lineage or aristocracy), while converts from the low castes are called non-m'yukhasim. according to the opinion of jewish rabbis, tabila, or the holy rabbinical bath, removes the social disabilities of the latter. those who have had recourse to this bath are free to marry genuine jews, but respect for caste, or racial prejudice, has invariably stood in the way of such marriages being contracted. from a recent note ( ), i gather that "the jews, realising that higher and more advanced education is needed, have bestirred themselves, and are earnestly endeavouring to establish an institution which will bring their education up to the lower secondary standard. the proposed school will be open to both the white and black jews. in order to place the school on a good financial basis, one of the leading jews, mr. s. koder, approached the anglo-jewish association for aid, and that society has readily agreed to provide a sum of £ a year for the upkeep of the school. generous, however, as this offer is, it is found that the amount is insufficient to cover the expenditure; so the jews are going to raise a public subscription amongst themselves, and they also intend to apply to the cochin darbar for a grant under the educational code." [ ] i was present at the convocation of the madras university in , when the chancellor conferred the degree of bachelor of arts on the first jew who had passed the examination. according to the cochin census, , there were white, and black jews. jhodia.--a sub-division of poroja. jhoria.--a sub-division of gaudo. jilaga (pith).--an exogamous sept of devanga. jilakara (cumin seeds: cuminum cyminum). an exogamous sept of balija and togata. jinigar.--"there are," mr. h. a. stuart writes, [ ] "a few members of this caste, chiefly in the chendragiri taluk, whose ordinary occupation it now is to paint pictures. they were, however, once, it is said, artificers, and the account given of them is as follows. they were originally razus from the northern circars, who, coming to the chendragiri raja for employment, were set to watch members of the kammala caste who served the raja, in order to prevent idleness or fraud. after some time, the kammalans finished an idol's car, and, being inflated with pride, demanded to be allowed to sit in it before the swami was himself placed there. for their arrogance they were expelled, and the razus, having by observation learnt something of their craft, discharged their duties to the community. under the nabobs they abandoned this walk of life, and took to saddlery, whence came their name from jini a saddle, and now they are merely muchis." mr. w. francis informs us [ ] that "in bellary wood-carving is done by jinigaras, who have taught the art to some muhammadans, who are now often more skilful than their teachers. two of them made a teak doorway, carved in the chalukyan style, which obtained a medal at the arts exhibition at the delhi darbar, and is now in the madras museum." at nandyal in the kurnool district, i recently saw a jinigar, who makes "lacquer" (gesso) fans, trays, large circular table tops, etc., and paintings of hindu deities and mythological subjects. he made a number of panels used in the dado of lady curzon's boudoir at the circuit house, delhi. a medal was awarded to him for his gesso ware at the delhi exhibition, but it was, in colouring, inferior to that of the collection which was sent to the indo-colonial exhibition in . the "lacquer" ware of kurnool has been said to be perhaps the finest indian gesso work produced anywhere. the work turned out at mandasa in ganjam is much bolder, and suitable for decoration on a large scale. a similar method of decoration was formerly largely used in saracenic architectural decoration of interiors in various countries. the patterns of the kurnool ware are floral, and in slight relief, and the colours are very bright with much gilding. at nossam, in ganjam, leather dishmats are painted with pictures of deities and floral designs. native circular playing-cards, and fans made of palmyra leaves or paper and cloth "lacquered" and painted in brilliant colours, are also made here. in the nellore district, the jiniga-vandlu make toys, pictures, and models in paper and pith. at trichinopoly, very elaborate and accurate models of the great hindu temples, artificial flowers, bullock coaches, etc., are made of the pith of sola (Æschynomene aspera), which is also used in the construction of sola topis (sun-hats). the madras museum possesses a very quaint pith model of the raja of tanjore in darbar, with performing wrestlers and deva-dasis, made many years ago. jinka.--(indian gazelle, gazella bennetti).--an exogamous sept of padma sale. the equivalent jinkala is a sept of boya. jira.--in the bellary district, a lingayat who sells flowers calls himself a jira, and his caste jira kula. jirige (cumin: cuminum cyminum).--an exogamous sept of kuruba, and gotra of kurni. jivala (an insect).--an exogamous sept of kuruba. jogi.--the jogis, who are a caste of telugu mendicants, are summed up by mr. h. a. stuart [ ] as being "like the dasaris, itinerant jugglers and beggars. they are divided into those who sell beads, and those who keep pigs. they are dexterous snake-charmers, and pretend to a profound knowledge of charms and medicine. they are very filthy in their habits. they have no restrictions regarding food, may eat in the house of any sudra, and allow widows to live in concubinage, only exacting a small money penalty, and prohibiting her from washing herself with turmeric-water." in addition to begging and pig-breeding, the jogis are employed in the cultivation of land, in the destruction of pariah dogs, scavenging, robbery and dacoity. some of the women, called killekyata, are professional tattooers. the jogis wander about the country, taking with them (sometimes on donkeys) the materials for their rude huts. the packs of the donkeys are, mr. f. s. mullaly informs us, [ ] "used as receptacles for storing cloths obtained in predatory excursions. jogis encamp on the outskirts of villages, usually on a plain or dry bed of a tank. their huts or gudisays are made of palmyra leaves (or sedge) plaited with five strands forming an arch." the huts are completely open in front. in the tamil country, the jogis are called dhoddiyan or tottiyan (q.v.), and those who are employed as scavengers are known as koravas or oddans. the scavengers do not mix with the rest of the community. some jogis assert that they have to live by begging in consequence of a curse brought on them by parvati, concerning whose breasts one of their ancestors made some indiscreet remarks. they consider themselves superior to malas and madigas, but an oddan (navvy caste) will not eat in the house of a jogi. they are said to eat crocodiles, field rats, and cats. there is a tradition that a jogi bridegroom, before tying the bottu (marriage badge) on his bride's neck, had to tie it by means of a string dyed with turmeric round the neck of a female cat. people sometimes object to the catching of cats by jogis for food, as the detachment of a single hair from the body of a cat is considered a heinous offence. to overcome the objection, the jogi says that he wants the animal for a marriage ceremony. on one occasion, i saw a madiga carrying home a bag full of kittens, which, he said, he was going to eat. the jogi mendicants go about, clad in a dirty loin-cloth (often red in colour) and a strip of cloth over the shoulders, with cobras, pythons, or rat snakes in baskets, and carrying a bag slung over the shoulder. the contents of one of these bags, which was examined, were fruits of mimusops hexandra and flower-spikes of lippia nodiflora (used for medicine), a snake-charming reed instrument, a piece of cuttle-fish shell, porcupine quills (sold to goldsmiths for brushes), a cocoanut shell containing a powder, narrikombu (spurious jackals' horns) such as are also manufactured by kuruvikarans, and two pieces of wood supposed to be an antidote for snake-poisoning. the women go about the streets, decorated with bangles and necklaces of beads, sharks' vertebræ, and cowry shells, bawling out "subbamma, lachchamma," etc., and will not move on till alms are given to them. they carry a capacious gourd, which serves as a convenient receptacle for stolen articles. like other telugu castes, the jogis have exogamous septs or intiperu, of which the following are examples:-- vagiti, court-yard. uluvala, horse-gram. jalli, tassels of palmyra leaves put round the necks of bulls. vavati (relationship). gundra, round. bindhollu, brass water-pot. cheruku, sugar-cane. chappadi, insipid. boda dasiri, bald-headed mendicant. gudi, temple. at the mysore census, , killekyata, helava, jangaliga, and pakanati were returned as being jogis. a few individuals returned gotras, such as vrishabha, kaverimatha, and khedrumakula. at the madras census, siddaru, and pamula (snake) were returned as sub-castes. pamula is applied as a synonym for jogi, inasmuch as snake-charming is one of their occupations. the women of the caste are said to be depraved, and prostitution is common. as a proof of chastity, the ordeal of drinking a potful of cow-dung water or chilly-water has to be undergone. if a man, proved guilty of adultery, pleads inability to pay the fine, he has to walk a furlong with a mill-stone on his head. at the betrothal ceremony, a small sum of money and a pig are given to the bride's party. the pig is killed, and a feast held, with much consumption of liquor. some of the features of the marriage ceremony are worthy of notice. the kankanams, or threads which are tied by the maternal uncles to the wrists of the bride and bridegroom, are made of human hair, and to them are attached leaves of alangium lamarckii and strychnos nux-vomica. when the bridegroom and his party proceed to the bride's hut for the ceremony of tying the bottu (marriage badge), they are stopped by a rope or bamboo screen, which is held by the relations of the bride and others. after a short struggle, money is paid to the men who hold the rope or screen, and the ceremonial is proceeded with. the rope is called vallepu thadu or relationship rope, and is made to imply legitimate connection. the bottu, consisting of a string of black beads, is tied round the bride's neck, the bride and bridegroom sometimes sitting on a pestle and mortar. rice is thrown over them, and they are carried on the shoulders of their maternal uncles beneath the marriage pandal (booth). as with the oddes and upparavas, there is a saying that a jogi widow may mount the marriage dais (i.e., remarry) seven times. when a girl reaches puberty, she is put in a hut made by her brother or husband, which is thatched with twigs of eugenia jambolana, margosa (melia azadirachta), mango (mangifera indica), and vitex negundo. on the last day of the pollution ceremony the girl's clothes and the hut are burnt. the dead are always buried. the corpse is carried to the burial-place, wrapped up in a cloth. before it is lowered into the grave, all present throw rice over the eyes, and a man of a different sept to the deceased places four annas in the mouth. within the grave the head is turned on one side, and a cavity scooped out, in which various articles of food are placed. though the body is not burnt, fire is carried to the grave by the son. among the jalli-vallu, a chicken and small quantity of salt are placed in the armpit of the corpse. on the karmandhiram, or day of the final death ceremonies, cooked rice, vegetables, fruit, and arrack are offered to the deceased. a cloth is spread near the grave, and the son, and other agnates, place food thereon, while naming, one after the other, their deceased ancestors. the food is eaten by jogis of septs other than the jalli-vallu, who throw it into water. if septs other than the jalli were to do this, they would be fined. those assembled proceed to a tank or river, and make an effigy in mud, by the side of which an earthen lamp is placed. after the offering of cooked rice, etc., the lamp and effigy are thrown into the water. a man who is celebrating his wife's death-rites then has his waist-thread cut by another widower while bathing. the jogis worship peddavadu, malalamma, gangamma, ayyavaru, rudramma, and madura virudu. some women wear, in addition to the marriage bottu, a special bottu in honour of one of their gods. this is placed before the god and worn by the eldest female of a family, passing on at her death to the next eldest. as regards the criminal propensities of the jogis, mr. mullaly writes as follows. [ ] "on an excursion being agreed upon by members of a joghi gang, others of the fraternity encamped in the vicinity are consulted. in some isolated spot a nim tree (melia azadirachta) is chosen as a meeting place. here the preliminaries are settled, and their god perumal is invoked. they set out in bands of from twelve to fifteen, armed with stout bamboo sticks. scantily clad, and with their heads muffled up, they await the arrival of the carts passing their place of hiding. in twos and threes they attack the carts, which are usually driven off the road, and not unfrequently upset, and the travellers are made to give all they possess. the property is then given to the headman of the gang for safe-keeping, and he secretes it in the vicinity of his hut, and sets about the disposal of it. their receivers are to be found among the 'respectable' oil-mongers of villages in the vicinity of their encampments, while property not disposed of locally is taken to madras. readmission to caste after conviction, when imprisonment is involved, is an easy matter. a feed and drink at the expense of the 'unfortunate,' generally defrayed from the share of property which is kept by his more fortunate kinsfolk, are all that is necessary, except the ceremony common to other classes of having the tongue slightly burnt by a piece of hot gold. this is always performed by the jangam (headman) of the gang. the boys of the class are employed by their elders in stealing grain stored at kalams (threshing-floors), and, as opportunity offers, by slitting grain bags loaded in carts." jogi.--a sub-division of kudubi. jogi gurukkal.--see yogi gurukkal. jogi purusha.--the purushas or jogi purushas seem to have come into existence in recent times, and to be divided into two distinct classes, one of which has crystallised into a caste, while the other merely follows a cult practiced by several other castes. those in south canara, who speak marathi and tulu, say that they form a caste, which will not admit members of other castes into its ranks. there is a head mutt (religious institution) at kadiri, with subordinate mutts at halori and bhuvarasu, all in south canara. the jogi purushas are disciples of one or other of these mutts. their special deity is bairava, but some regard gorakshanath as their god. they are initiated into the bairava cult by their priest. they may lead either a celibate or married life. the celibates should have a hole bored in the middle of the ear, and wear therein a ring of rhinoceros horn or china-clay. those who wish to lead a married life need not have a hole in the ear, but, at the time of their initiation, a piece of clay is pressed over the spot where the hole should be. all jogi purushas who have become the disciples of a guru (spiritual instructor) of their cult ought to have a brass, copper, or silver pipe, called singanatha, tied on a thread round the neck. before taking their meals, they are expected to pray to bairava, and blow the pipe. the jogi purushas follow the makkalakattu system of inheritance (in the male line), and, for their marriage ceremonies, engage a karadi brahman. the dead are buried in a sitting posture. the bojja, or final death ceremony, is usually performed on the twelfth day, and a brahman priest officiates thereat. the ceremony consists in offering food to the crows, making presents to brahmans, and undergoing purificatory rites for the removal of death pollution. if the deceased has been initiated into the bairava cult, puja (worship) must be done at the grave every alternate day from the third day till the bojja day. some jogi purushas are professional mendicants, while others work as coolies, peons, etc. jonagan.--jonagan is given, in the madras census report, , as the name applied to "musalman traders of partly hindu parentage. the word is from the tamil sonagan, which means arabia, and is not strictly the name of any musalman tribe, but is a loose term applied by the tamils to musalmans of mixed descent." in the gazetteer of south arcot, mr. francis says that "the term jonagan or sonagan, meaning a native of sonagan or arabia, is applied by hindus to both labbais and marakkayars, but it is usually held to have a contemptuous flavour." according to another version, jonagan is applied to sea-fishermen and boatmen, and the more prosperous traders are called marakkayars. in a note on the mappillas of malabar, mr. padmanabha menon writes that "the muhammadans generally go by the name of jonaga mappillas. jonaka is believed to stand for yavanaka, i.e., greek." joti (light).--an exogamous sept of boya. jotinagara.--jotinagara (people of the city of light) and jotipana are high sounding synonyms of the canarese oil-pressing ganigas, who express illuminant oils from seeds. in like manner, the tamil oil-pressing vaniyans are known as jotinagarattar and tiru-vilakku nagarattar (dwellers in the city of holy lamps). juda mappilla.--a name by which the cochin jews are known. julaha.--a few members of this muhammadan class of weavers have been returned at times of census. jungu (cock's-comb).--a gotra of kurni. notes [ ] yule and burnell. hobson-jobson. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] the bark of the avaram plant is one of the most valuable indian tanning agents. [ ] voyage to the east indies, and . [ ] hindu manners, customs and ceremonies. [ ] manual of the tanjore district, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] monograph of tanning and working in leather, . [ ] pratiloma, as opposed to an anuloma union, is the marriage of a female of a higher caste with a man of a lower one. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] madras police gazette, . [ ] i. no. . , vellore. [ ] criminal tribes of india, no. iii, . [ ] criminal classes in the bombay presidency. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] journal asiatic society, xxv, . [ ] journey through mysore, canara, and malabar. [ ] journal royal asiatic society, viii, . [ ] fauna, british india, mammalia. [ ] cassia auriculata. [ ] marriage chaplet worn on the forehead. [ ] wrist-threads dyed with turmeric. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] monograph, eth. survey of cochin, no. , . [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] calcutta review, . [ ] madras police report, . [ ] gazetteer of the malabar district. [ ] malabar and its folk, . [ ] karunakara menon, madras mus. bull., v. , . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] s. appadorai iyer. [ ] calcutta review, . [ ] one fanam = four annas eight pies. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] ind. ant., viii, . [ ] native life in travancore. [ ] a mulikka is the collective name for a present of five betel leaves, one areca nut, and two tobacco leaves. [ ] gazetteer of the trichinopoly district. [ ] rev. h. jensen, classified collection of tamil proverbs, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] gazetteer of the nilgiris. [ ] occasional essays on native south indian life. [ ] the fruits of several species of momordica are eaten by natives. [ ] sidney low. a vision of india, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the anantapur district. [ ] manual of the tanjore district. [ ] calcutta review, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] john company, a corruption of company jehan, a title of the english east india company. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] south indian inscriptions, vol. ii, part , p. . [ ] journey from madras through mysore, canara and malabar, . [ ] elliott. history of india. [ ] brahmanism and hinduism. [ ] evolution of hinduism, . [ ] j. t. wheeler. madras in the olden time. [ ] notes from a diary, -- . [ ] j. michaud. histoire des progrès et de la chûlte de l'empire de mysore, sons les règnes d'hyder-aly et tippoo saib. [ ] an indian olio. [ ] manual of the bellary district. [ ] cyclopædia of india. [ ] journ. anth. soc., bombay, vol. ii. [ ] journ. anth. soc., bombay, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the godavari district. [ ] see also collection of decisions on the law of succession, maintenance, etc., applicable to dancing-girls and their issues. c. ramachendrier, madras, . [ ] indian law reports, madras series, xxiii, . [ ] ibid., vol. v, - . [ ] ibid., vol. i, - . [ ] ibid., vol. vi, . [ ] ibid., vol. i, - . [ ] ibid., vol. i, - . [ ] ibid., vol. xix, . [ ] ibid., vol. xiii, . [ ] ibid., vol. xiv, . [ ] ibid., vol. xv, . [ ] ganga bai v. anant. bom., . [ ] hindu law and usage. [ ] macnaghten, digest. [ ] classified collection of tamil proverbs, . [ ] j. s. f. mackenzie. ind. ant., iv, . [ ] madras census report, ; manual of the south canara district. [ ] breeks. account of the primitive tribes and monuments of the nilgiris. [ ] section iii, inhabitants. madras government press, . [ ] gazetteer of the bombay presidency, xv, part i, . [ ] yule and burnell, hobson-jobson. [ ] tropical diseases. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] rev. h. jensen. classified collection of tamil proverbs, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] g. bühler on the indian sect of the jainas, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] man., . [ ] jeypore, breklum, . [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] man., . [ ] ibid. [ ] money-lender. [ ] madras census report, ; manual of the north arcot district. [ ] notes on the criminal classes of the madras presidency. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] m. paupa rao naidu. history of railway thieves. rd edition, . [ ] calcutta review, . [ ] memoir of sir thomas munro. [ ] manual of the north arcot district; madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district; madras census report, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] malabar law and custom. [ ] malabar quarterly review, vii, , . [ ] wigram. malabar law and custom. [ ] monograph. eth. survey of cochin, no. , . [ ] yule and burnell, nd ed., . [ ] handbook of british india, . [ ] cyclopædia of india. [ ] journ. anth. inst., xx, . [ ] danvers. the portuguese in india, . [ ] manual of malabar. [ ] see madras museum bulletin, ii, , table xxvi, . [ ] elephantiasis and allied disorders, madras, . [ ] veterinarian, june, . [ ] endemic skin and other diseases of india. fox and farquhar. [ ] linguistic survey of india iv, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] gazetteer of the vizagapatam district. [ ] madras mail, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the vizagapatam district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] ind. ant. xviii, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] gazetteer of the bellary district. [ ] calcutta review, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] original inhabitants of bharatavarsha. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] hobson-jobson. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] journ. anth. soc., bombay, , . [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] ind. ant. viii, . [ ] see c. ramchendrier, collection of decisions of high courts and the privy council applicable to dancing-girls, illatom, etc., madras, . [ ] j. s. f. mackenzie, ind. ant., iv, . [ ] yule and burnell, hobson-jobson. [ ] wigram. malabar law and custom. [ ] thurston. monograph on wood-carving in southern india. . [ ] yule and burnell. hobson-jobson. [ ] illustrations of the guzarattee, mahratlee, and english languages, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] occasional essays on native south indian life. [ ] hobson-jobson. [ ] letters from madras. by a lady. . [ ] monograph, eth. survey of bombay, , . [ ] t. p. hughes., dictionary of islam. [ ] mysore census report, . [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] manual of coorg. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] manual of coorg. [ ] journey through mysore, canara and malabar. [ ] manual of the south canara district. [ ] ind. ant. ii, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the madura district. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] malabar quart. review, ii, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] classified collection of tamil proverbs, . [ ] the idigas are said to have been formerly employed as soldiers under the poligars. [ ] j. s. f. mackenzie, ind. ant., iv, . [ ] madras census report, . [ ] malabar law and custom. [ ] criminal tribes of india, no. iii, madras, . [ ] primitive tribes of the nilgiris. [ ] description of a singular aboriginal race inhabiting the neilgherry hills, . [ ] a. w. lushington, indian forester, . [ ] agricultural ledger series, . [ ] ind. vi, . [ ] oriental manuscripts. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] manual of the nellore district. [ ] letters from malabar. [ ] voyage to the east indies. translation, . [ ] monograph ethnograph: survey of cochin, no. , izhavas, . [ ] chuckrams and puthans are coins. [ ] wide world magazine, september . [ ] native life in travancore, . [ ] malabar quart. review, iv, , . see also t. c. rice. jain settlements in karnata. ibid., iii, , . [ ] on the indian sect of the jainas. translation by j. burgess, . [ ] the earlier tirthankaras are believed to have been of prodigious proportions, and to have lived fabulously long lives, but the later ones were of more ordinary stature and longevity. [ ] inscriptions at sravana belagola. archæological survey of mysore, . [ ] history of indian and eastern architecture. [ ] annual report on epigraphy, madras, - . [ ] the inscriptions on the three jaina colossi of southern india have been published by dr. hultzsch in epigraphia indica, vii, - . [ ] ind. ant., v, . [ ] ind. ant., xxv, , sq., . [ ] op. cit. [ ] loc. cit. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] notes from a diary, - . [ ] gazetteer of the south arcot district. [ ] local oral tradition gives his name as dupala kistnappa nayak. [ ] also known as jaina tirupati. [ ] gazetteer of the madura district. [ ] ibid. [ ] n. sunkuni wariar. ind. ant., xxi, . [ ] madras census report, ; nellore manual. [ ] telugu dictionary. [ ] madras census report, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] travels into east india and arabia deserta, . [ ] wigram, malabar law and custom. [ ] logan, manual of malabar, which contains full details concerning janmis. [ ] history of korawars, erukalas, or kaikaries. madras, . [ ] rice, mysore and coorg gazetteer. [ ] narrative sketches of the conquest of mysore, . [ ] wilks' historical sketches: mysore, - . [ ] the captivity, sufferings, and escape of james scurry, . [ ] manual of the bellary district. [ ] may th, june st and th, . [ ] for the translations from the dutch i am indebted to the kindness of the rev. p. grote. [ ] a new account of the east indies, . [ ] a. c. burnell, ind. ant. iii, . [ ] madras journ. lit. science, xiii, part i. [ ] ibid., part ii. [ ] loc. cit. [ ] bhâskara-ravi-varmâ. [ ] this is explained in the hebrew version by cranganore, and muyiri is, no doubt, the original of the mouziris of ptolemy and the periplus of the red sea. it is (according to local tradition) the part where the travancore lines end, opposite to cranganore but across the back-water. [ ] i.e., yusuf rabbân. [ ] ueber die jüdischen colonien in indien. kohut memorial volume, semitic studies, berlin, . [ ] epigraphia indica, iii, - . [ ] ind. ant., xx, . [ ] epigraphia indica, iv, - . [ ] the land of the permauls, or cochin, its past and its present, . [ ] ind. ant., iii, . [ ] a description of ye east india coasts of malabar and coromandel, . [ ] the jews in india and the far east, . [ ] christian researches in india, . [ ] history of christianity in india, i, - , . [ ] j. splinter stavorinus. voyages to the east indies, - . [ ] edition by major heber drury, . letter xviii. [ ] op. cit. [ ] loc. cit. [ ] july, . [ ] madras mail, . [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] gazetteer of the bellary district. [ ] manual of the north arcot district. [ ] notes on criminal classes of the madras presidency. [ ] op. cit.