1 -A> i-i" ,1 ENCTCLOPjEDIA BRirANNICA; DICTIONARY o r ARTS, SCIENCES, AND MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE; Conftrudled on a Plan, BY WHICH THE DIFFERENT SCIENCES AND ARTS Are digefted into the Form of Diftincl TREATISES or systems, COMPREHENDING The History, Theory, and Practice, of each, according to the Lateft Difcoveries and Improvements; full EXPLANATIONS aiysti of the VARIOUS DETACHED PARTS OF KNOWLEDGE, WHETHER RELATING TO Natural and Artificial Objects, or to Matters Ecclesiastical, Civil, Military, Commercial, &c. Including Elucidations of the mod important Topics relative to Religion, Morals, Manners, and the Oeconomy of Life : TOGETHER WITH A Description of all the Countries, Cities, principal Mountains, Seas, Rivers, 6c. throughout the W o r l d ; \ General History, Ancient and Modern, of the different Empires, Kingdoms, and States > An Account of the L i v e s of the molt Eminent Perfons in every Nation, from the earlieft ages down to the prefent times. c-^“- - MoccxgviL entered tn atattonew ©all in Cermet of tie a& of parliament. Encyclopedia Britannic a j ' ^ caxmSSZBXn X'HtJlory zf Scotland continued from the preceding Volume Scotland. \ V " '8v S 360 James re- Jolves to iti ^7ade Ei g- ^and. . 's* N ^ 361 i he Soots s Itandard, which he left on the field of battle; the greateil pait of the plunder being recovered at the fame time. The commonalty of Scotland termed this expedition of the Lord Hume's the 111 road. James was more exafperated than ever bv this de¬ feat, and continued his preparations for invading Eng¬ land with additional vigour. His qUeen did all that became a v/iic ano prudent wife to divert him from Tu's fatal purpofe. She endeavoured to work upon his fu- perdition, by recounting to him her ominous dreams and boding apprehewfions. James treating thefe as mere illufions and fiftions of the brain, fhe had reconrfe to other arts. While James was waiting at Linlith- gow for the arrival of his army from the north and the Highlands, he aftifted one afternoon at the vefoers in the i.ourea of St Michael. Being placed in one of the canon’s feats, a venerable, comely man of about 5 2 years of age, entered, d re fled in a garment of an •azure colour, and girded round with a towel or roll •of linen, his forehead bald, and his yellow locks hang¬ ing down his {boulders ; in fhort, he was dreffed and A formed Scot’and, The queeit endeavnui* to (Jiflua fe James from tus dclign. A phai - tom appe ui to l.ini. SCO [2 Scotland, formed to appear like St Andrew, the apoftle of 1—-v Scotland, as he is reprefented in painting and fculp- ture. The church being crowded, this pevfonage, with feme difficulty, made his way to the king’s feat; and leaning over it, he fpoke to the following purpofe : « Sir (faid he), I am fent hither to intreat you for this time to delay your expedition, and to proceed no farther in your intended journey: for if you do, you {hall not profper in your enterprife, nor any of your followers. I am further charged to warn you, if ye be fo refractory as to go forward, not to ufe the ac¬ quaintance, company, or counfel of women, as ye ten¬ der your honour, life, and eftate.” After delivering thofe words, he retired through the crowd, and was no more feen, though, when the fervice was ended, James earneflly inquired after him. That this feene was aCted, feems to be paft dupute ; for Sir David Lindfay, who was then a young man, and prefent in the church, reported it both to Bucha¬ nan and Lindfay the hiftorian. It is, however, equally certain, that the whole was a contrivance of the queen, to whofe other affli&ions the flings of jealoufy were now added. In one of the Scotch inroads into Eng- luded by land, one Heron, the proprietor of the caftle of Ford, hismiitrtfs. jjaci been taken prifoner, and fent to Scotland ; where he was detained on a charge of murder, of which he feems to have been innocent. The Englifh hiflonans mention this as having puffed after James entered Eng¬ land * but from the latter part of the fuppofed phan¬ tom’s fpeech, it is probable that it happened before ; and that Heron’s wife and beautiful daughter had been for feme time foliciting James for his deliverance. _ Be that as it may, it is too probable that James was fmitten with the charms of the daughter; and that her mo¬ ther, who was a mod artful woman, knew how to avail herfelf of the conqueft. Pretending that ffie had in- tereft enough to procure the releafe of the lord Johniton and Alexander Home, who were pnfoners in England, {lie was permitted by James to keep a conftant corre- fpondence with the earl of Surry, to whom (he is faid Graved all Tames’s fecrets and meafures. L he 1 SCO 3*4 James de- uded by to have betrayed all James’! fecrets and meafures. 1 he rendezvous of James's army was at the Burrow-moor, to which James repaired ; and having given order, for the march of his artillery, he lodged at the abbey of Holvroodhoufe. While he was there, another at¬ tempt was made to divert him from h.s purpofe of in¬ vading England : but James, deaf to all the lobelia- ,ions and inventions of his queen, muftered h.s army , and on the 22d of Auguft he palled the 1 weed, en¬ camping that night near the banks of the Twiffe 1 On his arrival at'Twiffelhaugh on the 14th, he called an affimbly of his lords together, and made a declaiation, that the heirs of all fuch as ffiould die in the army, or be killed by the enemy during his flay m England, ffiould have their wards, relief, and marriages of the Line ; who, upon that account, difpenfed with their aeet ?This is faid to have been the enfis of that prince s fate Abandoned to his paffion for his Enghffi mif- trefs, ffie prevailed with him, at her mother’s inibga-. tion to trifle away his time for feme days; during which interval, the jundtion of the Enghffi army was formed. The earl of Surry, the Enghffi general was then at Pomfret : but ordered the landholders of the neighbouring, counties to certify to him in writing what number of men each could furmffi, charging them to be ready at an hour’s warning ; and he laid his plan fo, Scotland.* as not to bring his army into the field till James had advanced fo far into England as to render it very dif¬ ficult for him to retire without a general battle. 1 his precaution affifted the lady Ford (as ffie is called) in perfuading James that there was no danger in the de¬ lay, becaufe the Engliffi had not the face of an army in the field. , . , In the mean time, the earl of Surry ordered the go¬ vernors of Berwick and Norham, the two flrongeft places on the frontiers of England, to prepare for a vigorous refiftance in cafe they were attacked ; and di- re&ed them to certify how long they could hold out, in hopes, that if they made a refolute defence, James would march on, and leave them in his rear. The go¬ vernor of Norham’s anfwer was, that his caftle was io well provided, as to leave him no doubt, m cafe of a fiege, to be able to defend it till king Henry ffiould ^ return from abroad, and relieve it in perfon. James, Scot3 however, befieged it on the 25th of Auguft, and bat-take the tered it fo furioufly, that he took it by capitulation the cattles of fixth day after. James then proceeded to the caftle of ^ ^ Etal belonging to the family of Manners (now duke \yaik. of Rutland) ; which he took and demolilhed hkewife, as he alfo did Wark, and arrived before the caftle of Ford. The Scotch army is generally allowed to have conlifted of at leaft 50,000 men when it pafted the Tweed. At this time it was encamped on the heights of Cheviot, in the heart of a country naturally barren, and now defo- •late through the precautions taken by the Engliffi ge¬ neral. Being obliged to extend their quarters for the benefit of fubfiftence, the mercenary part of them had acquired a confiderable plunder, with which, as ufual, they retired to their own country, as many more did for want of fubfiftence. The earl of Surry knew their fituation, and ordered the rendezvous of his army, firlt . at Newcaftle, and then near Norham, having certain in¬ telligence of the vaft defertions daily happening in the Scotch army, which had reduced it greatly. The \vet- nefs of the feafon rendered his march, efpecially that of the artillery, extremely difficult; but being joined by feveral perfons of diftinaion, he marched on the id of September to Alnwic, where he was reinforced by 5000 hardy veteran troops, fent from the Enghfh army on the continent, under the command of his fon the lord-admiral of England ; fo that the Engliffi authors admit his army to have confifted of 26,000 all completely armed and provided for the held. men, au ......— — r/7 , , r J Tames having, in the manifefto which he difperfed on his entering England, given the death of Barton as one of the caufes of°his invalion, the lord-admiral had pre¬ vailed with Henry to fend him upon this iervice ; and he informed James by a letter, that he intended to juftiiy the death of that pirate in the front of the Enghffi army. ^ By this time the army of James was* by deieition jarnes and other caufes, reduced to lefs than half its numbers ; ^utt* feve- butthe chief misfortune attending it was his own con-ral of h.s du&. His indolence and ina&ivity, joined to the fcan- J* ^ dalous examples of his amours, at fuch a feafon, had dii- gufted feveral of his greateft men and heft friends ; and fome of them more than fufpefted a correfpondence be¬ tween the Engliffi lady amd the earl of Surry. James was deaf to all their remonftrances ; and the earl of Angus declared, that he was refolved to return home, as he forefaw that the ruin of the army was inevitable through SCO [ geothind. through the obhinacy of James. He accordingly with- w—v- drew to Scotland, but left behind him his two fons. The lord Hume and the earl of Huntley were likewife difcontented. The former had brought his men into the field ; but, according to feme Scotch hiltorians, with a defign rather to betray than to ferve James : but Huntley, though he difliked his mailer’s conduct, remained firmly attached to his perfon. The defection or backwardnefs of thofe great men feemed to make no impreflion upon James. He had chofen a ftrong camp in the neighbourhood of Ford, on the fide of a mountain called Floddon-hill; and he 3$7 was feparated from the Englilh army by the river Till, ^"an'ad! This advantageous fituation put the earl of Surry un- vantageous der great difficulties; for it rendered the Scotch army fituation. inacceflible, as it was fortified by artillery, and was now well fupplied with provifions by the change of its fituation. The earl drew up a manifello, with which he charged Rouge Croix herald, who was attended by a trumpet. It contained fome propofals for an ex¬ change of prifoners, which feems to have been calcu¬ lated to give the lady Ford the more credit with James; but concluded with reproaches for his perfidious inva- fion of England, and a defiance to James to fight him in a general battle. The herald was farther charged with a verbal commiflion to acquaint James, that the earl of Surry had ifiued orders that no quarter Ihould be given to any of the Scotch army but the king him- felf. A council of war was called on this occafion ; in which the earl of Huntley and others made ftrong re- monftrances againft a general engagement. They ftiew- ed how fatal it muft be to Scotland, Ihould it prove un- fuccefsful; and that the wifeft courfe James could fol¬ low was to return home, where, if he was purfued by the enemy, he could fight to great advantage. The earl of Huntley, however, added, that his opinion fhould be determined by that of the king and council; and that he was equally ready to fhare in his majefty’s dan¬ ger as his glory. Huntley and the other noblemen were oppofed by the French ambaflador, who reprefented a retreat as dif- 368 graceful to the nobility of Scotland and the arms of James 5 and ufed many romantic arguments of the £ime contrary to kind, which but too well fuited with the king’s difpo- the opi- fition. According to Drummond, the council were of nbn of all opinion, that the king fiiould immediately befiege Ber- his officers. wjck . {jut be that as it will, the majority of them were certainly of opinion, that it was beneath the dignity of James to fight the earl of Surry at that nobleman’s re- quifition, and that James could lofe no honour by re¬ turning home. Patrick lord Lindfay of Byres, men¬ tioned on a former occafion, and who was prefident of the council, exprefled himfelf fo ftrongly on that head, that James, in a paffion, is faid by the hiftorian Lind¬ fay to have fworn, that if ever he lived to return to Scotland, he would hang that nobleman at his own gate. He ordered Rouge Croix to be called in ; and after treating him with great politenefs, he fent a mef- fage to the earl of Surry by one of his own heralds (May), importing, that he would give the Englifti battle on the Friday following ; and that had he re¬ ceived fuch a meflage from the earl even in his own caftle of Edinburgh, he would have left that, and all other bufinefs, to have fought Rim. With this meflage, 3 1 sco a fmall manifefto, in vindication of James's condu£l, was Scotland, fent by the fame herald. 1 * The carl of Surry, who was then fo infirm that he was carried about in a fedan or chariot, had forefeen that James would return an anfwer by one of his own heralds; but, unwilling that he ftiould obtain any knowledge of the fituation of the Englifh camp, he ordered proper perfons to receive him at two miles di« fiance, where foon after he attended himfelf in perfon. May executed his commiflioh without paying much refpedl to the perfon of the Englifh general; who dif. miffed him, after beftowing great compliments upon the honour and courage of James. The earl then or¬ dered his army to march in the line of battle towards Wollerhaugh. There he was joined by Rouge Croix, herald, who gave him an account of the ttrong fitua¬ tion of the Scotttifh camp ; but the advanced polls of the Englifti army were then within three miles of their enemies, and the earl of Surry found his difficulties daily increafing. The roads were broken up, the Iwell- ing of the rivers cut him off from the neceffary com¬ munications for fupplying his army, and nothing but a battle could fave him either from being dilbanded or deftroyed. James feems to have fo far regarded the advice of his wifeft; counfellors, as not to abandon his ftrong fi- tuation. They endeavoured to perfuade him, that it was a fufficient guard to his honour, if he did not de¬ cline the battle on the day appointed ; and that his en¬ gagement did not bind him to fight upon difadvanta- geous ground. The Scots, at the fame time, knew of their enemy’s diftreffes; and, as Drummond elegantly expreffes it, they remonftrated to their king, that he ^ lacked nothing but patience to be vidlorious. The His im, ru- Scots thus lying on the defenfive, the earl of Surrydem again fent Rouge Croix to inform James that he wasduCT ready to give him battle. James was fenfibly nettled at \ this tacit imputation upon his honour, and perhaps was inwardly vexed for having followed the wile advice of his noblemen. It is certain, from the bell authorities, that he negleeledthejneceffary precautions for guarding the paffages of the Till, which the Englilh crofted, part¬ ly at a place where it was fordable, and partly at a bridge. We .are told, not without a great appearance of probability, that while the Englilh were palling the bridge, Borthwick, mailer of the Scotch artillery, fell up¬ on his knees, and begged permiffion from James to point his cannon againll the bridge ; but that James anfwer- ed him in a paffion, that it mull be at the peril of his (Borthwick’s) head, and that he was refolved to fee all his enemies that day on the plain before him in a body. The earl of Surry, after palling the Till, took poflef- fion of Braxton, which lay to the right of the Scotch camp ; and by that fituation he cut off the communica¬ tion of his enemies with the Tweed, and commanded the Till below Eton-callle. The Scotch generals faw themfelves now in danger of being reduced to the fame ft rails in which their enemies had been involved two days before, and their country open to an invafion of the Englilh army. James had lecret intelligence that this was far from being the intention of the Englilh general; and imagining that the latter’s intention was to take poffeffion of a ftrong camp upon a hill between him and the Tweed, which would give the Englilh a farther command of the country, he refolved to be be- A 2, fore- SCO ( 4 Scotland. fore-fianJ with the earl, and gave orders for making large fires of green wood, that the fmoke might cover his march along the height, to take advantage of that eminence. But while this ftratagem concealed his march from the Englilh, their movements were con¬ cealed from him : for when he came to the brow of the height .over which he had marched, he found the enemy drawn up in order of battle on the plain, but fo clofe to the height where he was, that his aitillery, on which his great dependence was, muft overlhoot them. Account of A battle was now not only unavoidable, but the only it c >a*’le ol means of faving the Scotch army, which was probably Fiouden. fJt from being a difagreeable circumllance to James. His perfon was fo dear to his troops, that many of theta drefitd themfelves as nearly as they could in the lame coats of armour and wth the fame dillin&ions that James wore that day. His generals had earneilly defired him to retire to a place of iafety, where his per¬ fon would be fecure in all events: but he obftinately refufed to follow their advice ; and on the ninth of September, early in the morning, difpolitions were ordered for the line of battle. Tire command of the van was allotted to the earl of Huntley ; the earls of I.enox and Argyle commanded the Highlanders under James, who, fume fay, ferved only as a volunteer; and the earls of Crawford and Montrofc led the body of re- ferve. The earl of Surry gave the command of his van to his fon, the lord-admiral ; his right wing was commanded by his other fon, Sir Edward Howard ; and his left by Sir Marmaduke ConRable. The rear was commanded by the earl himfelf, lord Dacres, and Sir Edward Stanley. Under thofe leaders ferved the flower of all the nobility and gentry then in England. Other writers give different accounts of the difpotition of the Er.gHih army, but they may be reconciled by the different forms into which the battle was thrown before it was decided. The lord Hume is mentioned as ier- ving under the earls of Crawford and Moatrofe, and Hepburn earl of Bothwel was in the rear. The firft motion of the Englifh army was by the lord-admiral, who fuddenly w he Jed to the right, and 1'eizcd a pafs at Milford, where he planted his artillery in as to command tire molt doping part of the aicent 'where the Scots were drawn up ; and it d d great ex¬ ecution. The Scots had not torefeen this manoeuvre ; and it put them into fuch diforder, that the earl of Huntley found it neceffary to attack the lord admiral; Lilith he did with fo much firry, that he drove him from his puff; and the ccmfequeuce muff have been fatal to the Englilh, had not his precipitate retreat been covered by fome fquadrons of horfe under the lord Dacres, which gave the lord-admiral an opportunity of rallying and' new-forming bis men. The earl of Surry now found it neceffary 1 . advance to the front, io that the Englilh army forme- one continued line, ■which galled the Scots with perpetual difeharges of their artillery and bows. The Highlanders, as ufual, impatient to come to a clofe fight, and to fliare in the honour of the day, which they now thought their own, rufired down the declivity with their broad-fwords, but without order or difcipline, and before the reft of the army, particularly the divilion under lord Hume, ad¬ vanced* to Support them. Their impetuofity, however, made a coniiderable imprefllon upon the main battle of the Englilh; and the"king bringing up the earl o£ ]' SCO BothwePs referve, the battle became general and doubt- SeotWoA ful: but by this time the lord-admiral, having again ' formed his men, came to the afliftance of his father, and charged the diviiion under the earls of Crawford and Montrofe, who were marching up to fupport the Highlanders, among whom the king and his attendants were now fighting on foot: while Stanley, making a circuit round the hill, attacked the Highlanders in tire rear. Ciawford and Montrofe, not being feeonded, ac¬ cording to the Scotch hiftorians, by the Humes, were routed ; and thus all that part of the Scotch army whicli was engaged under their king, was completely furrminded by the divifion of the Eirglifft under SurryV Stanley, and the lord-admiral. In this tenable litua- tion, James afted with a coolnefs not common to his temper. He drew up his men in a circular form, and their valour more than once opened the ranks oi the Englilh, or obliged them to Hand aloof, and again have recourfe to their bows and artillery. The chief of the Scotch nobility made freih attempts to prevail with James to make his efcape while it was pradticable ; but he obftinattly continued the fight; and thereby became acceffory to his own ruin, and that of his troops, whom the Englifir would gladly have fuffered to re- 371 treat. He faw tlie carls of Montrofe, Crawford, T’be Sects Argyle, and Lenox, fall by his fide, with the braveft^^^J’ of his men lying dead on the fpot ; and darknefs nowkj;1g ia^e^ coining on, he himfelf was killed by an unknown hand. ’1 he Englifh were ignorant of the vUory they had gained ; and had actually retreated from the field of battle, with a defign of renewing it next morning. This Jiiafter was evidently owing to the romantic difpotition of the king himfeli, and to the want of d;l- cipline among many of his foldiers; though fome writers have aicribed it to the treachery of lord Hume. Maty of James’s domeftics knew and mourned over his body ; and it appeared that he had received two mortal wounds, one through the trunk with an arrow, and the other on the head with a bail. His coat of armour was prefented to queen Catharine, who inrormed her hufband, then in France, of the vi&ory over the Scots. The lofs on both iides, in this engagement, is far from being aicertamed ; though Polydore Virgil, who lived at the time, mentions the lofs of the Engltfh at 5002, and that of the Scots at 10,0:0. After the death of king James TV. the adminiftra-The que-en- tion devolved on the queen-dowager ; but fhe being high >wa?e - af- with a poffhumous child, and unable to bear the weight *iimes rils of public bulineis, accepted oi Beaton archbifnop o' Glafgow and chancellor of Scotland, with the eails of Huntley, Angus, and Arran, to afiift her in the affairs of government. Soon after her hufband’s death fheWr;tes to had wrote an affedling letter to her brother the king of the king of England, informing him of her pregnancy, fettiug forth England, the deplorable Hate of the kingdom, with her own condi¬ tion, and imploring his friendship and protection for her- fdf and her infant fan. This letter feems never to have been communicated by Henry to his council; but he anfwered it, and informed his filter, that it the Scots would have peace, they ftiould have peace, and war if they chofe it. “ He added (according to Drum¬ mond), that her hufband. had fallen by his own indif- creet rafliuefs, and loolilh kindnefs to France ; that lie regretted his death as his ally, and fliould be willing to prohibit all hoftiiity againft the country of Scotland during in great coniuliiMi SCO [ gcctiUnd. dywng th« minority of her fou. For a remedy of pre- : fent evils, one year’s truce and a day lunger was yielded unto; ia which time he had leifure to profecute his ddi rns agninft France, without feaFof beincr difturbed or diverted by the incurfions and inroads of the Scots upon his borders.” Thi^cot- Thus far Drummond: but though Henry might tifhVmiin grant this time to his frier’s intreaty, yet it certainly did not become a national meafure ; for it appears by a letter dated two years after, from the Scots council to the king of France, pubhihed by Rymer, that the Scats never had deli red a truce. So far from that, the French influence, joined to a defire of revenge, re¬ mained fo ilrong in the kingdom, that a'ter the meet¬ ing of the parliament, fome of the members were fo violent as to propofe a renewal of the war. I Ins mo¬ tion was indeed over-ruled by the more moderate part ot the affembly : but they could not be brought to make any advances towards Henry for a peace; and every day was now big with public calamity, which feems to have gatheied ilreflgth while the queen was in child-bed. The archbishopric of St Andrew’s being va¬ cant, it was offered by univerfal confent to Itiphinilon bifhop of Aberdeen ; but being now old and infirm, he declined it. Three competitors for that high dignity then appeared. The firfl was Gawin Douglas, who was then abbot of Aberbrothw 'c, to which be was pre- fented by the queen upon her recovery (having been brought to bed of a fon) the very' day before her mar¬ riage with his nephew the earl of Angus : and upon the death of bifhop Elphinilon in November following, fhe prefented him like wife to the archbifhopric ot St Andrew’s. The fecond competitor was John Hepburn, prior of St Andrew’s ; a bold, avaricious, reftltfs, but fhrewd and ftnfible pried. By his office he had re¬ ceived the tents of the fee during its vacancy ; and having prevailed with the canons, on pretence of an¬ cient privileges, to eledt him archbifhop, without re¬ gard to the nomination either of the queen or pope, he drove Douglas’s fervauts from the cattle ot St Andrew’s, of which they had taken podefilon. T he third and moll powerful competitor was Forman brfhop ot Moray in Scotland, and archbifhop of Boitrges in Ftance, a dignity to which be had been railed for his public ier- viccs. He had in his intereil not only the duke of Al¬ bany (fon to the traitor duke) firft prince of the blood, but alio the court of Rome itfelf; and having received the pope’s bull and n< minatinn to the dignity, lie was conhdered by the Scotch clergy in general, and by the principal tenants and dependents upon the fee, as the legal archbifhop. The preference given to Forman difeouraged Dou¬ glas from purfuing his pretentions ; but Hepburn, be¬ ing fupported by the dan of his own name and by the Humes, made fo formidable a head againft his rivals, that none could be found daring enough to publifh the papal bull in favour of Forman. The friends of the latter, however, having intimated to the earl of Hume, that his-credit at the court of Rome could eafily pro¬ cure the rich abbey of Coldingham for his younger brot tier, the earl put him fell at the head of hisTol- lowers, and, notwithflanding all the oppoikion given by the Hepburns, he proclaimed the-pope’s bull over the crofs of Edinburgh, This daring adtion plainly proved that the earl of Hume had more power than 5 ] SCO the queen-regent herfelf; but Hepburn’s refolutidft, ■~l?0 iar^q and the greatnefs of his friends, obliged Forman to * agree to a compromife. Hepburn was advanced to the lee of Mo’-ay, without accounting for the revenues of the archbifhftpric, which he had received during its vacancy ; and he gave Forman a prefent of three thoufand crowns, to be divided among his friends and followers. In April 1514, the poflhumous fon, of whom the The queen- queen had been deliveted in Stirling caftle, was by thewager bifhop of Gaithnefs baptised Alexander. On the 6th of Augufl this year fhe was married to the earl of An- ° gits ; than which nothing could be accounted more im¬ politic. She had neither confuked her brother nor the flutes of Scotland in the match; and by her ha¬ ving accepted of a hufhand, fhe in fail refigned all claim to the regency under the late king's will. The Douglaffes did not difpute her having diVeiled herfelf of the regency: but they affirmed, that the ftdtcs might lawfully reinflate her in it; and that the peace of the kingdom required it, as it vras the only mealurC that could preferte the happy tranquillity which then ftibliiled between Scotland and England. The earl of Hume put himfelf at the head of the oppofition to this propoial. He knew that he had enemies, and he dreaded that the farther aggrandizement of Anglia mull w eaken hbffttereft on the borders. He was join¬ ed by a number of the young nobility, whd, though otherwife divided, united againfl Angus. In fhort, the general opinion was, that the Douglaffes were al¬ ready too great ; and that, fhould the queen be rein- fiited in the regency, they mull be abtolute within the kingdom, and engrofs all places of power and profit. It was added by the earl of Hume, that he had, out of refpett to the late king’s meUiory, fubmitted to the queen’s government; and that, now fhe had made a voluntary abdication of it by her marriage, it ought not to be renewed. After fome deliberations, the duke of Albany was rhe dufce ebofen regent. He was a man poffidEd ot all the qua-of Albany? lities requisite for a pood governor; nor did he deceive cho,en rt”*" the expeditions of the public. On h’s arrival at^ent” Glafgow, he took upon him the titles of earl of Mdrch, Mart, G'arioch, lord of Annandale, and of the ifle of Man, regent and protestor of the kingdom of Scotland. On his arrival at Edinburgh he was received in form by the three cflates of the kingdom, and the queen had met him at fome diflance from the town. The parliament then returned its feffion, and the three eflates took an oath of obedience, till the king, then an infant ot tour years old, fhould arrive at the years of maturity. '] he tuft thing at whkh the regent aimed, was the conciliating the diffeiehces araongft the various con¬ tending families in the kingdom ; at the fame time that he fuppreffed foine daring robbers, one of whom is faid to have had no fewer than 800 attendants in his infamous proftifion. So great was his love of good order and deceney, that he punithed the lord Dium- mond with the lofs of his eftatefor having ftmek Lyon king at arms, whole per fon, as the full herald in Scot¬ land, ought to h ive been held facred. Nay, it was at the earneft felicitation of Lyon himfelf, and many of the chief nobility, that a greater punifhment wae not inflicted. However, the forfeiture was afterwards remitted r- chief fa¬ vourite. 378 He at- earl of Hume, SCO [6 Scotland, remitted ; but not before Drummond had, upop his ^ ~v knees, acknowledged his offence, and fubmitted himfelf ^77 before Lyon. Hepburn The regent had not been long in office before he becomes hi® took into favour Hepburn the prior of St Andrew’s, whom he confulted for information concerning the ftate of Scotland. Hepburn acquainted him with all the feuds and animofities which raged among the great families of Scotland, their ferocious charadter, and bar¬ barous behaviour to their enemies. He reprefented the civil power as too weak to curb thefe potent chieftains; and gave it as his opinion that the regent’s adminiftra- tion ought to be fupported by foreign arms, meaning thofe of France. Hepburn is faid alfo to have gained an afcendency over the regent by means of large futns of money laid out among his domeftics, by a fawning and plaulible addrefs, and by well-diredted flatteries ; and he employed this afcendency to deflroy thofe who urere obnoxious to himfelf. The earl of Hume, as being the firfl fubjedt tempts to in rank and authority, became obnoxious to the regent deftroythe through the infinuations of Hepburn; and as that nobleman had frequent occalton to be at court in virtue of his office of chamberlain, he foon perceived that neither he nor his friends were welcome gueils there. Alarmed for his own fafety, he refolved to form a party alongfl: with the queen-mother and her new hufband againft the regent. This was by no means a difficult talk: for the queen naturally imagined that her new bulband ought to have had 1'ome lhare in the govern¬ ment ; and the earl of Angus readily concurred in the fcheme. In the mean time, the regent was making a progrefs through Scotland, while bloody feuds were raging among the nobles: but before any remedy could be applied to thefe diforders, he was informed of the fchemes laid by the queen-mother and her party ; and that Ihe had refolved to fly into England with her two infants. On this he inftantly returned to Edinburgh ; and, as no time was to be loft, fet out at midnight that very night, and furprifed the caftle of Stirling, where he found the queen-mother and her two infants. The regent, after this bold ftep, took care to fliow that the care of the royal infants was his chief ftudy. As he himfelf was nearly allied to the crown, in order to remove all fufpicions and calumnies on that account, he committed the care of the king and his brother to three noblemen of the moft unexceptionable characters in the kingdom, but of whom we now know the name only of one, viz. the earl of Lenox. They were ap¬ pointed to attend the princes by turns ; to whom alfo a guard, confifting partly of French and partly of Scots, was affigned ; and the queen-mother was left at liberty to refide where ftie pleafed. Whole eai"l Hume, finding his fchemes thus abor- driven into tive, retired to his own eftate ; from whence he was England, foon after drawn, and obliged to fly into England, by the earls of Arran and Lenox. The queen-mother retired to a monaftery at Coldftream ; and meffengers were difpatched to the court of England, to know how Henry would have his After difpofed of. He ordered the lord Dacres, his warden of the marches, to attend her to Harbottle-caftle in Northumberland ; and here fhe was delivered of her daughter the Lady Mary Dou¬ glas, mother to Henry lord Darnley, father to James I. 1 SCO of England. The regent difpatched ambsiTadors to Hen- Scotland, ry, in order to vindicate his own conduct. He likewise fent to affiire the queen that fhe had nothing to fear in Scotland; and to invite her to return thither, where fhe fliould at all times be admitted to fee her children. 3§0 This offer, however, fhe declined ; and fet out for Lon-The queen don, where fhe was affe&ionately received and enter-to tained by her brother. But in the meantime many EriSlani*’ diforders were committed throughout the kingdom by the party of the queen-mother; though, by the inter- pofition of archbifhop Forman, they were at prefent terminated without bloodflied, and fome of the princi¬ pal offenders were perfuaded to return to their duty. Among thefe was the earl of Angus himfelf, the queen’s huf- hufband ; which when king Henry heard, he exclaim-band tub¬ ed, “ That the earl, by deferting his wife, had aCted m'ts to the /Me a Scot.” Lord Hume refuted to furrender himfelf, or to accept of the regent’s terms ; and was of conse¬ quence declared a traitor, and his eftate confifcated. All this time he had been infefting the borders at the head of a lawkfs banditti ; and now he began to com¬ mit Inch devaftations, that the regent found it neceffary to march againft him at the head of xooo difeiplined troops. Hume being obliged to lay down his arms, was fent prifoner to Edinburgh caftle; w here the re¬ gent very unaccountably committed him to the charge of his brother-in-law the earl of Arran. Hume eafily found means to gain over this near relation to his own party; and both of them, in the month of O&ober ^ 1515, efcaped to the borders, where they foon renewed Reveji;on hoftilities. Both the earls were now proclaimed traitors, and com- but Hume was allowed fifteen days to furrender him-mof‘on8 ia felf. This fhort interval the regent employed in quafh- dj^erent ing the rebellion, for which purpofe the parliament hadP“ allowed him 15,000 men. He befieged the caftle of Hamilton, the earl of Arran’s chief feat, wrhich was in no condition of defence : but he was prevailed upon by Arran’s mother, daughter to James II. and aunt to the regent himfelf, to forbear further hoftilities, and even to pardon her fon, provided he ftiould return to his duty. Arran accordingly fubmitted ; but the public tranquillity was not by that means reftored. An affo- ciation, at the head of which wras the earl of Moray, the king’s natural brother, had been formed againft the earl of Huntley. That nobleman w'as too well attend¬ ed to fear any danger by day ; but his enemies found means to introduce fome armed troops in the night¬ time into Edinburgh. On this a fierce fkirmifti enfu- ed, in which fome were killed on both Tides; but far¬ ther bloodihed was prevented by the regent, who con¬ fined all the lords in prifon till he had brought about a general reconciliation. One Hay, who had been very adlive in ftirring up the quarrels, was banilhed to France ; and only the earl of Hume now continued in arms. In 1516 died the young duke of Rothefay: an event which brought the regent one degree nearer the crown, fo that he was declared heir in cafe of the demife of young James. Negociations were then entered into about prolonging the truce which at that time fubfifted with England; but Henry infilling upon a removal of the regent from his place, they wrere for the prefent dropped. Finding, however, that he could neither prevail on the parliament as a body to difmifs the re¬ gent, nor form a party of any confequence againft him, 1 he SCO [7 Scotland, he at laft confented to a prolongation of the truce for 3 S3 a year The earl of ’f1?* affairs of the regent requiring his pre- Hume put fence in France, he refolved, before his departure, to is death, remove the earl of Hume, who, as we have feen, alone continued to difturb the public tranquillity. Under pretence of fettling fome differences which (till remain¬ ed with England, he called a convention of the nobility; and fent fpecial letters to the earl of Hume and his brother to attend, on account of their great knowledge in Englifh affairs. Both of them imprudently obeyed the fummons, and were feized and executed as foon as they arrived at Edinburgh. But whatever occafion there might be for this feverity, it loll the affections of the people to fuch a degree, that the regent could fearce get the place filled up which Lord Hume had poffeffed. That of lord warden of the marches he at lafl gave to his French favourite La Beaute, called by hiflorians Sir Anthony D’Arcy. The poll of lord chamberlain was given to Lord Fleming. Soon after this, the regent levied an army, on pretence of reprefs- ing fome difturbances on the borders. Thefe being fpeedily quelled, he feized on his return upon the earl 384 of Lenox, and forced him to deliver up his caftle of The regent Dumbarton ; not choofing to leave it, during his in- goesto tended abfence in France, in the cuflody of a noble- the'queeT man fufpe&ed fidelity ; and from fimilar motives, he returns to afterwards took him along with him on his departure Scotland, for the continent. He then procured himfelf to be nominated ambaffador to France, in which character he left the kingdom; having committed the govern¬ ment to the archbifhops of St Andrew’s and Glafgow, the earls of Arran, Angus, Huntley, and Argyle, with the warden D’Arcy, on whom was his chid de¬ pendence. On the departure of the regent, the queen-mother left the Englifh court; and arrived with a noble re¬ tinue at Berwick, on purpofe to vifit her fon. Here Ihe was received by her hufband ; for whom fhe had contracted an imvincible averfion, either on account of his infidelities to her bed, or becaufe he had deferted her in the manner already related. However, fhe fup- preffed her refentment for the prefent, and accompanied him to Edinburgh. Here, in conftquence of the pro- pofals made by the regent, fhe demanded accefs to her fon ; but was refufed by D’Arcy. Lord Erfkine, how¬ ever, who was one of thofe to whom the care of the young king was committed, conveyed him to the caltle of Craigmillar (where D’Arcy had no jurifdiClion), on pretence that the plague was in Edinburgh ; and there the queen was admitted ; but this gave fuch offence to D’Arcy, that Lord Erfkine was obliged to carry back the king to the caflle of Edinburgh, wLere all further accefs was denied to his mother. In fhort, the behaviour of this favourite was on all occafions fo haughty and violent, that he rendered himfelf univer- fally odious ; and was at laft murdered, with all his at¬ tendants, in his way to Dunfe, where he propofed to hold a court of jultice.—His death was very little re¬ gretted ; yet his murderers were pro/ecuted with the utmoft; feverity, and feveral perfons of diflindion de¬ clared rebels on that account. Meanwhile, the regent was treated with high marks of diftinCtion in France. The king fhowed him the g reate ft refpeCk, promifed to affift in eftablifhing his ] SCO authority in Scotland, and folemnly confirmed the an- Scotland, cient league between the two kingdoms. Soon after, —v— the earl of Lenox arrived from France, with affurances of prote&ion and affiftance from the king, who was highly pleafed at the zeal of the governors in punifh- ing D’Arcy’s murderers; and 500 foldiers arrived with him, to reinforce the garrifons, efpecially that of Dunbar. All this time the queen-mother continued at Edin- The queen burgh, employing herfelf in attempts to procure a di- attempts to vorce from her hufband, under pretence of his having an(* cut °ff aN communication with the town By means of trenches. As no proviiions could thus he got into the caftle, the queen ordered fome of the can¬ non to be turned againft the town, in order to force the citizens to put an end to the blockade. Several (hot were fired: but when ail things appeared ready for a civil war, matters were compromifed, though in fuch an imperfed manner as left very little room to hope for perfed tran¬ quillity. It was agreed, that the king fliould remove ®ut of the caftle of Edinburgh to the palace of Holy- Vou XVII. Part I. 1 .399' If eppofed bvthe «pecn- aiother, 400 cattle. 9 1 S C O roodhoufe ; from whence he ftiould repair with all pol- Scotland, fible magnificence to his parliament, in the houfe where * '4 it was commonly held ; and there a finifliing hand was to be put to all differences. This agreement was figned on 401 the 25th of February 1526. The parliament accord-Marriage ingly met, and the king’s marriage with the princefs ofA J^a"1Ci England was confirmed ; but no mention was made ofEnglifh the king’s being fent for his education into that coun-princeft rc^ try ; on the contrary, he was committed to the care ofiblvedon. eight lords of parliament. Thefe were to have the cuftody of the king’s perfon, every one his month fnc- ceffively, and the whole to ftand for the government of the ftate ; yet with this limitation, “ that the king, by their counfel, fliould not ordain or determine any thing in great affairs to which the queen, as princefs and dowager, did not give her confent.” This partition of power, by giving the queen a negative in all public matters, foon threw every thing into confufion. The earl of Angus, by leading the king into various feene# of pleafure and diflipation, fo gained the afcendency over him, that he became in a manner totally guided by him. The queen-mother, perceiving that flie could not have seed's to her fon, without at the fame time be¬ ing in company with her hufband, whom flie hated, re- 40% tired fuddenly with her domcftics to Stirling. Thus the He is left king was left under the foie tuition of the earl of An-in t^e gus, who made a very bad ufe of his power, engroffing ^^r0jfof into his own hands, or thofe of his friends, all the Argus, places of honour or profit. The archbifliop of St Andrew’s, having now joined the king’s party, advifed her to make a formal demand upon her hufband, that the order of government which had been fettled laft par¬ liament fliould take place, and that under a penalty he fliould fet the king at liberty. To this the earl an- ■ ' fwered by a kind of manifefto drawn up by his brother; in which he declared, that “ the earl of Angus having been fo highly favoured by his good uncle the king of England, and that James himlelf being under great obligations to him, neither the queen nor the other lords need be in any pain about him, as he chof'e to fpend his time with the earl of Angus rather than with 40? any lord in the kingdom.” James himfelf, however, Attempt# had difeernment fufficient to perceive, that, HQtwith-to recover Handing all the fair pretences of the earl of Angus, hehis was in fad no better than his prifoner ; and refolved to attempt the recovery of his liberty. The earls of ArT gyle and Arran had for fome time retired from court, where they had no ftiare in the adminiftration, and were living on their own eftates ; but the earl of Lenox dif- iembled his fentiments fo well, that he was neither fuf- pe&ed by the earl of Angus, nor any of the Douglas family, who were his partifans. I he king being gain¬ ed upon by his infinuating behaviour, opened his mind to him, and requefted his affiftance againft his treacher¬ ous keepers. At the fame time he fent letters to his mother, and the heads of her party, by fome of his domeftics whom Lenox had pointed out, intreating them to remove him from the earl, and not fuffer him any longer to remain under his imperious jurifdiftion ; adding, that if.this Could not he done by any other means, they ftiould ufe force of arms. On receiving this letter, the queen and her party aflemhled their forces at Stirling, and without lofs of time began their march for Edinburgh. Angus, on the other hand, prepared to give them a warm recep- B tion, Scotland. 404 T« indifpo- fod. 405 The queen mother di- ▼orce* b«r bulb and. SCO t rioti, fcrut at the fame tl-me to carry alohg With him the king. This refolntion being made known to the queen- mother, (he was fo much concerned for the fafety of her fon, that the whole party difbanded themfelves ; and thus the authority of the earl of Angus feemed to bt more eftablifhed than ever. Nothing, indeed, was TiOw wanting to render him defpotrc but the poffenion of the great feal, which the archbifhop of St Andrew’s had carried with him to Dunfermline. As no deed of any conftquenee could be executed without this, he pre¬ vailed upon the king to demand it by a fpecial meffage; in confcquence of which, the archbifhop was obliged to give it up. About this time the divorce which had been fo long in agitation between the queen-mother and the earl of Angus actually took place ; which, no doubt, increafed the diflike of James to his confinement, while the imprudence of Angus'gave everyday freih matter of difguft. As Angus knew that he had no firm fupport but in the attachment of his followers to 406 The baron of Buc- cleu^h at¬ tempts to refeue the king, but is defeated. 407 Another attempt by Lenox. Ms perfon, he fnffered them to rob and plunder the Cftates of his opponents without mercy. I hefe, again, did not fail to make reprifals; fo that, towards the end of the year 1526, there was fcarcely any appearance of civil government in Scotland. Thus the court became almoil totally deferted; every nobleman being obliged to go home to defend his own eftate. Even Angus himfelf (hared in the common calamity, and hence was frequently obliged to leave the king to the cuftody of Lenox. To this nobleman the king now made the mo ft grievous complaints, and charged him to contrive feme plan for his efcape. Lenox accordingly recom¬ mended to him the baron of Buccleugh, who was very powerful in the fouthern parts, and a violent enemy to Angus and the whole family of Douglas. To him he gave orders to foment the diforders in the fouthern parts to fuch a degree as to require the king’s perfonal pre¬ fence to compofe them. Bucclcugh was then to attack the party, and take the king by force from the Dou- glafies. This fcheme was put in execution, but Buc¬ cleugh had the misfortune to be defeated; fo that the attempt proved abortive, and James found himfelf in a woffe fituation than ever. After this attempt, how¬ ever, as the earl of Angus could not but know that Lenox had been acceffory to it, the former behaved to¬ wards him with fuch vifible indifference, that Lenox openly declared again* him, and advifed the king to form a friendfhip with the archbifhop of St Andrew’s, in order to efTed his liberty. This was accordingly done ; but the intereft of the archbifhop and Lenox was overbalanced by that of Arran and the Hamilton family, whom the earl of Angus now drew over to his party. However, the earl of Lenox, having received powers from the king for that purpofe, fuddenly retired from court; and publifhed a manitefto, inviting all loyal fubjeas to affift him in delivering the king from con¬ finement. In confequence of this he was loon joined by a numerous army, with whom he advanced towards Edinburgh. Angus did not fail to afTemble his adhe¬ rents ; and fent orders to the inhabitants of Edinburgh to-take the field, with the king at their head. The citizens immediately put themfelves under arms ; but James, pretending to be indifpofed, Sir George Don- glas, brother to the earl of Angus, made him the fol¬ lowing fpeech t “ Sir, rather than our enemies fhould take you from us, we will lay hold of your -perfon ; 10 1 $ C O and ftiould you be tC"h in pieces id tke ftraggi?, we ScotTanifc^ Will carry off part of your body.” Upon this fpeech, ■ which James never forgot, he mounted his horfe and fet forward to Linlithgow, but with a very flow pace ; in- fomuch that Sir George Douglas, afraid of not coming in time to fuccour his brother, made ufe of many inde¬ cent expreflions and a&fons to pufh James on to the field of battle. Three expreffes arrived from the earl of Angus ; the firtt informing his brother that he wafc about to engage with afuperior army ; the lecond, that Angus was engaged with a divifion of Lenox’s at my, commanded bv the carl of Glencairn ; and that Lenox himfelf was engaged with the Hamiltons. The third informed him that Lenox, if not a&ual!y defeated, was on the point of being fo. Upon receiving this laft 408 news, James haftened to the field of battle, that he is de¬ might favc Lenox, and p it an end to the blood died. But he came too late : for the royal party was alirady defeated with great (laughter ; and Lenox himfelf, af¬ ter being wounded and taken prifoner, was murdered by Sir James Hamilton. ' On the night of the battle, the king was removed to Linlithgow ; and though he was under the greatetl grief for the fate of Lenox, the behaviour of the Dou- glaffes ftrubk him with fuch terror that he diffemfeled his fentiments. The earl of Angus led his viaorious troops into Fife, in hopes of furprifing the queen and the 409 archbifhop of St Andrew’s. The queen, on the news The queen- of his approach, fled, with her new hnfband Henry Stuart, brother to lord Evandale, to Edinburgh, m'd 0v,[jgC£j both were admitted into the caftle. The archbifhop fled fly. to the mountains, where he was obliged to keep cattle as a fhepherd. Angus, after having plundered the caf¬ tle of St Andrew’s and the abbey of Dunfermline, re¬ turned in triumph to Edinburgh, where he prepared to befiege the caftle ; but the queen, hearing that her fon was among the number of the befiegers, ordered the gates of the caftle to be thrown open, and furrendered herfelf and her hufband prtfoners to James, who was advifed to confine them to the caftle. After thefe re¬ peated fucccffes, the earl of Angus eftablifhed a kind of court of juftice, in which he profecuted thofe who 410 had oppoied him, among whom was the earl of Cafiils. Trial and He was offered by Sir James Hamilton, natural ion the earl of Arran, the fame who had murdered Lenox, Ca{Jilfc an indemnity if he would own himfeli awaftal of that houfe; but this condition was rejefted. Being called to his trial, and accufed of having taken arms againft the king, a gentleman of his name and family, who was his advocate, denied the charge, and offered to -nrodnee a letter under James’s own hand, defiring hum v • i- 1 l • „—.mj.. rnmc to aflift in delivering him from his gaolers. This ftri- king evidence confounded the profecutor fo much, that the earl was acquitted ; but on his return home he was ‘way-laid and murdered by one Hugh Campbell, at the ■mitigation of Sir James Hamilton. During thefe tranfaftioms in the fouth, many of the Highland clans were perpetrating the meft horrid feenes of rapine and murder, which in feme places reigned alfo in the Lowlands. The ftate of the borders was little better than that of the Highlands; but it engaged the attention of Angus more, as he had great intereft in thefe parts. Marching, therefore, againft the banditti, which infefted thefe parts, he foon reduced them to rea- fon. Hie power feemed now to be firmly eftahhfhed, * infomuch SCO r n ] SCO 411 James efcapes from his cor.fine- generally find friends ; and the enemies of the Douglaf¬ fes had impolitically rendered it treafonable for any per¬ fon to fhelter or protect the earl of Angus, his kinfmen, or followers. This proceeding, in a country where the; Douglaffes had fo many conneftions, carried with it an appearance of cruelty and a thirll of revenge, efpecially as James had chofen fuch. a feafon of the year for carry¬ ing on the liege. In fhort, after battering the place for fome days, and lofing one Falconer, his chief engineer, the king was obliged to abandon his enterprife, or ra¬ ther to turn the liege into a blockade, with no great credit to his firfl effay in the field. Some hiflorians in¬ timate, that Angus found means to corrupt the other engineers ; but we find, that before this time, a nego- ciation was going forward between James and the king of England ; the nature of which proves that the for¬ mer was now rendered more placable towards the Dou¬ glaffes, and was the true reafon why the fiege was fuf- pended. The truce between Scotland and England was now near expiring ; and Henry, under that pretence, gave a commiflion to the prior of Durham, Thomas Magnus, Sir Anthony Ughtred captain of the town and caftle of Berwick, William Frankelyn chancellor of Durham, and Sir Thomas Tempelt. James feems. to have been in no halle to enter upon this negociation, becaule he un- derftood that the Engliih commiflioners were privately inflrufted to infill upon the Oouglaffes being rellored ^ to their eflates and dignities. England was at that time Dou- the principal ally of Francis againft the emperor ; and glafles oh. this gave a handle for Francis to inteipofe fo far in ■a‘c“'r" vour of the Douglaffts, that he brought James to con- ;n England., fent to a preliminary negociation for their obtaining at leafl a fecure retreat in England. This was at lalt complied with. James being now delivered from all dread of the Dou- glafies, and under no controul from any party, fhowed 4lg excellent difpofitions for government. Finding that the James re* borderers were by no means pleafed with the late treaty, Jutes the and that they were renewing their depredations, he re-borderer8* folved to ftrike at the root of an evil which had fo long proved difgraceful and dangerous to his aneeftors, by giving no quarter to the chiefs of thefe robbers, whofe principal refidence was in Liddefdale. This was, the more neceffary, as their daring attempts had exafperated the Englifh fo much, that they had aftually burnt a town in Teviotdale; and they, had killed one Robert Kerr* - SCO Scotland. Kerr, a man of feme confequence W—v—- 0f the Scotch borderers were Cockburn of Kenderlaw, and Adam Scot, commonly called iitig of the thieves. Both of them were barons ; and had been fo inured to the praftice, that they thought there was no crime in robbing: they therefore appeared publicly in Edin¬ burgh ; where James ordered them to be apprehended, tried, and hanged. He next proceeded with great fiirm- nefs againft many noblemen and principal gentlemen, who were only fufpe&ed of being difaffefted to the late peace. All of them had behaved with great loyalty, and fome of them had done him the moll important fer- vices. Of this number were the earl ol Hume, the lord Maxwell, with the barons of Buccleugh, Farniherll, Polwart, Johnllon,' and Mark Kerr. Though we know nothing particularly of what was laid to the charge of thofe noblemen and gentlemen, yet fo zealous,was James for the impartial adminillration of juilice, that he or¬ dered them all, with many other chief gentlemen of the borders, to be fent to prifon ; where they lay till they entered into recognizances themfelves, and found bail for their good behaviour. Of all the party of the Douglaffes, none of any note excepting Alexander Drummond of Carnock was dif¬ fered to return-home, at the earned requell of the am- balfadors and the treafurer Barton. This lenity was of very little confequence; for James having appointed the earl of Murray to be foie warden of the Scotch mat ch¬ es, with power to treat with the earl of Northumber¬ land, their conferences had broken off on account of frelh violences happening every day ; and fome infor¬ mation he had received from them, had prevailed with James to imprifon the noblemen and gentlemen we have ' already mentioned. He now relolved to attempt in perfon what his predecefibrs and he had fo often tailed in by their deputies. As he was known to be violent¬ ly addicted to hunting, he fummoned his nobility, evea on the north of the Forth, to attend him with their horfes and dogs; which they did ip Inch numbers, that his hunt¬ ing retinue confided of above 8000 perfons, two-thirds of whom were well armed. This preparation gave no fufpickm to the borderers, as great hunting-matches ia thofe days commonly confilteoi of fome thoulands ; and James having fet out upon his diveriiort, is laid to have killed 540 deer. Among the other gentlemen who had 4*9 been fummoned to attend him, was John Armltrong of Haugs Gilnockhall. He was the head of a numerous clan, a uoted k’who lived with great pomp and fplendour upon the con- robber, tributions under which they laid the Englilh on the with j.t> of borders. He was himfelf always attended by twenty- foj.ow- £x geatlemen on horleback, well mounted and armed, as his body guards. Having received the king’s invi¬ tation, he was fond of difplaying his magniiicence to his lovereign ; and attiring himfelf and his guard more pomponlly than ufual, they prefented themfelves be¬ fore James, from whom they expected fome particular mark of diflin£tion lor their fervices &gainll the Eng¬ lilh, and for the remarkable protection they had always given to their countrymen the Scots. On their firll appearance, James, not knowing who he was, returned Armftrong’s falute, imagining him to be fome great no- er« C >3 1 s co , Two of the chiefs bleman ; but upon hearing his name, he ordered him Scottnil^ and his followers to be immediately apprehended, and * . lentenced them to be hanged upon the fpot. It is laid that James, turning to his attendants, aflced them, point¬ ing at Anpltrong, “ What does that knave want that a king fhould have, but a crown and a Iword of ho¬ nour ?” Annltrong begged hard for his life; and offer¬ ed to ferve the king ip the field with forty horfemen, befides making him large prefents of Jewels and money, with many other tempting offers. Finding the king in¬ exorable, “ Fool that l am H,laid he) to look for warm, water under ice, by alking grace of a gracelefs face . and then he and his followers fubmitted to their fate*. . Thofe and fome other executions ot the fame kind re- ftored peace to the borders.. 4 20 Hithert® we have confidered only the civil tranfac- Account of tions of Scotland ; but henceforth religion will claim aTe tefor- confiderable lhare of the hillorian’s attention. Theopi-' * nions of Luther had been propagated in Britain foon after his preaching in 1517. They had for fome years infenfibly gained ground ; and, at the time the conten¬ tions began between James and his nobility, were be¬ come formidable to the ellablilhed religion. We have feen How James efcaped from the hands of his nobles by means of the archbiffiop of St Andrew’s. To the clergy, therefore, he was naturally favourable ; and as 421 they of necefiity oppofed the reformation, James became "Ty J met a zealous perfecutor of the reformed. Ou the other hand, the nobility having already oppofed the king and clergy in civil affairs, did fo likewife in thole of religion. The clergy finding themfelves unequal in argument, had recourfe to more violent methods. Rigorous inquifi- tions were made after heretics, and fires were everywhere prepared lor them. 43* The firlt perfon who was called upon to fuffer for Martyrdom* the reformed religion was Patrick Hamilton, abbot of Feme. At an early period of life he had been. ap. pointed to this abbacy ; and having imbibed a favour¬ able idea of the dodtrines of Luther, he had travelled into Germany, where, becoming acquainted with the molt eminent reformers, he was fully confirmed in theit opinions. Upon his return to Scotland, he ventured to. expole the corruptions of the church, and to infill on tire advantages of the tenets which he had embraced^ A condudl fo bold, and the avidity with which his dif- courles were received by the people, gave an alarm to the clergy. Under the pretence of a religious and friendly- conference,, he was feduced to St Andrew’s by Alexan¬ der Campbell, a dominican friar, who was inllrudled to remonftrate with him on the Cubjedlof the reformation. The convCrfations they held only fet ved to ellablilh the abbot more firmly in his fentiments, and to inflame hi? zeal to propagate them. The archbiffrop of St An¬ drew s, the archbifliop. of Glafgow, and other dignita¬ ries of the church, conilitutrng a court, called him to appear before them. The abbot neither loft his courage nor renounced his opinions. He was convidled accordingly of heretical pravity, delivered over to the fecular arm, and executed in the year 1527 (n). This reformer had not attained , • the (n) His tenets were of the following import, and are enumerated m the fentenCe pronounced againft him.. 4 “ Man Scotland. ♦*3 S C O [ th« 24th year of His age. His youth, his virtue, his magnanimity, and his lufferings, all operated in his fa¬ vour with the people^. To Alexander Campbell, who infulted him at the flake, he obje&ed his treachery, and cited him to anfwer for his behaviour before the judge¬ ment-feat of Chritt. And this perfecutor, a few days after, being feized with a frenzy, and dying in that condition, it was believed with the greater fmcerity and confidence, that Mr Hamilton was an innocent man and a true martyr. Excues pe- A deed fo affe&ingf, fronv its novelty and in its cir- ^^^H^'cumftances, excited throughout the kingdom an univer- fal curiofky and indignation. Minute and particular in¬ quiries were made into the tenets of Mr Hamilton. Converts to the new opinions were multiplying in every quarter, and a partiality to them began to prevail even among the Romifh clergy themfelves. Alexander Se- ton, the king’s confeflbr, took the liberty to inveigh againfl the errors and abufes of Popery ; to negleft, in his difeourfes, all mention of purgatory, and pilgrima¬ ges, and faints ; and to recommend the doctrines of the reformed. What he taught was impugned ; and his boldnefs rifing with contradi&ion, he defended warmly his opinions, and even ventured to affirm, that in Scot¬ land there were no true and faithful bifhops, if a judge¬ ment of men in tin’s ftation is to be formed from the virtues which St Paul has required of them. A farcafm fo juft, and fo daring, inflamed the whole body of the prelacy with refentment. They ftudied to compafs his deftruftion ; and, as Mr Seton had given offence to the king, whom he had exhorted to a greater purity of life, they flattered themfelves with the hope of conducing him to the flake ; but, being apprehenfive of danger, he made his efcape into England. In 1533, Henry Forefl, abenediftine friar, who dif- cOvered a propenfity to the reformed doclrines, was not ft) fortunate. After having been imptifoned for fome time in the tower of St Andrew’s, he was brought to his trial, condemned, and led out to the flames. Pie had faid, that Mr Plamilton was a pious man, and a martyr; and that the tenets for which he fuffered might be vindioated. This guilt-was aggravated by the difeovery that friar Fore ft was in pofleffion of a Ne w Teftament in the Englifh language ; for the pritfts ef- teemed a careful attention to the Scriptures to be an in¬ fallible fymptom of herefy. A cruelty fo repugnant to the common fenfe and feelings of mankind, while it pleafed the infolent pride of the eccleliallies, was de- ffroyinq- their importance, and exciting a general difpo* iition in the people to adopt in the fulleft latitude the principles and fentiments of the reformed. The following year, James Beaton archbifhop of St Andrew’s, though remarkable for prudence and mo. deration, was overawed by his nephew and coadjutor David Beaton, and by the clergy. In his own perfon, or by commiffion granted by him, persecutions were carried on with violence. Many were driven into ba- 4*4 Henry Fo- 2 for the king’s marriage. Indeed, there is icarce any monarch mentioned in hiftory who feems to have had a greater variety of choices, or who wras more difficult to be pleafed. The fituation of affairs on the continent of Europe, had rendered Scotland a kingdom of great confequence, as holding the balance between France, England, and the emperor of Germany ; and each of the rival powers endeavoured to gain the favour of James, by giving him a wife.—In 1534, king Francis offered him his daughter ; and the match was ftrongly recommended by the duke of Albany, who was Hill li¬ ving in France, and ferved James with great fidelity. 438 The fame year the Imperial ambaffador arrived in Scot-^ersof land, and prefented, in the name of his mafter, the or- ^ der of the golden fleece to James, who had already beenmany% invefted with that of St Michael by Francis. At the fame time, he offered him his choice of three princeffes; Mary of Auftria, the emperor’s lifter, and widow of Eewis king of Hungary ; Mary of Portugal, the daughter of his lifter Eleonora of Auftria ; or Mary of England, the daughter of Catharine and Henry. An¬ other condition, however, was annexed to this propo- fal, viz. that, to fupprefs the herefies of the time, a council ftiould be held for obviating the calamities which threatened the Chriftian religion. Thofe pro- pofals-would have met with a more ready acceptance from James, had not Iris clergy, at this time, been drf- gufted with Charles, for allowing too great a latitude to the Proteftants of Germany. James, in his anfwer. Which are returned the emperor his acknowledgments in the moft ^5 polite tertns, for the fplendid alliances he had offered James* him. He touched the propofal of the council as being a meafure rather to be wifhed for than hoped*, becaufe it ought to be free and holy, and upon the model of the firfl councils; its inembers coniifting of the moft charitable, quiet, and difinteretted part of the clergy. He faid, thatdf fuch a council could be obtained, he would willingly fend ecckfiaftics to it; but if not,:that every prince ought to reform the errors of dodliW, and the faults’of the ckrgy, within his own dominions. He bewailed the obflinate condiuft of his uncle in lus divorce and marriage; and offered his bell offices for pfE&ing a reconciliation between him and the emperor, • - tvifhiiig * 44© He marries jrhe king i f France’s daughter, 441 Who dies Soon after. 442 J'.-nes ri- alled by his unde in a fecond marriage. 443 Cruel exe¬ cution of the heir of the houfe of Forbes. SCO t wIlTitn^ that all the princes of Chriftendom would unite their arms againft their common enemy the Turks, lie hinted, very juftly, that his Imperial majefty had offered more than he could perform, bccaufe his cou- fm, Mary of England, was not at his difpofal. The ambaffador replied, that his mailer, if perfuafions failed, would compel Henry by force of arms to rdign her. fames anfvvered this ridiculous declaration by obferving, that the emperor then would be guilty of a breach of all laws both divine and human ; that it would be im¬ politic to give a preference to any of the three prin- ceifes, all of them being fo illuftrious and deferring ; but, to {how how much he valued an alliance wid his Imperial majefty. he would become a fuppliant to that prince for his niece, daughter to Chriftiern king of Denmark, to become his bride. rl Ire ambaftador s an- fwer to this unexpe&ed requeft was, that ihe was alrea¬ dy betrothed to the count-palatine, and that before that time the marriage was probably confummated. But whether the Imperial ambaffador had any right to offer the Engliih princefs or not, it is agreed by moft hiftorians, that he was offered either Mary or Eli¬ zabeth by their father Henry himfelf. To Mary of Bourbon, the daughter of the duke of Vendofme, he is faid to have been contra&ed ; but for fome reafon or ortier all thefe matches were broken off; and the king at laft went to France, where he married Mag¬ dalen the eldeft daughter of Francis. The nuptials were celebrated at Paris in the year 1537, with great magnificence ; and among other things ferved up by way of defert at the mariage-feaft, were a number of covered cups filled with pieces wf gold and gold-dull, the native product of Scotland, which James diftribu- ted among the guefts. This gold was found in the mines of Crawford-moor, which were then worked by the Germans. In the beginning of May, the royal pair embarked for Leith, under convoy of four large Ihips of war, and landed on the 28th of the fame month. The joy of the Scots was inexprelfible, but it was of Ihort continuance ; for the young queen died of a fever on the 22d of July the fame year. King James did not long remain a widower; for the fame year he fent Beaton abbot of Arbroath, to treat of his fecond marriage with a French lady, Mary of Guife, duchefs-dowager of Longueville. In this he was rivalled by his uncle Henry VIII. but not before [ames had been contradled to her. But this was no¬ thing to Henry ; for he not only infilled upon having this lady for his wife, but threw out fome menaces againll Francis, becaufe he would not comply with this unjuftifiable requeil. In January 1538, Ihe was mar¬ ried to James, and efeorted to Scotland by the admi¬ ral of France with a confiderable fquadron ; both James and Francis being fufpicious that Henry would make fome attempt to intercept the royal bride. But no¬ thing of this kind happened, and Ihe landed fafely at Fifenefs ; from whence file was conduced to the king at St Andrew’s. But while James appeared thus to be giving him¬ felf up to the pleafures of love, he was in other refpects fhowing himfelf a bloody tyrant. Some differences fubfifted between the families of Gordon and Forbes in the north. The heir of the houfe laft-mentioned had been educated in a loofe diffipated manner, and kept Vol. XVII. Part I. 7 1 SCO company with a wrmthlefs fellow named Strahiift. Ha* Scotland, ving refufed this favourite fornething he had aiked, the ^ 1 latter attached himfelf to Gordon earl of Huntley, who, it is faid, affitled him in forming a charge of trea- fon againft Forbes. He was accufed ol intending to reitore the Douglaffes to their forfeited eftates and ho¬ nours ; which improbable llory being fupported by fome venal evidences, the unhappy young man was con¬ demned and executed as a traitor. The king could not but fee the injuftice of this execution ; and, in order to make fome amends for it, banifhed Strahan the kingdom. The following execution, which happened a lew days after, was much more inhuman, infornuch that it would have ftained the annals even of the moil d^fpotic tyrants. The earl of Angus, finding that he could not regain the favour of the king, had recourfe to the method ufual in thofe days, viz. the committing of depredations 444 on the borders. This crime was fufficient with James And of the to occafion the death qfhis innocent filler, the dowager-jl wa>j.cr,. ^ lady of Glamis. She had been courted by one Lyon,m-s> whom ihe had rejected in favour of a gentleman of the name of Campbell. Lyon, exaiperated at hxs repulle, found means of admittance to James, whom he filled with the greateil terrors on account ot the p raft ices of the family of Angus ; and at lall charged the lady, her huf- band, and an old pricll, with a defign of poifoning the king in order to rellore Angus. The parties were all remarkable for the quiet and innocent lives they led ; and even this circumltance was by their dia¬ bolical accufer turned to their prejudice, by reprefent- ing it as the effieft of cunning or caution. In this reign an accufation of tueafon was always followed by condemnation. However, the evidence againll the lady appeared fo abfurd and contradiftory, that fome oi the judges were for dropping the profecution, and others for recommending her cafe to the king: but the majo¬ rity prevailed to have it determined by a jury, who brought her in guilty; and Ihe was condemned to be burnt alive in the Caftle-liill of Edinburgh. The de¬ fence Ihe made would have done honour to the abletl orator, and undeniably proved her innocence ; but tho* it was reported to James, it was fo far from mitiga¬ ting her fentence, that it was aggravated by her hui- 445 band being obliged to behold her execution. The un-^satb cf happy hufband himfelf endeavoured to make his way | U*' over the callle-vvall of Edinburgh ; but the rope pro¬ ving too Ihort, he was dalhed in pieces : and lord Gla¬ mis her fon, though but a child, was impriloned during the remainder of this reign. The old priell, though put to the torture, confelfed nothing, and was freed. Lyon, like the other accufer already mentioned, was banilhed the kingdom. 446 Whether theie and other cruelties had affefted the ‘h-king king’s confcience, or whether his brain had keen a lthul of' touched by the diilraftions of the different parties, is diftra&ion, unknown ; but it is certain, that, in the year 1 540, he began to live retired : his palace appeared like the cloi- ftered retreat of monks ; his lleep was haunted by the moil frightful dreams, which he conllrued into appari¬ tions ; and the body of Sir James Hamilton, whole ex¬ ecution has already been mentioned, feemed continually prefent to his eyes. Perhaps the lofs of his two fons, who died on the fame day that Sir James was executed, * might have contributed to bring this man more remark- C ably Scotland. 447. Hoftiiities commence between Scotland and Eng¬ land. 448 The f'ove- rtignry of Ireland claimed by both kings 449 An a«fl of indemnity for crimes committed during the king’s mi- Mrity. 45° prepara¬ tions of Jienry. SCO [ 1 ably to his remembrance No doubt, it added to the gloom of his mind ; and he now faw his court abandon¬ ed by almoft all his nobility. At laft James was in fome degree roufed from his inaction, by the preparations made againft him by his uncle Henry VIII. of England. Some differences had already taken place ; to accommodate which, Henry had defired a conference with James at York. But this the latter, by the advice of his parliament, had declined. The confequence was a rupture between the two courts, and the Englifh had taken 20 of the Scots trading veffels. Henry threatened to revive the anti¬ quated claim of the Englifh fuperiority over Scotland, and had given orders for a formidable invafion of the Scotch borders. He complained that James had u- furped his title of Defender of the Faith, to which he had added the word Chriftian, implying that Henry was an infidel: but the kings of Scotland had, fome time before, been complimented by the papal fee with that title. James, on the other hand, threw his eyes towards Ireland, the north part of which was aftually peopled with inhabitants who owned no fovereign but the king of Scotland, and who offered to ferve James againfl the Englifh ; fome of their chiefs having actual¬ ly repaired to Scotland, and done homage to James. Henry had, about this time, declared himfelf king of Ireland, of which he was before only ftyled the lord; and James roundly afferted, that he had a preferable claim to at leaft one half of that ifland, which had been peopled by the fubjeCts of Scotland. Though the Scotch hiflorians of this reign take very little notice of this incident, yet James appears to have been very te¬ nacious of his title; and that there was a vaft inter- courfe carried on between the fubjeCts of Scotland and the northern Irifh, who unanimoully acknowledged James for their natural fovereign. Indeed, this was the only ground of quarrel that the king, with the leafl fhadow of juflice, could allege againfl Henry. His parliament being met, many public-fpirited a&s were paffed; and before the affembly was diffolved, the members renewed the a&s againfl leafing-making ; by which is meant the mifreprefenting of the king to his nobles, or the nobles to their king: and James, to difmifs them in good humour, paffed an aft of free grate for all crimes committed in his minority ; the earl ©f Angus, and Sir George and Sir Archibald Douglas, being excepted. Henry, after cutting off the head of his wife Ca¬ tharine Howard, married and divorced the princefs Anne of Cleves, and found himfelf either deferted or diflrufled by all the princes on the continent, Prote- llant as well as Roman Catholic. James and his clergy relied greatly on this public odium incurred by Henry; but the emperor having again quarrelled with Francis, left Henry, whofe dominions they had threatened joint¬ ly to invade, at liberty to continue his preparations a- gainfl the Scots. He -firfl ordered his fleet, then the mofl formidable of any in the world, to make frefh de- fcents upon Scotland. At the fame time, he appoint¬ ed a very confiderable army to rendezvous upon the borders, under the command of Sir Robert Bowes, one of his wardens, the earl of Angus, and his two bro¬ thers Sir George and Sir Archibald Douglas. James was every day expefting fupplies of money, arms, and other neccflaries from Francis; but thefe not arriving, 8 ] SCO he reaffembled his parliament on the 14th of March, Scotland, which gratified him in all his demands Many excel- v lent regulations were made for the internal government, peace, and fecurity of the kingdom, and againfl the ex¬ portation of money inflead of merchandife. Aftswere paffed for fortifying and e&bellifhing the town of E- dinhurgh, and for better fupplying the fubjefts with wine and all the other neceffaries of life, 'i'he royal revenue was increafed by many additional eflates; and the laft hand was put to one of the bell plans for a na¬ tional militia that perhaps ever appeared. As yet, excepting in the difappointment which Henry met with from his nephew in not meeting him at York, he had - no grounds for commencing hoflilities. But it is here Death of proper to obferve, that the queen-mother was then the queen- dead ; and confequently the conneftion between Jamesrnot e * and Henry was weakened. Whatever her private cha- rafter might have been, fhe was certainly a happy in- flrument of preventing bloodfhed between the two kingdoms. She was buried with royal honours at Perth. James, to all appearance, was at this time in a mofl defirable fituation. His domain, by forfeitures and o- therwife, far exceeded that of any of his predeceflbrs. He could command the purfes of his clergy; he had large fums of ready money in his exchequer ; his forts were well flored and fortified; and he was now daily receiving remittances of money, arms, and ammunition 45* from France. All this fhow of happinefs was only in James lofea appearance ; for the affeftions of his nobility, and the wifer part of his fubjefts, were now alienated from him fubje&5. more than ever, by the exceflive attachment he fhowed to bigotry and perfecution. He had nominated the earl of Huntley to command his 4irmy on the borders, confifling of 10,000 men ; and his lieutenant-general was Sir Walter Lindfay of Torphichen, who had feen a great deal of foreign fer- vice, and was efleemed an excellent officer. Huntley, acquitted himfelf admirably well in his commiffion ; and was fo well ferved by his fpies, as to have certain intelligence that the Englifh intended to furprife and burn Jedburgh and Kelfo. The Englifh army under Sir Robert Bowes and the DouglafTes, with other nor¬ thern Englifhmen, continued ilill upon the borders ; and one of the refolutions the Scotch nobility and gen¬ try had come to, was, not to attack them on their own ground, nor to aft offenfively, unlefs their enemies in¬ vaded Scotland. Huntly being informed that the Eng- lith had advanced, on the 24th of Auguft, to a place called Ha/danrig, and that they had deflroyed great part of the Scotch and debateable lands, refolved to engage them: and the Englifh were aflonifhed, when at day-break they faw the Scotch army drawn up in order of battle. Neither party could now retreat with-The Eng- out fighting ; and Torphichen, who led the van, coH-lifh defeat- filling of 2000 of the bell troops of Scotland, charged.6^ ^7 the Englifh fo furioufly, that Huntley gained a com“ HuncJer plete and an eafy viftory. Above 200 of the Eng¬ lifh were killed, and 600 taken prifoners ; among whom were their general Sir Robert Bowes, Sir William Mowbray, and about-60 of the moll diflinguifhed nor¬ thern barons ; the earl of Angus efcapiog by the fwift- nefs of his horfe. The lofs of the Scots was inconfider- able. In the meanwhile, the duke of Norfolk having rai- 8» fed DiftSaion nobles of Jamei. SCO f Scotland, fed a great army, had orders to march northwards, and v to difperfe a manifefto, complaining of James for ha¬ ving difappointed him of the interview at York, and reviving the ridiculous claim of his own and his ancef- tors faperiority over the kingdom of Scotland. It was plain, from the words of this manifefto, that Hen¬ ry was ftiil placable towards James; and that he would eafilyhave dropt that claim, if his nephew would have made any perfonal advances towards a reconciliation. The condition of James was now deplorable. The few faithful counfellors he had about him, fuch as K.uk- aldy of Grange, who was then lord treafurer, plainly intimated, that he could have no dependence upon his as he was devoted to the clergy ; and James, fometimes, in a fit of diftra&ion, would draw his dag¬ ger upon the cardinal and other ecclefiaftics when they came to him with frelh propofitions of murder and pro- fcriptions, and drive them out of his prefence. But he had no conftancy of mind ; and he certainly put into his pocket a bloody fcroll that had been brought him by his priefts, beginning with the earl of Arran, the firft fubjedl of the kingdom. In one of his cooler moments, he appointed the lord Erfkine, and fome o- thers of his nobility, to make a frefli attempt to gain time ; and Henry even condefcended to order the duke of Norfolk (who was then advanced as far as York), the lord privy feal, the bifiiop of Durham, and others, to treat with him. The conferences were Ihort and un- fuccefsful. The duke bitterly complained, that the Scots fought only to amufe him till the feafon for ac¬ tion was over. In fhort, he confidered both them and Learmouth, who was ordered to attend him, as fo ma- Theduke n7 fy1*8’ and treated them accordingly. It was the of Norfolk 21ft of October before he entered the eaft borders of enters Scot- Scotland. According to the Scotch hiftorians, his ar- land with a COnfifted of 4O,CQ0 men ; but the Englilh have fix- formidable /. ^ ed it at 20,000. James affefted to complain of this invafion as being unprovoked ; but he loft no time in preparing to repel the_ danger. The fituation of his nobility, who were prefled by a foreign invafion on the one hand, and do- meftic tyrants on the other, induced them to hold fre¬ quent confultations ; and in one of them, they refolved to renew the fcene that had been adled at Lawder bridge under James III. by hanging all his grandfon’s Confpiracy evil counfellors. The Scots hiftorians fay, that this agaiuft refolution was not executed, becaufe the nobility could James’s fa- not agree about the vidims that were to be facrificed ; vouritcs. an(j tjiat tjie kingj who was encamped with his army at Fallamoor, having intelligence of their confultation, removed haftily to Edinburgh ; from which he fent orders for his army to advance, and give battle to the duke of Norfolk, who appears as yet not to have en¬ tered the Scotch borders. The anfwer of the nobility was, that they were determined not to attack the duke upon Englifh ground ; but that if he invaded Scotland, they knew their duty. The earl of Huntley, who commanded the van of the Scottifh army, confifting of 10,000 men, was of the fame opinion : but no fooner did Norfolk pafs the Tweed, than he harafled the Englifh army, cut off their foraging parties, and di- ftreffed them in fuch a manner, that the duke agreed The Eng- once more to a conference for peace ; which was mana- lifti obliged ged, on the part of the Scots, by the bifhop of Ork¬ ney and Sir James Learmouth ; but nothing was con- army. 456 4?7 to retreat. 19 ] SCO eluded. The Englilh general, finding it now impof- Scotland, fible on many accounts to profecute his invafion, repaf- —^ fed the Tweed ; and was haraffed in his march by the earl of Huntley, who defifted from the purfuit the mo¬ ment his enemies gained Englifh ground. James, whofe army at this time amounted to above The Scot* 30,000 men, continued ftill at Edinburgh, from which refute to he fent frequent meffages to order his nobility and ge-Pu!^uc' nerals to follow the duke of Norfolk into England ; but thefc were difregarded. James was flattered, that now he had it in his power to be revenged for all the indignities that had been offered by England to Scot¬ land. In this he was encouraged by the French am- baffador, and the high opinion he had of his own troops. About the beginning of November, he came to a refolution of reaffembling his army, which was dif- banded upon the duke of Norfolk's retreat, i. his pro- je& appeared fo feafible and fo promifing, that feveral of the nobility are faid to have fallen in with it, parti¬ cularly the lord Maxwell, the earls of Arran, Caflils, and Glencairn, with the lords Fleming, Somerville, and Erlkine : others reptefented, but in vain, that the arms of Scotland had already gained fufficient honour, by obliging the powerful army of the Englifti, with their moft experienced general at their head, to make a fhameful retreat before a handful; that the force of Scotland was inferior to that of England ; and that an honourable peace was ftill pradlicable. It was faid, in reply to thofe confiderations, that the ftate of the quar¬ rel was now greatly altered ; that Henry had in his manifefto declared his intention to enflave their conn-, try ; that he treated the nobility as his vaffals ; that the duke of Norfolk had been guilty of burning the dwel¬ lings of the defencelefs inhabitants, by laying above 20 villages and towns in afhes ; and that no Scotchman, who was not corrupted by Henry’s gold, would op- pofe the king’s will. The laft, perhaps, was the chief ^4*9^ argument that prevailed on the lord Maxwell, a noble-C())1j-trnt t(J man of great honour and courage, to agree to carry the invade war into England by Solway, provided He was at the England, head of 10,000 men. It was at laft agreed that the earl of Arran and the cardinal ftiould openly raife men, as if they intended to enter the eaft marches, where they were to make only a feint, while the lord Max¬ well was to make the real attempt upon the weft. Pri¬ vate letters were everywhere circulated to raife the men who were to ferve under the lord Maxwell; among whom were the earls of Caffils and Glencairn, the lords Fleming, Somerville, Erlkine, and many other perfons of great confideration. James, who never was fufpedt- ed of want of courage, probably would have put him- felf at the head of this expedition, had he not been dif- fuaded from it by his priefts and minions, who remind¬ ed him of the confultations at Fallamoor, and the other treafonable praftices of the nobility. They ad¬ ded, that moft of them being corrupted by the Eng- • glifti gold, he could not be too much on his guard. He was at laft perfuaded to repair to the caftle of Loch- maben or Carlaverock, and there to wait the iffue of j orri jvia^ the inroad. well (uper* It was probably at this place that James was pre- feded in vailed on to come to the fatal refolution of appointingrlic TV1* one Oliver Sinclair, a fon of the houfe of Rofiin, and ui[ver gia* a favourite minion at court, to command the army in clair. chief; and his commiffion was made out accordingly. C 3 On Scotland, 461 The Scots fhamefully defeated at Solway ■Mofs. 46a James V. dies of grief. SCO [ 2< On the 2 of November, the Scots began their march at midnight; and having'palled the £, lie, all the ad¬ jacent villages vvt're feen in flames by the break of day. Sir Thomas Wharton, the lingliih warden of thole inarches, the bailard Dacres, and Mufgravt, haflily rai¬ led a few troop ., the whole not exceeding joo men, and drew them up upon an advantageous ground ; when Sinclair, ordering the royal banner to be difplayed, and being mounted on the (boulders of two tall men, pro¬ duced and read his comtniffion. It is impoflible to i- magine the confternation into which the Scots were thrown upon this occalion ; and their leaders fetting the example, the whole army declared (according to the Scotch authors), that they would rather furrender themfelves prifoners to the Englilh, than fubmit to be commanded by fuch a general. In an inllant, all order in the Scotch army was broken down ; horfe and foot, foldiers and fcullions, noblemen and peafants, were in¬ termingled. It was eafy for the.Englilh general to p-rceive this confufion, and perhaps to guefs at its caufe. A hundred of his light-horfe happened to ad¬ vance : they met no reliflance: the nobles were the firit who furrendered themfelves prifoners ; and the reft of the Englifti advancing, they obtained a bloodlefs vic¬ tory ; for even the women and the boys made prifoners cf Scotch foldiers, and few or none were killed. The lord Herbert relates the circumftances of this fhameful affair with fome immaterial differences ; but agrees with the Scotch authorities upon the whole. He mentions, however, no more than 800 common foldiers having been made prifoners. The chief of the prifoners were the earls of Caflils and Glencairn, the lords Maxwell, Fleming, Somerville, Oliphant, and Gray, with above 200 gentlemen beiides. James was then at Carlaverock, which is about 12 miles diftant from the place of attion, depreffed in his fpirits, and anxious about the event of the expedition, which is to this day called the Raid of Solway mojs. When the news came to his ears, and that the earl of Arran and the cardinal were returned to Edinburgh, he was feized with an additional dejection of mind, which brought him to his grave. In fuch a litu- ation every cruel action of his former life wounded his conference ; and he at laft funk into a lullen melan¬ choly, which admitted of no confolation. From Car- laverock he removed to Falkland ; and was fometimes heard to txprefs himfelf as if he thought that the whole body of his nobility were in a confpiracy againft his perfon and dignity. The prefence of the few attend¬ ants who tvere admitted into his chamber, and who were the wicked inftruments of his milconduft, feemed to aggravate his fufferings, and he either, could not or would not take any fuftenance. His death being now inevitable, Beaton approached his bed-fxde with a pa¬ per, to which he is faid to have dire&ed tire king’s hand, pretending that it was his laft will. On the 18th of December, while James was in this deplorable ftate, a mtflenger came from Linlithgow, with an account that the queen was brought to bed of a daughter; and the laft words he was diftinftly heard to fay, were, “ It will end as it began : tire crown came by a w oman, and it will go with one ; many miferies approach this poor kingdom ; king Henry will either mailer it by arms, or win it by marriage.” Fie then turned his face to the wall, and in broken ejaculations pronounced the word 1 SCO Sclway mofs, and fome faint expreflions alluding to the Scotland difgrace he fuftered. In this ftate he languiihed for ——v— fome days; for zt is certain he did not furvive the 13 th. James V. was fucceeded by his infant daughter Mary, h ^ waoiC biith we iiave already mentioned. James haded by Ma« taken no Heps for the fecunty ot his kingdom, fo thatry' amoitious men had now another opportunity of throw¬ ing the public affairs i..to confufion. The fituation of Scotland indeed at this time was very critical. Many ot the nobility were prifoners in England, and Critical fi. thoie who remained at home were faftious and turbu-tuauonof lent. The nation was diipirited by an unfuccefsfuHffail** war. Commotions w'ere daily excited on account of religion, and Henry VIII. had formed a defign of add¬ ing Scotland to his other dominions. By a teilamen- tary deed which cardinal Beaton had forged in the name of his fovereign, he was appointed tutor to the queen and governor of the realm, and three of the principal nobility were named to aft as his counfellors in the adminiftration. The nobility and the people, however, calling in queftion the authenticity of this deed, which he could not eftablifh, the cardinal was degraded from the dignity he had affumed ; and the ellates of the kingdom advanced into the regency garf,,f James Hamilton, earl of Arran, wdiom they judged ran ap- to be entitled to this diftinftion, as the fecond Dcrion P°*nted re* of the kingdom, and the neareit heir, after Mary, to the gent* ■' crown. The difgrace of cardinal Beaton might have proved the deftru&ion of his party, if the earl of Arran had been endowed with vigour of mind and ability. But his views were circumfcnbed ; and he did not compen- fate for this defect by any firmnefs of purpofe. He Hi AhLac wras too indolent to gain partizans, and too irrefoluteter. C to fix them. Slight difficulties filled him writh em- barrafiment, and great ones overpowered him. His enemies, applying themfelves to the timidity of his dif- pofition, betrayed him into weakneffes ; and the efteem which his gentlenefs had procured him in private life, w^as loft in the contempt attending his public coitdudl, which was teeble, fluctuating, and inconfiftent. The attachment w hich the regent was known to Hf ^ profefs for the reformed religion, drew to him the love comes1 po- of the people ; his high birth, and the mildnefs of his pular on virtues, conciliated their refped ; and from the circum- aCcount of fiance, that his name was at the head of the roll of he-nfentto'thc reties which the clergy had prefented to the late king, aref. rma- fentiment of tendernefs was mingled with his populari-tion. ty. His conduit correlponded, at hrft, with the im- preffions entertained in his favour. Thomas Guillame and John Rough, two celebrated preachers, were in¬ vited' to live in his houfe ; and he permitted them to declaim openly againft the errors of the church of Rome. They attacked and expofed the fupremacy of the pope, the worffiip of images, and the invocation of faints. Cardinal Beaton and the prelates were exceed- ingly provoked, and indefatigably aitive to defend the eltablifhed doilrints. 't liis public fanilion afforded to the reformation was of little confequence, however, when compared with a 4<5S meafure which w'as foon after adopted by Robert lord Maxwell. .He propofed, that the liberty of reading the u, read the feriptures ia the vulgar tongue fhould be permitted to feripture* the people ; and that, for the future, no heretical guiltin theIr fhould mother- tungue. SCO [2 S aFter ?iaving fuffered the miferies of war, was fub- • . o •ni . _ i rl^t\^ t liar.! land jedted to the horrors of perfecution. The regent had procured an ad of parliament for the perfecution of the reformed ; and the cardinal, to draw to himtelt an additional fplendour and power, had obtained from the pope the dignity of legate a latere. A vifitation of his - own diocefe appeared to him the moft proper method of commencing the propofed extirpation of herefy ; and he carried with him in his train the regent, and many perfons of diftindion, to aflift in his judicatories, and to • o fhare in his difgracc. Many cruel In the town of Perth a great many perfons were executions accufed and condemned. The moft trifling offences ©n account were regarded as atrocious crimes, and made the fub- jeds of profecution and punifliment. Robert Lamb was hanged for affirming that the invocation of faints had no merit to fave. William Anderibn, James Rey¬ nold, and James Finlayfon, fuffered the fame death, for having abufed an image of St Francis, by putting horns upon his head. James Hunter, having kept their company, was found to be equally guilty, and punifhed in the fame manner. Helen Stivke, having refufed, when in labour, to invoke the affiftance of the Virgin, was drowned in a pool of water. Many of the burgefles of Perth, being fufpeded of herefy, were fent into banilhment ; and the lord Ruthven, the provott, was unon the fame account difmiffed from his office. 3 1 SCO The cardinal was ftrenuous in perfecutiug herefy in Scotland.^ other parts of his diocefe. But the difcontents and y——^ clamour attending the executions of men of inferior fta- tion were now loft in the fame of the martyrdom of ^ George Wifliart; a perfon who, while he was refpec- Account of table "by his birth, was highly eminent from the opi- Mr George nion entertained of his capacity and endowments. The Wiftiart. hiilorians of the Pioteftant perfuafion have fpoken of this reformer in terms of the higheft admiration. They extol his learning as extenfive, infift on the extreme can¬ dour of his difpofition, and aferibe to him the utmoft purity of morals. But while the ftrain of their pane¬ gyric is expofed to fufpicion from its excefs, they have' ventured to impute to him the fpirit of prophecy ; fo that we mutt neceflarily receive their eulogiums with fome abatement. It may be fufficient to affirm, that Mr Wifhart was the moft eminent preacher who had hitherto appeared in Scotland. His mind was certainly cultivated by refledlion and ftudy, and he was amply pofiefled of thofe abilities and qualifications which awaken and agitate the paffions of the people. His miniftry had been attended with the moft flattering fucf* cefs; and his courage to encounter danger grew with his reputation. The day before he was apprehended, he faid to John Knox, who attended him ; “ I am weary of the world, fince I perceive that men are weary of God.” He had already reconciled himfelf to that terrible death which awaited him. He was found in the houfe of Cockburn of Ormifton, in Eaft Lothian ; who refufing to deliver him to the fervants of the re¬ gent, the earl of Bothwell, the flierifLof the county', required that he fhould be intrufted to his care, and promifed that no injury ihould be done to him. But the authority of the regent and his eounfellors obliged the earl to furrender his charge. Fie was conveyed to the cardinal’s caitle at St Andrew’s, and his trial was hurried on with precipitation. The cardinal and the clergy proceeding in it without the concurrence of the fecular power, adjudged him to be burnt alive. In the circumftances of his execution there appears a deliberate and moft barbarous cruelty. When led out to the flake, he was met by prieits, who, mocking his condi¬ tion, called upon him to pray to the virgin, that (he might intercede with her Son for mercy to him. “ For¬ bear to tempt me, my brethern,” was his mild reply to them. A black coat of linen was put upon him by one executioner, and bags of powder were fattened to his body by another. Some pieces of ordnance were pointed to the place of execution. He fpoke to the fpeftators, intreating them to remember that he was tp die for the true gofpel of Chrift. Five was communicated to the faggots. From a balcony in a tower of his cattle, which was hung with tapeftry, the cardinal and the prelates, reclining upon rich cufhions, beheld the inhuman feene. This infolent triumph, more than all his affliftions, affedled the magnanimity of the fufterer. He exclaimed, that the enemy, who fo proudly folaced himfelf, would perifh in a few days, and be expofed ignominioufly in the place which he now oc¬ cupied. Cardinal Beaton took a pleafure in receiv'ng the congratulations of the clergy upon a deed, which, it was thought, would fill the enemies of the church with terror. But the indignation of the people was more excited than their fears. All ranks of men were dif- s o j'eo'Iard, guftetl with an exerclfc of power which tlefpifed every ro boundary of moderation and juftiee. The predi&ion Cardinal of Mr Winiart, fujrgelled by the general odium which Button af* attended the cardinal, was confidered by the difciples laifinated 't 0f this martyr as the effufior! of a prophet; and per¬ haps gave occafion to the aflaffination that followed. Their complaints were attended to by Norman Lefly, the eldeil fon of the earl of Rothes, whom the cardinal had treated with indignity, though he had profited by his tervices. He confented to be their leader. The cardinal was in his.callle at St Andrew’s, which he was fortifying after the ftrongeft fafhion of that age. The conlpirators, at different times, early in the morning, entered into it. i he gates were fecured ; and appoint- a guard, that no intimation of their proceedings might go to the cardinal, they difmifled from the caftle all his workmen feparately, to the number of too, and all hi* domeilics, who amounted to rfo fewer than yo perfons. The eldeft fon of the earl of Arran, whom lie kept as an noftage tor his father’s behaviour, was alone detained by them. The prelate, alarmed with their node, looked from his window, and was informed that his callle was taken by Norman Lelly. It was in vain tnat he endeavoured to fecure the door of his chamber by bolts and chefts. The confpirators bfouglit fire, and were ready to apply it, when, admitting them into his prefence, he implored their mercy. Two of them ftruck him haftily with their fwords. But James Melyil, rebuking their palfion, told them, that this work and judgment of God, though fecret, ought to be done with gravity. He reminded the cardinal, in general terms, of the enormity of his fins, and repraached him in^ a more particular manner with the death of Mr v\ ifhart. He fwore, that no hopes of his riches, no dread of his power, and no hatred to his perfon, were any motives which aftuated him ; but that he was moved to accomphfh his deflrudlion, by the obftinacy and zeal mamfefted by him againfl Chriil Jefua and his holy gofpel. Waiting for no anfwer to his harangue, he thruft the cardinal three times through the body with his dagger, on the 29th of May 1546. 1 he rumour that the callle was taken giving an alarm to the inhabitants of St Andrew’s, they came in crowds to gratify their curiofity, and to offer their afliftance, ac¬ cording to the fentiments they entertained. The adhe¬ rents and dependents of the cardinal were clamorous to fee him ; and the confpirators, carrying his dead body to the very place from which he had beheld the fuffer- ings of Mr Wifhart, expofed it to their view. The truce,- in the mean time, which had been con- :ween £ ,, c^U(;T'd with England was frequently interrupted ; but Und, ^ 6 n.° memorable battles were fought. Mutual depreda- ifrance, and thms kept alive the hollde fpirit of the two kingdoms; Scotland, and while the regent was making military preparations, which gave the promife of important events, a treaty of peace was finifhed between England and France, in which F rancis I. took care to comprehend the Scottifh nation. In this treaty' it was ftipulated by Henry, that he was not .to wage war againlt Scotland, unlefs he fhould be provoked by new and juft caufes of hoftility. But they murderers of cardinal Beaton, apprehenfive of their fafety, had difpatched meffengers into England, with applications to Henry for afliftance; and being joined by more than 120 of their friends, they took the refolution .of keeping the caftle, and of defending 49r Treaty of peace be- fcweer laud, 24 1 SCO tliemfdre,. Hmry, notwitMandins his treaty with Scotland, rrancc> rcfolvcd to embrace thia opportunity of aug* —v menting the difturbances of Scotland. Ele haftened to colled: troops ; and the regent and his counfellors preft* ed Fiance for lupplies in men and money, and military ftores and artillery. ' „ 4gz I he high places which the cardinal occupied were fdnceed- filled up immediately upon his death. John Hamilton a^am{l abbot of Paifley was eleded archbifhop of St Andrew’s, and George earl of Huntley was promoted to be chan-clrdinal. cellor. By thefe officers the regent was urged to pro¬ ceed with vigour againfl the confpirators 5 and it was a matter of the greateft anxiety to him to recover his eldeft fon, whom they detained in cuftody. ’The clergy had, in the moft folemn manner, pronounced them to be accurfed ; and agreed to furnilh, for four months, a monthly fubfidy of 3000 1. to defray the expence of re¬ ducing them to obedience. I he queen dowager and the French fadion were eag^r, at the fame time, to concur in avenging the affaflination of a man to whofc countels and fervices they were fo greatly indebted. — And that no dangerous ufe might be made of the eldeft fon of the earl of Arran, who, after his father, was the heir of the monarchy', an ad of parliament was paffed, excluding him from his birthright while he re¬ mained m the pofl’effion ot the enemies of his country, and fubftituting his brothers m his place, according to their feniority. The dark politics of Henry fuggefted the neceflity of this expedient; and in its meaning and tendency there may be remarked the fpirit and greatnefs of a free people. A^powerful army laid fiege to the caftle of St An-Caftleof drew’s, and continued their operations during four StAudrew*! months ; but no fuccefs attended the affailants. ThebclieKed’ fortifications were ftrong ; and a communication with the befieged was open by fea to the king of England, who fupplied them with arms and provifions. The gar- rifon received his ^>ay, and the principal confpirators had peufions from him. In return for his generofity, they were engaged to promote the marriage of his fon with the young queen ; to advance the reformation ; and to keep in cuftody the eldeft fon of the regent. Nego- ciation fucceeded to hoilility ; and as the regent expedl- ed afliftance from France, and the confpirators had the pi*)fpea of fupport from an Englifh army, both parties were difpofed to gain time. A treaty was entered into and iranlatted, in which the regent engaged to procure fiom Rome an abfolution to the confpirators, and to obtain to them from the three eftates an exemption from profecutions of every kind. Upon the part of the befieged, it was ftipulated, that when thefe condi¬ tions were fulfilled, the caftle fhould be furrendered, and the regent’s fon be delivered up to him. In the mean n 4?4f time Henry v HI. died; and a few weeks after Fran-HemyVIIf, cis I. alfo paid his debt to nature. But the former, be-Fiaa- fore his death, had recommended the profecution of the cis L Scottiih war ; and Henry II. the fucceflbr of Francis, was eager to fhow his attention to the ancient ally of his nation. When the abfolution arrived from Rome, the confpirators refufed to coniider it as valid ; and an expreflion ufed by the pope, implying an abfurdity, fur- mfhed an apology for their conduct. They knew that tne counfellors of Edward VI. were making vigorous preparations to invade Scotland ; they were confident of their prefent ability to defend themfdves; and the 7 advocates , 49* John Knox begins to diftinguiih himfeif. 496 . Caftle or t An¬ drew’s ta¬ ken. Scotland. SCO [ 25 ] SCO the reformation encouraged them with without taking advantage of the ftrength of his fitua* Scotland. 497 Scotland invaded by the Eng- Lifli, advocates for hopes and with flattery. The favourers ot the reformation, in the mean time, adopting the intolerant maxims of the Roman Catho¬ lics, were highly pleafed with the aflaflination of Bea¬ ton ; and many of them congratulated the confpirators upon what they called their godly deed and enterprife. John Rough, who had formerly been chaplain to the regent, entered the caftle and joined them. At this time alfo John Knox began to diftinguifh himfeif in an eminent manner, both by his fuccefs in argument and the unbounded freedom of his difcourfe ; while the Roman clergy, every where defeated and aftiamed, im¬ plored the affiftance of the regent and his council, who allured them that the laws againft heretics fhould be put in execution. In the mean time the caftle of St Andrew’s being in- vefted by a fleet of 16 fail under admiral Strozzi from France, was obliged to capitulate. Honourable condi¬ tions w ere granted to the confpirators; but after being conveyed to France, they were cruelly ufed, from the hatred entertained by the Catholics againft the Protef- tants. Many were confined in prifons ; and others, among whom, fays Dr Stuart, was John Knox, were fent to the galleys. The caftle itfelf was rafed to the ground. The fame year, 1547, Scotland was invaded by an Englilh army under the duke of Somerfet, who had been chofen proteftor of England during the minority of Edward VI. The defign ©f this invafion was to oblige the Scots to comply with the fcheme of Hen¬ ry VIII. and conclude a marriage between Edward and the young queen of Scotland. The Englilh army con- fifted of j 8,000 men ; befides which the proteftor had a fleet of 60 fail, one half of which were (hips of war, and the others confifted of veflels laden with provifions and military ftores. On the other hand, the regent op- pofed him with an army of 40,000 men. Before the commencement of hoftilities, however, the duke of So¬ merfet addrefleti a letter or manifefto to the government, in which he prefled the marriage with fuch powerful ar¬ guments, and fo clearly Ihowed the benefits which would refult from it to both nations, that the regent and his party, who were averfe to peace, thought proper to fupprefs it, and to circulate a report that the Englilh had come to force away the queen, and to reduce the kingdom to a ftate of dependence. All hopes of an accommodation being thus removed, the Englilh army advanced in order to give battle to the Scots. They found the latter polled in the moft advantageous fitua- tion, around the villages of Muflelburgh, Invereflc, and Monckton ; fo that he could not force them to an ac¬ tion, at the fame time that he found himfeif in danger of having his communication with his Ihips cut off, which would have totally deprived his army of the means of fubfiftence. In this dangerous fituation he had again recourfe to negociation, and offered terms ftill more fa¬ vourable than before. He now declared himfeif ready to retire into England, and to make ample compenfa- tion for the injuries committed by his army, if the Scot- tilh government would promife that the queen Ihould not be contracted to a foreign prince, but Ihould be kept at home till Ihe was of age to choofe a hulband for herfelf, with the confent of the-nobility. Thefe conceflions in- creafed the confidence of the regent fo much, that, Vox,. XVII. Parti. tion, he refolved to come to a general engagement.— The protestor moved towards Pinkey, a gentleman’s 0f houfe to the eallward of Muffelburgh ; and the regent Pinkcy. conceiving that he meant to take refuge in his fleet, changed the llrong ground in which he was encamp¬ ed. He commanded his army to pafs the river Elk, and to approach the Englifh forces, which were polled on the middle of Falide-hill. The earl of Angus led on the van ; the main body of the battle inarched un¬ der the regent; and the earl of Huntley commanded in the rear. It was the regent’s intention to feize the top of the hill. The lord Gray, to defeat this purpofe, charged the earl of Angus, at the head of the Englilh cavalry.* They were received upon the points of the Scottilh fpears, which were longer than the lances of the Englilh horfemen, and put to flight. The carl of Warwick, more fuccefsful with his command of infan¬ try, advanced to the attack. The ordnance from the fleet affifted his operations ; and a brilk fire from the Englilh artillery, which was planted on a riling ground, ferved ftill more to intimidate the Scottilh foldiery.—. The remaining troops under the proteCtor were moving flowly, and in the belt order, to take a lhare in the engagement. The earl of Angus was not well fup- ported by the regent and the earl of Huntley. A pa¬ nic fpread itfelf through the Scottilh army. It fled in different ways, prefenting a' feene of the greateft havoc and confufion. Few perilhed in the fight; but the chafe continuing in one dire&ion to Edinburgh, and in 499 another to Dalkeith, with the utmoll fury, a prodigi-The Scot* ous flaughter was made. The lofs of the conquerors de/eated did not amount to yco men; but 10,000 foldiers pe-fla^htcr^ rilhed on the fide of the vanquilhed. multitude of ^ prifoners were taken ; and among thefe the earl of Huntley, the lord high chancellor. Amidft the confternation of this decifive victory, the duke of Somerfet had a full opportunity of effec¬ tuating the marriage and union projected by Hen¬ ry VIII. and on the fubjedt of which fuch fond anxie¬ ty was entertained by the Englilh nation. But the ca¬ bals of his enemies threatening his deftru&ion at home, he yielded to the neceflities of his private ambition, and marched back into England. He took precautions, Duke of however, to fecure an entry into Scotland, both by fea Somerfet and land. A ganifon of 200 men was placed in the r?turns ifle of St Columba in the Forth, and two Ihips of war El,Sland\ were left as a guard to it. A garrifon was alfo ftation- ed in the caftle of Broughty, which was lituated in the mouth of the Tay. When he paffed through the Merfe and Teviotdale, the leading men of thefe countiea repaired to him ; and taking an oath of allegiance to king Edward, furrendered their places of ftrength. Some of thefe he demolilhed, and to others he added new fortifications. Hume caftle was garrifoned with 200 men, and intrufted to Sir Edward Dudley ; and he polled 300 foldiers, with 200 pioneers, in the calllc of Roxburgh, under the command of Sir Ralph Bul- mer. The only refource of the regent now was the hope of afllftance from France. The young queen was lodged in the caftle of Dumbarton, under the care of the lords Erlkine and Livingftone ; and ambaffadors were fent to Henry II. of France, acquainting him with the difaller at Pinkey, and imploring his affiftance. The regent D had Scotland. Farther fuc.effes of the Er.glifh. 50a The queen fent to France. toj The Kng- lifli mtct wth f'eve- !tal checks. SCO [ had aflced permiffion from the protestor to treat of peace, and the earl of Warwick was appointed to wait for them at Berwick ; but none were ever fent on the part of Scotland. It was not long, therefore, before hoftilities were recommenced by the Englifh. Lord Gray led an army into Scotland, fortified the town of Haddington, took the caftles of Yefter and Dalkeith, laid wafte the Merfe, and the counties of Eafl and Mid Lothian. On the other hand, in June 154^’ Monfieur de Deffe, a French officer of great reputation, landed at Leith with 6000 foldiers, and a formidable train of artillery. In the mean time, the regent was in difgr?ce on ac¬ count of the difafter at Pinkey ; and the queen-do vager being diipofed to fuperfede his authority, attempted to improve this circumftance to her own advantage. As Ihe perceived that her power and interefl could beft be fupported by France, fire refolved to enter into the jtricteft alliance with that kingdom. It had been pro- pofed that the dauphin of France fhould marry the queen of Scotland ; and this propofal now met with many partizans, the hollilities of the Englifir having loft a great number of friends to the caufe_ of that country. It was refolved to fend the queen immediate¬ ly to France, which would remove the caufe of the prefent contentions, and her fubfequent marriage with the dauphin would in the fulled manner confirm the friendfhip betwixt the two nations. I he French go¬ vernment alfo entered deeply into the fcheme ; and in order to promote it made prefents of great value to many of the Scottifh nobility. T. he regent himleli was gained over by a penfioii of 1 2,000 hvres, and the title of duke of ChatelhCrault. Monfieur de Villegagnon, who commanded four galleys in the harbour of Leith, making a feint as if he intended to proceed inftantly to France, tacked about to the north, and, failing round the ifles, received the queen at Dumbarton ; whence he conveyed her to France, and delivered her to her uncles the princes of Lorraine, in the month of July ^ ^ Thefe tranfaftions did not put an end to the military operations. The fiege of Haddington had been un¬ dertaken as foon as the French auxiliaries arrived, and was row conduced with vigour. To reinforce the garrifon, 1500 horfe advanced from Berwick ; but an ambufcade being laid for them, they were intercepted, and almoft totally dcftroyed. Another body of Lng- liffi trooos, however, which amounted only to 300 per- fons, was more fuccefsful. Eluding the vigilance of the Scots and the French, they were able to enter Haddington, and to fupply the befieged with ammuni¬ tion and provifions. The lord Seymour, high admiral of England, made a defcent upon Fife with 1200 men, and fome pieces of artillery ; but was driven back to bis {hips with great {laughter by James Stuart, na¬ tural brother to the young queen, who oppofed him at the head of the militia of the county. A fecond de¬ fcent was made by him at Montrofe ; but being equally unfuccefsful there, he was obliged to leave Scotland without performing any important or memorab.e at- chievement. , ,, Having coUefted an army of 17,000 men, and add¬ ing to k 3000 German Proteftants, the prote&or put It under the dire&ion of the earl of Shrewfbury. Up¬ on the approach of the Eugliffij Deffej though he nad 26 ] SCO been reinforced with 15,000 Scots, thought it more Scotland prudent to retreat than to hazard a decifive battle. He 1 raifed the fiege of Haddington, and mai’ched to Edin¬ burgh. The earl of Shrewfoury did not follow him to c;o4 force an engagement ; jealoufies had arifen between the Q^arr^Is Scots and the French. The infolence and vanity ofbt: weenthe the latter, encouraged by their fuperior {kill in military arts, had offended the quick and impatient fpiiit of the former. The fretfulnefs of the Scots was augmented by the calamines infeparable from war ; and after the conveyance of the young queen to France, the efficaci¬ ous and peculiar advantage conferred upon that king¬ dom by this tran fait ion was fully uaderftood, and ap¬ peared to them to be highly difgraceful and impolitic. In this ftate of their humour, Deffe found not at Edin¬ burgh the reception he expe&ed. The quartering of his foldiers produced difputes, which ended in an infur- re&ion of the inhabitants. The French fired among the citizens. Several perfons of diftin&ion fell, and among thefe were the provoft of Edinburgh and his fon. The national difcontents and inquietudes were driven, by this event, to the moft dangerous extremity ; and Deffe, who was a man of ability, thought of giving employment to his troops, and of flattering the people by the fplendour of fome martial exploit. 505 The earl of Shrewfbury, after Applying Hadding-Unfuccefs- ton with troops, provifions, and military ftores, retired ^ with Ins army into England. Its garrifon, in the cn-(jjngton> joyment of fecurity, and unfufpicious of danger, might be furprifed and overpowered. Marching in the night, Deffe readied this important poll ; and deftroymg a fort of obfervation, prepared to ftorm the main gates of the city, when the garrifon took the alarm. A French deferter pointing a double cannon to the thickeft ranks of the affailants, the {hot was incredibly de- ftru&ive, and threw them into confufion. In the height of their conflernation, a vigorous fally was made by the befieged. Deffe renewed the affault in the morning, and was again difeomfited. He now 506 turned his arms againft Broughty caftle ; and, though the L Li 1 IIV-Vi. 11LO cn mo lit ^**■»*». ~ J 7 ' O T-. » unable to reduce it, he yet recovered the neighbouring . r TA J~ ...LL.K foliar* tntrv tVi#* w\o{TVfTirm /• town of Dundee, which had fallen into the p°lfciht>n^onie a(j of the enemy. Hume caftle was retaken by ftratagem. vantages, Deffe entered Jedburgh, and put its garrifon to the fvvord. Encouraged by this fuccefs, he ravaged the Englifh borders in different incurfions, and obtained fe- veral petty viftories. Leith, which from a fmall village had grown into a town, was fortified by him; and the Hand of Inchkeith, which is nearly oppofite to that harbour, being occupied by Englifh troops, he under¬ took to expel them, and made them priioners after a brifk encounter. His aftivity and valour could not, however, com- pofe the difcontents of the Seottifh nation ; and the queen-dowager having written to Henry II. to recal him, he was fucceeded in his command by Moniieur de Thermes, who was accompanied into Scotland by Mon- luc biffiop of Valence, a perfon highly efteemed for his addrefs and ability. I his ecclefiaitic was deligned to fupply the lofs of cardinal Beaton, and to difeharge the office of lord high chancellor of Scotland. But the jealoufies of the nation increafing, and the queen-dow¬ ager herfelf fufpeaing his ambition and turbulence, he attained not this dignity, and foon returned to his own country' Vo $c3 eace con- uded. sco r Scadar.d. Dc Thermcs brought with him from Fiance a rein- forcement of icoo foot, 2000 horfe, and 100 men- artherfic at-Hrms* erefted a fort at Aberlady, to diftrefs Ves of the the garrifon of Haddington, and to intercept its fup* rench. plies of provifion. At Coldingham he deftroyed a troop of Spaniards in the Englifh pay. Faft-caftle was regained by furprife. Diltraftions in the Engliih court did not permit the prote&or to adf vigoroufly in the war. The earl of Warwick was diverted from inarching an army into Scotland. An infedbious dif- temper had broke out in the garrilbn at Haddington ; and an apprehenfion prevailed, that it could not hold out for any length of time again ft the Scots. The earl of Rutland, therefore, with a body of troops, entered the town ; and after fetting fire to it, conduced the garrilbn and artillery to Berwick. The regent, in the poftelfion of Haddington, was felicitous to recover the other places which were yet in the power of the Eng¬ liih. De Thermes laid liege to Broughty callle, and took it. He then befieged Lawder ; and the garrifon was about to furrer.der at difcrction, when the news ar¬ rived that a peace was concluded between France, Eng¬ land, and Scotland. By ^this treaty Henry IT. obtained the reftitution of Boulogne and its dependencies, which had been taken from him by the king of England, and for which he paid 400,000 crowns. No oppofition was to be given to the marriage of the queen of Scotland with the dauphin: the fortreftes of Lawder and Dou¬ glas were to be rellored to the Scots, and the Englilh were to deftroy the caftTes of Roxburgh and Eymouth. 'he queen-After the ratification of the articles, the queen-dowoiger owager embarked wfith Leon Strozzi for France, attended by i06'’'° .many of the nobility. Having arrived there, Ihe com- .hemes a- rnumcated to the king her defign of alTumimr the go¬ vernment of Scotland, and he promifed to aflift her to the utmoft of his power. But the jealoufy which pre¬ vailed between the Scots and French rendered the ac- complifhment of this delign very difficult. To remove the regent by an aft ef power might endanger the fcheme altogether ; but it might be poffible to perfuade him to refign his office voluntarily. For this purpofe intrigues were immediately commenced ; and indeed the regent himfelf contributed to promote their fehemes by his violent perfecution of the reformed. The peace was hardly proclaimed, wffien he provoked the public re- 5to fentment by an aftion of fanguinary infolence. Adam ^damWal-Wallace, a man of fimple manners, but of great zeal m account for the reformation, was accufed of herefy, and brought ?f religion t0 tr‘a^ *n t^ie church of the Black Friars at Edinburgh. In the prefence of the regent, the earls of Angus, Huntley, Glencairn, and other perfons of diftinftion and rank, he was charged wuth preaching without any authority of law, with baptizing one of his own chil¬ dren, and with denying the doftrine of purgatory ; and it was ftrenuoufly objefted to him, that he ac¬ counted prayers to the faints and the dead to be an ufe- lefs fuperftition, that he had pronounced the mafs to be an idolatrous fervice, and that he had affirmed that the bread and wine in the facrament of the altar, after the words of the confecration, do not change their nature, but continue to be bread and wine. Thefe offences were efteemed too terrible to admit of any pardon.— The earl of Glencairn alone protefted againll his pu- .,.n *■ The pj0U3 fufferer bore with refignation the 5©9 amft the egent. -tiifhment. 27 r sco contumelious infults of the clergy; and by his courage Scotian-!, and patience at the ftake gave a fanftion to the opinions v he had embraced. 511. Other afts of atrocity and violence ftained the admi-2t^ier inr niftration of the regent. In his own palace, William ^ Crichton, a man of family and reputation, wras affaffina-inhumanity nated by the lord Semple. No attempt w-as made to aiic!‘nW- puniffi the murderer. His daughter was the concubine Ul>c- of the archbifhop of St Andrew’s, and her tears and in- treaties were more powerful than jutlice. John Melvil, a perfon refpeftable by his birth and his fortune, ha.i written to an Englifh gentleman, recommending to hi* care a friend who at that time was a captive in Eng¬ land. This letter contained no improper information in matters of ftate, and no fufpicion of any crime agairtft Melvil could be inferred from it. Yet the regent brought him to trial upon a charge of high treafon ; and, for an aft of humanity and fricndffiip, he was condemned to lofe his head. The eftate of Melvil, forfeited to Ins family, was given to David the youngeft fon of the re¬ gent. 511 Amidft the pleafures and amufements of the French Schemes of court, the queen-dowager was not inattentive to the ^'e archbifflop and his fuffragans. He was in an extreme old age ; and he had ftruggled all his life with poverty. He funk not, however, under the hardnefs of his fate. To the articles of his accufation he replied with fignal recolleftion and fortitude. The firmnefs of his mind, in the emaciated ftate of his body, excited admiration. The infults of his enemies, and their contempt, ferved to difeover his fuperiority over them. When the cler¬ gy declared him a heretic, no temporal judge could be found to condemn him to the fire. He was refpited to another day; and fo great fympathy prevailed for his misfortunes, that it was neceflary to allure one of the archbifflop’s domeftics to fupply the place of the civil power, and to pronounce the lenience of condemnation. When brought to the flake, the refolution of this fuf- ferer did not forfake him. He praifed God, that he had been called to feal up the truth with his life; and he conjured the people, as they would efcape eternal death, not to be overcome by the errors and the arti¬ fices of monks and priefts, abbots and bifhops. 5,5 The barbarity of this execution affefted the refer-The Pro- mers with inexpreffible horror. Subfcriptions for mu-*erta’ ^ Tr tual defence were taken. The leaders of the reforma-~ tion, difperfing their emiflaries to every quarter, encou-jights. raged the vehemence of the multitude. The cove¬ nant to eftabliffl a new form of religion extended far and wide. The fflarp point of the fword, not the calm exertions of inquiry, was to decide the difputes of theo- logy- When the leaders of the reformation were apprifed of the ardent zeal of the people, and conlidered the great number of fubferiptions which had been colle&ed in the different counties of the kingdom, they affembled to Scotlmd. 5*7 Petition SCO' [30 to deliberate concerning the Heps to be purfued. It wavS refolved, accordingly, that a public and common fupplication of the whole body of the Protdlants fhould the queen, be prefcnted to the queen-regent; which, after com* »e6eut 5*8 Articles of the refor- aiation. plaining of the injuries they had fuffercd, fiiould require her to bellow upon them her fupport and afiiitance, and urge her to proceed in the work ol a reformation. To explain their full meaning, a fchedule, containing parti¬ cular demands, was at the fame time to be prefented to her lerutiny. To Sir Tames Sandilands of Calder they committed the important charge of their manifefto and articles of reformation ; and in appointing him to this commifiion, they confulted the refpeft which was due both to the government and to themfelves. His chara&er was in the highett eftimation. His fervices to his country were numerous; his integrity and honour were fuperior to all fufpicion ; and his age and experi¬ ence gave him authority and reverence. The petition or fupplication of the Protdlants was exprefl’ed in ftrong but refpedlful terms. They told the queen-regent, that though they had been provoked by great injuries, they had yet, during a long peiiod, abllained from affembling themfelves, and from making known to her their complaints. Banifhment, confifca- tion of goods, and death in its moll cruel fhape, were evils with which the reformed had been affli&ed; and they were Hill expofed to thefe dreadful calamities* Compelled by their fufferings, they prefumsd to aflc a remedy againll the tyranny of the prelates and the eHate ecclefiaHical. They had ufurped an unlimited domina¬ tion over the minds of men. Whatever they command¬ ed, though without any fan&ion from the word of God, muH be obeyed. Whatever they prohibited, tho’ from their own authority only, it was neceHary to avoid. All arguments and remonHrances were equally fruitlefs and vain. The fire, the faggot, and the fword, were the weapons with which the church enforced and vindica¬ ted her mandates. By thefe, of late years, many of their brethren had fallen ; and upon this account they were troubled and wounded in their confciences. For conceiving themfelves to be a part of that power which God had efiablHhed in this kingdom, it was their duty to have defended them, or to have concurred with them in an open avowal of their common religion. They now take the opportunity to make this avowal. They break a filence which may be mifinterpreted into a juf- tification of the cruelties of their enemies. And dif- daining all farther diffimulation in matters which con¬ cern the glory of God, their prefent happinefs, and their future falvation, they demand, that the original purity of the ChriHian religion fiiall be reftored, and that the government (hall be fo improved, as to afford to them a fecurity in their perfons, their opinions, and their property. With this petition or fupplication of the Protefiants, Sir James Sandilands prefented their fchedule of de¬ mands, or the preliminary articles of the reformation. They were in the fpirit of their fupplication, and of the following tenor. I. It fiiall be lawful to the reformed to perufe the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue; and to employ alfo their native language in prayer publicly and in private. II. It firall be permitted to any perfon qualified by knowledge, to interpret and explain the difficult paf- iages in the Scriptures. 1 SCO III. The ele&ion.of minifters fitall take place accord. Scotland. ing lo the rules of the primitive church ; and thofe who v~— ele& (hall inquire diligently into the lives and do&rines of the perfons whom they admit to the clerical office. TV. The holy facrament of baptifm fhall be celebra¬ ted in the vulgar tongue, that its inHitution and nature may be the more generally underfiood. V. The holy facrament of the Lord’s fupper {hall bkewife be adminiHered in the vulgar tongue ; and in this communion, as well as in the ceremonial of bap¬ tifm, a becoming refpedt fiiall be paid to the plain m- ftitution of Chrifi Jefus. VI. 'The wicked and licentious lives of the bifhops and efiate ecclefiaHical fiiall be reformed; and if they difeharge not the duties of true and faithful pafiors, they fhall be compelled to defifi from their minifiry and funftions. The queen-regent now found it neceHary to flatter The Protef. the Protefiants. She affured them by Sir James San-t int^ Ha'- dilands, their orator or commiffioner, that every thingtered they could legally defire fliould be granted to them ; and that, in the mean time, they might, without mo- b lelfation, employ the vulgar tongue in their prayers and religious exercifes. But, upon the pretence that no encouragement might be given to tumults and riot, Hie requefted that they would hold no public affemblies in Edinburgh or Leith. The Congregation, for this name was now affumed by the Protefiants, were tranfported with thefe tender proofs of her regard ; and while they fought to advance Hill higher in her efieem by the in- offenfive quietnefs of their carriage, they were encou¬ raged in the undertaking they had begun, and anxious to accomplifli the work of the reformation. Nor to the clergy, who at this time were holding a provincial council at Edinburgh, did the Congiegation Icrupie to communicate the articles of the intended re¬ formation. The clergy received their demands with a ftorm of rage, which died away in an innocent debility. 5-0 Upon recovering from their paffions, they offered to They offer fubmit the controverfy between them and the reformed to.dl*Pute to a public difputation. The Congregation did refufe this mode of trial; and defired, as their only con-clergy, ditions, that the Scriptures might be confidered as the Handards of orthodoxy and truth, and that thofe of their brethren who were in exile and under perfecution might be permitted- to affifi them. Thefe requefis, though realonable in a high degree, were not complied with ; and the church would allow no rule of right but the canon law and its own councils. Terms of recon¬ ciliation were then offered on the part of the eflate ec- clefiafiicaL It held out to the Protefiants the liberty of praying and adminifiering the facraments in the vul¬ gar tongue, if they would pay reverence to the mafs, acknowledge purgatory, invoke the faints, and admit of petitions for the dead. To conditions fo ineffedlual and abfurd the Congregation did net deign to return any anfwer. The meeting of the parliament approached. The parties in contention were agitated with anxieties, ap- prehenfions, and hopes. An expeftation of a firm and open affiftance from the queen-regent gave courage to the reformed ; and, from the parliamentary influence of their friends in the greater and the leffer baronage, they expected the mofi important fervices. They drew up with eagernefs the articles which they wifhed to be * pafied Scotland, 53i prcfent tjgeir arti¬ cles to the queen-re¬ gent. S31 Proteft a- gainft her proceed¬ ings. 8 G ° [3 pafTed Into a law j and as the fpirit and fenfe of their tranfa&ions are to be gathered in the completefl man¬ ner from the papers which were framed by themfelves, it is proper to attend to them with a punftilious exaft- nefs. Their petitions were few and explicit. I. They could not, in confequence of principles which they had embraced from a conviftion of their truth, par¬ ticipate in the Romifh religion. It was therefore their dcfire, that all the atts of parliament, giving authority to the church to proceed againft them as heretics, Ihould be abrogated; or, at lead, that their power fhould be fufpended till the difputes which had arifen were deter¬ mined and brought to a conclulion. II. They did not mean that all men (hould be at li¬ berty to profefs what religion they pleated, without the controul of authority. They confented that all tranf- greffors in matters of faith (hould be carried before the temporal judge. But it was their wi(h that the clergy {hould have only the power to accufe ; and they thought it conformable to juftice, that a copy of the criminal charge {hould be lodged with the party upon trial, and that a competent time {hould be allowed him to defend himfelf. ^ III. They infilled, that every defence confillent with law Ihould be permitted to the party accufed ; and that obj eft ions to witnefles, founded in truth and reafon, {hould operate to his favour. IV. They defired that the party accufed {hould have permiflion to interpret and explain hitf own opinions ; and that his declaration fhould cany a greater evidence than the depofition of any witnefs : as no perfon ought to be puniflred for religion, who is not cbllinate in a wicked or damnable tenet. V. In fine, they urged, that no Proteftant {hould be condemned for herety, without being convifted, by the word of God, of the want of that faith which is necef- fary to falvation. The Congregation prefented thefe articles to the queen-regent, expefting that Ihe would not only pro- pofe them to the three ehates affembled in parliament, but employ all her influence to recommend them. But finding themfelves difappointed, they began to fuf- peft her fincerity ; and they were fenfible that their pe¬ titions, though they {hould be carried in parliament, could not pafs into a law without her confent. They therefore abfiained from prefenting them ; but as their complaints and defires were fully known in parliament, they ordered a folemn declaration to be read there in their behalf, and demanded that it {hould be inferted in the records of the nation. In this declaration, after ex- preffing their regret for having been difappointed in their fcheme of reformation, they protelled, that no blame {hould be imputed to them for continuing in their religion, which they believed to be founded in the word of God ; that no danger of life, and no political pains, {hould be incurred by them, for di{regarding flatutes which fupport idolatry, and for violating rites which are of human invention ; and that, if infurreftions and tumults (hould difturb the realm, from the diverfity of re¬ ligious opinions, and if abufes (hould be correfted by violence, all the guilt, .diforder, and inconvenience thence aniing, inftead 'of being applitd to them, (hould be aferi- oed to thofe folely who had refufed a timely redrei's of wrongs, and who had defpifed petitions prefented with the humility of faithful fubjefts, and for the purpofes of I 1 SCO eftablifliing the commandments of God, and a mod juft Scotlawh and falutary reformation. ——y—j The three eftates received this formidable proteft with attention and refpeft ; but the intention of inferting it in the national records was abandoned by the Congrega¬ tion, upon a formal promife from the queen-regent, that all the matters in controverfy Ihould fpeedily be brought by her to a fortunate iflue. While the Protdtants were thus making the mod vi¬ gorous exertions in behalf of their fpiritual liberties, the queen-regent, in order to eftablifli herfelf the more ef- feftually, ufed every effort to promote the marriage of her daughter with the dauphin of France. In 1557, commiffioners were appointed to negociate this marri¬ age ; but while thefe negociations were going on, the 5,33 court of France afted in the moft perfidious manner. p£,(idirui» At the age of t <;, after folemnly ratifying the indepen- the court°o£ dency of Scotland, and the fucceffion of the crown in trance, the houfe of Hamilton, queen Mary was influenced by the king and her uncles the princes of Lorraine to figti privately three extraordinary deeds or inftrmnents. By the firft (he conveyed the kingdom of Scotland to the king of France and his heirs, in the default of children of her own body. By the fecond (lie afligned him, if (he (hould die without children, the poffefiion of Scot¬ land, till he (hould receive a million of pieces of gold, or be amply recompenfed for the fums expended by him in the education of the queen of Scotland in F ranee. By the third (lie confirmed both thefe grants in an exprefs declaration, that they contained the puie and genuine fentiments of her mind ; and that any pa¬ pers which might be obtained, either before or after her marriage, by means of the Scottifli parliament, . (hould be invalid, and of no force nor efficacy. On the MaVrfagc 24th of April, the nuptials were celebrated ; and the of the ° dauphin, Francis, was allowed to affume the title of king'!06™ cf, of Scotland. The French court demanded for him the th^dau'* crown and other enligns of royalty belonging to Scot-phin of land; but the commiffioners had no power to comply France.. with their requeft. It was then defired, that when they returned home, they (hould ufe all their influence to procure the crown-matrimonial of Scotland for the dauphin. This alfo was refufed j the court of France was difgufted ; and four of the commiffioners died, it was fuppofed of poifon, given them by the princes of Lorraine. This fubjeft, however, was preffed, on the return of the furviving commiffioners, by the king of France himfelf, the queen of Scotland, and the queen- regent. The Proteftants alfo joined their interelt, ho- ping by that means to gain over the queen and queen- regent to their party ; fo that an aft of parliament was 5.33 at length paffed, by which the crown-matrimonial was 0^,ainj * given to the dauphin during the time of his marriage ih.e crown with queen Mary ; but without any prejudice to the li-laV^ but bemes of the kingdom, to the heirs of her ,body, or to under cer- the order of fucceffion. With fo many reftraincs, it *'’0 reihic- is difficult to fee the advantages which could accrueU01S' from this gift fo earneftly fought after; and it is very probable, that the ufurpations of France in confequence of it, would have been produftive of many difturbanc ♦ • but thefe were prevented by the death of Francis in December 1560. But before this event took place, Scotland was, by .' the intrigues of France, involved in confuiion on ano- ttier account. After the death of Mary queen of Eng¬ land, SCO [ 32 1 SCO Scotland, laru!, and daughter to Henry VIII. the princes of Gnife infided on the claim of Mary queen of Scots to The'aieen t^ie crown England, in preference to that of Lliza- of Sco s beth, whom they looked upon as illegitimate. This claims the claim was fupported by the king of France, who pre- erov.n of -vailed with the queen of Scots herfelf to aflame the England, ^ ^ qUeeQ Qf England, and to ftamp money under that charadter. The arms ot England were quartered with thofe of France and Scotland ; and employed as j;37 ornaments for the plate and furniture of Mary and Which 'ays the dauphin. Thus was laid the foundation of an ir- thc frunda-^concileable quarrel between Elizabeth and Mary ; quarrela an^ to this, in fome meafure, are we to afcribe the in- with Eliza-veteracy with which the former perfecuted the unhap- beth. py queen of Scotland, at every time (he had it in her power. But while they imprudently excited a quarrel with England, tkey yet more imprudently quarrelled alfo with the majority of the people of Scotland. As Eli¬ zabeth profefled the Proteftant religion, it was eafxly forefeen, that the Congregation, or body of the reform- ed in Scotland, would never confent to aft againft her Scheme to in favour of a Popifh power ; and as they could not dehroy all be gained, it was refolved to deftroy them at once, thfe'eabferving Eafter was everywhere defpifed and neglect¬ ed, and people exclaimed againft the mafs as an idol. 541 New citations, in the mean time, had been given to come for- preachers to appear at Stirling. They obeyed the midable by fummons; but attended by fuch multitudes, that the their num- queen-regent, dreading their power, though they were without arms, intreated Mr Erfkine of Dun, whom Scotland, they had fent before as a deputy, to ftop their march ; afluring him that all proceedings againft the preachers fhould be ftopped. In confeqtience of this, the multi¬ tude difmifled; yet, when the day came on which the preachers fhould have appeared, the queen-regent, with unparalleled folly as well as treachery, caufed them to be declared traitors, and procla'med it criminal to afford them any fubliftence. Mr Evflcine, exafperated by this fhameful conduft, haftened to the Congregation, apologifed for his con- duCft, and urged them to proceed to the laft extremi- ties. At this critical period alio John Knox returned John Kim* from Geneva, and joined the Congregation at Perth, returns to The great provocations which the Proteftants had al-::ico^ai1^* ready received, joined to the impetuous paffions of the multitude, were now productive of the greateft difor- ders. Images were deftroyed, monafteries pulled down, and their wealth either feized by the mob or given to the poor. The example of Perth was followed by Cupar in Fife ; and fimilar infurre&ions being appre¬ hended in other places, the queen-regent determined to punith the inhabitants of Perth in the moft exemplary manner. With this view fhc collected an army : but being oppofed with a formidable power by the Prote¬ ftants, {he thought proper to conclude an agreement. 543 The Proteftants, however, dreaded her infincerity ; and Second cc* therefore entered into a new covenant to ftand by and^^* defend one another. Their fears were not vain. Theofr^ queen-regent violated the treaty almoft as foon as made, queen-re» and began to treat the Proteftants with feverity. Thg^enc. earl of Argyle, and the prior of St Andrew’s, who about this time began to take the title of lord James Stuart, now openly headed the Proteftant party, and prepared to colled their whole ftrength. The queen- regent oppofed them with what forces fhe had, and which indeed chiefly confifted of her French auxiliaries; but, being again afraid of coming to an engagement, (he confented to a truce until commiflioners fluould be fent to treat with the lords of an effedual peace. No commiflioners, however, were fent on her part; and the nobles, provoked at fuch complicated and uncea- fing treachery, refolved to pufli matters to the utmoft j 544 extremity. The firft exploit of the reformed was the Penh ta- taking of the town of Perth, where the queen-regent ^en b7 ths had placed a French garrifon. The multitude, elated with this atchievement, deftroyed the palace and abbey of Scone, in fpite of all the endeavours of their leaders, even of John Knox himfelf, to fave them. The queen- regent, apprehenfive that the Congregation would com¬ mit farther ravages to the fouthward, refolved to throw a garrifon into Stirling; but the earl of Argyle and lord James Stuart were too quick for her, and arri¬ ved there the very day after the demolition of the ab¬ bey and palace of Scone. The people, incapable of reftraint, and provoked beyond meafure by the perfidi¬ ous behaviour of the Catholic party, demolifhed all the monafteries in the neighbourhood, together with the fine abbey of Cambuflcenneth, fituated on the north bank of the Forth. From Stirling they went to Lin-ThJ4* ^ lithgow, where they committed their ufual ravages ; af-reger t flies ter which, they advanced to Edinburgh. The queen- to Dunbar, regent, alarmed at their approach, fled to Dunbar ; and and the the Proteilants took up their refidence in ^Edinburgh. b^'^iean Having thus got poffenion of the capital, the Con-mafter50f gregation Edinburgh* fall into diftrefs. 547 A treaty concluded. SCO' t 33 $fptlsnd- ffyeg&tlen aHumed to themfelves the ruling power of the kingdom, appointed preachers in all the churches, and feized the mint, with all the inftruments of coin¬ ing. The queen-regent, unable to difpute the matter in the field, publiihed a manifeflo, in which fhe fet forth their feditious behaviour, commanding them to leave Edinburgh within fix hours, and enjoining her , fubjefts to avoid their fociety under the pain of trea- They lofe f°n- Congregation having already loft fomewhat their poj 11- of their popularity by their violent proceedings, were Jarity,and now incapable of coping with government. As they had not eftabliftied themfelves in any regular body, or provided a fund for their fupport, they felt their ftrength decay, and multitudes of them returned to their habitations. Thofe who remained found them¬ felves obliged to vindicate their conduct ; and, in an addrefs to the regent, to difclaim all treafonable inten¬ tions. Negociations again took place, which ended as ufual; the queen-regent, who had taken this opportu¬ nity of collecting her forces, marched againft the Con¬ gregation on the 23d of July 1539. The Proteftants now found themfelves incapable of making head againft their enemies ; and therefore entered into a negociation, by which all differences were for the prefent accommo¬ dated. The terms of this treaty were, that the town of Edinburgh fhould be open to the queen-dowager and her attendants ; that the palace of Holyroodhoufe and the mint ftiould be delivered up to her; that the Proteftants ftrould be fubjeft to the laws, and abftain from molefting the Roman Catholics in the exercife of their religion. On the queen’s part, it was agreed, that the Proteftants ftiould have the free exereife of their religion, and that no foreign troops ftiould enter the ci¬ ty of Edinburgh. Notwithftanding this treaty, however, the reformed had no confidence in the queen’s fincerity. Having heard of the death of Henry If. of France, and the acceffion of Francis IT. and Mary to that kingdom, they feem to have apprehended more danger than ^ver. They now entered into a third covenant ; in which they engaged themfelves to refufe attendance to the queen- dowager, in cafe of any meffage or letter; and that im¬ mediately on the receipt of any notice from her to any of their number, it ftiould be communicated without re- ferve, and be made a common fubjeft of fcrutiny and deliberation. It was not long before they had occafion The"treaty for all thefr conftancy and ftrength. The queen-regent broken by repented of the favourable terms file had granted the il^Cen‘ reformed ; and being denied the favour which (he re- quefted of faying mafs in the high-church of Edinburgh, fhe ordered them to be everywhere difturbed in the ex¬ ercife of their religion. In this imprudent meafure, the queen-regent was confirmed by letters which now came from Francis and Mary, promifing a powerful army to fupport her inte- refts. The envoy who brought thefe difpatches alfo carried letters to the lord James Stuart, now the prin¬ cipal leader of the Proteftants, and natural brother to the queen. The letters were filled with reproaches and me¬ naces, mixed with intreaties ; and along with them the envoy delivered a verbal meffage, that the king his ma¬ tter was refolved rather to expend all the treafures of 54* Third co. venant. 549 regent. 5 SO France fup ports the Catholic party. France than net to be revenged on the rebellious nobles who had difturbed the peace of Scotland. The lord James Stuart was not to be frightened by thefe mena- Vol. XVII. Part I. 1 SCO Ccs. He returned a cool and deliberate anfwer, apolo- Scotland, gizing for the Proteftants, and vindicating them from — the charge of rebellion ; but at the fame time intima¬ ting his full refolution of continuing to head the reform¬ ed as he had already done. 551 The letters of Francis and Mary were foon followed French au« by 1000 French foldiers, with money and military ftores ; and the commander was immediately difpatched a|ar^ns tjie again to France, to folicit the affiftance of as manyuatioa. more foldiers, with four {hips of war, and 100 men- at-arms. But before he could fet out, La Broffe, ano¬ ther French commander, arrived with 2000 infantry ; and that the Congregation might be defeated not only by arms but in difputation, the fame {hip brought three doftors of the Sorbonne, to {how the pernicious ten¬ dency of the new do&rines. Thus matters were pufh- ed on beyond all hopes of reconciliation. The nation was univerfaliy alarmed on account of the introJud ion of French troops, to which they faw no end. The queen-regent attempted to quiet the minds of the pub¬ lic by a proclamation ; but their fears increafed the more. The Congregation afftmbled at Stirling, where they were joined by the earl of Arran, and foon after by his father the duke of Chatelherault. They next deliberated on the meafures to be followed with the queen-regent ; and the refult of their confultations was, that an expoftulatory letter ftiould be addrefl’ed to her. This was accordingly done ; but as the queen behaved with her ufual duplicity, the nobles called the people to arms. Mutual manifeftos were now publifhed ; and both parties prepared to decide the conteft by the fword. The Congregation having feized Broughty caftle, marched from thence to Edinburgh. The 551, queen-regent retired to Leith, which {he had fortified Hie noblei and filled with French troops. T hither the nobles fentf™^ t^e'r their laft meffage to her, charging her with a defign to overthrow the civil liberties of the kingdom. Theyqueen- requelted her to command her Frenchmen and merce-regent, naries to depart from Leith, and to make that place open and patent, not only to the inhabitants Svho had - been difpoffeffed of their houfes, but to all the inhabi¬ tants of Scotland. They declared, that her denial of this requeft fhould be confidered by them as a proof of her intention to reduce the kingdom to flavery ; in which cafe, they were determined to employ their ut- moft power to preferve its independency. Two days „ after this meffage, the queen-regent fent to them the unfavour- lord Lyon, whom lire enjoined to tell them, that fhe able au- confidered their demand not only as prefumptuous, but^wcr* as an encroachment on the royal authority; that it was an indignity to her to be di&ated to by fubje&s; that Frenchmen were not to be treated as foreigners, being entitled to the fame privileges with Scotfmen ; and that fhe would neither dilband her troops, nor command the town of Leith to be made open and pa¬ tent. The lord Lyon then, in the name of the queen, regent, commanded the lords of the Congregation to depart from Edinburgh, and difperfe themfelves, under the pain of high treafou. The Proteftants: irritated rhe^tle. by this anfwer, after fome deliberation degraded the grade her queen-regent; and to this purpofe the nobility, barons, Iwr and burgeffes, all agreed in fubferibing an edidl, which °®ce»an<* was fent to the principal cities in Scotland, and publifh- £eith 8C ** ed in them. The next ftep taken by the Congregation was to E fiam- SCO Scotland. 555 Diviflons take place amonj/ft them. 556 They fall fummon Leith to furrender ; but meeting with defiance inftead of fubmiflion, it was refolved to take the town by fcalade. For this fervice ladders were framed in the church of St Giles ; a bufinefs which, interrupting the preachers in the exercife of public worfhip, made them prognofticate misfortune and mifcarriage to the Congregation. In the difpleafure of the preachers, the common people found a fource of complaint ; and the emiflaries of the queen-dowager a&ing with indefatigable induftry to divide her adverfaries, and to fpread chagrin and diflatisfa&ion among them, difcontent, animolity, and terror, came to prevail to a great degree. The duke of Chatelherault difcouraged many by his example. Defection from the Pioteftants added ftrength to the queen-dowager. The moll fecret deliberations of the confederated lords were revealed to her. The foldiery were clamorous for pay ; and it was very difficult to procure money to fatisfy their claims. Attempts to foothe and appeafe them, difcovering their confe- quence, engendered mutinies. They put to death a domeftic of the earl of Argyle, who endeavoured to compofe them to order : they infulted feveral perfons of rank who difcovered a folieitude to pacify them ; and they even ventured to declare, that, for a proper re¬ ward, they were ready to fupprefs the reformation, and to re-eftablifh the mafs. . . It was abfolutdy neceflary to give fatisfaftion to t'eat t^e Pi'utellant foldiers. The lords and gentlemen of with queen Congregation collefted a confiderable fum among Elizabeth, them ; but it was not equal to the prefent exigency. The avarice of many taught them to withhold wdiat they could afford, and the poverty of others did not permit them to indulge their generofity. It was re- lolved, that each nobleman ffiould furrender his lilver- plate to be llruck into money. By the addrefs, how¬ ever, of the queen-dowager, the officers of the mint were bribed to conceal, or to convey to a dillance, the Itamps and inllruments of coinage. A gloomy defpair gave difquxet to the Congregation, and threatened their ruin. Queen Elizabeth, with whofe minillers the con¬ federated lords maintained a correfpondence at this time, had frequently promifed them her affiftance ; but they could not now wait the event of a deputation to the court of England. In an extremity fo preffing, they therefore applied for a fum of money to Sir Ralph Sadler and Sir James Croft, the governors of Berwick ; and Cockburn of Ormifton, who was en- trufted with this comaiiffion, obtained from them an aid of 4000 crowns. Traitors, however, in the councils of the Congregation, having informed the queen-dow¬ ager of his errand and expedition, the earl of Bothwel, by her order, intercepted him upon his return, dif- comfited his retinue, and made a prize of the Englilh fublidy. To roufe the fpirit of the party, an attack was pro- jefted upon Leith, and fome pieces of artillery were planted againft it. But before any charge could be made, the French foldiers fallied out to give battle to the troops of the Congregation, poffefled themfelves of their cannon, and drove them back to Edinburgh. A report that the viftors had entered this city with the fugitives, filled it with diforder and difmay. The earl of Argyle and his Highlanders haltened to recover the honour of the day, and harafied the French in thei^ retreat. This petty conflift, while it elated the queen- [ 34 1 SCO 55-l English frMidy taken by the queen- regent. 558 The Pro- teftants defeated. dowager, ferved to augment the dcfpondence of the Scotland, Protellants. —-v'-* Vain of their prowefs, the French made a new Tally from Leith, with a view to intercept a fupply of pro- vifions and ftores for the Congregation. The earl of Arran and the lord James Stuart advanced to attack them, and obliged them to retire. But purfuing them with too much heat, a frefh body of French troops ^ made its appearance. It was prudent to retreat, but rife pr that the fupplies expedled the Engliihfr°m France were arrived. Guns were fired by his leet. foldiers, and their joy was indulged in all its extrava¬ gance. But this fleet having taken the veffels which contained their provifions, and the ordnance with which they intended to improve the fortifications of the caftle at St Andrew’s, a period was put to their rejoicings. Certain news was brought, that the fleet they obferved -w as the navy of England, which had come to fupport the Congregation. A conflernation, heightenedby the giddinefs of their preceding tranfports, jgj invaded them. Monfieur d’Oyfel perceived now the The French value and merit of the fervice which had been perform- eneral edby the lord James Stuart; and thinking no more of St Andrew’s and conquefl, fled to Stirling, in his way to Leith, from which he dreaded to be intercepted; but he reached that important ftation after a march of three days. SCO treaty was now concluded between the Scotland. ]' A formal lords of the Congregation and queen Elizabeth ; and in the mean time the queen-dowager was difappointedTreaty in her expectations from France. The violent admi- between niftratiou of the houfe of Guife had involved that na-Elizabeth troubles and diftrefs. Its credit was greatly a,nd ^ scots Pro- lion in lies. funk, and its treafury was nearly exhaufted. Perfe*teftants. cutions, and the fpirit of Calvinifm, produced com- ^ motions and confpiracies ; and amidft domeftic and The queen- dangerous intrigues and ftruggles, Scotland failed to regent dif- engage that particular ditlinilion which had been pro- appointed mifed to its affairs. It was not, however, negle&ed altogether. The count De Martigues had arrived at from Leith with 1000 foot and a few horfe. The marquis France. D’Elbeuf had embarked for it with another body of foldiers ; but, after loling feveral fhips in a furious tempeft, was obliged to return to the haven from which he had failed. $7o In this fad reverfe of fortune many forfook the queen-she is de¬ dowager. It was now underflood that the Englifh lerted by- army was upon its march to Scotland. The Scot- tifh lords who had affefted a neutrality, meditated anfubje£3 union with the Proteftants. The earl of Huntley gave a folemn affurance that he would join them. Procla¬ mations were iflued throughout the kingdom, calling upon the fubjedls of Scotland to allemble in arms at Linlithgow, to re-eftablifh their ancient freedom, and to affift in the utter expulfion of the French foldiery. The Englifh fleet, meanwhile, under Winter the vice-admiral, had taken and deilroyed feveral fhips, had landed fome troops upon Inchkeith, and difeomfited a body of French mercenaries. Upon the foundation of pjlc pr;[JCi.s thefe a6ls of hoftility, the princes of Lorraine difpatch- of Lorraine ed the chevalier de Seure to queen Elizabeth, to makeattempt reprefentations aerainft this breach of the peace, and to to.nf^oc,afe urge the recal of her fhips. This ambaffador affected £]izai^cth likewife to negociate concerning the evacuation of Scot-in vain, land by the French troops, and to propofe methods by which the king of France might quarter the arms of England without doing a prejudice to queen Elizabeth. But to prevent the execution of vigorous refolutions againft the queen-dowager, and to gain time, were the only obje&s he had in view. With fimiliar intentions, John Monluc bifhop of Valence, a man of greater addrefs and ability, and equally devoted to the houfe of Guife, was alfo fent at this time to the court of Eng¬ land. Qjieen Elizabeth, however, and her miniflers, were too wife to be amufed by artifice and dexterity. The lord Grey entered Scotland with an army of 1200 An Eng- horfe and 6000 foot; and the lord Scroop, Sir Jamesllfil army Croft, Sir Henry Percy, and Sir,Francis Lake com-Scot" manded under him. By an inclement policy, the queen- dowager had already wafted all the - country around the capital. But the defolation fhe had made, while it was ruinous to the Scottilh peafants, affefted not the army of England. The leaders of the Congrega¬ tion did not want penetration and forefight, and had provided themfelves againft this difficulty. The duke of Chatelherault, the earls of Argyle, GlenCairn, and Menteith, ihe lord James Stuart, and the lords Ruth- ven, Boyd, and Ochiltree, with a numerous and formi¬ dable force, joined the Englifh commander at Prefton. Struck with the fad condition of her affairs, defpair- ing of a timely and proper fuccour from France, and reminded by ficknefs of her moi tality, the queen-dowager E 2 retired SCO [ 36 J SCO ^Scotland, retired from Leith to the caftle of Edinburgh, and put fponded with the fplrlt of Intrigue which had uniformly Scotland. herfelf under the proteftion of the lord Erfkine. At diftinguiflied the queen-dowager; and it Is probable, The queen- the period when (he was appointed to the regency, that her engagements with France did not permit her dowager the lord Erfkine had received from the three eftates the to be open and explicit. E(HrbS,°h c^arSe °f this important fortrefs, with the injunftion to The combined armies marched towards Leith. A The French «allle.U1^ hold it till he fhould know their farther orders; and body of the French, polled upon a rifing ground call-cl^eated ty giving way to the folicitations of neither fa&ion, he ed Hawk-hill, difputed their progrefs. During five teftant°* had kept it with fidelity. By admitting the queen- hours the conflict was maintained with obftinate valour, allies, dowager, he yielded to fentiments of honour and hu- At length the Scottifh horfemen charged the French manity, and did not mean to depart from his duty. A with a fury which they were unable to refill. They few only of her domeftics accompanied her, with the fled to Leith with precipitation ; and might have been archbifhop of St Andrew’s, the bilhop of Dunkeld, and cut off from it altogether, if the Englilh cavalry had ex- 574 eai'l Marifchal. erted themfelves. Three hundred of the French fol- The Pro- The confederated nobles now afiembled at Dalkeith diers perilhed in this aft ion, and a few combatants only V^herin" t0 a council; and comforming to thofe maxims fell on the fide of the Congregation. anaocom0 Pruc^ence and equity which, upon the eve of hollili- Leith was invelled. The pavilions and tents of the Who lay modation. ties, had been formerly exercifed by them, they invited Englilh and Scottilh nobility were planted at Reflal-fiege to the queen-dowager to an amicable conclufion of the rig, and around it. Trenches were call; and the ord-L,c“^* prefent troubles. In a letter which they wrote to her, they called, to her remembrance the frequent manifellos and mtfiages in which they had prefled her to difmifs the French foldiery, who had fo long opprefled the lower ranks of the people, and who threatened to re¬ duce the kingdom itfelf to fervitude. The averfion, however, with which Ihe had conllantly received their fuit and prayers, was fo great, that they had given way to a llrong necefiky, and had intreated the afiiftance of the queen of England to expel thefe ftrangers by the force of arms. But though they had obtained the powerful proteftion of this princefs, they were yet ani¬ mated with a becoming refpeft for the "mother of their fovereign ; and, abhorring to llain the ground with Chrillian blood, were difpofed once more to folicit the dilmilfion of thefe mercenaries, with their officers and captains. And that no jull objeftion might remain againlt the grant of this their lall requell, they affured her, that a fafe paflage by land, to the ports of Eng¬ land, fhould be allowed to the French ; or that, if they judged it more agreeable, the navy of queen Elizabeth Ihould tranfport them to their own country. If thefe propolals Ihould be rejefted, they appealed and pro- tefted to God and to mankind, that it fhould be under- ftood and believed, that no motive of malice, or ha¬ tred, or wickednefs of any kind, had induced them to employ the fatal expedient of arms and battles; but that they had been compelled to this difagreeable and diltrefsful remedy, for the prefervation of their com¬ monwealth, their religion, their perfons, their ellates, and their pollerity. They begged her to weigh the equity of their petition, to confider the inconveniences of war, and to think of the reft and quiet which were necelfary to relieve the affliftions of her daughter’s kingdom ; and they befought her to embalm her own memory, by an immortal deed of wifdom, humanity, and juftice. To give authority and weight to the letter of the aflbciated lords, the lord Grey direfted Sir George Howard and Sir James Croft to wait upon the queen- 575 dowager, and to ftipulate the peaceable departure of the Sheftill be Englilh troops, upon the condition that the French haves with mercenanes were immediately difmifled from her fervice, ceri and prohibited from refiding in Scotland. Returning no direft anfwer to the applications made to her, Ihe de- fired time to deliberate upon the refolution which it be¬ came her to adopt. This equivocal behaviour corre- nance from the town annoying the combined armies, a mount was raifed, upon which eight cannons were ereft- ed. A continued fire from thefe, againft St Anthony’s tower in South Leith, being kept up and managed with Ikill, the walls of this fabric were lhaken, and the French found it neceflary to difmount their artillery.— Negligent from fecurity, and apprehenfive of no attack, the Englilh and Scottilh officers occupied themfdves in amufements, and permitted a relaxation of military dif- cipline. The French, informed of this fupinenefs and 57^ levity, made a fally from Leith. While fome of thg^cut ^ captains were diverting themfelves at Edinburgh, and0ffmCUt the foldiery were engaged at dice and cards, they en¬ tered the trenches unobferved, and, pulhing their advan¬ tage, put 600 men to the fwovd. After this daughter, the Protellants were more attentive to their affairs.— Mounts were built at proper diftances, ,which, being fortified with ordnance, ferved as places of retreat and defence in the event of fudden incurfions ; and thus they continued the blockade in a more effeftual man¬ ner. The army under the marquis D’Elbeuf, promifed fo often to the queen-regent, was in vain expefted by her; but Ihe received, at this time, fupplies in money and military ftores ; and Monluc bifhop of Valence, though defeated in dexterity by Elizabeth and her mi- nifters, had arrived in Scotland to try anew the arts of delay and negociation. Conferences were held by him 579 with the queen-dowager, with the Englilh commanders, Fruitlef’s. and with the confederated nobles ; but no contraft or^’^'j^1011 agreement could be concluded. His credentials neither extended to the demolition of Leith, nor to the recal of the French mercenaries : and though he obtained powers from his court to confent to the former of thefe meafures, they were yet burdened with conditions which were difgraceful to the Congregation ; who, in the prefent profperous ftate of their fortunes, were not dif¬ pofed to give up any of the objefts for which they had ftruggled fo long, and to the attainment of which they now looked forward with a fettled hope and expefta- tion. ^ ^ Though the grave and meafured orations of Monluc could not overpower the plain and ftubborn fenfe of the Congregation, yet as he affefted to give them ad* monitions and warnings, and even ventured to infult them with menaces, they appear to have conceived a high indignation againft him. Under this impulfe, and '■ that S C O’ [ 5cet!and. that in fo advanced a ftage of their affairs, they might — v—' exhibit the determined hrmnefs of their refolutions, and bind to them by an indiffoluble tie the earl of Huntley and the other perfons who had joined them in confe- 580 quence of the Englifh alliance, they thought of the af- 'he fourth furance and liability of a ntiv league and covenantt more jvenant. f0iemn> expreflive, and rel'olute, than any which they had yet entered into and fubferibed. The nobles, barons, and inferior perfons, who were parties to this bond and affociation, bound themfelves in the prefence of Almighty God, as a fociety, and as individuals, to advance and fet forward the reforma¬ tion of religion, and to procure, by every poffible means, the true preaching of the gofpel, with the pro¬ per adminillration oi the lacraments, and the other or¬ dinances in connedlion with it. Deeply affected, at the fame time, with the mifeonduft of the French ftatef- men, who had been promoted to high offices; with the oppreffions of the French mercenaries, whom the queen- with the manifeft danger of conquell to which the country was expofed, by different fortifications upon the fea-coaft, and by other dangerous innovations ; they piomifed and engaged, generally and individually, to join with the queen of England’s army, and to concur in an honeft, plain, and unreferved relolution to expel all foreigners from the realm, as oppreffors of public li¬ berty ; that, by recovering the ancient rights, privi¬ leges, and freedom of their nation, they might live for the future under the due obedience of their king and queen, be ruled by the laws and cuftoms of the coun¬ try, and by officers and ftatefmen born and educated among them. It was likewife contradled and agreed by the fubferibers to this bond and covenant, that no pri¬ vate intelligence by writing or meffage, or communica¬ tion of any kind, fhould be kept up with their adverfa- ries; and that all perfons who refilled the godly enter- prife in which they were united, Ihould be regarded as their enemies, and reduced to fubjedlion and obedi- 581 ence* The queen- When the ftrong and fervid fentiment and expref- dowager fion of this new affociation were communicated to the 8*v^herfelf queen.(lowager> ffie refigned herfelf to furrow. Her s troops. They were blocked up fo completely, that11111* it was almoll impoffible for any fupplies to reach them either by lea or land ; and France had delayed fo long to fulfil its magnificent promifes, that it was no longer in a capacity to take any Heps towards their accompliffi- ment. Its internal diftrefs and difquiets were multiply¬ ing. The nobility, impoveriffied by wars, were court¬ ing the rewards of fervice, and ftruggling in hollilityo The clergy w'ere avaricious, ignorant, and vindi&ive. The populace, knowing no trade but arms, offered make an . o their fwords to the fa61 ions. Francis II. the hulband unfuccefsful ^a<^er.s w^'c^ were applied to the walls being too ffiort, . of Mary, was without dignity or underllanding. Ca- attack on an^ Sir James Croft, who had been gained to the queen- tharine de Medicis his mother was full of artifice and Leith. dowager, having a&ed a treacherous part, the attempt faliehood. Infurre&ions were dreaded in every pro¬ vince. SCO [38] SCO . fe'll*n<1’ vi’npe. The houfe of Guife was encompaflcd with dit- fortifications of Leith Ihonld be demolilhed. They Scotland,' Acuities, and trembling with apprehenfions, fo that agreed that commifiioners fliould be appointed to viht '•** they could not think of perfifting in their views of dif- Dunbar, and to point out the works there which ought tant conquefts. It was neceflary jhat the*f ihould aban- to be deftroyed ; and they bound and engaged them- don for a time all the proud proje&s they had formed felves to build no new fortrefs or place^ of ftrength for the extenfion of the French monarchy. It was within the kingdom, and to repair no old one, without chiefly in the exemption from foreign wars that they a parliamentary authority and fan&ion. They con- could hope to fupport their own greatnefs, and apply a fented to extinguifh all debts which had been contrad- 586 remedy to the domeftic difturbances of France. ed for the maintenance of the French and Scotch fol- Francis and It appeared to Francis and Mary, that they could diery in their fervice. They appointed the eftates of huo'I ne-'1" trCf a dIrcA method with the Congregation, the realm to hold a parliament for the difcuffion of af- gocjafion . ?m t affe were yet, by a feparace They expreffed their determination, that no pretence Celtauts. entrufted to affure the Congregation, that, ihould be aflumed by them, from the late contentions, notwithftanding the heinous guilt incurred by them, to deprive any of their fubjeds of their eftates or offices. F rancis and Mary were inclined to receive them into fa- And they referred the reparation which might be pro- vour, upon their repentance and return to obedience ; per to compenfate the injuries that had been fuftained and to abftain for ever from all inquiry into their con- by biftrops and ecclefiaftics, to the judgment of the dud. I hey had full authority, at the fame time, by three eftates in parliament. this new deed, to hear, in conjundion with the com- Uptm tire fubjed of the reformation, the plenipo- miffioners of Elizabeth, the complaints of the Congre- tentiaries of England and France did not choole to de- gation, and to grant, with their confent, the relief liberate and decide, although articles with regard to it which appeared to them to be the moft proper and fa- had been prefented to them by the nobles and the peo- lutary. pie. They referred this delicate topic to the enfuing The nobility and people of Scotland, choofing for meeting of the parliament; and the leaders of the Com their reprefentatives the lord James Stuart, the lord gregation engaged, that deputies from the three eftates Ruthven, and Maitland of Lethington, expreffed their fliould repair to the king and queen, to know their in- willingnefs to concur in reafonable meafures for the re- tention concerning matters of fuch high importance, eftabhftiment of the public union and tranquillity. By After having granted thefe coHcefiions to the 11 obi- the mode oi a formal petition, they enumerated their h'ty and the people of Scotland, upon the part of their grievances, kid claim to a redrefs of them, and befought refpe&ive courts, Monluc and Randan, Cecil and Wot- 528 an uniform protection to their conftitution and laws. To ton, concluded another deed of treaty and agreement. And at lad this petition the interceffion of queen Elizabeth effedl- By this convention it was determined, that the Eng lift -<9° fetkion. ed the friendlF a«ention of Francis and Mary; and and French troops fliould depart out of Scotland ; thatArtidesre,! upon a foundation concerted with fo much propriety, all warlike preparations fliould ceafe ; that the fort of ^he^Freneliy Monluc and Randan, Cecil and Wotton, the afting Eymouth fliould be razed to the ground, in terms oftroops. plenipotentiaries of England and France, drew up and the treaty of Cambray; that Francis and Mary fliould authenticated the celebrated deed of relief and concef- abftain from bearing the title and arms of England or lion which does fo much honour to the fpirit, perfe- Ireland ; that it fliould be confidered, whether a far- 380 verance, and magnanimity of the Scottifh nation. ther compenfation fliould be made to Elizabeth for the Kature of BF this accord and agreement, Francis and Mary injuries committed againft her; and that the king and their treaty ftipulated and confented, that no French foldiers and no queen of Scots fliould be fully and fincerely reconciled with the foreign troops fliould ever be introduced into Scotland to the nobility and the people of their kingdom. The iroteftants. without the counfel and advice of the three eftates. interefts of England and France were the particular ob- - They concurred in the opinion, that the French mer- je&s °f this agreement. But though the conceffions to cenaries Ihould be fent back into France, and that the the Proteftants were not inferted in it at full length, an 4 cxprellive SCO 591 eaca pro- ain.ed. Scodand. exptefHve reference was made to them ; and they re- ceived a confirmation in terms which could not be mif- underftodd or controverted. This deed recorded the clemency of Francis and Mary to their iubje&s of Scot¬ land, the extreme willingnefs of the nobility and the people to return to their duty and allegiance, the repre¬ sentation they had offered of their grievances, and the requeft of queen Elizabeth that redrefs fhould be af¬ forded to them ; and it appealed to the confequent cou- cefiions which had been ffipulated to their advantage. By thefe important negociations, the Proteftants, while they humbled France, flattered queen Elizabeth ; and while they acquired a power to a£t in the efla- blifhmeut of the reformation, rdtored its civil conflitu- tion to Scotland. The exclufion of foreigners from offices of ftate, the limitatioir of the Scottilh ptinces with regard to peace and war, the advancement of the three elfates to their ancient confequence, and the adt of oblivion of all offences, were acquifitions molt ex- tenfxvely great and ufeful; and, while they gave the full- eft fecurity to the reformed, gratified their moft fan- guine expectations. The peace, fo fortunately concluded, was immedi¬ ately proclaimed. The French mercenaries embarked for their own country, and the Engliih army took the road to Berwick. Amidft events fc joyful, the preachers exhorted the confederated nobles to command the fo- lemnity of a thankfgiving. It was ordered according¬ ly ; and after its celebration, the commiffioners of the boroughs, with feveral of the nobility, and the tenants in capite, were appointed to choofe and depute minifters to preach the gofpel in the principal towns throughout the kingdom. John Knox was called to difeharge the paftoral fun&ions at Edinburgh, Chriftopher Goodman eychersin at St Andrew’s, Adam Heriot at Aberdeen, John Row at Perth, Paul Methven at Jedburgh, William Chriftifon at Dundee, David Fergufon at Dunfermline, and David Lindfey at Leith. That the bulinefs of the church, at the fame time, might be managed with pro¬ priety, fuperintendants were eledled to prefide over the ecclefiaftical affairs of particular provinces and diftvidfts. Mr John Spotfwood was named the fuperintendant for the divifion of Lothian, Mr John Willocks for that of Glafgow, Mr John Winram for that of Fife, Mr John Evflcine of Dun for that of Angus and Merns, and Mr John Carfewell for that of Argyle and the Ifles. This inconliderable number of minifters and fuperinten¬ dants gave a beginning to the reformed church of Scot- J93 land. he parh?- Amidft the triumph and exultation of the Protef- entmeet .tants, the meeting of the parliament approached. All perfons who had a title from law, or from ancient cuf- tom, to attend the great council of the nation, were called to affemble there. While there was a full con¬ vention of the greater barons and the prelates, the in¬ ferior tenants in capite^ or the leffer barons, upon an occafion fo great, inftead of appearing by reprefenta- tion, came in crowds to give perfonally their affiftance and votes ; and all the commiffioners for the boroughs, without exception, prefented themfelves. I 39 ] SCO 592 , ppoint- ent of fferent ' aces. L’roteftant* It was cbje&ed to this parliament when it was af- Scotland.' fembled, that it could not be valid, fince Francis and '"-’V ** Mary w'ere not prefent, and had not empowered any perfon to reprefent them. But by the terms of the late conceffions to the nobility' and the people, they had in tffe£t dilpenfed with this formality ; and the ob- jeftion, after having been agitated with heat for fome days, was rejected by a majority of voices. The lords of the articles were then chofen ; and as the Proteftant party were fuperior to the Popiffi fa&ion, they were careful, in dealing the members of this committee, to favour all thofc who were difpofed to forward the work of the reformation. The firil objed which the lords Suppika- of the articles held out to the parliament was the fup- tion of the plication of the nobility, gentry, and all the other per- " fons who profeffed the hew dodtrines. It required, that the Romiffi church fhould be condemned and abolifhed. It reprobated the tenet of tranfubftantiation, the merit of works, papiftical indulgences, purgatory, pilgrim¬ ages, and prayers to departed faints ; and coniidering them as peftilent errors, and as fatal to falvation, it de* manded, that all thofe who fhould teach and maintain them fhould be^xpofed to corre&ion and punifhment. It demanded, that a remedy fhould be applied againft the profanation of the holy facraments by the Roman Catholics, and that the ancient difeipline of the church fhould be reftored. In fine, it infilled, that the fupre- macy and authority of the pope fhould be abolifhed ; and that the patrimony of die church fhould be em¬ ployed in fupporting the reformed miniftry, in the pro- vifion of fchouls, and in the maiutenance of the poor. This fupplication of the Proteftants was received in parliament with marks of the greateft deference and refpeft. The popifh doftrines it cenfured, and the ftrong language it employed, excited no difpute or al¬ tercation. The nobility, however, and the lay mem¬ bers, did not think it expedient that the patrimony of the church, in all its extent, fhould be allotted to the reformed miniftry, and the fupport of fchools and the poor. Avoiding, therefore, any explicit ferutiny into this point, the parliament gave it in charge to the minifters and the leading men of the reformation, to draw up, under diftin& heads, the fubftance and fenfe of thofe dodtrines which ought to be eftablifhed over A Confef- the kingdom. Within four days this important bu-ri‘inof FaitJi‘ fmefs was accomplifhed. The writing or inftrumentdraWn UF* to which the reformed committed their opinions was termed, w The Confeffion of Faith, profeffed and be¬ lieved by the Proteftants within the realm of Scot¬ land (oj.” It was read firft to the lords of the articles. It was then read to the parliament; and the prelates of the Romifh church were commanded, in the name of God, to make publicly their objections to the doc¬ trines it propofed. They preferved a profound filence. A new diet was appointed for concluding the tranf- adtion. The articles of the Confeffion were again read over in their order, and the votes of the parliament were called. Of the temporal nobility, three only re- fufed to beftow upon it their authority. The earl of Athol, and the lords Somerville and Bothwell, proteft- ed, 595 pari^156^13 S1Ven St lengtl1 *n ^nox’in the collection of confeffions of faith, vol. 2. and in the ftatute book; SCO [ 40 ] s c o Rf f^nt) $3, « they would believe as their father* had done w**v**~' before the^T^.,, The bidiops and the ellate ecclefiafli- cal, from a confeioufnefs of the weaknefs of popery, feemed to have loft all power of fpeech. No diffent, no vote, was (riven by them. ,l It is long (faid the earl Marifchal), fince I entertained a jealoufy of the Romiih faith, and an affedfion to the reformed doc¬ trines. But this day has afforded me the completeft convidlion of the falfehood of the one, and the truth of the other. The biihops, who do not conceive them- felves to be deficient in learninc;, and whofi^ zeal for the maintenance of the hierarchy cannot bp doubted, have abandoned their religion, and their iniereft in it, as obje&s which admit of no defence or ju|Ufication.” All the other conftituent members of this great coun¬ cil were zealous for the eilablifhment of the reforma¬ tion, and affirmed the propriety of its dodtrines. Thus the high court of parliament, with great deliberation and folemnity, examined, voted, and ratified the con- 5^6 fefiion of the reformed faith. Abolition A few days after the eftablifhment of the Confefiion oi themafs.0f Faith, the parliament paffed an adt againft the mafs and the exercife of the Romifti worfhip. And it feru- pled not to ordain, that all perfons faying or hearing rrafs (hould, for the firft offence, be expofed to the confifcation of their eftates, and to a corporal chaftife- ment, at the diferetion of the magiftrate ; that for the fecund offence, they fhould be baniffied out of the king¬ dom ; and that for the third offence they {hould incur Perfecutingand fuffer the pains of death. This fiercenefs, it is to fpirir of thebe acknowledged, did not fait the generofity of vidtory; Proce{lants.an3 while an excufe is fought for it in the perfidiouf- nefs of the Romifti priefthood, it efcapes not the obfer- vation of the tnoft fuperficial hiftorians, that thefe fe- verities were exadtly thofe of which the Proteftants had complained fo loudly, and with fo much juftice. By another ordination, the parliament, after having de¬ clared, that the pope, or biffiop of Rome, had inflidted a deep wound and a.humiliating injury upon the fove- reignty and government of Scotland, by his frequent interferences and claims of power, commanded and de¬ creed, that, for the future, his jurifdi&ion and authori¬ ty {hould be dead and extindf ; and that all perfons maintaining the fmalleft connedtion with him, or with his fedf, ftiould be liable to the lofs of honour and offi¬ ces, profeription, and banifhment. Thefe memorable and decifive ftatutes produced the . overthrow of the Romifti religion. To obtain to thefe 598 proceedings, and to its other ordinances, the appro- Fnuici? andbatioH of Francis and Mary was an objedt of the great- Marvrefufctft anxiety, and of infinite moment to the three eftates. 1° C°<5irm James Sandilands ^or(i St John was therefore ap- thls parl a P0’nt;ed to go to France, and to exprefs to the king snent. and queen the affe&ion and allegiance of their fub- jedts, to explain what had been done in confequence of the late conceffions and treaty, and to folicit their royal ratification of the tranfadlions of the parliament. The fpirited behaviour of the Congregation had, however, exceeded all the expedlations of the princes of Lorraine; and the bufineis of the embaffy, and the ambaffador Rimfelf, though a man of charadter and probity, were treated not only with ridicule, but with infult and con¬ tumely. He returned accordingly without any anfwer to his commiffion. Inftead of fubmitting the heads and topics of a reformation to Francis and Mary, by a ScotHnJ, petition or a narrative, the parliament had voted them vr^< into laws ; and from this informality the validity of its proceedings has been fufpedted. But it is obferv^ble of the Proteftants, that they had not concealed tlfeir views with regard to religion and the abolition of Po¬ pery ; that in the grant of redrefs and conceffion, and in the deed of treaty, no actual prohibition was made to bar the eftablilhment of the reformation ; that a ge¬ neral authority was given to the parliament to decide in affairs of ftate; and that Francis and Mary were fo- lemnly bound to authenticate its tranfadtions. Though a formality was invaded, the fpirit of the treaties was yet refpe£ted and maintained. The nation, of confe¬ quence, imputed the condufl of Francis and Mary to political reafons fuggefted by the princes of Lorraine, and to the artifices of the Popifh clergy; and as Eli¬ zabeth did not refufe, upon her part, the ratification of the agreements, and folicited and prefled the French court in vain to adopt the fame meafure, a ftrength and force were thence communicated to this conclulion. When the three eftates difpatched Sir James Sandi- lands to France, they inftruCfted the earls of Morton and Glencairn, with Maitland of Lethington, to re¬ pair to the court of England. By thefe ambaffadors they prefented to Elizabeth their lincere and refpeftful thanks, for the attention fhown by her to Scotland, in her late molt important fervices. And while they folicited the continuance of her favour and protedtion, intreated, in an earneft manner, that her majefty, for the eftablifhment of a perpetual peace and amity, would be pleafed to take in marriage the earl of Ar¬ ran, the next heir after his father to the Scottiffi mo¬ narchy. The queen made new and fervent protefta- tions of her regard and attachment; and gave the pro- mife of her warmeft aid when it ftiould be neceffary, in their juft defence, upon any future occafion. She fpoke in obliging terms of the earl of Arran ; but as {he found in herfelf no prefent dilpofition to marriage, {he defired that he might confult his happinefs in ano¬ ther alliance. She expreffed a favourable opinion of the Scottifti nobility ; and as a demonftration of her affedlion and efteem, ftie took the liberty to remind them of the pradlices which had been employed to o- verturn their independency, and begged them to confi- der the unanimity and concord of their order as a ne¬ ceffary guard againft the ambition and the artifice of the enemies of their nation. The fuccefs of the Congregation, though great and illuftrious, was not yet completely decifive. The re- fufal of Francis and Mary to ratify their proceedings opened a fource of bitternefs and inquietude. The Popifti party, though humbled, was not annihilated. Under the royal proteftion it would foon be formi¬ dable. Political confiderations might arife, not only to cool the amity of England, but even to provoke it* refentment. And France, though it could now tranf- port no army againft Scotland, might foon be able to adopt that expedient. Cruel diftradtions and fevere ca¬ lamities were ftill to be dreaded. la the narrownefs of their own refources they could find no folid and permanent fecurity againft the rage and weight of domeftic fa&ion, and the ftrenuous exertions of an ex- tenfive kingdom. All their fair atchievements might „ be s c $rot!*nd. ‘fei* Mailed and overthrown. up her towers, and a fano;u inary domination deilroy o r 4i 1 sco Popery mi(?ht again build the Prefbyterian eftabliihment, encouraged the ardour 599 Death cf Francis I 6eo alike their religious and civil liberties. While the anguifh ot melancholy anprehenfions re- prefTed the triumph of the Congregation, the event which could operate mod to their interells was an¬ nounced to them. This event was the death of Fran¬ cis If. The tie which knit Scotland to France was thus broken. A new fcene of politics difplays it- felf. Catharine de Medicis, the queen-mother, ruled Charles IX. and was the perfonal enemy of tire queen of Scots. The power and the credit which Mary had lent to her uncles, and the frequent and humiliating difappointments which the queen-mother had fuffered from her influence over Francis, were now repaid with a ftudied indifference and negle£t. In the full perfec¬ tion .of her charms, with two crowns upon her head, and looking towards a third, Ihe felt herfelt to be with¬ out grandeur and without confequence. Leaving a court where fhe had experienced all the enjoyments of which humanity is fufceptible, fire retired to Rheims, to indulge her forrow. In the humiliation of their queen, and in the change produced in the councils of France, the Protelfants of Scotland found every pofiible encouragement to pro¬ ceed with vigour in the full eftablilhment of the re¬ formed dodfrines. After the diffolving of the pailia- ment, they turned their thoughts and attention to the plan of policy which might fuit beft the tenets and re¬ ligion for which they had contended. The three e- ftates, amidil their other tranfadtions, had granted a Ecclefiafti- commiflion to Mr John Winratn, Mr John Spottif- ral govern- wood, John Willocks, Mr John Dougl as, Mr John Scotland ^ovv> ar|d J°hn Knox, to frame and model a fcheme new-mo- or platform of ecclefiaftical government. They were felled. not long in complying with an order fo agreeable to them, and compofed what is termed the Firjl Book of Difciplint in which they explained the uniformity and method which ought to be preferved concerning doc¬ trine, the adminiftration of the facraments, the elec¬ tion and provifion of minifters, and the policy of the church. A convention of the eftates gave its fanftion to the Prefbyterian fcheme of government. But while the Book of Difcipline (ketched out a policy beautiful for its fimplicity, yet it required that the patrimony and ues of the the rich pofiefiions of the ancient church fhould be hurch're- all°^^e<^ new eftabliihment. T he reformers, ufed to the l)OW<:ver» fuccefsful in the dodfrines and the policy e/ormed they had propofed, were here very unfortunate. This convention of the eftates did not pay a more refpeftful regard to this propofal than the celebrated parliament had done, which demoliftied the mafs and the jurif- diaion of the fee of Rome. They affeded to con¬ sider it as no better than a dream. The expreflion “ a devout imagination" was applied to it in mockery ; and it was not till after long and painful ftruggles, ♦hat the new cflabliftiment was able to procure to it- felf a becoming and neceftary provifion and fupport. The Romifh clergy were ftrenuous to continue in tlieir ftofieffiona, and to profit by them; and the nobles and the laity having feized upon great proportions of the property of the church, were no lels anxious to retain the acquifitions they had made. 1 he aveihon^entertained item heft owing riches upon «©T The reve- ireach ers. which prevailed for advancing all the other views and interefts of the reformed. And this end was alfo pro¬ moted in no inconliderable degree by the infidious po¬ licy of Catharine ^ie Medicis. She was willing to in- creafe and to fofter all the difficulties and dangers in the fituation of the queen of Scots and her fubjc&s. Upon this account ftie had engaged Charles IX. to dif- patch Monfieur Noailles to the Scotch parliament, to urge it in ftrong terms to renew the ancient league be¬ tween the two kingdoms, to diiTolve the alliance with England, and to re-eftablifh over Scotland the Popilh doitrinea and the Popiih clergy. A new meeting of the eftates was aflembled, which confidered thefe ftrange reqnifttions, and treated them with the indignation they merited. Monfieur Noailles was inftrufted to in¬ form his fpvereign, that France having ailed with cruel¬ ty and perfidioufnefs towards the Scots, by attacking their independency and liberties under the cover and pretence of amity and marriage, did not deferve to know them any longer as an ally; that principles of juftice, a love of probity, and a high fenfe of grati¬ tude, did not permit the Scottiih parliament to break the confederacy with England, which had generoufly proteiled their country againft the tyrannical views of the French court, and the treacherous machinations of the houfe of Guile ; and that they were never to ac¬ knowledge the Popiffi clergy to be a diftinft order of men, or the legal poffeflbrs of the patrimony of the church ; fince, having aboliffied the power of the pope, and renounced his do&rines, they could bellow no fa¬ vour or countenance upon his vafials and fervants. To this council of the eftates a new fupplication was prefented by the Proteftants. They departed from the high claim which they had made for the riches and patrimony of the Popiffi church ; and it was only re- quelled by them, that a reafonable or decent provifion ftiould be allotted to the true preachers of the gofpel. This application, however, no lefs than their former exorbitant demand, was treated with negledt and in¬ difference. But amidil the anxiety manifefted by the nobles and the tenants of the crown to hold the Pref¬ byterian clergy in fubje&ion and in poverty, they dif- covered the warmeft zeal for the extenfion and conti¬ nuance of the reformed opinions. For in this fuppli- cation of the Proteftants, an ardent delire being inti¬ mated and urged, that all the monuments of idolatry which remained ffiould be utterly deftroyed, the fuileft and moll unbounded approbation was given to it. An att accordingly was paffed, which commanded that <5o* every abbey-church, every cloifter, and every memo-Final , / - —7 - —/ c.uu tYciy memo-* rial whatfoever of Popery, ftiould be finally overthrownllrudl0n and dpmnli'OjAd . r • . , monalte- and demoliffied : and the care of this cruel, but popu-‘ie, and lar employment, was committed to thofe perfons who every mark were molt remarkable for their keermefs and ardour in °f the Po- the work of the reformation. Its execution in thepiftlieli~ weftern counties was given in charge to the earls ofKw Arran, Argyle, and GIcncairn ; the lord James Stuart attended to it in the more northern diftri&s ; and in the imand divifions of the country, it was intruded to the barons in whom the Congregation had the greateft con¬ fidence. A dreadful devaftation enfued. The popu lace, armed with authority, fpread their ravages over the kingdom.. It was deemed an execrable lenity to ipare any fabric or place where idolatry had been exer- ^ cifed. SCO r 42 i SCO 603 Mary fo- licited to return to her own country. Scotland, cifed. The churches and religious houfes were every- where defaced, or pulled to the ground ; and their fur¬ niture, utenlils, and decorations, became the prizes and the property of the invader. Even the fepulchres of the dead were ranfacked and violated. The libraries of the ecclefiaitics, and the regifters kept by them of their own tranfa&ions and of civil affairs, were gathered into heaps, and committed to the flames. Religious anti¬ pathy, the fan&ion of law, the exhortation of the cler¬ gy, the hope of fpoil, and, above all, the ardour to put the laft hand to the reformation, concurred to drive the rage of the people to its wildefl fury ; and, in the midft of havock and calamity, the new eftablifhment furveyed its importance and its power. The death of Francis II. having left his queen, Ma¬ ry, in a very difagreeable fituation while fhe remained in France, it now became neceflary for her to think on returning to her own country. To this fhe was foli- cited both by the Proteftants and Papifts ; the former, that they might gain her over to their party; and the latter, hoping that, as Mary was of their own perfua- lion, Popery might once more be eftablifhed in Scot¬ land. For this deputation, the Proteftants chofe lord James Stuart, natural brother to the queen ; and the Papifts, John Lefty, official and vicar-general of the diocefe of Aberdeen. The latter got the ftart of the Proteftant ambaflador, and thus had the opportunity of firft delivering his meftage. He advifed her ftrong- lv to beware of the lord James Stuart, whom he re- prefented as a man of unbounded ambition, who had cfpoufed the Proteftant caufe for no other reafon than that he might advance himfelf to the higheft employ¬ ments in the ftate ; nay, that he had already fixed his mind on the crown itfelf. For thefe reafons he advi¬ fed that the lord James Stuart fhould be confined in France till the government of Scotland could be com¬ pletely eftablifhed. But if the queen was averfe to this meafure, he advifed her to land in fome of the northern diftri&s of Scotland, where her friends were mo ft numerous ; in which cafe an army of 20,000 men would accompany her to Edinburgh, to reftore the Popifh religion, and to overawe her enemies. The next day the lord James Stuart waited upon her, and gave an advice very different from that of Lefly. The fureft method of preventing infurre&ions, he faid, was the eftablifhment of the Proteftant religion ; that a Handing army and foreign troops would certainly lofe the affeeftions of her fubjc&s ; for which reafon he ad¬ vifed her to vifit Scotland without guards and without foldiers, and he became folemnly bound to fecure their obedience to her. I o this advice Mary, though fhe diftrufted its author, liftened with attention ; and lord James, imagining that fhe was prejudiced in his favour, took care to improve the favourable opportunity ; by which means he obtained a promife of the earldom of Marre. Before Mary fet out from France, fhe received an mzahTth1 embafly from queen Elizabeth, preffing her to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh, in which fhe had taken care to get a claufe inferted, that Francis and Mary ffiould /or ever abftain from affuming the title and arms of England and Ireland. But this was declined by the queen of Scotland, who, in her conference with the Englifh ambaflador, gave an eminent proof of her poli¬ tical abilities *. Her refufal greatly augmented the in Scot¬ land. te ft ants. 604 Her dif- * See Ro- bertfon of JDalmeny's Hi/ory of JVJary Queen of Sutland. jealoufies which already prevailed between her and E- Scotland, lizabeth, infomuch that the latter refufed her a fafe paf- fage through her dominions into Scotland. This was contidered by Mary as a high indignity; fire returned a very fpirited anfwer, informing her rival, that fhe could return to her own dominions without any affift- ance from her, or indeed whether Are would or not. In the month of Auguft 1 561, Mary fet fail from Ca¬ lais for Scotland. She left France with much regret; and at night ordered her couch to be brought upon deck, defiring the pilot to awaken her in the morning if the coaft of France fhould be in view. The night proved calm, fo that the queen had. an opportunity once more of indulging herfelf with a fight of that be¬ loved country. A favourable wind now fprung up, and a thick fog coming on, fhe efcaped a fquadron of men of war which Elizabeth had fet out to intercept 60s her ; and on the 20th of the month fhe landed fafely at ^ary lan f°r the government of their borough. By one of thefe ads, which they publifhed by proclama¬ tion, they commanded all monks, friars, and priefts, to¬ gether with all adulterers and fornicators, to depart from the town and its limits within 24 hours, under the pains of corredion and punilhment. Mary, juftly interpreting this exertion of power to be an ufurpation of the royal authority, and a violation of order, dif- placed the magillrates, commanded the citizens to eled others in their room, and granted by proclamation a plenary indulgence to all her fubjeds not convided of any crime, to repair to and remain in her capital at their pleafure. Befides thefe dillurbances on account of religion, the 608 kingdom was now in confufion on another account. Difordered The long continuance of civil wars had left a pronenefs Slate of the tumults and infurredions everywhere ; and thefts, rapine, and licentioufiiefs of every kind, threatened to fubvert the foundations of civil fociety. Mary made confiderable preparations for the fuppreflion of thefe 3uppreffed diforders, and appointed the lord James Stuart her chief julliciar and lieutenant. He was to hold two criminal courts, the one at Jedburgh, and the other at Dum¬ fries. To afiilt his operations againft the banditti, who who were aimed, and often aflbciated into bodies, a military force was neceflary ; but as there were at pre- fent neither {landing army nor regular troops in the kingdom, the county of Edinburgh, and ten others, were commanded to have their strength in readinel’s to aflifl: him. The feudal tenants, and the allodial or free proprietors of thefe diftricls, m complete armour, and with provifions for 20 days, were appointed to be fub- fervient to the purpofes of his commilfion, and to obey his orders in eilablilhing the public tranquillity. In this expedition he was attended with his ulual fuccefs. He dellroyed many of the ftrong-holds of the banditti; hanged 20 of the molt notorious offenders ; and order¬ ed 50 more to be carried to Edinburgh, there to fuller the penalties of law on account of their rebellious beha¬ viour. _ He entered into terms with the lord Grey and Sir John Toiler, the wardens of the Englifh borders, for the mutual benefit of the two nations; and he com¬ manded the chiefs oi the diforderly clans to fubmit to the queen, and to obey her orders with regard to the fecuring of the peace, and preventing infurre&ions and depredations for the future. In the mean time the queen was in a very difagree- nation. jy lord fames i tuart. able fituation, being fufpe&ed and dillrufled by both Scotland, parties. From the concetfions fhe had made to the Pro- tellants, the Papifts fuppofed that flie had a defign of Mary renouncing their religion altogether ; while, on the trufted by other hand, the Protellants could fcarcely allow them- both par- felves to believe that they owed any allegiance to an ties- idolater. Difquiets of another kind alio now took 611 place. The duke of Chatelherault, having left the Ca- Cbara&er* tholics to join the oppolite party, was neglected by his fovereign. Being afraid of fome danger to himfelf, he ticl.5> fortified the caftle of Dumbarton, which he x-efolved to defend; and in cafe of neceflity to put himfelf under the protedlion of the queen of England.—The earl of Arran was a man of very flender abilities, but of bound- lefs ambition. The queen’s beauty had made an im- prefllon on his heart, and his ambition made him fancy himfelf the fitted perfon in the kingdom for her huf- band. But his fanaticifm, and the violence with which he had oppofed the mafs, difgutled her. He bore her diflike with an uneafineis that preyed upon his intellefts and difordered them. It was even fuppofed that he had concerted a fcheme to poflefs himfelf of her perfon by armed retainers ; and the lords of her court were com¬ manded to be in readinefs to defeat any projedl of this fort. The earl of Bothwel was dillinguiflred chiefly by his prodigalities and the licentioufnels of his man¬ ners. 'The earl of Marifchal had every thing that was honourable in his intentions, but was overwary and flow. The earl of Morton poflefled penetration and ability, but was attached to no party or meafures from any principles of reftitude: His own advantage and inte- rells were the motives which governed him. The earl of Huntley the lord chancellor, was unquiet, variable, and vindidlive : His paffions, now fermenting with vio¬ lence, were foon to break forth in the moil dangerous practices. The earls oi Glencairn and Menteith were deeply tindlured with fanaticifm ; and their inordinate zeal for the new opinions, not lefs than their poverty, recommended them to queen Elizabeth. Tier ambaf- iador Randolph, advifed her to fecure their fervice, by addrefling herfelf to their neceflities. Among courtiers of this defeription, it was difficult for Mary to make a feleclion of miniilers in whom to confide. The confe- quence and popularity of the lord James Stuart, and of Maitland of Lethington, had early pointed them out to this diftindlion ; and hitherto they had adled to her fatisfadlion. They were each of eminent capacity: but the former was fufpedled of aiming at the fove- reignty ; the latter was prone to refinement and dupli¬ city ; and both were more connected with Elizabeth than became them as the miniilers and fubjedls of an¬ other fovereign. Beftde the policy of employing and trufting ftatef- men who were Protellants, and the precaution of main¬ taining a firm peace with England, Mary had it alfo at heart to enrich the crown with the revenues of the an¬ cient church. A convention of ellates was aflembled She obtains to deliberate upon this meafure. The bilhops werea part of alarmed with their perilous fituation. It was madethe eccle' known to them, that the charge of the queen’s houfe- flaftical re‘ hold required an augmentation ; and that as the rents VenUeS' qf the. church had.flowed chiefly from the crown, it was expedient that a proper proportion of them Ihould now be refumed to uphold its fplendour. After long cou- lultations, the prelates and ellate ecclefiaitical, confider- F 2 ing SCO [ 44- $co*UtKt. mg that they exi(ted merely by the favour of the queen, turera confented to refign to her the third part of their bene¬ fices, to be managed at her pleafure; with the referva- tion that they ftlould be fecured during tlieir lives againft all farther payments, and relieved from the burden of contributing- to the maintenance of the reformed clergy. With this offer the queen and the convention of eftates were fatisfied. Rentals, accordingly, ot all their bene¬ fices throughout the kingdom, were ordered to be pro¬ duced by the ancient eccleiiaftics; the reformed mini- llers, fuperintendaiits, elders, and deacons, were enjoin¬ ed to make out regiiters of the grants or provilions ne- ceffary to fupport their eftablifhment; and a fuperemi- nent power of judging in thefe matters was committed, to the queen and the privy-council. While the, prelates and eflate ecckfiaftical fubmitted to this offer from the neceffity of their affairs, it was by no means acceptable to the reformed clergy, who at this time were holding an affembly. It was their earneft wifh to effett the entire deftruftion of the ancient efta- blifhment, to fucceed to a large proportion of their emo¬ luments, and to be altogether independent of the crown. But while the Proteftant preachers were naturally and unanimoufly of thefe fentiments, the nobles and gentle¬ men who had promoted the reformation were difpofed To think very' differently. To give too much of the wealth of the church to the reformed clergy, was to in¬ veil them with a dangerous power. To give too great a proportion of it to the crown, was a flep (till more dangerous. At the fame time it was equitable, that the ancient clergy fhould be maintained during their lives ; and it coniiited with the private interefts of the noblemen and gentlemen, who had figured during the reformation, not to confent to any feheme that would deprive them of the fpoils of which they had already pofTeffcd themfelves out of the ruins of the church, or which they might flill be enabled to acquire. Thus public as well as private confiderations contri¬ buted to feparate and divide the lay Proteflants and the preachers. The general affembly, therefore, of the church, was not by any means fuccefsful in the view's which had called them together at this time, and which they fubmitted to the convention of eftates. Doubts were entertained whether the church had any title to afiemble itfelf. The petition preferred for the complete abolition of idolatry, or for the utter prohibition of the roafs, was rejefted, notwithftandmg all the zeal mam- fefted by the brethren. The requtft that Mary fhould give authority to the book of difeipline, w'as not only refufed, but even treated with ridicule. The only point prefled by the church, which attra&cd any notice, was its requifition of a provifion or a maintenance 5 but the meafure invented for this end was in oppofitien to all its warmeft defires. This meafure, however, fo unpromifing to the preach¬ ers in expectation, was found to be ftiH more uftfatis- faftory upon trial. The wealth of the Romifh church had been immenfe, but great invafions had been made upon it. The fears of the ecclefiaftics, upon the over¬ throw of popery, induced them to engage in fraudulent tranfaftions with their kinfmen and relations; in con- iequence of which many poffeflions were conveyed from the church into private hands. For valuable confider¬ ations, leafes of church-lands, to endure for many years, or in perpetuity, were granted to itrangers and advCn- 613 Bad fuccefs tlie de¬ mands of the Proie- ftants. J SCO Sales alfo of ecclefiaftical property, to 3 great Scotland extent, had been made by tl*& ancient incumbents ; and a validity was fuppofed to be given to thefe tranfaCtiona by confirmations from the pope, who was zealous to af- fift his votaries. Even the crown itfelf had contribu¬ ted to make improper difpofitions of the eccleiiaftical revenues. Laymen had been prefented to bilhoprica and church-livings, with the power of difpofing of the territory in connection with them. In this dtffufion of the property of the church, many fair acquifitions, and much extenfive domain, came to be invefted in the no¬ bles and the gentry. From thefe cauies, the grant of the third of their be¬ nefices, made by the ancient eceleftaftics to the queen, with the burden of maintaining the reformed clergy, was not near fo confiderable as might have been ex¬ pected. But the direction of the Icheme being lodged in the queen and the privy-council, the advantage to the crown was ftill greater than that bellowed upon the preachers. Yet the carrying the projeCt into execu¬ tion was not without its inconveniences. There were ftill many opportunities for artifice and corruption; and the full third of the ecclefiaftical benefices, even after all the previous abftraCtions of them which had been made, could not be levied by any diligence. For the eccleiiaftics often produced falfe rentals of their bene¬ fices ; and the collectors for the crown were not always faithful to the truft repofed in them. The complete produce of the thirds did not amount to a great ium ; and it was to operate to the expences of the queen, as well as to the fupport of the preachers. A fcanty pro¬ portion went to the latter; and yet the perfons who for* were chofentofix and afeertain their particular ftipends the k*rote» or provilions were the fall friends of the reformation, ftant For this bufinefs was committed in charge to the earls Preac^ere® of Argyle and Morton, the lard James Stuart, and Maitland of Lethington, with James Mackgill the clerk- regifter, and Sir John Ballenden the juftice-clerk. One hundred Scottilh merks were deemed fufftcient for a common minffter. To the clergymen of greater inte- rell or confideration, or who exercifed their funClions in more exteniive parifhes, 300 merks were allotted ; and, excepting to fuperintendants, this fum was feldom ex¬ ceeded. To the earl of Argyle, to the lord James Stuart, to Lord ErUrine, who had large ecclefiailica! revenues, their thirds were ufually remitted by the queen ; and upon the eftablifhment of this fund or re¬ venue, fhe alio granted many penfions to perfons about her court and of her hotifehold. The complaints of the preachers were made with little decency, and did not contribute to better their condi-parl.y jifc tion. The coldnefs of the Proteftant laity, and the hn-fatisfied. manity fhown to the ancient clergy-, were deep wounds both to their pride and to their interefts. To a mean fpirit of flattery to the reigning power, they imputed the defection of their friends; and againil the queen they were animated with the bittereft animofity. The poverty in which they were fuffered to remain inflamed 614. Provition1 all their pafiions. They induftrioufiy fought to indulge their rancour and turbulence ; and inveterate habits of infult fortified them into a contempt of authority. To the queen, whofe temper was warm, the rudenefs of the preachers was a painful and endleis inquietude, which, while it foftered her religious prejudices, had ihe good effect to confirm her conltancv 10 her friends-, and f SCO Scotland and to keep alive her gratitude for their a&ivity. The lord James Stuart, who was intitled to her refpeft and efteem from his abilities, and his proximity to her in blood, had merited rewards and honours by his public fervices and the vigour of his counlels. After his fuc- eefsful difcharge of her commiffion as chief jufticiar and lord lieutenant, fhe could not think of allowing him to defcend from thefe offices, without bellowing upon him a folid and permanent mark of her favour. She advan¬ ced him into the rank of her nobility, by conferring up¬ on him the earldom of Marre. At the fame time fhe contributed to augment his confequence, by facilitating his marriage with Agnes the daughter of the earl of Marifchal; and the ceremonial of this alliance \$as cele¬ brated with a magnificence and oftentation fo extrava¬ gant in that age, as to excite the fears of the preachers left feme avenging judgment or calamity fliould afBufl the land. They "exclaimed with virulence againft his riotous feafting and banquets ; and the maiquerades which were exhibited upon this oceafion, attracting in a {till greater degree their attention, as being a fpecies of entertainment hitherto unknown in Scotland, and 45 1 SCO After employing againft the earl of Marre thofe arts Scothaj. of detraction and calumny which are fo fti6 onours nferred pon lord |inne‘s usut. 617 nmity of earl of luntley awards im. 618 fnrtley Ireffes the ’,ieen to eftore the 'opifh re¬ gion. which was favourable to the profanenels of gallantry, they pointed againft them the keenneft flrokes of their cenfure and indignation. The abilities of the earl of Marre* the afcendency lie maintained in the councils of his fovereign, and the di- ftinctions which he had acquired, did not fail to ex- pole him to uncommon envy. The molt detperate of his enemies, and the molt formidable, was the earl of Huntley. In tlxeir rivalfhip for power, many cauies of difguft had arifen. The one Was at the head the Proteftants, the other was the leader of the Papilla. Upon the death of Francis II. Huntley and the Popiih faction had fent a deputation to Mary, inviting her to return to Scotland, and offering to fupport her with an army of 20,000 men. His advances were treated with attention and civility, but his offer was rejeCted. The invitation of the Proteftants, prefented by the earl of Marre, was more acceptable to her. Huntley had ad- vifed her to detain his rival in confinement in France till the Roman Catholic religion fhould be re-eftablifhed in Scotland. This advice (he not only difregarded, but careffed bis enemy with particular civilities. Upon her arrival in her own country, Huntley renewed his ad¬ vances, offering to her to fet up the mafs in all the northern counties. He even converfed in a preffmg maimer upon this fubjeCt with her uncles and the French courtiers who attended her. Still no real attention was paid to him. He came to her palace, and was recei¬ ved only with refpeft. He was lord high chancellor without influence, and a privy counfellor without trull. The earl of Marre had the confidence of his fovereign, and was drawing to him the authority of government. Thefe were cruel mortifications to a man of high rank, inordinate ambition, immenfe wealth, and who com¬ manded numerous and warlike retainers. But he was yet to feel a ftroke ftill more feverely excruciating, and far more deftrudive of his confequence. The opulent eftate of Marre, which Mary had eroded into an earl- dom, and conferred, upon his rival, had been lodged in his lamily for forne time. He confidered it as his pro¬ perty, and that it was never to be torn from his houfe. j his blow -was at once to infult molt fenfibly his pride, and to cut molt iatally the fu.ev.y oi his greatnefs. are lo common in courts, he drew up and fubferibed a formal memorial, ^vrcs in which he accufed him of aiming at the fovereignty the lord* of Scotland. This paper he prefented to the queen ; James but the arguments with which he fupported his charge Su,art ' being weak and inconclufive, Ihe was the more confirm-treaioR’ ed in her attachment to her minifter. Huntley then addreffing himftlf to the earl of Bothwel, a man difpofed to defperate courfes, engaged him to attempt to involve the earl of Marre and the houfe of Hamilton in open and violent contention. Bothwel reprefented to Marre the enmity which had long fubfilted between him and g3o the houfe of Hamilton. It was an obilacle to his And at- greatnefs ; and while its deftruttion might raife him to tt‘mtts c<>. the higheft pinnacle of power, it would be molt ac- ^^'inate ceptable to the queen, who, befide the hatred which princes naturally entertain to their fuccefibrs, was ani¬ mated by particular caufes of offence againft the duke of Chatelherault and the carl of Arran. Fie concluded his exhortation with making an unlimited offer of his molt ftrenuous fervices in the execution of this flagi¬ tious enterprife. The earl of Marre, however, abhor¬ ring the bafenefs of the project, fulpicious of the fin- cerity of the propofer, or fatisfied that his eminence did not require the aid of fuch arts, rejected all his ad¬ vances. Bothwel, difappointed upon one fide, turn¬ ed himfelf to the other. He pra&ifed with the houfe of Hamilton to affaffmate the earl of Marre, whom they confidered as their greateft enemy. The bull- uefs, he faid, might be performed with eafe and ex¬ pedition. The queen was in ufe to hunt the deer in the park of Falkland; and there the earl of Marre, uufufpedting any danger, and flenderly attended, might be overpowered and put. to death. Tire perfon of the queen, at the fame time, might be feized ; and by de¬ taining her in cuftody, a fanftion and fecurity might be given to their crime. The integrity of the earl of Arran revolting againft this confpiracy, defeated it* purposes. Dreading the perpetration of fa cruel an aftion, and yet fenfible of the refolute determination ot his friends, he wrote privately to the earl of Marre, informing him of his danger. But the return of Marre to his letter, thanking him for his intelligence, being intercepted by the confpirators, Arran was confined by them under a guard in Kenneil-hbufe. He effected * notwithilanding his efcape, and made a full difeovery of 6 . the plot to the queen. Yet in a matter fo dark he But tuns could produce no witneffes and no written vouchers to'n his at. confirm his accufations. Fie therefore, according to temPt* the fafhion of the times, offered to prove his informa¬ tion, by engaging Bothwel in fingltf combat. And though, in his examinations before the. privy council, his love to the queen, his attachment to the earl of Marre, the atrocity of the fcheme he “revealed, and, above all, his duty and concern fpr his father the duke ol Chatelherault, threw him into a perturbation of mind which expreffed itfelf violently in his fpeech, his coun¬ tenance, and his a&ions ; yet his declarations, in gene¬ ral, were- fo confiltent and firm, that it was thought advifable to take the command of the caftle of Dum¬ barton Irom the duke of Chatelherault, to confine the other confpirators to different prifons, and to wait the farther difeaverieu which might be made by accident and time.. The sco r 46 ] sco Scotland, The earl of Huntley, inflamed by thefe difappoint- l~~"v"1 ' ments, invented other devices. He excited a tumult while the queen and the earl of Marre were at St An¬ drew’s with only a few attendants ; imagining that the latter would fally forth to quell the infurgents, and that a convenient opportunity would thus be afforded for putting him to the fword without dete&ion. The caution, however, of the earl of Marre, defeating this purpofe, he ordered fame of his retainers to attack, him in the evening when he ffiould leave the queen j but thefe afiaflins being furprifed in their llation, Huntley affe&ed to excufe their being in arms in a fuipicious place and at a late hour, by frivolous apologies, which, though admitted, could not be approved. About this period, too, letters were received by Mary from the pope and the cardinal of Lorrain, in confequence of the intrigues of the earl of Huntley and the Roman Catholic fa&ion. They prefied her to confider, that while this nobleman was the molt powerful of her fubjedts, he was by far the molt zeal- lous in the interefts of the church of Rome. They intreated her to Hatter him with the hope of her mar¬ riage with Sir John Gordon his fecond fon ; held out to her magnificent promifes of money and military fup- plies, if (he would fet herfelf ferioufly to recover to • power and fplendour the ancient religion of her coun¬ try; and recommended it to her to take meafures to deftroy the more itrenuous Proteffants about her court, of whom a roll was tranfmitted to her, which included the name of her confident and minilter the earl of Marre. Thefe letters could not have reached her at a jundbire more unfavourable for their fuccels. The earl of Marre, to whom Ihe communicated them, was encouraged to proceed with the greateft vigour in undermining the defigns and the importance of his enemies. Sir John New incidents exafperated the animofities of theene- Gordon j^g 0f the earl of Marre and his own. Sir John Gor- krd'ohl ^on anc* t^ie having a private difpute, hap- vy. and is pened to meet each other in the high ftreet of Edin- apprehend- burgh. They immediately drew their fwords ; and c<1; the lord Ogilvie receiving a very dangerous wound, Sir John Gordon was committed to prifon by the ma- giftrates. The .queen, at this time in Stirling, was informed by them of the riot ; and while they expref- fed a fear left the friends of the prifoner Ihould rife up in arms to give him his liberty, they mentioned a fuf- picion which prevailed, that the partizans of the lord Ogilvie were to affemble themfelves to vindicate his quarrel. The queen, in her reply, after commending their diligence, inftrudfed them to continue to have a watch over their prifoner ; made known her defire that the law ffiould take its courfe ; and counfelled them to have no apprehtnfions of the kindred of the parties at 61^ variance, but to rely upon the earl of Marre for pro- Bue efcapes viding a fufficient force for their proteftion. Sir John from pri- Gordon, however, found the means to break from his confinement ; and flying into Aberdeenfhire, filled the retainers of his family with his complaints, and added to the difquiets ot his father the earl ol Huntley. The queen, upon returning to Edinburgh, held a confultation upon affairs of ftate with her privy coun¬ cil ; and foon after fet out upon a progrefs to tire northern parts of her kingdom. At Aberdeen (he was met by' the lady Huntley, a woman of deep diffi- mulation and of refined addrefs; who endeavoured to Scotland conciliate her affe&ions, was prodigal of flattery, ex- -v—•< prefled her zeal for the Popifh religion, and let fall in- linuations of the great power of her hulband. She then interceded with the queen for forgivenefs to her fon : and begged with a keen importunity, that he might be permitted to have the honour to kifs her hand. But Maty having told her, that the favour Ihe had fb- licited could not poflibly be granted till her fon ffiould return to the prifon from which he had efcaped, and fubmit to the juftice of his country, the ladyr Huntley engaged that he fhould enter again into cuftody, and - only intreated, that, inffead of being confined at Edin¬ burgh, he Ihould be conducted to the caftle of Stirling. This requeft was complied with ; and in the profecution of the bufinefs, a court of jufticiary being called, Sir John Gordon made his appearance, and acknowledged himfelf to be the queen’s prifoner. The lord Glamis was appointed to condudt him to the caftle of Stirling. 624 But upon the road to this fortrefs, he deceived the vi-And at- gilance of his guards, haitened back, and gathering teI1ipts t0 1000 horfemen among his retainers, entruffed his fe-^ curity to the fword. In the mean time, the queen continued her progrefs. The earl of Huntley joined himfelf to her train. His anxiety to induce her to allow him to attend her to his houfe of Strathbogy was uncommon ; his intreaties were even prefled beyond the bounds of propriety. The intelligence arrived of the efcape and rebellion of Sir John Gordon. The behaviour of the father and the fon awakened in her the moll alarming fufpicions. Af- fembling her privy-council, who, according to the fafhion of thofe times, conftituted her court, and attended her perfon in her progreffes though her dominions; fhe, with their advice, commanded her heralds to charge Sir John Gordon and his adherents to return to their allegiance, and to furrender up to her their houfes of ftrength and caftles, under the pains of high treafon and forfeiture. Difdaining now to go to the houfe of the earl of Huntley, where, as it afterwards appeared, that nobleman had made fecret preparations to hold her in captivity, Ihe advanced to Invernefs by a different rout. In the caftle of .Invernefs Ihe propofed to take up her reffdence ; but Alexander Gordon the deputy governor, a dependent of the family of Huntleyq refufed to admit her. She was terrified with the profpeSt of a certain and imminent danger. Her attendants were few in number, the town was without walls, and the inhabi¬ tants were fufpefted. In this extremity, fome fhips in the river were kept in rea w^° Put them inflantly into motion. Huntley t: earl of advancing towards Aberdeen to give them battle, was I array, informed of their approach. He halted at Corrichie, folacing himfelf with the hope of a decifive vibfory. The army of the queen was the moft numerous ; but there were feveral companies in it in whom little con¬ fidence could be placed. Thefe the earl of Murray polled in the front of the battle, and commanded them to begin the attack. They recoiled upon him in dif- order, according to his expeftation ; but a refolute band in whom he trufled, holding out their fpears, V obliged them to take a different courfe. Their con- fufion and flight made Huntley conceive that the day was his own. He therefore ordered his foldiers to throw afide their lances, and to rufh upon the enemy fword in hand. His command was obeyed, but with no precaution or difcipline. When his men came to the place where the earl of Murray had ftationed himfelf, the points of the extended fpears of his firm battalion put a termination to their progrefs. The panic cem- municated by this unexpended refiftance was improved by the vigour with which he preffed the affailants. In their turn they took to flight. The companies of the queen’s army which had given way in the beginning of the conflict were now difpofed to atone for their mif- conduft; and taking a fhare in the battle, committed a fignal daughter upon the retainers of the earl of Huntley. This nobleman himfelf expired in the throng of the purfuit. His Tons Sir John Gordon and Adam Gordon were made prifoners, with the principal gentle¬ men who had aflifled him. Mary, upon receiving the tidings of this fuccefs, dif- covered neither joy nor forrow. The paffions, how¬ ever, of the earl of Murray and his party were not yet completely gratified. Sir John Gordon was brought immediately to trial, confefTed his guilt, and was con¬ demned to fuffer as a traitor. The fentence according¬ ly was executed, amidft a multitude of fpeftators, whofe feelings were deeply affe&ed, while they con- fidered his immature death, the manlinefs of his fpirit, and the vigour of his form. Adam Gordon, upon ac¬ count of his tender age, was pardoned ; and fines were levied from the other captives of condition according to their, wealth. The lord Gordon, after the battle of Corrichie, fled to his father-in-law the duke of Chatel- o [ 47 1 . s c .0 was now concerted and herault, and put himfelf under his prote&ion ; but was Scotland. delivered up by that nobleman, all whofe endeavours —v— in his favour were ineffectual. He was convi&ed of treafon, and condemned; but the queen was fatisfied with confining him in prifon. The dead body of the earl of Huntley was carried to Edinburgh, and kept without burial, till a charge of high treafon was pre¬ ferred againft him before the three eftates. An oflen- tatious difplay was made of his criminal enterprifes, and a verdict of parliament pronounced his guilt. His eftates, hereditary and moveable, were forfeited; his dignity, name, and memory, were pronounced to be extinCt; his enfigns armorial were torn from the book of arms; and his pofterity were rendered unable to en¬ joy any offices, honour, or rank, within the realm. 626 While thefe fcenes were tranfaCting, Mary, who was inter- fincerely felicitous to eilablilh a fee are amity between the two kingdoms, opened a negociation to effeCtuate an interview with Elizabeth. Secretary Maitland, ry and e_ whom {he employed in this bufmefs, met with a mofl'izaketh, gracious reception at the court of London. The city^ut v,l‘n* of York was appointed as the place where the two queens fhould exprefs their mutual love and affedion, and bind themfelves to each other in an indiffoluble union ; the day of their meeting was fixed ; the fafhion and articles of their interview were adjufled ; and a fafe-condud into England was granted to the queen of Scots by Elizabeth. But in this advanced ftate of the treaty it was unexpectedly interrupted. The diflur- bances in France, the perfecution of the Proteftants there, and the dangerous confequence which threatened the reformed countries, feemed to require Elizabeth to be particularly upon her guard, and to watch with eagernefs againft the machinations of the adverfaries of her religion. Upon thefe pretences fire declined for a feafon the projefted interview ; fending to Mary with this apology Sir Henry Sidney, a minifter of ability, whom fhe inftru&ed to dive into the fecret views of the Scottifh queen. This was a fevere difappointment to Mary ; but it is reafonable to believe, that Elizabeth a&ed in the negociation without fincerity, and upon' principles of policy. It was not her intereft to admit into her kingdom a queen who had pretenlions to her crown, and who might {Lengthen them ; who might raife the expectations of her Roman Catholic fubjeCls, and advance herfelf in their erteem ; and who far fur- pafled her in beauty, and in the bewitching allurement of convcrfation and behaviour. ^ Amidft affairs of great moment, a matter of fmaller Cha-elard confequence, but which is interefting in its circum-fa!ls in !ovc fiances, deferves to be recorded. Chatelard, a gentle-W|th the man of family in Dauphiny, and a relation of'the che-11 tU1’ valier de Bayard, had been introduced to queen Mary by the fieur Damviile, the heir of the houfe of Mont¬ morency. Polifhed manners, vivacity, attention to pleafe, the talent of making verfes, and an agreeable figure, were recommendations to this man. In the court they drew attention to him. He made himfelf neceffary in all parties of pleafure at the palace. His affiduities drew to him the notice of the queen ; and, at different times, fhe did him the honour to dance with him. His complaifance became gradually more fami¬ liar. He entertained her with his wit and good-hu¬ mour ; he made verfes upon her beauty and accomplifh- ments ; and her politenefs and condeleenfion iniinuated 6 inu> SCO [ 43 ] SCO 628 Is put to ■rfeath. Scotland, into him othrr fentiments than gratitude and reverence. ~ J^e could not behold her charms without feeling their power: arid inftead of Hiding in its birth the molt dangerous of all the pafiions, he encouraged its growth. In an unhappy moment, he entered her apartment ; and, concealing himfelf under her bed, waited the ap¬ proach of night. While the queen was undreffing, her maids difcovcred his littiation, and gave her the alarm. Chatelard was difmiffed with difgrace ; but foon after received her pardon. » The frenzy, however, of his love compelling him to repeat his crime, it was no longer proper to fliow any companion to him. The delicate htuation oi Mary, the noife of thefe adventures, which had gone abroad, and the rude fufpicions of her fubje&s, required that he fnould be tried for his offences and punifhed. This imprudent man was accordingly con¬ demned to lofe his head ; and the fentence was put in execution. The difagreeable clrcumftances in which Mary found herfelf involved by reafon of her quarrel with Eliza¬ beth, the excefiive bigotry and overbearing fpirit of her Proteftant iubje&s, together with the adventure of Chatelard, and the calumnies propagated in confequencc of it, determined her to think of a fecond- marriage. Her beauty and expeftations of the crown of England, joined to the kingdom which lire already poffeffed, brought her many fuitors. She was addreffed by the king of Sweden, the king of Navarre, the prince of Condc, the duke of Ferrara, Don Carlos of Spain, the arch-duke Charles of Aultria, and the duke ot Anjou. Her own inclination was to give the preference, among thefe illuitrious lovers, to the prince of Spain ; but her determination, from the firll moment, was to make her willies bend to other confiderations, and to render her decifion upon this important point as agreeable as pof- fible to queen Elizabeth, to the Englilh nation, and to the Proteftants in both kngdoms. Her fucccflion to the crown of England was the objeft neareit her heart; and Elizabeth, who wifhed to prevent her from mar¬ rying altogether, contrived to imprefs upon her mind an opinion that any foreign alliance would greatly ob- ftrufi that much deiired event. She therefore pitched upon two of her own fubjetts, whom fhe fucceflively re¬ commended as fit matches for the queen of Scots ; and flie promifed, that upon her acceptance of either of them, her right ot inheritance Ihould be inquired into and declared. Lord Robert Dudley, afterwards earl of Le ice Her, was the fcrfl perfon propofed ; and except a manly face and fine figure he had not one quality that could recommend him to the Scottifh princefs. Whilft Mary received this fuitor with fome degree of compo- fure, die did not altogether reprefs her fcorn. “ She had heard good accounts (die owned) of he gentle¬ man; but as queen Elizabeth had faid, that in propofmg a huiband to her, die would confult her honour, Ihe alk- ed what honour there could be in marrying a fubjeft 619 •Ivlary in¬ clines to a fecoml marriage, and is ad- drefled by a number of fuitoxs. Scotland merely with the view of diverting the atten# 3coihn4 of the Queen from the continent, {he threw every ob- -—v—«•' ftacle in the way of the marriage which art and violence could contrive. When die found Mary fo much en¬ tangled, that die could hardly draw back, or make any other choice than that of Darnley, Elizabeth attemoted to prevent her from going farther on ; and now intima¬ ted her difapprobation of that marriage, which die her¬ felf had not only originally planned, but, in thefe latter ffages, had forwarded by every means in her power. The whole council of Elizabeth declared again ft the marriage. Even from her own fubjefts Mary met with confiderable oppofition. An inveterate enmity had taken place between the duke of Chatelherault and the earl of Lenox, in confequence of which the former deferted the court, and very few of the Hamiltons re¬ paired to it. The lord James Stuart, now earl of Mur¬ ray, fought to promote the match with lord Dudley. In confequence of this he was treated openly with dif- refpeft by the earl of Lenox ; he loft the favour of his fovereign, and Darnley threatened him with his ven- 631 geance when he Ihould be married to the queen. John Knox in the mean time behaved in the moft furious manner, forgetting not only the meek and peaceable John Knox, behaviour of a Chriftian, but the allegiance of a fubjedl. This preacher even interfered with the marriage of his fovereign. He warned the nobility, that, if they allow¬ ed a Papill or an infidel to obtain her perfon and the government of Scotland, they would be guilty, to the full extent of their power, of baniihing Jefus Chrift from the kingdom, of bringing down upon it the vengeance of God, of being a curfe to themfelves, and of depri¬ ving their queen of all comfort and confolation. As Darnley was a Papift, he was of confequence execrated by the whole body of Proteftants, laity as well as clergy; while, on the other hanu, ae was fupported by the earls of Athol and Caithnefs, the lords Ruthven and Hume, and the whole Popifli faiftion. It was exceedingly unfortunate for the queen, that neither lord Darnley himfelf, nor his father the earl of Lenox, had any talents for bufinefs; and as they na¬ turally had the diredtion of the queen’s affairs, it is no wonder that they were very ill managed. But a fource of oppofition, more violent than any imperfedtions of their own, rofe up to them in the attachment which they difeovered to a perfon upon whom the queen had of late beftowed her favour with an imprudent prodigality, .^ountof David Rizzio from a mean origin raifed himfelf to a dif-J^via Riz- tinguiftied eminence. He was born at Turin, where hiszio. father earned a fubfiftence as a mufician. Varieties of fituation and adventure, poverty, and misfortunes, had taught him experience. In the train of the count de Morette, the ambafiador from the duke of Savoy, he had arrived in Scotland. The queen, defirous to com¬ plete her band of mufic, admitted him into her fervice. In this humble ftation he had the dexterity to attraft <630 Sbe makes choice of lord Darn- Trie Englilh queen then brought under tiie eye of Mary her attention ; and her French fecretary falling into dif- nnotner fintnr. Dfl- Her trinnrrkte /k.-.n'M „ f. J i. ^ another fuitor, left her thoughts fhould return to a foreign alliance. 1 his was lord Darnley, of the houf'e of Stuart itfelf, whofe birth was almoft equal to her own, and whom the Scott ah princefs was induced to accept as a hufoand by motives which we have detailed elfewhere, (fee Mary.) Elizabeth however was not more fin cere in this propofal than in the former ; for after permitting Darnley and his father the earl of Lenux. to vifit grace, from negligence and incapacity, he was promoted to difeharge the duties of his office. A neceffary and frequent admiflion to her company afforded him now the fulleft opportunity to recommend himfelf to her ; and while fhe approved his manners, fhe was fenfibfe of hi# fidelity and his talents. His mind, however, was not fufficiently vigorous to bear with fuccefs and profpe- rity. Ambition grew upon him tvith preferment. He 5 interfered I W<"' v'- “ i p The earl of Murray |<>t'e^ the ueen’s fa- our. B C O iniijrfgrrj*! >;i effairs of moment, (lie convention* of the nobles at the palace, ami was . candidate for (rreatnefs. The queen confalred with him upon the mod difficult and important bufmefs, and iutruftcd him with real power, d'he fupplenefs, fervi- hty, and unbounded complailance which had charafter* ifed hia former condition, w'ere cxch'myed for infolence, pftentation, and pride. He exceeded the molt potent barons in the Itatelinefs of his demeanour, the fumptu- oufnefs of his apparel, and the fplendour of his retinue. The nobles, while they defpifed the (owned of his birth, and detefted him as a foreigner, and a favourite, were rnoitided with his grandeur, and miuited with his arro¬ gance. . Their anger and abhorrence were driven into fury ; and while this undeferving minion, to uphold Ins power, courted Darnley, and with officious affiduities advanced his fuit with the queen, he haftened not only Ids own ruin, but laid the foundation of cruel outrages and of public calamity. To the earl of Murray the exaltation of Riz/.io, fo [ 49 1 SCO srtrpded himfelf into raph'jd, that nrltterq were gone too far to be recalled ; and that hdizabeth had no folid eaule of difpleafute, lince, by her advice, (he had fixed her affe&iona not upon a foreigner, but upon an Englilhman ; and fince the perfon the favoured was defeended of a didinguiihed lineage, and could boall of having in his veins the royal blood of both kingdoms. Immediately after this audi¬ ence file created lord Darnley a lord and a knight. The oath of knighthood was admtnidered to him. He was made a baron and a banneret, and called lord slrmanngb* He was belted earl of Rofs. He then promoted gentlemen to the honour of knighthood, and did ho¬ mage to the queen, without any refervation of duty to the crown of England, where his family had for a long time refided. His advancement to be duke of Albany was delayed for a little time; and this was fo much relented by him, that, when informed of it by the lord lluthven, he threatened to Itab that nobleman with his dagger, -v, v.t wv tv.i/.iu, iu in the mean time the day appointed for the afiembly oflenfive in general to the nation, was humiliating in a of parliament, which was finally to determine the fub- more particular degree. His interference for the earl je& of the marriage, was now approaching. The earl flood of Leicefier, the partiality he entertained for Eliza¬ beth, his connections with fecretary Cecil, and the fa- \our he had fhown to Knox, had all contributed to create in Mary a fufpicion of his integrity. The prac¬ tices of Darnley and Rizzio were thence the more ef¬ fectual ; and the fulled weight of their influence was employed to undermine his power. His paffions and of Murray, encouraged by the apparent fit mnd's of E- lizabeth, goaded on by ambition, and alarmed with the approbation heft owed by the convention of tire ellates on the queen’s choice of lord Darnley, perceived that the moment was at hand when a decifive blow fhould be {truck. To infpirit the refentraents of his friends, and to jultify in fome rneafure the violence of his pro- i . ■ , : . . . ,r 7 ... .i.vanut me violence or ms pro dugulis were vioknt; and in his mind he meditated re- jects, he aifected to be under apprehenfions of being ai venerc* Marv* aware of her critical i’tnation. venge. Mary, aware of her critical fit nation, was foli- citous to add to her itrength. Bothwel, who had been impriioned lor confpiring againft the life of the earl of Murray, and who had eicaped from confinement, was recalled from France ; the earl of Sutherland, an exile in Flanders, was invited home to receive his par- don ; and George Gordon, the Ion of the earl of Hunt- ley, was admitted to favour, and was foon to be rtin- iiated in the wealth and honours of his family. As foon as Both we 1 arrived, the earl of Murray in- lifted that he fhould be brought to a trial for having plotted agaiuit his life, and for having broke from the place of his confinement. This was agreed to ; and on the day et trial Murray made his appearance with boo %>i his adherents. Bothwel did not chufe to contend with fuch a formidable enemy ; he therefore fled to France, and a proteftatiou was made, importing that his fear of violence had been the caufe of his flight. The queen commanded the judge not to pronounce knrence. Murray complained loudly of her partiality, and engaged deeper and deeper in cabals with queen Elizabeth. Darnley, in the mean time, prefled his fiut with eagernefs. The queen ufed her utmolf en- (Favours to caufe Murray fubferibe a paper expreffing a content to her marriage ; but all was to no purpofe. However, many of die nobility did iubferibe this pa- per ; feud flic ventured to futnmon a convention of the vllates at Stirling, to whom (he opened the bufiuefa of the marriage; and who approved of her choice, pro¬ vided the Proteftant religion Ihould continue to be the eftablifiunent. In the mean time ambaflhdors arrived from England, with a mefiage importing Elizabeth’s entire difappro* oution and difallowance of the queen’s marriage with 'lord Darnley. But to thefe ambafiadors Mary only Vou XVII. Pan I. ' ^ a cl t;y- icen Darn. iaffiliated by the lord Darnley. Idis fears were found¬ ed abroad ; and he avoided to go to Perth, where he affirmed that the plot againft him was to be carried in¬ to execution. He courted the enemies of Darnley with uuceafing affiduity ; and he united to him in a confederacy the duke of Chatelheranlt, and the earls An aflJc.V of Argyle, Rothes, and Glencairn. jt was not the foie bon a^ainft objedf ol their anociation to oppole the marriage. ’I’hey engaged in more criminal enterprifes. 1 hey meditated1 the death of the earl of Lenox and the lord Darnley ; and while the queen was upon the road to Calander place to vilit the lord Livingfton, they propofed to in- ' tercept her and to hold her in captivity. In this ftate ol her humiliation, Murray was to advance himfelf into the government of the kingdom, under the character of its regent. . But Mary having received intelligence of their confpiracy, the earl of Athol and the lord Ruth- ven raffed fuddcnly 300 men to protect her in her jour¬ ney. Defeated in this foheme, the earl of Murray and his affociates did not relinquiih their cabals. They thought of new atchievements ; and the nation was fill¬ ed with alarms, fufpicions, and terror. A audit the arts employed by the Scottiffi malcon-ry/'V tents to inflame the animoiities of the nation, they for- cel raifcd* got not to infill upon the dangers which threatened the by the Pro-* 1 roteftant religion from the advancement of lord Darn-te^anW* ley, and from the rupture that muft enfue with England. Letters were everywhere difperfed among the fafthfufi reminding them of what the'eternal God had wrouAit for them in the abolition of idolatry, and admonilhW them to oppofe the rdloration of the mafs. A fuppli- cation was prelented to the queen, complaining o( ido¬ laters, and infilling upon their purtifhmeut. ° In the pi dent juncture ol affairs it was received with unufual refped ; and Mary iuflructed the Popiffr ecclefzaltfcs to abllai i v SCO [ 5° ] SCO ico'lanJ. abtlain from giving offence of any kind to the Protef- xw—'-y-"-— rants* A prlett, however, having celebrated the mafs, was taken by the brethren, and expofed to the infults and fury of the populace at the market-place of Edin¬ burgh, in the garments of his profeffion, and with the chaiice in his hand ; and the queen having given a check to this tumultuous proceeding, the Proteftants, riling in their wrath, were the more confirmed in the belief that (he meant to overthrow their religion. 1 he mod learned and able of the clergy held frequent confultations to¬ gether ; and while the nation was difturbed with dan¬ gerous ferments, the general affembly was called to de¬ liberate upon the affairs of the church. 1 heir hope of fuccefs being proportioned to the difficulties in the fi- tuation of the queen, they were the lefs ferupulous in forming their refolutions; and the commiffioners, whom they deputed to her, were ordered to demand a parlia¬ mentary ratification of their defires. They infifted, that the mafs, with every remain what 636 Their de ttiands. perfuaded that her people would not urge her to adopt |cctl£nd. tenets in contradiftion to herown confcience, and thereby v —' involve her in remorfe and uneafmefs. She had been nourifhed and brought up in the Romifh faith ; fhe con¬ ceived it to be founded on the word of God ; and fhe was defirous to continue in it. But, fetting afide her belief and religious duty, fhe ventured to affure them, that flic was convinced from political reafons, that it was her intereft to maintain herfelf firm in the Roman Catholic perfuafion. By departing from it, fhe would forfeit the amity of the king of France, and that of other princes who were now ftrongly attached to her ; and their difaffedtion could not be repaired or compen- fated by any new alliance. To her fubjedts fhe left the fulleft liberty of confcience ; and they could not ftirely refufe to their fovereign the fame right and indulgence. With regard to the patronage of benefices, it was a pre¬ rogative and property which it would ill become her to violate. Her neeeffities, and the charge of her royal foeverof popery,fhould be univerfally fuppreffed through- dignity, required her to retain in her hands the patn- out the kingdom ; that in this reformation, the queen’s mony of the crown. After the purpofes, however, of perfon and houfehold fhould be included ; and that all her ftation, and the exigences of government, were fa- Papifts and idolaters fhould be punifhed upon convic- tisfied, fhe could not objeft to a fpecial affignment of tion according to the laws. They contended, that per- revenue for the maintenance of the miniftry ; and, on fons of every defeription and degree fhould refort to the fubjed of the other articles which had been fub- the churches upon Sunday, to join in prayers, and to mitted to her, fhe was willing to be dire&ed by the attend to exhortations and fermons ; that an indepen¬ dent provifion fhould be affigned for the fupport of the prefent clergy, and for their fucceffors ; that all vacant benefices fhould be conferred upon perfons found to. be qualified for the miniftry, upon the trial and examina¬ tion of the fuperintendants ; that no biffiopric, abbey, priory, deanery, or other living, having many churches, fhould be beftowed upon a fingle ptrfon ; but that, the plurality of the foundation being diffolved, each church fhould be provided with a minifter ; that the glebes and manfes fhould be allotted for the refidence of the mini- fters, and for the reparation of churches; that no charge Jn fchools or univerfities, and no care of education, ei¬ ther public or private, fhould be intrufted to any per¬ fon who was not found and able in doftrine, and who was not approved by the fuperintendants ; that all lands which of old had been devoted to hofpitality, fhould again be made fubfervient to it ; that the lands and rents which formerly belonged to the monks of every order, with the annuities, alterages, obits, and the other emoluments which had appertained to priefts, fhould be employed in the maintenance of the poor and the up¬ holding of fchools ; that all horrible crimes, fuch as idolatry, blafphemy, breaking of the fabbath, witch¬ craft, forcery, inchantment, adultery, manifeft whore¬ dom, the keeping of brothels, murder, and oppreffion, fhould be punifhed with feverity ; that judges fhould be appointed in every diftrift, with powers to pronounce fentences and to execute them; and, in fine, that for the eafe of the labouring hufbandmen, fome order ffiould be devifed concerning a reafonable payment of the tythes. Moderati n To thefe requifitions, the queen made an anfwer full of the 0f moderation and humanity. She was ready to agree with the three eftates in eftablifhing the reformed reli¬ gion over the fubjefts of Scotland ; and fhe was fteadily refolved not to throw into hazard the life, the peace, or the fortune, of any perfon whatfoever upon account of his opinions. As to herfelf and her houfehold, fhe was 637 queen. three eftates of the kingdom, and to concur in the re¬ folutions which ffiould appear to them the moil reafon¬ able and expedient. The clergy, in a new affembly or convention, expref- phe prote. fed a high difpleafure with this return to their addrefs. ^ants are They took the liberty to inform the queen, that the difpleafed doftrines of the reformation which fhe refufed to adopt, wnhheran. were the religion which had hee:n revealed by Jefusfvver* Chrift, and taught by the apoftles. Popery was of all perfuafions the leaft alluring, and had the feweft recom¬ mendations. In antiquity, confent of people, authority of princes, and number of profelytes, it was plainly in¬ ferior to Judaifm. It did not even reft upon a founda¬ tion fo folid as the do&rines of the alcoran. They re¬ quired her, therefore, in the name of the eternal God, to embrace the means of attaining the truth, which were offered to her in the preaching of the word, or by the appointment of public difputations between them and their adverfaries. The terrors of the mafs were placed before her in all their deformity. The fayer of it, the aftion itfelf, and the opinions expreffed in it, were all pronounced to be equally abominable. To hear the mafs, or to gaze upon it, was to commit the complicated crimes of facrilege, blafphemy, and idolatry. Her delicacy in not renouncing her opinions from the apprehenfion of offending the king of France and her other allies, they ridiculed as impertinent in the higheft degree. They told her, that the true religion of Chrift was the only means by which any confederacy could en- diue ; and that it was far more precious than the al¬ liance of any potentate whatfoever, as it would bring to her the friendffiip of the King of kings. As to patro- nages, being a portion of her patrimony, they intend¬ ed not to defraud her of her rights: but it w'as their judgment, that the fuperintendants ought to make a trial of the qualifications of candidates for the miniftry; and as it was the duty of the patron to prefent a perfon to the benefice, it was the bufmefs of the church to manage his inftitution or collation. For without this reftraint, SCO r 5 6.39 'hey rife arms, ut are Scotland, reftniint, there would be no fecurlty for the fitnefs of t}je incumbent; and if no trials or examinations of mi- nifters took place, the church would be filled with mif- rule and ignorance. Nor was it right or juft that her majefty fhould retain to herfelf any part of the revenue of benefices ; as it ought to be all employed to the ufes of the clergy, for the purpofes of education, and for the fupport of the poor. And as to her opinion, that a fuitable aflignment fhould be made for them, they could not but thank her with reverence : but they begged to folicit and importune her to condefcend upon the particulars of a proper fcheme for this end, and to carry it into execution ; and that, taking into a due confideration the other articles of their demands, fhe would ftudy to comply with them, and to do jultice to the religious eftablifhment of her people. From the fears of the people about their religion, difturbances and infurrections were unavoidable; and before Mary had given her anfwer to the petitions or j ^11 “ addrefs of the clergy, the Proteftants, to a formidable number, had marched to St Leonard’s Craig ; and, di¬ viding themfelves into companies, had chofen captains to command them. But the leaders of this tumult be- ing apprehended and committed to clofe cuftody, it fublided by degrees ; and the queen, upon the intercef- fion of the magiftrates of Edinburgh, inftead of bring¬ ing them to trial, gave them a free pardon. To quiet, at the fame time, the apprehenfions which had gone abroad, and to controvert the infidious reports which had been induftrioully fpread of her inclination to over¬ turn the reformed do&rines, fhe repeatedly ifiued pro¬ clamations, affuring her fubjects, that it was her fixed determination not to moleft or difturb any perfon what* foever upon account of his religion or conference ; and that flie had never prefumed even to think of any inno¬ vation that might endanger the tranquillity or do a prejudice to the happinefs of the commonwealth. trLuesof While Mary was conducing her affairs with difeern- e rebel- ment and ability, the earl of Murray and his confede- kh rates continiied their confultations and their intrigues. After their difappointment in the confpiracy againft the queen and the lord Darnley, they perceived that their only hope of fuccefs or fecurity depended upon Eliza¬ beth ; and as Randolph had promited them her protec¬ tion and affiftance, they fcrupled not to addrefs a letter to her, explaining their views and fituation. The pre¬ tences of their hoftility to their fovereign upon which they affe&ed to infift, were her fettled defign to over¬ turn the Proteftant religion, and her rooted defire to break all correfpondence and amity with England. To prevent the accomplifhment of thefe purpofes, they faid, w'as the objeeft of their confederacy ; and with her fup¬ port and aid they did not doubt of being able to ad¬ vance effeftually the emolument and advantage of the two kingdoms. In the prefent ftate of their affairs, they applied not, however, for any fupply of her troops. An aid from her treafury was now only neceffary to them ; and they engaged to beftow her bounty in the manner the moft agreeable to her inclinations and her interelts. The pleafure with which Elizabeth receive ! their application was equal to the averfion fhe had eon. ceived againft the queen of Scots. She not only grant¬ ed to them the relief they requefted, but affured them by Randolph of her efteem and favour while they should continue to uphold the reformed religion and the i ] SCO c@nne . ful, and fufpicious. No perfuafions could coiredt his wiltulnefs ; and lie w’as at the fame time giddy and ob- ftinate, infolent and mean. The queen in confequence began to fhow an indifference towards him; which he took care to augment, by {bowing the like indifference towards tier, and engaging in low intrigues and amours, indulging himfelf in diflipation and riot, &c. Howr- ever, the defire of dominion wras his ruling paffion ; and the queen, finding his total incapacity for exereifing his power to any good purpofe, had excluded him from it altogether. He was therefore at prefent a proper objeft for the machinations of the rebels, and readily entered into an agreement with them to depute the queen ; vainly thinking by that means that he fhould fecure the crown to himfelf. However, as the parlia¬ ment w'as foon to afiemble, in which the rebels had ever}- reafon to believe that they would be condemned for high tieafon, it was necefiary that the kingdom fhould be thrown into diforder before that time came,. otherwife their fate wras inevitable. Praftifing on the imbecillity of Darnley, they- perfuaded him that a cri- ^47 minal correfpondence fubfifted between the. queen and kir“ David Rizzio (r). For this reafon the king relolvedthe deibuo upon his deffrudtion ; and the confpirators hoped there-tion of Da. by not only to get an indemnity to themfelves, but to v'^ efleet a total revolution at couit, and the entire humi-^^^ liation of Bothwel, Huntley, and Athol, who were the robics. allociates of Rizzio. However, in cmder to fave them- felves* (r) That there fubfifled a criminal intercomfe between Mary and Rizzio is a fcandal which is now given up by her enemies. It items to reft on the authority of Buchanan and Knox ; and their evidence in this cafe is clearly of no w-eight, not only from their being the ftrenuous pavtizans of her adverfaries, but from the multitude of falfehoods which they anxioufly detail to calumniate her. The love fire felt for Darnley was extreme, and their acquaintance commenced a month or two after the appointment of Rizzio to be her fecretaiy for French affairs. She became pregnant foon after her marriage ; and it was during her pregnancy that kizzio was ai* fafiinated. Thefe are finking preemptions in her favour. And what feems to put her innocence out of all queftion, is the filence of the fpies and refidents of Elizabeth with regard to this amour; for, if there had been any thing real in it, they could not have made their court to their queen more effectually than by declaring to her its peculiarities ; and their want of delicacy, fo obiervatlc in other circumftances, would have induced them upon this occafion to give the greatefl foulnefs and deformity to their information. It appears that Rizzio was ill-favoured, and of a difagrteable form. Buchanan fays of him, “ Non faciem cultus honeftabat, fed facies cultum deftruebat. Hill. Scot. lib. xvii. This expreflion is very ftrong ; but it would have little weight other authors had not concurred in giving afimilar defeription of Rizzio, In a book intitkd Iglotlird. 64S Rizzio p nelly murtitred. sco r S3 ftlvcSj they engaged the king to fubfcrfbe a bond, af¬ firming that the projeft of affalfinating Rizzio was al¬ together of his own deviling ; acknowledging that he had folicited them to take a part in it, from the appre- henlions that reliftance might be made to him; and agreeing, upon the word and honour of a prince, to protect"and fecure them againft every hazard and injury to which they might be expofed from the atchievement of his enterprife. Having procured this fecurity, and having allured the eail of Lenox the king’s father to approve their meafures, they adjufted the method of the proje&ed murder ; and difpatched a meffenger to the Englilh frontier, ad vert i bug the earl of Murray and the rebels of their intentions, and inviting them to re¬ turn to the court. Upon the 9tli day of March, about 7 o’clock in the evening, armed men, to the number of500> furrounded the palace of Holyroodhoufe. The earl of Morton and the Lord Lindlay entered the court of the palace, with 160 perfons. The queen was in her chamber at fupper, having in her prelence her natural filter the countefs of Argyle, her natural brother Robert com- mendator of Holyroodhoule, Reton of Creich mailer of the houfehold, Arthur Eifkine, and David Rizzio. The king entering the apartment, feated himfelf by her fide. He was followed by the Lord Ruthven, who be¬ ing waited with licknefs, and cafed in armour, exhibi¬ ted an appearance that was hideous and terrible. Four ruffians attended him. In a hollow voice he com- manded Rizzio to leave a place which did not become him. The queen, in aftomlhment and coniternation, applied to the king to unfold to her this myllerious en- tevprife. Lie affedted ignorance. She ordered Ruth¬ ven from her prefenee, under the pain of treafon ; de¬ claring to him at the lame time, that if Rizzio had committed any crime, Ihe would produce him before the parliament, and punilh him according to the laws. Ruthven drawing his dagger, advanced towards Rizzio. The queen rofe to make an exertion of her authority. The unfortunate ftranger laid hold of her garments, crying out for jullice and mercy. Other confpirators rulhing into the chamber, overturned the table, and in- crealed the dilmay and confulion. Loaded piltols were prefented to the bolom of the queen. The king held her in his arms. George Douglas, fnatching the dag¬ ger of his fovereign, plunged it into the body of Riz¬ zio. The wounded and fereaming vittim was dragged into the antichamber; and fo eager were the affaffins ] ' ;S C O to complete their woik, that he was torn and mangled Scotland;. with 56 wounds. _ ——y—w While the queen was preffing the king to gratify her inquiries into the meaning of a deed lo execrable, Ruthven returned into their prefence. She gave a full vent to indignation and reproach. Ruthven, with an intolerable coldnefs and deliberation, informed her, that Rizzio had been put to death by the counfel of her hut- band, whom he had dilhonoured ; and that by the per- fuafion of this minion Ihe had refufed the crown-matri¬ monial to the king, had engaged to re-eltablilh the an¬ cient religion, had refolvtd to punilh the earl of Murray and his iriends-, and had entrufted her confidence to Bothwel and Huntley, who were traitors. The king, taking the part of Ruthven, remonltrated againit her proceedings, and complained that from the time of her familiarity with Rizzio, Ihe had neither regarded, nor entertained, nor milted him. His fufpicions and in¬ gratitude fhocked and tortured her. His connection with the confpirators gave her an ominous anxiety. Ap- prehenfions of outrages itill more atrocious invaded her. In thefe agitated and miferable moments the did not lofe herfelf in the helpldfnefs of forrow. The lottinefs of her Ipirit communicated relief to her ; and wiping away her tears, the exclaimed, that it was not now a fealon for lamentation, but for revenge. The earls of Huntley, Bothwel, and Athol, the lords Fleming and Levingfton, and Sir James Balfour, who were obnoxious to the confpirators, and at this time in the palace, found all refiltance to be vain. Some of them eluding the vigilance of Morton, made their efcape ; and others were allowed to retire. The provoll and magiilrates of Edinburgh getting intelli¬ gence of the tumult, ordered the alarm bell to be rung. ^ The citizens, apprehtnlive and anxious, approached in The queen crowds to inquire into the welfare of their fovereign ; confined, but fhe was not permitted to addrels herlelf to them. ^1^c*ireaU The confnirators told her, that if Ihe prefumed to make*'1 'r any harangue, they would “ cut her in pieces, and call her over the walls.” The king called to the people that fire was well, and commanded them to dilperlt. 1 he queen was fhut up in her chamber, uncertain of her fate, and without the confolation or attendance of her women. In the morning a proclamation was iffued by the king, without the knowledge of his queen, prohibiting the meeting of the parliament, and ordering the mem* bers to retire irom the city. The rebellious lords now intitled, “ Le Livre de la Morte de la Reyne d’Ecofie,” and printed in the year 1587, he is faid to be “ degra¬ de de corps.” Cauffin, ap. Jebb, p. 37. This work, too, while it records the unkindnefs of nature to his per* ion, has obferved, that he was in his old age when he made a figure in the court ol Mary. “ Elle traittoit or- dinairement avec David Riccio ien lecretaire, homme aage et prudent, qui poffcduit fon oreille.” Ibid. And other authors give their teftirnonies to the fame purpofe. It is probable that the panegyrilts of Mary exaggeiate fomewhat the imperfections as well as the good quali¬ ties of Rizzio. But there feems in general to be no reafon to doubt his fidelity and talents, any more than his uglinefs and fenility. He had therelore a better title to be her fecretary than her lover.' It is an ablurdity to think that a queen fo young and beautiful would yield herfelt to deformity and old age. A common profiitute mult be brought to endure this misfortune. The capacity ot the man was a recommendation to him ; and as he owed every thing to her bounty, and was a ftranger, ftie had the greatell reafon to rely upon his faithrulncfs. The perfidioufneis and duplicity ot her courtiers drew clofer the tie of their connection ; and as Rizzio was ftu* •lions to make himfelf agreeable, and was fkilful in games of hazard, he was always ready to be a party with her iu thofe innocent amufements which fill up the iiftlefs intervals of life. Keith. Append, p. 124. SCO t 'S-.otaad. returned from England, and arrived at Edinburgh 6^0" vv^^11'n 2 4 hours after the aflaffination of Rizzio. The She endea- knowing of how much coniequence it was for vours in her to gain the earl of Murray, invited him to wait 'theVarl^cfn U^°n ^er" hlotwithftanding the extreme provocatian Murray. 'yhich flic had met with, Mary fo far commanded her 651 But pre- fpirators. paflions, that fire gave him a favourable reception. After informing him of the mdenefs and feverity of the treatment (lie had met with, the queen obferved, that it he had remained in friendfhip with her at home, he would have protected her again(l fuch exceffes of hardfhip and infult. Murray, with an hypocritical compaflion, fhed abundance of tears ; 'while the queen feemed to entertain no doubt of his fincerity, but gave him room to hope for a full pardon of all his offences. In the mean time, however, the confpirators held fre¬ quent confultations together, in which it was debated, whether they fhould hold the queen in perpetual capti- vity, or put her to death ; or whether they fhould eon- tent themfelves with committing her to clofe cuflody in Stirling caftle till they fhould obtain a parliamentary lanftiori to their proceedings, eftablifh the Proteftant religion by the total overthrow of the mafs, and inveft the king with the crown-matrimonial and the govern ment of the kingdom. _ r..- Mary now began to perceive the full extent of her vails on the wretchednefs ; and therefore, as her laft refource, ap- «° th P!ied t0 the whom treated with all thefe blan- caufe of difhments ufually employed by the fair fex when they the con- want to gain the afcendency over the other. I he king, who, with all his faults, had a natural facility of temper, was eafrly gained over. The confpirators were alarmed at his coldnefs, and endeavoured to fill his mind with fears concerning the duplicity of his wife ; but, finding they could not gain their point, they at laft began to treat of an accommodation. The king brought them a meffage, importing, that Mary was difpofed to bury in oblivion all memory of their tranfgreffions ; and he offered to condudf them into her prefence. The earls of Murray and Morton, with the lord Ruthven, attend¬ ed him into her prefence ; and, falling on their knees before the queen, made their apologies and fubmiffions^ She commanded them to rife ; and having defrred them to recoiled her abhorrence of cruelty and rapacioufnefs, fhe affured them with a gracious air, that inftead of de- figning to forfeit their lives, and poffeJs herfelf of their eftates, fhe was inclined to receive them into favour, and to give a full pardon, not only' to the nobles who had come from England, but to thofe who had affaffinated David Rizzio. They were accordingly ordered to pre¬ pare the bonds for their fecurity and forgivenefs, which the queen promifed to take the earlieft opportunity of fubfcnbmg ; but in the mean time the king obferved, that the cenipirators ought to remove the guards which th*y ^ P.Iaced around the queen, that all fufpicion of •Andefcapes-reftraint might be taken away. This meafure could lrom thcn)- n°t ^th any propriety be oppofed, and the guards were therefore difmiffed ; upon which the queen, that very night, left her palace at midnight, and took the road to Dunbar, accompanied by the king and a few attendants. The news of the queen’s efcape threw the confpira¬ tors into the utmoft confternation ; as flic immediately iftued proclamations for her fubjefts to attend her in arms, and was powerfully fupported. They lent there 54 1 sco fine the lord Semple, requelling, with the utn’ofl hit- Scotia.,, muty, her lubfcnption to their deeds of pardon and feennty ; but to this meffage fhe returned an unravour- able anfwer, and advanced towards Edinburgh with an aimy of 8000 men. The confpirators now fled with the utmoft precipitation. Even John Knox retired to Kyle till the ftorm fhould blow over. On the queen’s 653 arrival at Edinburgh, a privy council was inftantly caU-lS'nrti; ed, in which the confpirators were charged to appear are declared as guilty of murder and treafon ; their places of ftremrth t,ait0'r»- were ordered to be rendered up t« the officers of the crown ; and their eftates and poffeffions were made li- able to confifcation and forfeiture. But while the queen was thus eager to punifh the confpirators, {he was fenfible that fo many of the nobi¬ lity, by ~ --- f ■ uniting in a common caufe, might raife 65* powerful party in oppofition to her ; for which reafon fhe endeavoured to detach the earl of Murray from the reft, by making him offers of pardon. Sir James Mel- vil accordingly pledged himfelf to produce his pardon and that of his adherents, if he would feparate from Morton and the confpirators. He accordingly became cold and diftant to them, and exclaimed aoainft the murder as h moft execrable a&ion ; but notwithftanding his anecled anger, when the confpirators fled to Eng¬ land, he furnifhed them with letters of recommendation to the earl of Bedford. After the flight of the confpi- 6*4 rators, the king thought it neceffary for him to deny ,S. h,s having any flare in the aSion. He therefore em lion of Si braced an opportunity of declaring to the privy councilk»ng. his total ignorance of the confpiracy againlt Rizzio • and not fatisfied with this, he, by public proclamations at the market place of his capital, and over the whole kingdom, protefted to the people at large that he had never bellowed upon it, in any degree, the famftion of his command, confent, afliftance, or approbation. , In the mean time the queen granted a full and am-Murray pie paidon to the earls ot Murray, Argyle, Glencairn, and f-me and Rothes, and their adherents ; but towards the con-otlie s of Ipirators fhe remained inexorable. This lenity, to Mur-the reb^Is ray elpecially, proved a fource of the greateft inquietude ed! P3rd°n‘ to the queen j for this nobleman, blind to every motive o . a^T10n dliIin& from his own ambition, began to con¬ trive new plots, which, though difappointed for a time, loon operated to the deftruttion of the queen, and al- molt to the ruin ot the nation. In 1566, the queen was delivered of a prince, who Jw received the name of jW. This happy event, how- Jame^VI. ever did not extinguifh the quarrel betwixt her and the king. His deflre to intrude himfelf into her autho¬ rity, and to fix a ftain upon her honour, his fhare in the murder of Rizzio, and his extreme meannefs in publicly denying it afterwards, could not fail to imprefs her with the ftrongeft fentiments of deteftation and con- tempt. Unable, however, totally to diveft herfelf of regard for him, her behaviour, though cold and diftant, was yet decent and refpe&ful. Caftelnau, at this time . , ambaffador extraordinary from France, conceived that a reconciliation might be effeaed, and employed himfelf ^ "he fome time in this friendly office. Nor were his endea- tvten the vours altogether ineffeaual. The king and queen fpentH ''ud two nights together ; and proceeded, in company with' each other, to Meggatland in Tweeddale in order to en- joy the diverfion of the chace, attended by the carls of Huntley, Bothwel, Murray, and other nobles. From thence queen. SCO [ fcVotlandi. thence they pafled to Edinburgh, and then took the road to Stirling. Had the king been endowed with ■hkh is any Prudence, he would have made the beft ufe of this 1 (jken off opportunity to have regained the affeftions of his ] the queen ; but, inftead of this, finding that he was not lug’sisn- immediately iittrufted with power, his peevifhnefs fug- ^ viour £ gifted to him a defign of going abroad. To Monfieur [ ’ du Croc, the French retident, who had atten led Mary at Stirling, he ventured to communicate his chimerical projeft. This ftatefman reprefented to him its wildnefs and inefficacy ; and could hardly believe that he was ferious. To his father the earl of Lenox, who paid him a vifit at this place immediately upon Mary’s de¬ parture from it, he likewife communicated his inten¬ tion ; and all the intreaties, arguments, and remonflran- ces of this nobleman to make him drop his defign, were without fuccefs. He provided a veffel, and kept it in readinefs to carry him From his dominions. The earl of Lenox, after returning to Glafgow, where he ufual- ly refided, gave way to his paternal anxieties, and foli- clted the queen by letter to interfere with her authority and perfuafions; and upon the evening of the day in which fire received this difpatch, the king alighted at Holyroodhoufe. But the names of the nobles who were with the queen being announced to him, he ob- jefted to three of them, and infifted that they fhould be ordered to depart, before he would enter within the gates of the palace. The queen, alarmed with a de¬ meanour fo rude and fo unwarrantable, condefcended to leave her company and her palace to meet him; and it was with great difficulty that fire was able to entice him into her own apartment. There he remained with her during the night. She communicated to him his fa¬ ther’s letter, and employed every art and blandifirment to engage him to explain his perverfe defign. But he I gave her no return or fatisfaftion. He was unmoved with her kindnefs ; and his filence, dejection, and pee- vifirnefs, augmented her diftrefs. In the morning, fire t called her privy council to aflemble in the palace, and invited to her Monlieur du Croc the French envoy. By the bifirop of Rofs fire explained the intention of the king, and made known the difpatch of the earl of Le¬ nox. The privy council were urgent to know the rea- fons of a voyage that appeared to them fo inexplicable ; and earneftly preffed the king to unbofom himfelf. If his refolution proceeded from difcontent, and if there were perfons in the kingdom who had given him caufes of offence, they affured him, that they were ready, upon his information, to take the neceffary fteps to make him eafy and happy. No quality or rank firould exempt thofe from inquiry and punifirment who had committed mifdenreanors againtt him. This, they faid, confifted with his honour, with the honour of the queen, and with their own. If, however, he had received no fuffi- cient provocation to juftify his behaviour, and if he had no title to complain of aftual injuries, they admo- nifired him to remember, that his flight from a queen fo beautiful, and from a kingdom fo ancient and noble, would expofe him to the greateft ridicule and difgrace. fIhey pointed out the happinefs of his fortune, and counfelled him not to part lightly with all its flattering advantages. The queen herfelf, taking his hand into her’s, and preffing it with affeftion, befought him to fay by what aft or deed file had unfortunately induced hint to conceive fo fatal a purpofe. Her memory did 55 I . s c 0 . not reproach her with any crime or indiferetion which Scotland/ affefted his honour or her integrity : yet if, without any v— defign upon her part, file had incurred his difpleafure, fhe was difpofed to atone for it; and fhe begged him to fpeak with entire freedom, and not in any degree to fpare her. Monfieur du Croc then addreffed him, and employed his interelt and perfuafions to make him re¬ veal his inquiettides. But all this refpeftful attention and ceremonious duty were ineffeftual. Obftinately frovvard, he refufed to confd's that he intended any voy¬ age, and made no mention of any reafons of difeontent^ He yet acknowledged with readinefs, that he could not with juftice accufe the queen of any injury or offence. Opprefled with uneafinefs and perturbation, he prepared to retire ; and, turning to her, faid, “ Adieu, Madam ! you (hall not fee me for a long time.” He then bowed to the French envoy, and to the lords of the privy council. He haftened back to Stirling, leaving the queen and her council in furprife and afionifliment. They refolved to watch his motions with anxiety, and could not con- jefture what ftep he would take. Mary, to prevent the effeft of rumours to her difadvantage, difpatched a courier to advertife the king of France and the queen- mother of his conduft. It was not poffible that a prince fo meanly endowed with ability could make any impreffion upon her allies. Nor did it appear to be in his power to excite any domeftic infurreftion or difturb- ance. H» was universally odious ; and, at this time, the queen was in the higheft eftimation with the great body of her fubjefts. After palling fome days at Stir¬ ling, he addreffed a letter to the queen, in which, after hinting at his defign of going abroad, he xnlinuated his reafons of complaint. He was not trufted by her witb> authority, and (he was no longer lludious to advance him to honour. He was without attendants ; and the nobility had deferted him. Her anfwer was fenfible and - temperate. She called to his remembrance the diftinc* tions file had conferred upon him, the ufes to which he had put the credit and reputation accruing from them, and the heinous offences he had encouraged in her fub¬ jefts. Though the plotters againff Rizzio had repre¬ fented him as the leader of their enterprize, ffie had yet abftained from any accufation of him, and had even behaved as if file believed not his participation in the guilt of that projeft. As to the defefts of his retinue, fhe had uniformly offered him the attendance cf her own fervants. As to the nobility, they were the fup- ports of the throne, and independent of it. Their countenance was not to be commanded, but won. He had difeovered too much ftatelinefs to them ; and they were the proper judges of the deportment that became them. If he wifhed for confequence, it was his duty to pay them court and attention ; and whenever he fhould procure and conciliate their regard and com¬ mendation, file would be happy to give him all the - importance that belonged to him. In the mean time, the earls of Murray and Both*- wel were induftrjoufly ftriving to widen the breach be¬ tween the king and queen, and at the fame time to fo¬ ment the divifion between the king and his nobles. The earl of Morton excited difturbances on the bor¬ ders ; and as no fettled peace had taken place there fince Mary’s marriage, there was the greateit reafon to believe that he would fucceed in his attempts. Pro¬ clamations- *59 'Mar> f i'U ;iic k, but *«covsrs S C O [ 5* T^otUml. were thererorc iiraed Ly the ^neen tp call her ——- fubje&a to arms ; and ihe proceeded to Jedburgh, to hold juih’cc-courts, ar»d to punifh traitors and dilordei- ]y pcrfons, In the eourfe of this journey Ihe was ta, hen danoeroufly ill; info much that, believing her death to be at hand, Hie called for the bilhop ot Rolls, telling him to bear witnefs, that {he had perlevcred in that re- lin’on in which ihe had been nonrilhed and brought up; taking the promife of her noble#, that a'ter her death they would open her lalt will and teitamentj and pay ihe refpeft to it that confided with the laws; recom¬ mending to them the rights of her infant {on, and the charge of educating, him in fuch a manner a$ might en¬ able him to rule the kingdom oi his anceftora with ho¬ nour ; and intreating them to abltain from all cruelty and perfecutlon of her Roman Catholic fubjects. I\ot- withdanding her spprehenfons, however, and the ex¬ treme violence of her diftemper, the queen at laft reco- vered perfed health. Aa foon as fire was able to tra¬ vel, (he viCited Kelfo, Werk cattle, Hume, Langton, and Weddcrburn. The licentious borderers, on the full news of her recovery, laid down their arms. Be¬ ing defitous to take a view of Berwick, the queen ad¬ vanced to it with an attendance of icoo horde. Sir John Forder, the deputy warden of the Englifh marches, came forth with a numerous retinue, and conducted her to the mod proper Station for furveyiug it, and paid her ail the honours in his power, by a full difcharge of the artillery, and other demonflrations of joy, Continu¬ ing her journey, fhe paffed to Eymoufh, Dunbar, and Tantalum; proceeding thence to Graigmillar cattle, where fhe propofed to remain till the time of the bap- tifm of the prince, which was foon to be celebrated at 66a Stirling. TTnCndrir'k During the fevere ficknefs of the queen, her huf- *! the king, baud kept himftlf at a distance ; but when fhe was fo far recovered as to be out of danger, he made his ap¬ pearance ; and being received with fume coldnefs and formality, he retired fuddenly to Stirling. This cruel negledt was a moil fenfible mortification to her ; and while She fullered from his ingratitude and haughtinefs, fhe was not without fufpicions that he was attempting to dillurb the tranquillity of her government. She was Seized with a fettled melancholy j and, in her an¬ guish, often wifhed for death to put a ueriod to her ex- iftence. Her nobles, who were caballing again Si her, remarked her condition, and took advantage of it. Bothwei, who liad already recommended himfelf by his fervices, redoubled lus efforts to heighten the fa¬ vour which thefe Services had induced her to conceive for him. At this time, it is probable, he fought to 66x gain the affection of the queen, with a view to marry A rjvorce her himfelf, providing a divorce from her hufband T propo- could be obtained, which was now become the Subject ie difcover :e mur- :rers. fliouiii enter by the one, he ftould be conftrain- ed to go out by the other. . While he refuted at Stirling, the king chiefly con¬ fined himfelf to his chamber. His flrange behaviour to vhe queen did not give the public any favourable idea of him ; and as the earl of Murray and his fattion took care to augment the general odium, no court was paid to him by foreign ambaffadors. His fituation, there¬ fore, was exceedingly uncomfortable ; bur though he muft have been confcious of his imprudence and folly, he did not alter his condudf. In a fallen humour he left Stirling, and proceeded to Glafgow. Here he fell fick, with fuch fymptoms as feemed to indicate poifon. He was tormented with violent pains, and his body was all covered over with puflutes of a bluifh colour ; fo that his death was daily expedted. Mary did not re¬ pay his coldnefs to her by negligence. She fet out immediately for Glafgow, and waited on him with all the affiduity of an affectionate wife, until he recovered: after which (he returned with him to Edinburgh ; and as the low fituation of the palace of Holyroodhoufe was thought to render it unhealthy, the king was lodged in a houfe which had been appointed for the fuperior of the church, called S/ Mary's in the Fields. This houfe flood upon an high ground, and in a falu- brious air ; and here fhe fluid with him fome days. — Here the confpirators thought proper to finifh their plot in the moll execrable manner. On the loth of February 1567, about two o’clock in the morning, the houfe where the king refided was blown up by gunpowder. The explofion alarming the inhabitants, excited a general curiofity, and brought multitudes to the place from whence it proceeded. The king was found dead and naked in an adjoining field, with a fer- vant who ufed to Deep in the fame apartment with him. On neither was there any mark of fire or other exter¬ nal injury. The queen was in the palace of Holyroodhoufe, ta¬ king the diver fion of a malked ball, which was given to honour the marriage of a favourite domdlic, when the news of the king’s death was brought to her. She fhowed the utmoft grief, and appeared exafperated to the lall degree againll the perpetrators of a deed at once fo {hocking and barbarous. The moll exprefs and peremptory orders were given to inquire after the perpetrators by every poffible method. A proclama¬ tion was iflued by the privy-council, alluring the people, that the queen and nobility would leave nothing un¬ done to difcover the murderers of the king. It offer¬ ed the fum of 2000 1. and an annuity for life, to any perfon who fhould give information of the devifers, xxmnfellors, and perpetrators of the murder ; and it held out this reward, and the promife of a full pardon, to the confpirator who fiiould make a free confeflion of his own guilt, and that of the confederates. On the fourth day after this proclamation was publilhed, a placard was affixed to the gate of the city-prifon, af¬ firming, that the earl of Bothwel, James Balfour, Da¬ vid Chalmers, and black. John Spence, were the mur¬ derers. No name, however, was fubferibed to this in¬ telligence, nor was any demand made for the proffered reward; fo that it was difficult to know whether this advemfement had been dictated by a fpirit of calumny or the love of jullice. In the mean time, the earl of Murray conducted Vox,. XVII. Bart. I. himfelf with his ufual circumfpe&ion and artifice. Up- Scotland,^ on a pretence that his wife was dangeroufly fick at his callle in Fife, he, the day before the murder, ob-Strong pre. taint'd the queen’s permiffion to pay a vifit to her. By fumpttin this means he propofed to prevent all fufpicion what- "j. ^ ever of his guilt. He was fo full, however, of the in- ^ tended project, that white he was proceeding on his journey, he obferved to the perfon who accompanied him, “ This night, before morning, the lord Darntey fiiall lofe his life.” When the blow wasfftruck, he re¬ turned to Edinburgh to carry on his praftices. A- mong foreign nations, the domeflic difputes of the queen and her hulband being fully known, it was with the greater cafe that reports could be propagated to 6^7 her difadvantage. To France tetters were difpatched, He accufes expreffing, in fervent terms, her participation in the murder. In England, the minifters and courtiers of Elizabeth could not flatter that princefs more agree¬ ably, than by indullrioufiy detracting from the honour and the virtue of the Scotti£h queen. Within her own dominions a fimilar fpirit of outrage exerted itfelf, and not' without fuccefs. As her reconciliation with her hufhand could not be unknown to her own fubjeCls, it was interpreted to be diffimulation and treachery. The Proteilant clergy, who were her mod determined ene¬ mies, pofteffed a leading direction among the populace; and they were the friends and the partizans of the earl of Munay. Open declamations from the pulpit were made againft Bothwel, and ftrong infinuations and bit¬ ing furmifes wrere thrown out againfl the queen. Pa¬ pers were difperfed, making her a party with Bothwtl in the murder. Every art was employed to provoke the frenzy of the people. Voices, interrupting the filence of the night, proclaimed the infamy of Both¬ wel ; and portraits of the regicides were circulated over the kingdom. Tiie queen’s determination, however, to ferutinize into the matter was unabated; and to the earl of Len-determine* nox, the king’s father, {he paid an attention which he to find out could only have expedled from her upon an emergency of this kind. Having preffed her by letter to the jerCr3, diligent inquiry after the regicides, fhe returned an an- fwer fo completely to his wifhes, that lie was fully con¬ vinced of the fincerity and rigour with which fhe in¬ tended to proceed againil them : and he urged her to affemble the three tflates, that their advice might di- red; the order and manner of their trial. She wrote to him, that an aitembly of the eilates was already proclaimed ; and that it was her earneft and determi¬ ned will and purpofe, that no ilep fhould be negleded that could conduce to the advancement and execution ofjuflice. Yielding to his anxieties, he addreffed her anew, intreating that the trial might not be delayed ; obferving, that it was not a matter of parliamentary in¬ quiry ; advifing, that it would be more proper to pro¬ ceed to it with the greatefl expedition ; and urging her to commit to prifon all the perfons who had been na¬ med and deferihed in the papers and placards which, had been fet up in the public places of the city. The queen informed him, that although fhe had thought it expedient to call a meeting of the parliament at this junfture, it was not her meaning that the proceedings againfl the regicides fhould be delayed till it was a£la- ally affembkd. As to the placards and papers to which he alluded, they were fo numerous and contradiftoiy, H that SCO r j8 1 ^Scotland, that {he could not well determine upon which to a& : queen w—y——.j- wouu condefeend to mention the names which, in his opinion, were moil fufpicious, Ihe would inftantly My command that thofe Heps (hould be taken which the ILenox ac- laws direfted and authorifed. He in return named the cufes five- earl of Bothwel, James Balfour, David Chalmers, black *alj>erfons, j0|in gpence, Francis Sebaftian, John de Burdeaux, and Jofeph the brother of David Rizzio ; and afTured her majefty, that his fufpicions of thefe perfons were weighty and ftrong. In reply to his information, Ma¬ ry gave him her folemn promife, that the perfons he had pointed out Ihould abide and undergo their trial in conformity to the laws, and that they {hould be pu- nifhed according to the meafure of their guilt: and fhe invited him to leave immediately his retirement, and to meet her at her court, that he might witnefs the proceedings againft them, and the zoal with which fhe was animated to perform the part that became her. While the queen carried on this correfpondence with the earl of Lenox, fhe refided partly at the palace of the lord Seton, at the diftance of a few miles from her capital, and partly at Holyroodhoufe. By the time that fhe fent her invitation to him, fhe was refiding in her capital. She delayed not to confer with her coun- fellors, and to lay before them the letters of the earl of Lenox. Bothwel* was earneft in his proteftations of innocence ; and he even expreffed his wifh for a trial, that he might eftablifh his integrity. No fafts point¬ ed to his guilt; there had appeared no accufer but the earl of Lenox ; and no witneffes had been found who could eftablifh his criminality. Her privy-coupcil feem- ed to her to be firmly perfuaded that he was fuffering under the malice of defamation. Murray, Morton, and Lethington, whatever might be their private ma¬ chinations, were publicly his molt ftrenuous defenders ; and theyr .explained the behaviour of the earl of Le¬ nox to be the effect of hatred and jealoufy againft a nobleman who had outrun him fo far in the career of ambition. But though all the arts of Murray and Bothwel, Morton and Lethington, were exerted to their utmoft extent to miflead the queen, they were not able to withhold her from adopting the flrain of con- oun(! and cemented themfelves into a rtafmn , body for the itreimous profecutron of their quarrel; and it detailed the purpofes which they were to for¬ ward and purfue. They propofed to punifh the mur¬ derers of the king, to examine into the queen’s rape, to diffolve her marriage, to preferve her from the bond¬ age of Bothwel, to protect the perfon of the prince, and to reftore juftice to the realm. The fan&ion of a moft folemn oath confirmed their reliance upon one an¬ other ; and in advancing their meafures, they engaged to expofe and employ their lives, kindred, and for¬ tunes. It is eafy to fee, notwithftanding all the pretended patriotifm of the rebels, that nothing v/as farther frorti their intentions than to profecute Bothwel and reftore the queen to her dignity. They had already treated her in the vileft manner, and allowed Bothwel to efcape when they might eafily have apprehended and brought him to any trial they thought proper. To exalt them- felves was their only aim. Eleven -days after the capi¬ tulation at Carberry hill, they held a convention, in which they veiy properly affirmed the name of lords of the fecret council, and iffued a proclamation for appre¬ hending Bothwel as the murderer of the king ; offer¬ ing a reward of loco crowns to any perfon who ffiould bring him to Edinburgh. A fcarch had been made for the murderers of the king that very night in which the queen was confined in Lochleven caftle. One Sebaftian a Frenchman, and captain Blackader, were then appre- ing's mur-bended ; and foon after James Edmondftone, John er* Blackader, and Mynart Frafer, were taken up and im- prifoned. The people expefted full and fatisfaftory proofs of the guilt of Bothwel, but were difappointed. The affirmation of the nobles, that they were poffeffed of evidence which could condemn him, appeared to be no better than a pretence or artifice. Sebaftian found means to efcape *, the other perfons were put to the torture, and fuftained it without making any conieffion that the ^nobles could publifti. They were condemned, how¬ ever, and executed, as being concerned in the murder. In their dying moments they protefted their innocence. Vox-,XVII. Parti. 70a sveral erfons aken up n account f the A fangulne hope was entertained that captain Black*- Seedinl; der would reveal the whole fecret at the place of exe- " v——■* cut ion; and a vail multitude of fpedlators were prefent. No information, however, could be derived from what 7°3 he faid with regard to the regicides; but while he fo- ^ lemnly protefted that his life was unjuftly taken away, confefiion. he averred it as his belief that the earls of Murray and Morton were the contrivers of the king’s murder. The lords of the fecret council now proceeded to the greateft enormities. They robbed the palace of Holy- Robberiw roodhoufe of its furniture and decorations; converted and out- the queen’s plate into coin ; and poffeffed themfelves ofrag^s°f her jewels, which were of great value ; and while the‘ fadtion at large committed thefe adls of robbery, the earl of Glencairn with folemn hypocrify deiftoliffied the altar in the queen’s chapel, and defaced and deftroyed all its pictures and ornaments. Thefe exceffive outra¬ ges, however, loft them the favour of the people, and an affociation was formed in favour of the queen. The jeourt of France, as foon as the news of Mary’s impri- fonment arrived, difpatched M. de Villeroy to condole with her upon her misfortunes: but the lords of the fecret council would not admit him to fee her, upon which he immediately returned to his own country". The earl of Murray, however, was at this time in France; and to the promifes of this ambitious and treacherous wretch the king trufted, imagining him to be a fteady friend to the unfortunate queen. Elizabeth alfo pretended friendfhip, and threatened the affociated lords; but as they had every reafon to doubt her fince- rity, they paid no regard to her threats, and even refil¬ led to admit her ambalfador to Mary’s prefence. From all thefe appearances of friendfhip Mary nei- Ma^-y com, ther did nor could derive any real affiftance. On thepelled to 24th of July 1567, the lord Lindfay, whofe imperious a,re- behaviour, fays Dr Stuart, approached to infanity, was^^^ ordered by the lords to wait upon the queen at Loch-Clown, leven. He carried with him three deeds or inftruments, and was inffruCded not to be fparing in rudenefs and menaces in order to compel her to fubferibe them. By the firft, fhe was to refign her crown to her infant-fon ; by the lecond, ftie appointed the earl of Murray regent of Scotland ; and by the third, fhe conftituted" a coun¬ cil to direct the prince till this nobleman fhould arrive in Scotland, or in the event of his death or refiifal of the office. On the part of the queen all refiftance was vain. Sir Robert Melvil affured her, that her bell friends were of opinion, that what fhe did by compul- fion, and in a prifon, could have no power to bind her ; and of this fhe was alfo affured by Throgmorton, the Englifh ambaffador, in a letter which Sir Robert Mel. vil brought in the fcabbard of his fword. Mary there¬ fore, forlorn and helplefs, could not refift the barbarous rudenefs with which Lindfay preffed the fubfeription of the papers, though (he would not read them. Five 706 days after, the lords of the fecret council met at Stir-Coronat*olS ling, for the coronation of the young prince, and con- ^ Jaiues fidered themfelves as reprefenting the three eftates of * the kingdom. A proteftation was made in the name of the duke of Chatelherault, that this folemnity fhould neither prejudge his rights of fucceffion nor thofe of the other princes of the blood. The young prince be¬ ing prefented to them, the lords Lindfay and Ruthven appeared, and in the name of the queen renounced in his favour her right and title to the crown, gave up the I papers Difappro- vtd by £lizabech. SCO [ 65 ] Gotland, papers {he had fubfcribed, and furrendered the fword, to defire it. ^ » fceptre, and royal crown. After the papers were read, the earls of Morton, Athol, Glencairn, Marre, and Menteith, with the mafter of Graham, the lord Hume, and Bothwel bifhop of Orkney, received the queen’s refignation in favour of her fon in the name of the three ellates. After this formality, the earl of Morton, bending his body, and laying his hand upon the Scrip¬ tures, took the coronation-oath for the prince, enga¬ ging that he Ihould rule according to the laws, and root out all heretics and enemies to the to the people ; and. after having folemnly declared the ^°j^”lar innocence of the queen, they protefted before God and ;ence of.th his angels, that the earl of Bothwel had informed themquccn. that the earls of Murray and Morton were the contri¬ vers of the king’s murder. It was impoffible that fuch tranfa&ions as thefe could advance the popularity of the regent. His unbounded ambition and cruelty to his fovereign began at laft to open the eyes of the nation ; and a party was forming itfclf in favour of the queen. She herfelf had been often meditating her efcape from her prifon , and {he at laft effeCled it by means of a young gentleman. George r, £I4ueen Douglas, brother to her keeper, who had fallen in loveefedpes with her. On the 2d day of May 1568, about fevenfiom pri- o’clock in the evening, when her keeper was at fupper^on* with his family, George Douglas, poffeffing himfelf of the keys of the caftle, haftened to her apartment, and conducted her out of prifon. Having locked the gates 3 of r ru) 1 |lai 71* lie Ant 1715 e regent I's an my. 716 'Huy'* 1 ly de- Jted at igfide r Ghf- ir* iP1!.. SI refolve telly into E^iand, _.7i8 1 d puts dtitgn xecu- 719 nounces • anival Eiiza- h. SCO [ of the caftle, they immediately entered a boat which waited for them ; and being rowed acrofs the lake, the lord Seton received the queen with a chofen band of horfemen in complete armour. That night he con¬ veyed her to his houfe of Niddrie in Weft Lothian ; where having refted a few hours, fire fet out for Ha¬ milton. The efcape of the queen threw her enemies into the preateft confternation. Many forfook the regent open¬ ly ; and ftill more made their fubmiflions privately, or concealed themfelves. He did not, however, defpond ; but refolved to defend himfelf by force of arms. The queen foon found herfelf at the head of 6000 men, and the regent oppofed her with 4000. Mary, however, did not think it proper to rifk a battle ; knowing the capacity of the regent as a general, and that his offi¬ cers were all men of approved valour and experience. But in this prudent refolution (he was over-ruled by the impetuefity of her troops. A battle was fought on the 13th of May 1568, at Langfide near Glafgow ; in which Mary’s army was defeated, and her laft hopes blafted. The unfortunate queen fled towards Kirkcud¬ bright ; where finding a place of fafety, flie deliberated on the plan {he fhould afterwards follow. The refult of her deliberations, as frequently happens in cafes of perplexity, led her to take the worft itep poffible. Not- withftandirtg all the perfidy which flie had found in E- lizabeth, Mary could not think that flie would now re- fufe to afford her a refuge in her dominions ; and there¬ fore determined to retire into England. To this flie had sbeen folicited by Elizabeth herfelf during herconfinement in Lochleven cattle ; and (he now refolved, in oppofi- tion to the advice of her moft faithful counfellors, to make the fatal experiment. In obedience to her order, the lord Herries addref- fed a letter to Mr Lauder, the deputy-commander at Carlifk; and after detailing her defeat at Langfide, defired to know if fhe might truft herfelf upon Eng- jifh ground. This officer wrote inftantly an anfwer, in which he faid, that the lord Scroop the warden of the froijitiers being abfent, he could not of his private au¬ thority give a formal affurance in a matter which con¬ cerned the ftate of a queen : but that he would fend by poll to his court to know the pleafure of his lovereign; and that if in the mean time any necefiity ftiould force Mary to Carlifle, he would receive her with joy, and proteft her againft her enemies. Mary, however, be¬ fore the meffenger could return, had embarked in a fiffi- ing boat with fixteen attendants. In a tew hours flie landed at Wirkington in Cumberland ; and from thence (he proceeded to Cockermouth, where (he continued till Mr Lauder, having affembled the gentlemen of the country, conduced her with the greateft refpeft to the cattle of Carlifle. To Elizabeth (he announced her arrival in a dif- patch, which deferibed her late misfortunes in general and pathetic terms, and in which flie expreffed an earneft folicitude to pay her a vifit at her court, and the deep fenfe {he entertained of her friendfliip and generofity. The queen of England, by obliging and polite letters, condoled with her upon her fituation, and gave her affurances of all the favour and proteftion that were due to the juftice of her caufe. But as they were not accompanied with an invitation to London, Mary took the alarm. She thought it expedient to inftrudt lord 67 ] SCO Fleming to repair to France; and fhe intruded lord Scotland.^ Herries with a moft prefling remonftrance to Eliza- beth. Her anxiety for an interview in order to vin-An^ prtiffes dicate her conduct, her ability to do fo in the moft fa-her for an tisfadtory manner, and her power to explain the ingra-interview, titude, the crimes, and the perfidy of her enemies, were urged to this princefs. A delay in the ftate of her af¬ fairs was reprefented as nearly equivalent to abfolute deftrudtion. An immediate proof was therefore le- quefted from Elizabeth of the flneerity of her profef- fions. If ftie was unwilling to admit into her prefence a queen, a relation, and a friend, flie was reminded, that as Mary’s entrance into her dominions had been voluntary, her departure ought to be equally free and unreftrained. She valued the protection of the queen of England above that of every other potentate upon earth ; but if it could not be granted, {he would folicit the amity*, and implore the aid, of powers who would commiferate her afflictions, and be forward to relieve them. Amidft remon{trances, however, which were fo juft and fo natural, Mary failed not to give thanks to Elizabeth for the courtefy with which {he had hi¬ therto been treated in the cattle of Carlifle. She took the opportunity alfo to beg of this princefs to avert the cruelty of the regent from her adherents, and to engage him not to wafte her kingdom with hoftility aiid ravages ; and flie had the prudence to pay her compli¬ ments in an afftCtionate letter to fecretary Cecil, and to court his kind offices in extricating her from her diffi¬ culties and troubles. But the queen of England was not to be moved by remonftrances. The voluntary offer of Mary to plead y2T her caufe in the prefence of Elizabeth, andtofatisfyD-jibera- all her fcruples, was rejedled. Tier diiafters were ra-twins of ther a matter of exultation than of pity. The deli- berations of the Englifli queen, and thole of her ft^tef-^attf-men men, were not directed by maxims of equity, of com- concerning palfion, or of generofity. They confidered the flight Mary, of Mary into England as an incident that was fortu¬ nate and favourable to them ; and they were felicitous to adopt thofe meafures which would enable them to draw from it the greateft profit and advantage. If the queen of Scots were allowed to return to her own do¬ minions, it was probable that flie would foon be in a condition to deltroy the earl of Murray and his fac¬ tion, who were the friends of England. The houfe of Hamilton, who were now zealous in the interefts of France, would rife into confideration and power. Eng¬ land would be kept in perpetual turmoils upon the fron¬ tiers ; Ireland would receive moleftation from the Scots, and its difturbances grow important and dangerous. Mary would renew with redoubled ardour her defigns againft the Proteftant religion ; and a French army would again be introduced into Scotland. For thefe reafons, Elizabeth and her minifters determining not to reftore the queen of Scots to her throne, coniidered what would be the probable confequences of permit¬ ting her to remain at liberty in England. In this fitu¬ ation, flie would augment the number of her partizans, fend to every quarter her emiffaries, and inculcate her title to the crown. Foreign ambaffadors would afford her aid, and take a fiiaie in her intrigues ; and Scot¬ land, where there was fo high an objedt to be gained, would enter with cordiality into her views. This plan being alfo hazardous, it was deliberated whether the I 2 queen' SCO r 68 ] SCO Scotland. 7a» They re- folve to confine her for life. 7*3 Elizabeth refufes to admit the queen into her pre- fence. 7H IMary is removed from Car- lille, and clofely ^guarded. , 725 Comm if. fioners for her trial meet at York. 716 Infamous behaviour of Murray. queen of Scots might not he allowed to take a voyage into France. But all the pretentions which had hither¬ to threatened the crown of Elizabeth would in this cale be revived. A ftrong refentment to her would even urge Mary and Charles IX. to the boldeil and molt defperate enterprifes. The party of the queen of Scots in England, Itrong from motives of religion and affedtion, and from difeontents and the love of change, would llimulate their anger and ambition. England had now no territories in France. A war with that country and with Scotland would involve the greatelt dangers. Upon revolving thefe meafures and topics, Elizabeth and her counfellors were induced to con¬ clude, that it was by far the wifell expedient to keep the queen of Scots in confinement, to invent methods to augment her dill refs, to give countenance to the re¬ gent, and to hold her kingdom in dependence and fub- jedtion. In confequence of this cruel and unjuft refolution, Mary was acquainted, that (he could not be admitted into Elizabeth’s prefence till (he had cleared herfelf of the crimes imputed to her ; fire was warned not to think of introducing French troops into Scotland ; and it was hinted, that for the more fecunty (he ought to be removed farther from the frontier. This meffage at once Ihowcd Mary the imprudence of her condudt in trufting herfelf to Elizabeth. But the error could not now be remedied. She was watched to prevent her efcape, and all her remonltrances were vain. The earl of Murray had offered to accufe her ; and it was at laft concluded that Elizabeth could not, conftftently with her own honour and the tranquillity of her go¬ vernment, fuller the queen of Scots to come into her prefence, to depart out of England, or to be reltored to .her dignity, till her caufe Ihould be tried and decid¬ ed. An order was given to remove her from Carlille caftle to a place of ftrength at a greater diftance from the borders, to confine her more clofely, and to guard againft all poffibility of an efcape. In confequence of thefe extraordinary tranfaAions, a trial took place, perhaps the moft remarkable for its injuffice and partiality of any recorded in hiltory. Mary, confined and apprehenlive, fubmitted to be tried as they thought proper. The regent, who was to be the accufer, was fummoned into England, and commif- fioners were appointed on both lides. On the 4th of October, the commifiioners met at York; and four days after, the deputies of the queen of Scots were called to make known their complaints. They related the moft material circumftances of the cruel ufage Ihe had received. Their accufations were an alarming in- trodu&ion to the bulinefs in which the regent had em¬ barked ; and notwithftanding the encouragement Ihown to him by Elizabeth, he was affaulted by apprehentions. The artifices of Maitland added to his alarms. In- llead of proceeding inftantly to defend himfeif, or to accufe the queen, he fought permiffion to relate his doubts and fcruples to the Englilh commiflioners. In his own name, and with the concurrence of his affoci- ates, he demanded td know whether they had fufficient authority from Elizabeth to pronounce* in the cafe of the murder, Guilty or not guilty, according to the evi¬ dence that ihould be laid before them ; whether they would actually exercife this power ; whether, in the event of her criminality, their fovereign ihould be deli¬ vered to him and hrs friends, or detained in England in Scotty fuch a way as that no danger ihould enfue from her v—< activity ; and whether, upon her conviction, the queen of England would allow his proceedings, and thole of his party, to be proper, maintain the government of the young king, and fupport him in the regency in the terms ot the a£t of parliament which had confirmed him in that office. To thefe requifitions, it was an- fv/ered, upon the part of the Engliih deputies, that their commiffion was fo ample, that they could enter into and proceed with the controverfy ; and that they had liberty to declare, that their fovereign would not reftore the queen of Scots to her crown, if fatisfa&ory proofs of her crime ihould be produced ; but that they* -knew not, and were not inftrudfted to fay, in what man¬ ner (lie would finally conduct herfelf as to her perfon. and puniihment. With regard to the fovereignty of the prince, and the regency of the earl of Murray, they were points, they obfei ved, which might be canvaffed in a futurer period. Thefe replies did not pleafe the regent and his affociaties ; and they requefted the Eng¬ liih commiflioners to tranfmit their doubts and fcruples to be examined and anfwered by Elizabeth. But whde tire regent difeovered in this manner his apprehenfions, he yet affirmed that he was able to an- fwer the charges imputed to him and his faction ; and this being in a great meafure a diftinft matter from the controverfy of the murder, he was defired to proceed in it. It was contended, that Bothwel, who had the His accufi. chief concern in the murder of lord Darnley, poffeffed ti,’n agatfi fuch credit with the queen, that within three months Mary* alter that horrible event, he feized her perfon and led her captive to Dunbar, obtained a divorce from his wife, and married her : that the nobility, being moved with his crimes, did confederate to punifh him ; to re¬ lieve her from the tyranny of a man who had ravifiied her, and who could not be her hufband ; and to pre- ferve the life of the prince : that having taken arms for thefe purpofes, the earl marched againft them ; but that, propoliug to decide the quarrel by Angle combat, his challenge was accepted: that he declined, notwith¬ ftanding, to enter the lifts, and fled : that the queen, preferring his impunity to her own honour, favoured, his efcape by going oyer to the nobility : that they condutled her to Edinburgh, where they informed her ot the motives of their proceedings, requefted her to take the proper fteps againft him and the other re¬ gicides, and intreated her to diffolve her pretended mar¬ riage, to take care ot her fon, and to confult the tran¬ quillity ot her realm : that this treatment being offen- tive to her, fhe menaced them with vengeance, and of¬ fered to furrender her crown if they would permit her to poffefs the murderer of her hufband : that her inflexible mind, and the neceffities of the ftate, com¬ pelled them to keep her at a diftance from him, and out of the way ot a communication with his adhe¬ rents : that during her confinement, finding herfelf fatigued with the troubles of royalty, and unfit for them from vexation of fpirit and the weaknefs of her body and intelled, fhe freely and of her own will re- figned her crown to her fon, and conftituted the earl of Murray to the regency; that the king accordingly had been crowned, and Murray admitted to the regency ; that the fan&ion of the three eftates affembled in par¬ liament having confirmed thefe appointments, an urffi ■verfal Scotland* ‘ 748 'Confuted by the de jtuties of Mary. SCO [ 69 ] SCO srcjfal obedience of the people had enfued, and a fteady adminiftration of juftice had taken place : that certain perfons, however, envious ot the public order and peace, had brought her out of prifon, and had engaged to fubvert the government ; that they had been difappoint- ed m their wicked attempts ; and that it was molt jail and equitable, that the king and the regent Ihould be fupported in power, in oppodtion to a rebellious and turbulent faction. Tliis apology, fo imperfetl, fo impudent, and fo ir- reconcileable with hiftory, received a complete confuta¬ tion from the deputies of the queen of Scots. To take arms againft her became Bothwel had her favour, was, they laid, a lame junification of the earl of Mur¬ ray and his friends ; lince it had never been properly maiiifeded to her that he was the murderer of her hat¬ band. He had indeed been fufpected of this crime ; but had been tried by his peets, and acquitted. His acquittal had been ratihed in parliament, and had ob¬ tained the exprefs approbation of the party who were now fo loud in accuiing him, and who had conipired againil her authority. Thete rebels had even urged her to accomplilh her marriage with him, had recom¬ mended him as the fitteil perfon to govern the realm, and had iubfcribed a bond afierting his innocence, and binding themfelves to challenge and punifh all his ad- vtriaries and opponents. They had never, either before or after the marriage, like true fubjedls, advertiied the queen of his guilt, till, having experience ot their ftrength, they iecretly took arms, and invelted her in Borthwick caftle. The firil mark of their difpleafure was the found of a trumpet in hoftility, and the dif- play of warlike banners. She made her efcape to Dun¬ bar ; and they returning to Edinburgh, levied troops, iffucd proclamations, took the field againft her, under the pretence of delivering her from his tyranny, and got poft'effion of her perfon. She was willing to pre¬ vent the effufion of blood, and was very far from pre¬ ferring his impunity to her honour. Kirkaldy of Grange, in obedience to inllruClions from -them, de- iired her to caufe him to retire, and invited her to pafa to them under the promife of being ferved and obeyed as their fovereign. She confented, and Kirkaldy ta¬ king Bothwel by the hand, recommended it to him to depart, and allured him that no man would purfue him. It was by their own contrivance that he fled j and it was in their power to have taken him ; but they fhowed not the frnalleft defire to make him their pri- foner. He remained, too, for fome time in the king¬ dom, and was unmolefted by them; and it was not till he was upon the feas that they affefted to go in fearch of him. When fhe furrendered herfelf in the light of their army, the earl of Morton ratified the ftipulations of Kirkaldy, made obeifance to her in their names, and promifed her all the fervice and honour which had ever been paid to any of her predeceflbrs. They were not Haves, however, to their engagements. They car¬ ried her to Edinburgh, but did not lodge her in her palace. She was committed to the houfe of a burgefs, and treated with the vileft. indignities. She indeed broke out into menaces, and threatened them ; nor was this a matter either of blame or of wonder. But it was utterly falfe that ihe had ever made any offer to give away her crown, if Ihe might poffefs Bothwel. In the audit of her fufferings, Ihe had even required them by fecretary Maitland to fpecify their complaints, and be- fought them to allow her to appear in parliament, and to join and affift in feeking a remedy to them from the wifdom of the three effates. This overture, however, fo falutary and fubrnifiive, they abfolutely rejected.— They were animated by purposes of ambition, and had not in view a relief from grievances. They forced her from her capital in the night, and imprifoned her in Lochleven ; and there, they aflirm, being exhaufted with the toils of government and the languors of fick- nefs, Ihe, without conftraint or felicitation, refigned her crown to her fon, and appointed the earl of Murray to be regent during his minority. This indeed was to affume an unlimited power over fadls; but the truth could neither be concealed, nor overturned, nor pallia¬ ted. She was in the vigour of youth, unaffailed by ma¬ ladies, and without any infirmity that could induce her to furrender the govei nment of her kingdom. Nor was it unknown to them that the earl of Athol and the ba¬ rons Tullibardin and Lethington, principal men of their council, difpatched Sir Robert Melvil to her with a ring and prefents, with a recommendation to fubferibe whatever papers Ihould be laid before her, as the only means in her power to lave her life, and with an aflurance that what (he did under captivity could not operate any injury to her. Melvil, too, communicated to Iier an intimation in writing from Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, which gave her the fame advice and the fame affurance. To Sir Nicholas Throgmorton Ihe lent an anfwer, in¬ forming him tliat Ihe would follow his counfel; and en¬ joining him to declare to his millrefs her haplefs Hate,, and that her refignation of her crown-was conllrained.- Nor did this ambalfador negledt her coramiUkm ; and it was a popular perfuafton that Elizabeth would have marched an army to her relief, if Ihe had not been inti¬ midated by the threat of the rebels, that the blood of the queen of Scots would be the wages of her foldiers.. It was alfo not to be contradicled, that when the lord- Lindfay prefented to his lovereign the inftruments of refignation, he menaced her with a clofer prifon and a fpeedy death if fhe Ihould refufe to fubferibe them. It was under an extreme terror, and with many tears, that fhe put her name to them. She did not confider them as her deeds ; did not read them ; and protefted, that when flie was at liberty,.(he would dii'avow fubferiptions which had been extorted from her. Even Douglas, the" keeper of Eochleven, could not endure to be a witnefo- of the violence employed againft her. He departed out of her prefence, that he might not fee her furrender her rights againft her will ; and he fought and obtained from her a certificate, that he was not accefi'oi y to this eompulfion and outrage. Nor did it conlift with the flightell probability or reafon, that fhe would, of her own will and accord, execute a refignation of her royal eftate, and retain no provifion for her future mainte¬ nance. Yet by thefe extraordinary deeds, the condi¬ tion to which fhe was reduced was moll miferable and wretched. For no portion whatever of her revenue was referved to her, and no fecurity of any kind was granted either for her liberty or her life. As to the coronation of the prince, it could have no validity, as being founded in a pretended and forced refignation. It was alfo defefftive in its form ; for there were in Scot¬ land more than an hundred earls, bifhops, and lords * and of thefe the whole, or at kail the major part, ought 4 to Sotland; I SCO [ 70 ] SCO -S^nd-to concur in matters of importance. Now there did riage and miftakes, ityetwas not the bufmefaof agood Scotland, W ” not affift in it more than four earls, fix lords, one bi- fubjedl induftrioufly to hold her out to fcorn. Anxious —v— fhop, and two or three abbots. Proteftations, too, and repeated conferences were held by them; and at were openly made, that nothing tranfafted at that pe- length it was formally agreed, that the regent fhould riod fhould be any prejudice to the queen, her eflate, not acetafe the queen of Scots; and that the duke in and the blood-royal of Scotland. Neither could it be return fhould protect him in the favour of Elizabeth, rightly conceived, that if the queen had willingly fur- and fecure him in the pofleflion of his regency. rendered her dignities, fhe would have named the earl of But while the regent engaged himfelf in tins in-His ex- Murray to the regency in preference to the duke of Cha- trigue with the duke of Norfolk, he was defirous not- treme infi. telherault, who had a natural and proper claim to it, and withflanding of gratifying the refentments of Eliza-^,ournefs who had deferved well of her country by difeharging beth, and of advancing his own interefls by undermi- that high office during her minority. As to the ratifi- ning fecretly the fame and reputation of his fovereign. cation of the inveftiture of the young prince, and the He fnftni&ed Maitland, George Buchanan, James Mac- regency of the earl of Murray by the ellates, it was gill, and John Wood, to go to the duke of Norfolk, ‘ obfervable, that this was done in an illegal parliament, the earl of Suffex, and Sir Ralph Sadler, and to com- It was an invalid confirmation of deeds which in them- municate to them as private perfons, and not in their felves had no inherent power or efficacy. The princi- chara&er of commiffioners, the letters to Bothwel, and pal nobility, too, objected in this parliament to this ra- the other proofs upon which he affirmed the guilt of tification. Proteftations were made before the lords of the queen of Scots. It was his defire that they would the articles, as w-ell as before the three eftates, to inter- examine thefe papers, give their opinion of them to E- rupt and defeat tranfaftions which were in a wild hofti* lizabeth, and inform him whether fhe judged them fuf- lity to the conftitution and the laws. Neither was it ficient evidences of Mary’s concern in the murder of her true that the government of the king and the regent hufband. If this fttould be her opinion, heteflified his was univerfally obeyed, and adminiftered with equity own readinefs, and that of his affociates, to fwear that and approbation : for a great divifion of the nobility the papers were genuine, and of the hand-writing of never acknowledged any authority but that of the the queen. By this Operation, he was folicitous to ef- queen, and never held any courts but in her name ; and tablifh his vouchers as inconteftable, and as teftimonies it was notorious, that the adminiftration of the ufurpers of record. The commiffioners examined his capers, and had been marked and diftinguifiied by enormous cruel- heard the comments of Buchanan and his other affift- ties and^ oppreffions. Many honourable families and ants; but they do not feem to have bellowed the ful- loyal fubjefts had been perfecuted to ruin, and plunder* left credit upon them. They deferibed them, however, ed of their wealth, to gratify the retainers and foldiers to Elizabeth ; pointed out the places of them which who upheld this infolent domination ; and murder and were ftrongeft againft Mary ; and allowed that their bloodfhed, theft and rapine, were prevalent to a degree force and meaning were very great, if their genuinenefs unheard of for many ages. Upon all thefe accounts, it could be demonftrated. But of their genuinends they was inferred, that Elizabeth ought to fupport the acknowledged that they had no other evidence than queen of Scots, to reftore her to her crown, and to ftout aflertions, and the offer of oaths. The earl of overthrow the power of a molt unnatural and rebellious Suffex, in a private difpatch to fecretary Cecil, does 7*9 more than infinuate*, that he thought Mary would be * Robtrtfa "The regent 1 o thefe fadts the regent did not pretend to make able to prove the letters palpable forgeries ; and with °f Ual- xcdv t0 3ny 0.bje6tl0n » and though required by the Engliffi refped to the murder of the king, he declares in plain meni's^ 1 f commiffioners to produce founder and better reafons for terms, that from all he could learn, Murray and his fac-book 4 his treatment the queen, he did not advance any tion would, upon a judicial trial, be found by “proofs thing in his own behalf. He even allowed the char- hardly to be denied,” more criminal in that charge than g,es of treafon and ufurpation to be prefled againft him, the queen herfelf. Elizabeth and her minifters, upon without prefuming to anfwer. This furprifing beha- the receipt of fuch difpatches, did not think it expe- viour, which might readily have been conftrued into an dient to empower them to adopt a method of proof fo acknowledgment of his guilt, it feems, proceeded from palpably fufpicious, and in which ffie could not openly fome conferences which he had with the duke of Nor- concur, without grofsly violating even the appearance folk. 1 his nobleman was a zealous partizan for the of probity. The regent had before attempted to en- jucceffion of Mary to the Enghfh crown. He was gage her in a diredl affurance of the validity of his pa- n-r1 -U j-r Wrth the °Pinion’ tbat bl'3 miftrefs, pers, when he fubmitted copies of them to her infpec- while ffie was difpofed to gratify her animofity and jea- tion by his fecretary Mr Wood. His attempt at this V i°ui'es. a£amd flie of Scots, was fecretly refolved, jun&ure was of a fimilar kind ; and it could not recom- oy fixing a ftain upon her, to exclude her altogether mend him to the Engliffi commiffioners. from the fucceffion, and to involve her fon in her dif- Nor were thefe the only tranfadtions which took grace. He was eager to defeat a purpofe, which he place during the continuance of the commiffioners at , conceived to be not only unjuft in itfelf, but highly York. The inventive and refining genius of Lething- detrimental to hts country. It was in his power to ton had fuggefted to him a project, which he commu- ait with this view ; and he obferved with pleafure, that nicated in confidence to the bifhop of Rofs. It recei- Maitland or Lethington was favourable to Mary. To ved the warm approbation of this ecclefiaftic ; and they t is itatdman, accordingly, he ventured to exprefs his determined to put it to a trial. While they attended urpnic, that the regent could be allured to think of the duke of Norfolk to the diverfion of hawking, they an attempt fo blameable as that of criminating his fove- infinuated into him the notion of his allying himfelf ^eign. if Mary had really given offence by mifear- with the queen of Scots. Her beauty, her accompliffi- meats. Scotland. 73i p Articles of the queen’s accusation. 73^ Renion- ftrances of the Scots deputies. SCO [ ments, and her kingdom, were high allurements to this nobleman ; and as he was the greatell fubjeft of Eng¬ land, and perhaps of Europe, he feemed not to be un¬ worthy of them. The propofal was very flattering to the admiration he entertained of Mary, to his ambition, and to his patriotifm The more he thought of it, he was the more convinced of its propriety. His accefs to be informed of the piaftices of the regent, deftroyed in him the operation of thefe Handers by which her ene¬ mies were fo aftive to traduce her. In this ftate of his mind, the lady Sooop, his After, who refided at Bol¬ ton Cattle with Mary, completely confirmed his refolu- tion. For from her he learned the orderly carriage and the amiable difpofitions of the queen of Scots. He was now impatient to have a fit feafon to make her formally the offer of his hand. Elizabeth in the mean time was thrown into confu- flon by the refufal of the regent to accufe the queen of Scots. To give a politive anfwer to his doubts and fcruples was not coniiftent with her honour; and yet, without this condefeeniion, fhe was affnred that the Scottifh deputies would not exhibit their charge or cri¬ mination. Having deceived Mary therefore with fair promifes, fhe was aftive in gaining over the regent to her vieyvs ; which having done, he confented at laft to prefer his accufation againlt Mary before the commif- fioners, who now met at Weftmintter by the command of Elizabeth. The charge was expreffed in general and prefumptive terms. It affirmed, that as James earl of Bothwel was the chief executor of the murder of king Henry, fo the queen was his perfuader and counfel in the device ; that fhe was a maintainer and fortifier of this unnatural deed, by flopping the inquilition into it and its punifhmcnt, and by taking in marriage the prin¬ cipal regicide ; that they had begun to exercife a cruel tyranny in the commonwealth, and had formed a refo- lution of deftroying the innocent prince, and of tranf- ferring the crown from the true line of its kings to a bloody murderer and a gsdlefs tyrant ; and that the eftates of the realm, finding her unworthy to reign, had ordered her to refign the crown, her fon to be crowned, and the eail of Murray to be eftablifhed in the regen¬ cy. Before this accufation was preferred, the earl of Lenox prefented himfelf before the Englifh commif- fioners; made a lamentable declaration of his griefs,, and produced to them the letters which had paffed be¬ tween him and Mary concerning the murder, with a writing which contained a diredt affirmation of her guilt. The deputies of Mary were aftonifhed at this accufa* tion, being a violent infringement of a proteftation which they had formerly given in, and which had been accept¬ ed, namely, that the crown, eftate, perfon, and honour of the queen of Scots, fhould be guarded againft every affault and injury ; yet in all thei'e particulars fhe was touched and affected. It was underftood that no judi¬ cial proceedings fhould take place againft her; yet fhe was actually arraigned as a criminal, and her deputies were called upon to defend her. They difeovered not, however, any apprehenfion of the validity of the charge; and while they fully explained the motives which actu¬ ated the earl of Murray and his faftion in their pro¬ ceedings, they imputed to perfens among themfelves the guilt of the king’s murder. They affirmed, that the queenVadverfories were the accomplices of Both- 7i ] SCO wd ; that they had fubferibed a bond confpiring the Scotland, death of the king ; and that their guilt had been at- ^ 1 tefted in the fight of 10,000 fpedators by thofe of their confederates who had already been executed. They exclaimed againft the enormous ingratitude, and the unparalleled audacity of men, who could forget fo completely all the obligations which they owed to their fovereign ; and who, not fatisfied with ufurping her power, could even charge her with a murder which they themfelves had committed. They reprefented the ftrong neceflity which had arifen for the fulleft vindication of their miftrefs ; and they faid, that in fo weighty an ex¬ tremity, they could not pofiibly fuppofe that fhe would be reftrained from appearing in her own defence. They had her inftruCtions, if her honour was touched, to make this requifition ; and till it was granted, they infilled, that all proceedings in the conference fhould be at an end. A refufal of this liberty, in the fituation to whick fhe was driven, would be an infallible proof that no good was intended to her. It was their wifh to deal with fincerity and uprightnefs ; and they were perfua- ded, that without a proper freedom of defence, their queen would neceffarily fall a victim to partiality and injuftice. They therefore earneftly preffed the Eng¬ lifh commiflioners, that fire might be permitted to pre- fent herfelf before Elizabeth, the nobles of England, and the ambaffadors of foreign nations, in order to ma- nifeft to the world the injuries fhe had fuffered, and her innocence. ; After having made thefe fpirited reprefentations to the Englifh commiflioners, the deputies of Mary de- fired to have accefs to the queen of England. They They are were admitted accordingly to an audience ; and in aadmitted formal addrefs or petition they detailed what had hap- audienc*- pened, infilled that the liberty of perfonal defence fhould iza'” be allowed to their miftrefs> and demanded that the earl * of Murray and his affociates fhould be taken into cufto- dy, till they fhould anfwer to fuch charges as fhould be preferred againft them. She delired to have fome time to turn her thoughts to matters of fuch high im¬ portance ; and told them, that they might foon expedt to hear from her. The bifhop of Rofs, and the other deputies of Mary, And'make in the mean time,, ftruck with the perfidious manage- ment of the conference, convinced of the jealouiies and^-0Qmo“ pafiions of Elizabeth, ftnfible that her power over her commiffioners was unlimited, and anxious for the de¬ liverance of their miftrefs, made an overture for an ac¬ commodation to the earl of Leicefter and Sir William Cecil. They propofed, that the original meaning of the conference fhould ftill be adhered to, notwithftand- ing the accufation which had been prefented by the earl of Murray ; and that Elizabeth, difregarding it as an effort of fadtion, fhould proceed to a good agreement. between Mary and her fubjedfs. For this fcheme, which is fo expreflive of their fufpicions of Elizabeth and of her commiflioners, they had no authority from their miftrefs. They acknowledged accordingly, that it was made without her inltrudlions, and intimated that they were moved to it by their anxiety for peace and the re-eftablifhment of the affairs of the Scottifh nation. They were introduced at Hampton-court to Elizabeth; who liftened to their motion, and was averfe from it. They then repeated the defires of the petition they had prefented to her j but fhe did not* think. \ SCO [ 72 ] SCO tliink It right that the queen of Scots fliould yet have ^^ the liberty to defend herfelf in perfon. She confeffed, Shameful indeed, that it was reafonable that Mary fhould be heard conduft of in her own caufe ; but fhe affirmed, that fhe was at a Elizabeth. l0fs at what time fhe fhould appear, in what place, and to whom fhe fhould addrefs herfelf. While fhe let fall, however, the hope that Mary might obtain the -permiffion fo repeatedly and fo earneftly requefted, fhe expreffed her refolution that the earl of Murray fhould firil be heard in fupport of his charge, and that fhe fhould attend to the proofs which he affirmed himfelf in readinefs to produce. After this bufmefs fhould be tranfacfed, fh<*told the deputies of Mary that fhe would again confer with them. It was to no purpofe that they objedied to a procedure fo ftrange and fo im> proper. An accufation, faid they, is given ; the per¬ fon accufed is anxious to defend herfelf; this privilege is denied to her ; and yet a demand is to be made for the vouchers of her guilt. What is this but an open violation of juftice ? It did not become them to difpute her pleafure in her own dominions: but they would net, they informed her, confent to a meafure which was fo alarming to the interefts of their queen ; and if it was adopted, fhe might expedl that a proteft -againft its validity would be lodged with her commif- 736 fioners. j&lercation qqie Englifli cotnmiffioners refumed the conference, s he'com- an<^ wcre ab°ut to demand from the earl of Murray «iil3ioners. the Pr°ofs with which he could fupport his accufation. The bifhop of Rofs and his affociates being admitted to them, expreffied themfelves in conformity to the con- verfation they had held with Elizabeth. They decla¬ red, that it was unnatural and prepofterous in their fo- vereign to think of receiving proofs of the guilt of the queen ot Scots before fhe was heard in her own de¬ fence ; and they protefted, that in the event of this proceeding, the negociation Ihould be diffolved, and Elizabeth be difarmed of all power to do any prejudice to her honour, perfon, crown, and eftate. The com- miffioners of the Englifh queen were affe&ed with this proteftation, and felt more for the honour of their mi- ftrefs than for their own. They refuted to receive it, becaufe there were engroffed in it the words of the re- fufal which Elizabeth had given to the petition for Mary. They did not choofe to authenticate the terms of this refufal by their fubferiptions ; and were felicitous to fupprefs fo palpable a memorial of her iniquity. They alleged, that the language of her refufal had not been taken down with accuracy ; and they preffed Mary’s deputies to prefent a fimpler form of protefta¬ tion. The bifhop of Rofs and his colleagues yielded not, however, immediately to their infidious importuni¬ ty ; but, repeating anew their proteftation as they had at fir ft planned it, included the exprefs words of Eliza¬ beth ; and, when compelled by the power of the com- miffioners to expunge the language of the Englifh queen, they ftill iniifted upon their proteftation. An interruption was thus given to the validity of any future proceedings which might affed! the reputation of the queen of Scots. The earls of Murray and Morton, with their friends, were very much dilap- pointed. For they had folaced themfelves with the ihope of a triumph before there wTas a viftory; and thought of obtaining a decree from Elizabeth, which, while it Ihould pronounce the queen of Scots to be an adult ere fs and a murderer,^ would exalt them into the ScofanJ. ft at ion and character ot virtuous men and honourable ’ fubjedls. Though the conference ought naturally to have ter-Elizabeth minated upon this proteftation of the deputies of Mary demands again ft the injuftice of Elizabeth, yet it did not fatisfy vouch.ers the latter princefs that the accufation only had beenfe^'M* delivered to her commiffioners : fhe was ferioufly dif-ry's charge pofed to operate a judicial produdion of its vouchers. The charge would thus have a more regular afped, and be a founder foundation upon which to build, not only the infamy of the Scottifh queen, but her own juftification for the part fhe had a6Ied. Her commrf- fioners accordingly, after the bilhop of Rofs and his colleagues had retired, difregarding their proteftation, called upon the earl of Murray and his aflociates to make their appearance. The pretence, however, em¬ ployed for drawing from him his papers was fufficient- ly artful, and bears the marks of that fyftematic dupli¬ city which fo fhamefully charadcnzes all the tranfac* tions of Elizabeth at this period. Sir Nicholas Bacon the lord keeper addrefied himfelf to the earl of Mur¬ ray. He. faid, that, in the opinion of the queen of England, it was a matter furprifing and ftrange, that he Ihould accufe his fovereign of a crime moft horrible, odious to God and man, againft law and nature ; and which, if proved to be true, would render her infamous in all the kingdoms of the world. But though he had fo widely forgot his duty, yet had not Elizabeth re¬ nounced her love of a good filler, a good neighbour, and a good friend ; and it was her will, that he and his company fhould produce the papers by which they ima¬ gined they were able to maintain their accufation. 1 lie eail of Murray, in his turn, was not wanting in diflimulation. Pie exprefted himfelf to he very forry for the high difpleafure he had given to Elizabeth by his charge againft Mary, and for the obftinacy of the Scottifh queen and her deputies, which made it necef- fary for him to vindicate himfelf by difeovering her difhonour. Under the load of this double and affe&ed foi row, he made an actual and formal exhibition of the vouchers by which he pretended to fix and eftablifh her criminality. A particular account and examination of thefe vouchers, the reader will find in our life of Mary, and in the works to which we have there referred. To enumerate all the fhifts to which Elizabeth and the adverfaries of Mary were pwt, in order to make the ftrange evidence that was produced wear feme degree of plaufibility, would far exceed our bounds. It is' fuf- ConclofiMS ficient to lay, that after having wearied themfelves with°f Mary’s prevarication and falfehood ; after having preffod MarytriaL to abdicate her crown, a requifition with which Ihe never would comply ; and after having finally refufed to hear her in her own defence; Elizabeth, on the 10th of January 1569, gave leave to the earl of Murray and his accomplices to depart her dominions; telling them, that fince they came into England, nothing had been objefted to them which could hurt their honour as men, or affieft their allegiance as fubjeds. At the fame time file told them, that they had produced no infor¬ mation or evidence, by which Ihe was entitled to con¬ ceive any bad opinion of the queen of Scots. It was . therefore her pleafure to allow the affairs of Scotland to continue precifely in the condition in which they were fituated at the beginning of the conference. Three days 739 fear! . f Murray, |&c. char¬ ed with he king’s nurder, ,nd chal- enged to ingle com- iat. SCO [ gcotlanc!. days after this, they formally took their leave of the * broke and Arundel. The duke himfelf was able to conciliate the favour of the earls of Derby, Bedford, Shrewfbury, Southampton, Northampton, Northum- bei land, We.itmorcland, and Sufiex. In the mean time, he was eagerly prefling Mary herfelf with his Juit nnd importunities; aud had mutually exchanged the tokens of a conftant and lincere love. It was m this forward (late of the match, that the bifhop of Rois drew up the fchedule of articles for the accommodation of the rival queens. . The Eng- At the deiire of Elizabeth, her privy-counctl con- 5i(h nobles ferred with the bifhop upon thefe articles at different !'• opofc ar- times; and they expreffed themfelves to be highly pleafed with their general import and meaning. Little doubt was entertained of their fuccefs ; and the earl of Lei- cefter, in order to complete the buiinefs, and to feive the duke of Norfolk, undertook to give them a more jpecial force, and to improve them by the introduction of a ftipulation about the marriage of the queen of Ejects. According to his icheme of argeement, it v/as required of Mary, that fhc fhould be a party to no at¬ tempt agamft the rights and titles of the queen of Lng- J-and, qr her heirs; that fhe fhould confent to a per¬ petual league, offenfive and defenfive, between the two kingdoms*; that fhe fhould finally eftablilh the Pro- teffant religion in Scotland; that fhe fhould admit to her favour thofe of her fubje^fs who had appeared againli her ; that if fhe had made any alignment of her kingdom to the duke of Anjou, in the expectation of a marriage to be contract'd between them, it fhould he diffolved ; and that inftead of looking to a foreign prince, whofe alliance would be dangerous, not only to .the religion but to the liberty of the two realms, fhe would agree to marry the duke of Norfolk, the firit peer of England. Thefe articles being communicated to the bifhop of Rofs, he was ddired to tranfmit them to Mary ; but, as they touched upon fome points con¬ cerning which lie had no inftruCions, he declined this office, and recommended the propriety of their employ¬ ing a fpecial meffenger of their own in a commiflion of fuch high importance. They accordingly appoint¬ ed Mr Gandifh to go with them to the queen of Scots, and, in a formal difpatoh, they extolled the merits of the duke of Norfolk ; affured her of the general favour and fupport of the Englifh nobility, if fhe fhould ap¬ prove of his love: and intimated their belief that Elizabeth would not be averfe from a marriage which their attention. The duke of Norfolk was now impa- ScotW tient to conclude this great tranfaCion, in which he had engaged himfelf; and admitted into his councils many nobles whom he had hitherto negle&ed to court, and many gentlemen who were confiderable from their diftinCion and fortunes. The countenance and confent of the kings of France and Spain were thought necef- fary to the meafures in agitation, and were fplicited and obtained. In the univerfality of the applaufe with which they were honoured, it was fuppoftd that Eli¬ zabeth would be allured into a cordial acknowledgment of their propriety, or be compelled to afford them a re- hnffant approbation ; and fo ardent a belief prevailed of their fortunate termination, that the marriage-contradt was actually intrufted to the keeping of M. Fenelon the French ambaffador. The aftivity of the duke .of Norfolk with the Eng- lifli nobles did not-Co much engrofs his attention as to make him forget the regent. He kept up with him a clofe correfpondence in confequence of the concert into which they had entered, and received the moft ample affurances of his fidelity and fervice. The moft fan- guine and feducing hopes elated him. The regent, while he ftipulated for terms of favour and fecurity to himfelf and his faftion, appeared to be full of the mar¬ riage, as a meafure from which the greateft advantages would arife to the two kingdoms, to the two queens, and to the true religion. The match, in the mean¬ while, was anxioufly concealed from Elizabeth; but fhe was zealoufly preffed to conclude an accommoda¬ tion with Mary, on the foundation of the fchedule of agreement prefented by the bifhop of Rofs. After having had many conferences with her privy-council, fhe feemed inclined to treat definitively for the refto- ration of the queen of Scots, and a&ually agreed to open the tranfadfion to the regent. The lord Boyd was fent into Scotland upon this bufmefs ; and while he carried her letters, he was intrufted with difpatches from Mary, the duke of Norfolk, and Sir Nicholas Throgmorton. 745 As the regent was returning from his northern ex- The pM- pedition, he was fainted at Elgin by the lord Boyd, 74S Mary a pofed to her. who immediately laid before him the difpatches and mftru&ions with which he had been.charged. The queen of England, in 'her letters, made three propofi- tions in behalf of Mary, and intimated a defire that one of them fhould be accepted. The queen of Scots, fhe faid, might tbe reftored fully and abfolutely to her royal eftate: fhe might be aflbeiated in the govern¬ ment with her fon, have the title of queen, and, till the ituzacetn wotuu nut uc a ..-..w.- prince fhould attain the age of 17 years, the admini- gave the certain promife of tranquillity and happinefs ftration might continue in the regent ; or file might be two kingdoms. This diipatch was in the hand- permitted to return to Scotland m a private ftation, writing of Leicefter; and it was fubferibed by tins and have an honourable appointment to maintain her 747 nobleman, and the earls of Arundel and Pembroke, and in a fafe and happy obfeurity. The difpatches fromThe re-£ Mary to the regent ddired, that judges might imme-n of the of the regent. The calls of jullice and humanity were e reflora- ^onc^ ,n ^ behalf of Mary ; his engagements to Nor- n, &c. of folk ’Were precife and definitive ; and the commiffion of e queen. Elizabeth afforded him the command of the molt im¬ portant fervices. But, on the other hand, the refto- ration of Mary, and her marriage, would put an end for ever to his greatnefs; and, amidft all the ftipula- tions which could be made for his protection, the enor¬ mity of his guilt was fiill haunting him with fufpicions and terror. His ambition and his felfifh fenfibilities were an overmatch for his virtue. He praCtifed with iris partisans to threw obftacles in the way of the trea¬ ty and the marriage; and, on the pretence of delibera^ ting concerning the refloration of Mary, and on her divorce from Bothwel, a convention of the eftates was fummoned by him to affemble at Perth. To this ai- lembly the letters of Elizabeth were recited ; and her proportions were conrfidered in their order. The full re- ftoration of Mary- to her dignity was accounted injuri¬ ous to the authority of the king, and her aflbciation with her fon in the government was judged improper 1 SCO and dangerous ; but it was thought that her deliverance Scotland, from priibn, and her reduction to a private itation, v—J were reasonable expedients. No definitive decree, how¬ ever, was pronounced. The letters of Mary were then communicated to this council, and gave rife to vehe¬ ment debates. She had written and fubferibed thenl in her charaCter of queen of Scotland. This carriage was termed info lent and imperioui by the friends of the regent. They alfo held it unfafe to examine her re- quefts, till they fhould be communicated to Elizabeth ; and they iniinuated, that fome inclement and partial device was concealed under the purpofe of her divorce from the earl of Bothwel. The lavpurers of Mary endeavoured to apologize £or the form of the letters, by throwing the blame upon her fecretaries ; and en¬ gaged, that while the commiflaries, or judges, were proceeding in the bufinefs of the divorce, new dif¬ patches in the proper method fhould be applied for and procured. They were heard with evident fymptoms of difpleafure ; and exclaimed, “ that it was wonder¬ ful to them, that thofe very perfons who lately had been fo violent for the reparation of the queen and Bothwel fhould now be fo ,averfe from it.” The partifans of the regent replied, “ that if the queen was fo eagerly felicitous to procure the divorce, fhe might apply to the king of Dennuirk to execute Bothwel as the murderer of her hufband ; and that then die might marry the perfon who was moft agreeable to her.” The paffions of the two factions were infla¬ med to a moft indecent extremity, and the convention broke up with ftrong and unequivocal marks of hoflili- ty and anger. 750 Notwithflanding the caution with which Mary and Elizabeth Norfolk carried on their intrigues, intimations of them had come to Elizabeth. Norfolk himfelf, by the ad- oHVlaryn* vice of the earl of Pembroke, had ventured to difclofe and Nor- his fecret to Sir William Cecil, who dffedted to be f-dk. friendly to him. The regent, in anfwer to her letters, tranfmitted to her the proceedings of fhe convention at Perth. The application of Mary for a divorce was a key to the ambitious hopes of the duke of Norfolk, She commanded Sir William Cecil to apply himfelf to difcovtir the confpiracy. This ftatefman betrayed the confidence with which' he had been entruited ; and Elizabeth, while the duke was attending her at Earn- ham, difeovering a mixture of pleafantry and pafiton, admonifhed him to be careful on what pillow he repo- fed his head. The ear! of Teicefler, alarmed by his fears, revealed to her at Titchfield the whole proceed¬ ings of the duke of Norfolk and his friends. Her fury was ungovernable ; and at different times fhe load¬ ed Norfolk with the fevereft reproaches and contume¬ ly, for prefuming to think of a marriage with the queen of Scots without the famftion of her concurrence. Infulted with her difeourfe and her looks, abandoned by Leicelter, and avoided by other nobles in whom he had confided, he felt his courage to forfake him. He left the court at Southampton without taking his leave, and went to London to the earl of Pembroke. New intimations of ♦her diiplealure were announced to him, and he retired to his fcat at Kinninghail in Nor¬ folk. His friends prefled him to take the field, and to commit his fafety to the fword; but having no incli¬ nation to involve his country in the miferies of war, he rejected their advice ; and addrefiing an apology to E* K 2 lizabeth, SCO Scotland. r 7<5 i SCO 75* Miry ex pofed to new indig¬ nities. 75* Noriolk betrayed fey the re- gent. Jnfurrec- tion uy Kngiaud. lizabcth, protefted that he never meant t« depart, from the fidelity which he owed to her ; and that it was his fixed refolution to have applied for her confent to his marriage with the queen of Scots. In return, fiie or¬ dered him to repair to her court at Windier ; and, as he appeared to be irrefolute, a melfenger was difpatch- ed to take him into cuftody. He was firft confined to the houfe of Paul Wentworth, at Burnham, in the neighbourhood of Windfor, and then committed to the Tower. The earls of Pembroke and Arundel, the lord Tumley, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and the bifhop of Rofs, were alfo apprehended and confined. Elizabeth, amidfl the ferment of her inquietudes, forgot not to gratify her revenge by intuiting the queen of Scots. The name of Mary was fufficient to con- vulfe her with anger. The earl of Huntingdon, who affe&ed to have pretenfions to the crown of England that were preferable to thofe of the Scottiih princefs, was joined with the earl of Shrewlbury in the office of guarding her. His inftruftions were rigorous, and he was difpofed to exceed them. The earl of Shrewf- bury confidered it as an indignity to have an afibciate who was a declared enemy to his charge, who had an interell in her death, and who was remarkable for a natural ferocity of difpofition. Mary exclaimed againft the indelicacy and rudenefs of Elizabeth, and protefl- ed that all her intentions were commendable and inno¬ cent. Huntingdon took a delight in her fufferings. He ranfacked her coffers with a view of making dif- coveries; but her prudence had induced her to deitroy all the evidences of her tranfaftions with the duke of Norfolk ; and the officious affiduity of this jailor was only rewarded with two cyphers which he could not comprehend. 'I he domeftics whom fhe favoured were fufpefted and difmiffed. Her train of attendants was diminifhed. An unrelenting watch was kept upon her. No couriers were allowed to carry her dif- patches. No meffengers were admitted to her pre¬ fence ; and all the letters from her friends were ordered to be intercepted, and to be conveyed to the queen of England. The proceedings of the convention at Perth were af¬ flicting to Elizabeth, to Mary, and to the duke of Norfolk. In the former they created fufpicions cTf the regent; and they were a certain annunciation to the latter, that he was refolved to fupport himfelf in the government of Scotland. Uncertain rumours had reach¬ ed Elizabeth of the interviews he had held with Nor¬ folk in the bufinefs of the marriage. Her furprife and indignation were infinite. Mr Wood, who brought from the regent his anfwer to her letter, was treated with difrefpedf. Secretary Cecil difpatched inftru&ions to the loid Hunfdon, the governor of Berwick, to watch his operations with a jealous eye. Elizabeth, by a fpecial envoy, required from him an explanation of his ambiguous carriage. The regent, true to his interefls, apologized to her for his connexions with the duke of Norfolk, by laying open the defign of that nobleman to cut him off, in his way to Scotland, by a full communication of whatever had paffed be¬ tween them in relation to Mary, and by offers of an unlimited fubmiffion and obedience. While the duke of Norfolk was carrying on his in¬ trigues with Mary, the fcheme of an infurreftion for her deliverance was advancing under the direXion of Seattani the earls of Northumberland and Weftmoreland. Mo* tives of religion were the chief foundation of this con. fpiracy ; and the more zealous Catholics over England were concerned in it. Mary, however, by' the advice of the duke oL Norfolk, who was afraid of her match*- ing with a foreign prince, did not enter into it with cordiality. It advanced notwithflanding ; and the a- gents of the pope were lavifh of exhortations and do- natives. The duke of Alva, by the order of his ma- fler the king of Spain, encouraged the confpirators with the offer of 20,000 men from the Netherlands ; and, under the pretence of adjufting commercial dif- putes, he fent into England Chiapini Vitelli marquis of Celona, an officer of ability, that he might be at hand, and prepare to take the command of them.— The report of an infurreXion was univerfal. Eliza¬ beth kept an army of 15,000 men near her perfon. The queen of Scots was removed to Coventry, a place of great ftrength ; and if a fuperior and commanding force fhould appear before it, her ferocious keeper, it is faid, had orders to affaffinate her. Repeated com¬ mands were fent to the earls of Northumberland and Weftmoreland, to repair to court. But the imprifore. ment of the duke of Norfolk and his friends had ftruek a panic into them. They conceived that their confpi- racy was difeovered ; and putting themfelves at the head of their followers, they iffued their manifefW The reftoration of Popery, the eftablifhment of the titles of Mary to the Englifh crown, and the reforma¬ tion of abufes in the commonwealth, were the avowed objeXs of their enterprife. But they had embarked in a bufinefs for which they wTere altogether unequal. Their efforts were feeble and defultory. The duke of Alva forgot his promifes. Wherever the peace was difturbed by infurgents, there were troops to oppofe them. The vigilance of Elizabeth difconcerted with eafe the operations of men whom no refources or po¬ pularity could have conduXed to greatnefs, and who could neither conquer nor die. The earl of Weilmore- land, after concealing himfelf for fome time in Scot¬ land, effeXed an efcape into Flanders, where he paffed’ a miferable and ufelefs exiltence ; and the earl of Nor¬ thumberland being taken by the regent, was imprifoned in the caftle of Lochleven. ^ As the fury of Elizabeth abated, her refentment to Elizabeth the duke of Norfolk loll its power; and fhe failed not liberate! to diflinguiffi between the intrigues of an honourable Norfolk ambition, aad the praXices of an obftinate fuperftition. It was the refult of the examination of this nobleman, and of the confeffions of the other prifoners, that Le- thington had fchemed the bufinefs of the marriage, and that the earl of Murray had encouraged it ; that her confent was underftood to be neceffary to its comple¬ tion ; and that Mary herfelf had warmly recommended the expedient of confulting her pleafure. Upon re¬ ceiving proper admonitions, the earls of Pembroke, A- rundel, the lord JLumley, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and the bifhop of Rofs, were releafed from confine¬ ment ; and, after a more tedious imprifonment, the duke of Norfolk himfelf was admitted to his liberty. This favour, however, was not extended to him till he had not only fubmiffively acknowledged his prefump- tion in the bufinefs of the marriage ; but had fully re¬ vealed whatever had paffed between Mary and him, and folemnly engaged himfelf never more to think of this al¬ liance, geottand. 755 Maitland S C O f 77 1 Kanee, and never more to take any concern whatfoever bout this time, he in her affairs. The regent, in the meanwhile, was very anxious to of Lethir e-recov€r good opinion of Elizabeth, tier treat- ton accufed ment of Mr Wood, and her difeovery of his pra&iees, of Darn- had excited his apprehenfions. He therefore affembled ley’s mur- at Stirling a convention of the eftates ; and taking her ^€r* letters a fe'cond time into confideration, returned her a reply to them by Robert Pitcairn abbot of Dunferm¬ line, in a ftyle Exited to her temper and jealoufxes, and from which fhe could decilively infer, that no favour of any kind would be (liown to the queen of Scots. But this bafe condefcenfion, though afiifted. by his trea¬ chery to the duke of Norfolk, not being fufficient, in his opinion, to draw completely to him the cordiality ©f the queen of England, he was preparing to gratify her with another facrihce. The partiality of Maitland to Mary, and his intrigues with Norfolk and the Eng- lifh malcontents, had rendered him uncommonly ob¬ noxious to Elizabeth and her minittry. The late com¬ motions had been chiefly aferibed to his arts ; and it was natural to dread new calamities and tumults from the fruitful fpring of his invention. Under the pre¬ tence of employing his fervree in difpatches to Eng¬ land, the regent invited him to Stirling. Pie was then with the earl of Athol at Perth ; and fufpe&ing fome improper device, he obeyed the fummons with reluc¬ tance. When he took his place in the privy-council. Captain Crawford, the minion of the earl of Lenox, who had diftinguifhed himfelf in the trial of Mary, accufed him, in dirett terms, of being a party in the murder of the late king. The regent affected alto- nifhment, but permitted him to be taken into cuflody. He was foon after fent to Edinburgh under a guard, and adnroniihed to prepare for his trial. Upon fimi- lar charges, the lord Seton and Sir James Baltour were feized upon and impiiloned. Kirkaldy of Grange, the governor of the caftle of Kirkady of Edinburgh, who was warmly attached to Maitland, af- Grange. ter having remonftrated in vain with the regent on the violence of his conduit, employed addrefs and ftra- tagem in the fervice of his friend. Under the cover of night, he went with a guard of foldiers to the lodge- ing where Maitland was confined ; and Ihowing a for¬ ged warrant for taking his perfon into keeping, got pofleffion of him. Kirkaldy had now in his caltle the duke of Chatelherault, the lord Herries, and Mait¬ land. The regent fent for him to a conference ; but he refufed to obey his meflage. He put himielf and his fortrefs under the direction of his prifoners. The regent, condefcending to pay him a vifit, was more lavifh than ufual of his promifes and kindnefs. His arts, however, only excited the difdain of this gene¬ rous foldier. Since he could not lead out Maitland to the block, he initituted a procefs of treafon againft him, in order to forfeit his eftates. Kirkaldy, by the mouth of a trumpeter, defired him to commence fimi- lar aftions againlt the earl of Morton and Mr Archi¬ bald. Douglas, as it was notorious that they were par¬ ties to the king’s murder. This meflenger was like- wife charged with delivering a challenge from him to Mr Archibald Douglas, and another from the lord Herries to the earl of Morton. This difappointment, and thefe indignities, made a deep impreffion upon the regent; and, in a thoughtful diffatisfied humour, a- s c o made a fhort prog refs towards the Scotland. Englifli border, courting popularity, and deferving it, v—^ by an attention to order and jullice. 757 756 He is pro- tefttd by Elizabeth, flattered by his fubmiflive advances, andE’Jzaljeth pleafed with his ambition, was now difpofed to gratify his fulled wifhes ; and fire perceived, that by delivering to him the queen of Scots, fhe would effectually relieve the regenti herfelf of a prifoner whole vigour and intrigues were a conflant interruption to her repofe. A treaty for this purpofe was entered into and concluded. The regent was to march an army to the Englifh frontiers, and to receive fr*>m her his fovereign into her own dominions, the viftim of his power, and the fport of his paffions. No hoftages and no fecurity were flipulated for her en¬ tertainment and good ufage. His authority over her was to be without any limits. Upon his part, he was to deliver to Elizabeth the young prince, to put her in pofl'efiion of the principal forts of Scotland, and to affift her with troops in the event of a war with France, This treaty, fo fatal to Mary, and fo ruinous to the in¬ dependence of Scotland, efcaped not the vigilance of the bifhop of Rofs. He complained of it in the ftrong- eft terms to Elizabeth ; and declared it to be equiva¬ lent to a fentence of death againft his miflrefs. The ambafTadors of France and Spain were alfo ftremious in their remonftrances to her upon this fubjeCt. All re- fiftance, however, was unavailing ; and the execution of the treaty feemed inevitable. Yet how vain are the loftiefl fchemes of human pride ! The career of the re¬ gent was hailening to its termination ; and the hand of an affaffin put a period to his dream of royalty. Scot¬ land did not lofe its liberties ; but Mary continued to be unfortunate.- 75S James. Hamilton of Bothweihaugh, who had been-Seath of taken a prifoner at the battle of Langiide, obtainedt! e rege:-*» his liberty and life ; but his eftates w'ere forfeited. — His wife, the heirefs of Woodhouflie, retired upon this emergency to her paternal inheritance, in the hope that it might efcape the rapacity of the regent. He had, however, given it away in a gift to one of h>$ favourites, Sir James Ballenden; and the initruments of his power having the inhumanity to ftrip her of her garments, and to turn her naked out of her houfe, in a cold and dark night, fhe became diftra&ed before the morning. Hamilton vowed revenge ; and the re¬ gent made a mockery of his threats. This contempt' infpirited his paflions ; and the humiliation of the houfe of Hamilton, to which he was nearly allied, foftered the eagernefs of his dlfcontents. The madnefs of party fermented in him with the atrocioufnefs of rage. Flis mind reconciled itfelf to aflaffination. After watch¬ ing for fome time a proper opportunity to commit his horrible purpofe, he found it at Linlithgow. The re¬ gent was to pafs through this town in his way from Stirling to Edinburgh. Intimations reached him that Hamilton was now to- perpetrate his delign : and he unaccountably neglefted them. The affainn, in a houfe that belonged to the archbifttop of St Andrew’s, waited deliberately his approach; and firing his mufket from a window, fhot him through the body. The wound, when examined, was not judged to be mortal; but the regent finding its pain to increafe, prepared himfelf for death; and in a few hours af ter he ex- pired. A fleet horfe of the abbot of Arbroath’s carried the affaflin to the palace of Hamilton; and 6 from Scotland. 759 JLenox chofen to Succeed him. SCO [ from thence he foon after efFeifled his efcape into France. The death of the earl of Murray made no favourable alteration in the affairs of Mary. Conhifion and difor- der prevailed throughout the kingdom and though the friends of the queen were promifed aflklance from France, nothing effectual was done for therri. At laft the regency was conferred upon the earl of Lenox ; an enemy to his queen, and who treated her friends with the utmoft rigour. At the fame time Elizabeth continued to amufe with negociations her unhappy ri¬ val. She granted liberty to the bifhop of Rrifs to re¬ pair to the queen of Scots, who had been removed to Chatfworth, and to confer with her on the fubjeft of the intended accord and treaty. Mary, conforming to the advances of Elizabeth, authorifed the lord Le- vingflon to pafs to her dominions, and to defire her friends to appoint a deputation of their number to give their afliftance in promoting the falutary purpofe of eftablifhing the tranquillity of their country : and af¬ ter meeting with feme interruptions upon the Englifh borders from the earl of SufTex, this nobleman execu¬ ted fuccefsfully his commi/lion. The queen’s lords gave powers to ten nobles to atf in a body, or by two ©f their number, in the intended negociation : and a fafe-condudt from Elizabeth allowed them to enter the Englifh realm, and to remain in it during the fpace of 760 fix months. Articles of While the lord Levingfton was confulting the in- proptvfecUo terefts Mary with her friends in Scotland, the bifhop Wary by of Rofs was making earneft fuit with Elizabeth to pro- filizabeih. ceed in the projedfed negociation. His folicitations were not ineffedfual; and Sir William Cecil and Sir Walter Mildmay received the inftrudlions of their mi- flrefs to wait upon the queen of Scots at Chatfworth'. The heads of accommodation which they propofed were expliat and particular ; and the rigour they dif- covered towards the Scottifb princefs feemed to vouch their fincerity. It was propofed, that a perfedl amity fhould take place between the two queens ; that all the treaties which had formerly been concluded by the two nations fhould receive an ample confirmation ; that the queen of Scots fhould ratify the treaty of Edinburgh, and forbear from advancing any title or claim to the crown of England during the life of Elizabeth, or to the prejudice of the heirs «f her body ; that in cafe of foreign invafions, the two realms fliould mutually affiit each other ; that all foreign foldiers fhould be ordered to depart out of Scotland; that in the future, ftrantters of the profefaon of arms fhould be prohibited from re¬ pairing to it, and from taking up their refidence in any or its cables or houfes of flrength ; that Mary fhould hold no correfpondence, diredfly or indiredlly, with any iubjedt of England, without the permiflion of the Englifh queen ; that the earl of Northumberland, and the Ehgiilh rebels in Scotland, fhould be delivered up to Elizabeth ; that redrefs fhould be given to the fub- je&s of England for the fpoils committed upon them by the Scottifh borderers ; that the murderers of the lord Darnley and the earl of Murray fhould be duly and ef- feftually punifhed; that before the queen of Scots fhould he fet at liberty, the young prince her fon fhould be brought into England, and that he fhould continue in ihe keeping of Elizabeth till the death of his mo¬ ther, or till her refignatloa to him of her crown on at- 78 ] SCO taining his majority ; that the queen of Scots fhould Scotian*, not enter into a negociation for her marriage without ''■““v— the knowledge of the queen of England, nor conclude it without her approbation, or that of the greateft part of the Scottifh nobility ; that none of tire fubje; and Sir William Cecil and Sir Walter Mildmay embraced the prefent op¬ portunity of conferring with her upon this bufinefs, un¬ der the pretence of facilitating its management in the future ftages of its progrefs. During their flay at Chatfworth, thefe flatefmen were Mary is de. completely fatisfied with the behaviour of the queen of flrous t° Scots. The candour, fincerity, and moderation, which! e^0Clate* fhe difplayed, were full affurances to them that upon her part there was no occafion to apprehend any im¬ proper policy or art; and * the calamities of her con¬ dition were a Hill fecurer f%dge of her compliance. Elizabeth, upon hearing their report, affefled to be highly pleafed with her filler, and fent a meffage tc .the earl of Lenox, inflrpfting him in the conditiona which had been fubmitted to Mary ; and defiring him to difpatch commiffioners into England to deliberate in the treaty, and to confult his interefl and that of his fa&ion. Nor did Mary negledl to tranfmit to her friends in Scotland the propofed terms of agreement ; and the bifhop of Rofs, who had afiifled her in the conferences with Sir William Cecil and Sir Walter Mildmay, conveyed intimations of them to the pope, the king of France, and the duke of Alva ; befought their advice, and informed thefe princes, that unlefs an efleftual relief could be expeiSled from their favour, the neceflities of her condition would compel her to fub- feribe to the hard and humiliating dictates of the queen of England. _ . . 76* But while Mary and her friends were indulging the The infin- hope of a termination to her troubles, Elizabeth wascerity of fecretly giving comfort to her adverfaries, and encou-'El,zatiet^* raging them to throw obitacles in the way of the trea¬ ty. Sir William Cecil wrote to the regent, exprefs- ing his difapprobation of the negociations at Chatf¬ worth ; defiring him not to be apprehenfive of the boaflings of the adherents of the queen of Scots ; and adviiing him to make choice of commiflioners, in the name of the king, in whofe conflancy and fortitude he could rely, and whom no addrefs could allure from his intereft, or from the common caufe in which he and his friends were embarked. The earl of Suffex alfo fent him difpatches, in which he admonii'hed him to turn ids anxious attention to the approaching negoeiation, and to infill on fecure llipulations for the prefervation of the prince, for his own faffety, and for a general indem¬ nity to the nobles and their adherents, whole party he had efpouied. In every event, he repreiented it as pro¬ per for him to pay the greateft; refpeft to Elizabeth ; and, if 110 treaty Ihould be concluded, he advifed him % to be prepared for reducing the friends of Mary to o- bedience, and for defending himlelf againit invaiions from abuoad. By thefe artifices, the regent and his fadlion 763 Mary’s fomm.f fi oners have be tli, 15 € O iw'knd. faftion were inclined to -to Elizabeth —-Y.——- warm diffatisfaftion with the terms of agreement which {he had propofed to Mary 5 and Pitcairn abbot of JDunfermlijne, who had been appointed fecretary of itate i.: the room of Maitland of Lethington, was de¬ puted to her upon this bulinefs. He exclaimed againft the treaty as wild and impolitic ; kud contended, that no (lipulations could bind Mary, whofe religion taught iter to keep no faith with heretics ; that her claims to the Engliih crown, and her refentment againft the V)iveen of England, as well as her own fubjefts, would immediately upon her reftoration, involve the two king¬ doms in blood ; and that no peace or quiet could be .txpefted or enjoyed, but -by adhering to the falutary maxim of detaining her in a fare and clofe captivity. Elizabeth did not difeourage thefe inclement lenti- meuts ; and Pitcairn was affurtd by her, that from her .natural love to the king, and her regard to the nobles who upheld his authority, {he would faithfully provide for their fecurity ; and that if juilice fnould appear de- ciiiveLy upon their tide, fhe would even ilrenuouily .maintain their quarrel and their confequence. Mary had been earned to Sheifield, and was reco¬ vering from a feveriih indilpofition. To this place the an audiencebkhop of Galloway and the lord Levingftoa, who had eg El za- been feletled by her friends to be her adtmg deputiee in England, repaired in order to impart to her the ftate of .affairs in Scotland, and to receive her com¬ mands. After repeated conferences on the fubjeit of the approaching treaty, fhe gave them her commiftiou and inftruetions, and joining them to the bilhop of Rofs, fent them to Elizabeth. They claimed an audience of this princefs, and were admitted to it at Hampion- court. Having prefented their credentials, they inform¬ ed her, that they were ready to conclude a treaty of concord and .agreement, upon principles the moft exten- live and liberal ; and, reprefenting to her the impove- riihed and tumultuous ftate of their country, they beg¬ ged her to proceed in the bulinefs with expedition. The orders, they faid, which they had received, and their own inclinations, difpofed them to follow her ad¬ vice and counfel in all points which were honourable and confiftent with reafon ; and as her protection whs the only refuge of the adverfaries of their queen, they took the liberty to obferve, that it was completely in her pow'er to put a period to all diilurbances and ani- mofity, and to accomplifh an accord, which would not only confer upon her the higheft reputation, but be of the moft fignal utility to the twro kingdoms. Eliza¬ beth declared, that it would pleale and flatter her in no common degree to advance in the negociation ; and that it was a pain to her that the regent, by his delay in fending commiffioners, fhould difeover any averfion from it. This anfwer was deemed very favourable by the blihop of Rofs and his affociates ; and they obtained her authority to difpatch a meffenger to the regent to haften his operations. In the mean time, Mary received difpatches from the pope, the king of France, and the duke of Alva ; and they concurred in recommending it to her to accept of the articles of accommodation which were offered by Elizabeth. rl he Turk was giving employment to the pope and the king of Spain ; Charles IX. already en¬ feebled by the obftinate valour of the Huguenots, was bufy in deceiving them with appearances of peace, and Scotland. 764 The Ro¬ man Ca¬ tholic pow¬ er? ad vile Mary to accept of the accom¬ modation. 7(>S f 7) J SCO their in plotting their overthrow ; and the duke of Alva felt himfelf infecure in his government of the Netherlands. But while they ftrongly adviled Mary to conclude an agreement with the queen of England, they were yet laviih to her of their exprefiions of a coaftant ami¬ ty ; and if the treaty fhould mifearry, they promifed to make the moft ftrenuous exertions in her behalf, and to aflift her adherents with money', ammunition, and troops. The earl of Mortal, the abbot of Dunfermline, and The rearrri: Mr James Macgill, had been appointed by the regent a.nd hi* fac- and his faction to be their commiflioners in the name of^'’"^^ the king; and at length their arrival was announced judjfy t]ie to Elizabeth. Conforming to the fpirit of their party, Hepofition the earl of Morton and his colleagues took an early op-°f Mary, portunity to juftify to her the depofition of the queen of Scots, and by this means to interrupt the progrefs of the treaty. In an elaborate memorial, they affe&ed to confider Mary as unworthy to reign, and afferted the conftitutional power of the people to curb her ambi¬ tion, and to throw her down from royalty. They en¬ deavoured to intrench themfelves within the authority of laws, civil, canon, and municipal; and they recited opinions to her prejudice by many pious divines. But though the general pofition, that the people have a title to reftft the domination of the fovereign is clear and undubitable ; yet their application of it to the queen of Scots was wildly precarious and improper. To fpeak of her tyranny, and her violation of the rights of her people, was even a wanton mockery of truth and juftice ; for inftead of having affumed an illegal exorbi¬ tancy of power, fhe had fuffered in her own perfon and rights, and had been treated by her fubje£ts with the moft cruel and tyrannical infolence. Elizabeth, who was unwilling and afraid to enter anew' into the conduct of Mary, who was fully feniible of the infolence of her adverfaries, and who did not approve of any maxims that preffed agaiuft the majefty of princes, received their memorial with iurprife and indignation. She perceived not, fhe told them, any reafon that could vindicate the feverity which had been fnovvn to the queen of Scots by her enemies; and advifed them* to confider, that in the prelent negociation it was their proper bufi- r.efs to confult the fecurity of the king and of.their faftion. _ Upon the part of Elizabeth, the commillioners were Elizabeth** the lord keeper Bacon, the earls of Suffex and Leicef-r.ornm‘1' ter, the lord Clynton, the lord chamberlain, Sir Wil- ^onf ^eiice^ liam Cecil, who about this time was created lord Bur-With thole* leigh, Sir Francis Knollys, Sir James Croft, Sir Walter of the Mildmay, and Sir Thomas Smith. The deputies of‘l'iech°f Mary were invited to meet' with the Englifh commif-bco'tSj iioners in tire houfe of the lord keeper ; and after he had ftated the general purpotfes of the treaty, he inti¬ mated to them, that there were two points which re¬ quired a particular difeuilion. A proper fecurity, he Jaid, ought to be given by the queen of Scots for her due performance of the ftipulations of the agreement with Elizabeth ; and it was expedient to concert tire mode of the pardon and indemnity which fire was to extend to the iubjedts of Scotland who had offended her. As an aihiranee of the accommodation with his miftrefs, he demanded, that the duke of Chatelherault, the earls of Huntley and Argyie, the lords Hume and Herries, witfi another per fen of high rank, Ihould be fuireudered to her,. Scotland. 767. And with the king’s deputies. 768 Elizabeth obitrudls the treaty. SCO t lifr, and rernain in England for three yaars; that the caftles of Dumbarton and Hume fhould be in her pof- feffion during the fame period; and as to the article concerning the delivery of the prince into her cuftody, he obferved, that it would be required from the regent, the queen of Scots not having the power of its perform¬ ance. The deputies df Mary, furprifetl with this lan¬ guage, intreated the Englifh delegates to reflect, that their queen, if deprived of the moft faithful of her no¬ bles, and of her ftrongeft forts, co*dd have little defire or ambition to return to her own kingdom ; for (he would thus be unable to protect herfelf againft the turbulence of her fubjedts, and be a fovereign without friends, and without ftrength. They were inclined, they faid, to put their commiffion and powers to the fulleft ftretch, in order to gratify Elizabeth ; and they would agree, that two earls and two barons (hould be furrendered for two years, as hoftages of the fidelity of their fove¬ reign ; under the reftri&ion, that they might be ex¬ changed every fix months for perfons of an equal con¬ dition, if they (hould be defirous of returning to their own country- Asto the giving up of any forts or caftles, they would not agree to it, becaufe among the other inconveniences of this meafure, fimilar claims would be •competent to the -king of France, by the fpirit of the treaty of Edinburgh, which ftipulated, that no French or Englifh troops fhould be admitted into Scotland. The lord keeper Bacon, refuming his difeourfe, told them, that the whole realm of Scotland, its prince, no¬ bles, and caftles, were an inadequate pledge to the queen of England ; and that, if his advice would be followed, the queen of Scots (hould not obtain her liberty upon any kind of fecurity which could be granted by the Scottifti nation. In all public treaties, faid the dele¬ gates of Mary, no further aflurance can be required from a fovereign than what confifts with his fafety; and when exactions are prefled from a contradting par¬ ty in a league which are ruinous and impofiible, it is uriderftood that a foundation is fought to break off the negociation. The Englilh commiffioners, now interfe¬ ring in a body, declared upon their honour, that it was the meaning of Elizabeth to agree to the reftora- iion of the queen of Scots to her crown and realm up¬ on receiving fufficient aflurances for the articles of the accommodation ; that the fecurity offered for her ac¬ ceptance, (hould be fubmitted to her deliberation ; and that they would immediately proceed to confer with the deputies for the king of Scots. The Englifh commiflioners were not unacquainted with the fentiments of the earl of Morton and his col¬ leagues ; and it was from this quarter that they expec¬ ted a refolute and definitive interruption to the treaty. Nor did thefe delegates difappoint the expectations con¬ ceived of them. After affeCting to take a comprehen- iive view of the articles under debate, they declared, that their commiflion gave them authority to treat about the amity of the two kingdoms, and the maintenance ef the true religion; but that it conferred upon them no power to receive their queen into Scotland, or to furrender to Elizabeth the perfon of their king. They therefore begged not to be urged to accede to a league which, in fome future period, might expofe them to a charge of high treafon. This Angular declaration was confidered to be folid and weighty by the Englilh commiflioners; and, in a 80 ] SCO new conference, it was communicated by them to the Seotlamj, deputies of Mary. The bilhop of Rofs and his aflb- ""'’v ciates were difgufted with this formal impertinence. They did not hefitate to pronounce the plea of an in- fufficient commiflion from the king to his delegates to he an unworthy and moft frivolous fubterfuge. The authors, they faid, of the depolition of their fovereign did not need any authority but their own to fet her at liberty ; the prince was not yet five years of age, and could give them no inftruftions: and the regent was wholly dependent upon the will and pleafure of the queen of England. It was reprefented in return by the Englifh delegates, that the commiflion of king James to his deputies, having been perufed by Elizabeth, was accounted by her to be infufficient; and that it was her opinion, that the earl of Morton fhould return to Scotland to hold a parliament for obtaining new powers. The bifhop of Rofs exclaimed, that the queen of Scots had been amufed with deceitful promifes, that the pru¬ dence of Elizabeth had been corrupted by partial coun- fels, and that the allegations and pretences held out for interrupting the negociation were affe&ed and unreal. The inftrudftions, he faid, from his fovereign to her com- millioners, were to negociate and to conclude, and not to trifle ; and they would not by any means confent to protraft, by artificial delays, a treaty which the queen of England, if her intentions were fincere and right, could immediately terminate upon reafonable and ho¬ nourable terms. His fpeech and his demeanour he ac¬ knowledged to be free and open ; and he befought them to excufe him, fince, having been made an inftru- ment to abufe his miftrefs with falfe hopes, he could not but refent the indignity, and exprefs what he knew and what he felt. The Englilh deputies, addrefling him and his colleagues, obferved, that as the friends of Mary, and thofe of the king her fon, could not come to an agreement, and as their queen was re- fufed the aflurance (he expe&ed, they held their com¬ miflion to be at an end, and were no longer at liberty to negociate. The infincerity of Elizabeth, and the failure of they^ ag|ta. league or agreement, filled Mary with refentment and ted condi- complaints. Her animofities, and thofe of Elizabeth, don of the were incrcafed and fortified. She was in hafte to com-two1U6efl** municate to her allies the unworthy treatment (he had received ; and (he fent her commands to her adherents in Scotland to rife up in arms, to repofe no truft in truces which were prejudicial and treacherous, and to employ all their refources and ftrength in the humiliation of the regent and his fadtion. Elizabeth, who by this time apprehended no enterpnfe or danger from Charles IX. or the duke of Alva, refolved, on the other hand, to give a ftrong and effe&ual fupport to the king’s friends, and to difunite by ftratagem, and opprefs by power, the partizans of the Scottiflr princefs. The zeal of the bi¬ fhop of Rofs having raifed her anger, (he commanded him to depart from London ; and Mary, in contempt of her mandate, ordered him to remain there under the privilege of her ambaflador. The high and unbroken fpirit of the Scottifh queen, in the midft of her misfor¬ tunes, never once awakened the generous admiration of Elizabeth. While it uniformly inflamed her rage, it feems alfo to have excited her terror. With a pufilla- nimous meannefs, (he fe it a difpatch to the earl of Bhrewlbury, inftructing him to keep his th irge in the clofeft SCO elofeft eQnrinemer4t, and to be incefTantly on his guard 6tknence of vloi ton. Scotland, felvea In behalf of the queen of Scotland ; and, in 1574? the misfortunes of his royal miilrefs were farther aggravated by the death of Charles IX. of France, and her uncle the cardinal of Lorraine. The regent, in the mean time, ruled with the raoft defpotic fway. He twice coined bafe money in the name of his fovereign ; and after putting it into circulation the fecond time, he ilTued orders for its palling only for its intrinfic value. The duke of Chatelherault happening to die this year, the regent took every method of ruining ail thofe of his name and family. He committed to prifon all the Hamiltons, and every perfon of dill in ft ion who had fought for the queen at the battle of Langfide, and compelled them to buy their liberty at an exorbitant price. He in (ligated Douglas of Lochleven to affaffi- nate lord Arbroath, and it was with difficulty that the latter efcaped the ambuffi that was laid for him. Reid, tlie biffiop of Orkney, having left his eftate to'pious Mml charitable uies, the regent prohibited the execution of the will, and took upon himfelf the adminillration. To be rich was a fufficient crime to excite his venge¬ ance. He entered the warehouses of merchants, and confifcated their property ; and if he wanted a pretence to juftify his conduct, the judges and lawyers were ready at his call. In this dilallrous period the clergy augmented the general conlufion. Mr Andrew Mclvil had lately re¬ turned from Geneva ; and t* difciplun? of its affembly being confidered by him as the moil perfeft model of ecclefiallical policy, he was infinitely offended with the introduction of Epifcopacy into Scotland. His learn¬ ing was confiderable, and his fkill in languages was profound. He was fond of deputation, hot, violent, and pertinacious. The Scottilh clergy were in a hu¬ mour to attend to him ; and his merit was fufficient to excite their admiration. Infligated by his practices, John Drury, one of the minitlers of Edinburgh, called in quellion, in a general aflembly, the lawfulnefs of the bifliops, and the authority of chapters in elefting them. Melvil, after commending his zeal and his motion, de¬ claimed concerning the flourifhing Hate of the eftablifh- ment of Geneva ; and having recited the opinions of Calvin and Beza upon ecclefiaftjcal government, main- 787. r>ppof!t’on o fij ifco- ucy. tained, that there fhould be no office-bearers in the church whofe titles were not feen in the book of God. He affirmed, that the term bijhop was nowhere to be found in it in the fenfe in which it was commonly un- derllood, as Chrifl allowed not any fuperiority among miniilers. He contended that Chrid was the only lord of his church, and that the miniders of the word were all equal in degree and power. He urged, that the edate of the brfhops, belide being unlawful, had grown unfeemly with corruptions ; and that it they were not removed out of the church, it would fall into decay, and endanger the intereds.of religion. His fentirnents were received with flattering approbation ; and though the archbidiop of Glafgow, with the bifhops of Dun. keld, Galloway, Brechin, Dumblain, and the Ifles, were prefent in this affembly, they ventured not to de¬ fend their vocation. It was refolyed, that the name of 85 ] SCO bi/hop conferred no diflindlion or rank ; that the office Scotland, was not more honourable than that of the other mi- ' r—— niders ; and that by the word of God their functions confided in preaching, in adminidering the facraments, and in exercifing ecclefiadical difcipline with the con- fent of the elders. The Epifcopal edate, in the mean¬ while, was watched with anxious obfervation ; and the faults and demerits of every kind, which were found in individuals, were charged upon the order with rude- nefs and afperity. In a new affembly this fuhjedt vfots again canvaffcd. It was moved, whether biffiops, as condituted in Scotland, had any authority for their funftions from the Scriptures ? After long debates, it was thought prudent to avoid an explicit determination of this important queftion. But a confirmation was be¬ llowed upon the refolution of the former affembly ; and it was edablilhed as a rule, that every biffiop ffiould make choice of a particular church within his diocefe, ajid fhould actually difcharge the duties of a miniiler. The regent, didmbed with thefe proceedings of the brethren, was difpofed to am ale and to deceive them, lie lent a mcffenger to advife them not to infringe and disfigure the cllablifficd forms ; and to admonii'h them, that if their averfion from Epifcopacy was infur- mountable, it would become them to think of fome mode of ecclefiadical government to which they could adhere with conltancy. The affembly taking the ad¬ vantage of this meffage, made a formal intimation to him, that they would diligently frame a lading plat¬ form of polity, and fubmit it to the privy-council. They appointed, accordingly, a committee of the bre¬ thren for this purpofe. The bnfinefs was too agreeable to be neglefted ; and in a fhort time Mr David Lind- fay, Mr James Lawfon, and Mr Robert Pont, were deputed to wait upon the regent with a new fcheme of eeclefiadical government. After reminding him, that he had been a notable indrument in purging the realm of Popery, and begging that he would confult with them upon any of its articles which he thought improper or incomplete, they informed him, that they did not account it to be a perfeft work to which nothing could be added, or from which nothing could be taken away ; for that they would alter and improve it, as the Al¬ mighty God might farther reveal his will unto them. The regent, taking from them their fchedule, replied, that he would appoint certain perfons of the privy-council to confer with them. A conference was even begun upon the fubjedl of their new edablilhment ; but from his arts, or from the troubles of the times, no advances were made in it. 788 This year the earl of Bothwel died in Denmark; Death of and in his lad moments, being dung with remorfe, he Bothwel, confeffed that he had been guilty of the king’s mur¬ der, revealed the names of the perfons who were his accomplices, and with the mod folemn prottdations declared the honour and innocence of the queen. His confeffion was tranfmitted to Elizabeth by the king of Denmark ; but was fuppreffed by her with an anxi¬ ous folicitude. ^ The regent dill continued his enormities, till having Morton is rendered compelled tordij^nhiar office of re- (u) Jtbb, Vo!. II. p. 227. It has never been publifiied. Keith and other hidorians have preferved what they gone, call the earl of Bothautl'’s declaration at his death, and account it to be genuine. Their partiality for Mary induced them the more eafily to fall into this midake. The paper they give is demondratively a forgery ; and the want of the real confeffioa of Bothwel is dill a deficiency in our ludory. ] ■frcotlan 1 790 He poifons SCO- [86 rendered himfelf obnoxious to the heft part of the no- the crown both of bility, he was, in 1577, compelled to refign his office into the hands of James VI. ; but as his majefty was then only twelve years of age, a general council of twelve peers was appointed to affift him in the adminiftration. Next year, however, the earl of Morton having found means to gain the favour of the young king, procured the diffiolution of this council; and thus being left the foie advifer of the king, he hoped once more to be raifed to his former greatnefs. This could not be done, however, without keeping the king in a kind of captivity, fo that nobody could have accefs to him but himfelf. The king, fenfible of his lituation, fent a dif- patch to the earls of Argyle and Athole, intreating them to relieve him. An army for this purpofe was foon raifed ; and Morton’s partifans were in danger of "being defeated, had not the oppofice party dreaded the vengeance of Elizabeth, who was refolved to fupport the eatl of Morton. In confequence of this a negocia- tion was entered into, by which it was agreed, that the earl of Argyle, with fome others, fhould be admitted into the king’s council; and that four noblemen fhould be chofen by each party to confider of fome proper method of preferving tranquillity in the nation. - This pacification did not greatly diminiffi the power Athole ° M°rton- He foon got rid of one of his principal antagonifts, the earl of Athole, by poifoning him at an entertainment; after which he again gave a loofe rein to his refentments againfl the houfe of Hamilton, whom he perfecuted in the moft cruel manner. By thefe means, however, he drew upon himfelf a general hatred; and he was fupplanted in the king’s favour by the lord d’Aubigney, who came from France in the year 1579, and was created earl of Lenox. The next year Mor¬ ton was fufpe&ed of an intention to deliver up the king to Elizabeth, and a guard was appointed to prevent any attempts of this kind. The queen of England 791 endeavoured to fupport her zealous partifan ; but with- con- out efftft. He was tried, condemned, and executed, as denv ed and being concerned in the murder of Darnley. At the theCmurdtrP^ace exScution, it is faid that he confeffed his guilt ; of Darnley. t>ut of this the evidence is not quite fatisfa&ory. It is however certain that he acknowledged himfelf privy to the plot formed againll the life of the king ; and when one of the clergymen attending him before his execu¬ tion obferved, that by his own confeffion he merited death in foreknowing and concealing the murder, he re¬ plied “ Ay but, Sir, had I been as innocent as St Stephen, or as guilty as Judas, I muft have come to the fcaffold. Pray, what ought I to have done in this matter ? You knew not the king’s weaknefs, Sir. If I had informed him of the plot again ft his life, he would have revealed it even to his enemies and thofe concern¬ ed in the defign ; and I would, it may be, have loft my own life, for endeavouring to prefervehis to no pur¬ pofe. ” The elevation of king James, and the total overthrow of Morton, produced no beneficial confequenees to the unfortunate Mary. In the year 1581, the addrdfed a letter to Caftelnau the French ambaffiador, in which (he complained that her body was fo weak, and her limbs fo feeble, that Ihe was unable to walk. Caftel¬ nau therefore intreated Elizabeth to mitigate a little the rigours of Mary’s confinement ; which being refu- Xed> the latter had thoughts of refigning her claims to •792 iMonftrous cruefy of ^Elizabeth £0 Mary. SCO England and Scotland into the Scotland, hands of her fon, and even of advifing him to ufe every effort in his povrer to eftabliffi his claim to the Engliffi crown as preferable to that of Elizabeth. But being apprehenfive of danger from this violent method, ffie again contented herfelf with fending to the court of England ineffeftual memorials and remonftrances. Eli¬ zabeth, inftead of taking compaffion on her miferable fituation, affiduoufly encouraged every kind of diforder in the kingdom, on purpofe to have the queen more and more in her power. Thus the Scottiffi malcon-The kin* ents finding themfelves always fupported, a confpiracy taken pH. was at laft entered into, the defign of which was toloner» hold James in captivity, and to overthrow the authority of Arran and Lenox, who were now the principal perfons in the kingdom. The chief aftors in this con- fpiracy were the earls of Gowrie, Marre, and Glen- cairn, the lords Lindfay and Boyd, with the mafters of Glammis and Oliphant. By reafon of the youth and imbecillity of the king, they eafily accompliffied their purpofe; and having got him in their power, they promifed him his liberty, provided he would command Lenox to depart the kingdom. This was accordingly done; but the king found himfelf as much a prifoner as before. The more effe&ually to detain him in cuftody, the rebels conftrained him to iffue a proclamation, wherein he declared himfelf to be at perfeft liberty. Lenox was preparing to advance to the king's relief with a confiderabie body of forces, when he was dif- concerted by the king’s peremptory command to leave Scotland; upon which he retired to Dumbarton, in order to wait for a more favourable opportunity. The earl of Arran, being more forward, was committed to clofe cuftody for fome time, but afterwards confined only in his houfe of Kinneil. The rebels took upon them the title of “ lords for the reformation of the ftate.” The clergy, who had all this time been exceedingly whSfts averfe to Epifcopacy, now gave open countenance to approved the lords of the reformation. On the 13th of Ofto-of the ber 1582, they made a folemn awrie [ideroned d exuu- the blufh. Elizabeth could not reply, and therefore had recouvfe to her ufual arts of treacherous negocia- tion. New terms were propofed to Mary, who would gladly have fubmitted almoft to any thing, provided (he could procure her freedom. It w^as propofed, as had often been done before, to afibciate the queen of Scots with her fon in the government; but as this was to be referred to the king, who-was in the hands of Eli¬ zabeth’s friends, and to the parliament, who were under the power of the fame faftion, it is eafy to fee that no inch affociation ever could take place, or indeed was ever intended. A fter the death of Lenox, the confpirators appre¬ hended no further danger, little fuppoling that a prince fo young and unexperienced could deliver himfelf from captivity. This, however, in the year 1583, he effect¬ ed in the following manner. A convention of the eltates had been fummoned to meet at St Andrew’s. James, whom the earl of Arran, notwithftanding his confinement at Kinneil* had found means to initruCt and advife, pretended a defire of vifiting his grand-uncle the earl of March, who refided at St Andrew’s, and w?as for that purpofe permitted to repair thither a few days before the convention. The better to deceive the earls of Gowrie, Angus, and Marre, who attended him, he took up his lodgings in an old inn, which was'quite open and defencelefs. But having expreffed a defire to fee the caftle of St Andrew’s, he was admitted into it; and colonel Stuart, who commanded the caftle, after admitting a few of his retinue, ordered the gates to be fhut. The earls of Argyle, Marifchal, Montrofe, and Rothes, who were in concert with the king, haftened to make him an offer of their fwords. The oppofite faction, being unprepared for hoftrlities, wrere filled with confternation. Of all the confpirators, the earl of Gowrie alone was admitted into the king’s prefence, by the favour of colonel Stuart, and received his pardon. The earls of March, Argyle, Gowrie, Marifchal, and Rothes, were appointed to be a council for affifting the king in the management of his affairs; and foon after this James fet out for Edinburgh. The king no foon- er found himfelf at liberty, than, by the advice of his privy council, he ilfued a proclamation of mercy to the confpirators ; but they, flattering themfelves with the hopes of fupport from Elizabeth, obftinately refufed to accept of his pardon. In confequence of this, they w'ere denounced rebels. Elizabeth failed not to give them underhand all the encouragement fhe could, and the clergy uttered the mofl feditious difcourfes againfl the kingand government; and while they railed againfl Popery, they themfelves maintained openly the very charafteriflic and dinflinguifhing mark of Popery, name¬ ly, that the clerical was entirely independent of the civil power. At lafl the rebels broke forth into open hoftilities; but by the vigilance of Arran, the earl of Gowrie, who had again begun his treafonable pradices, was commit¬ ted to cullody ; while the reft, unable to oppofe the king, who appeared againft them with a formidable army, were obliged to fly into England, where Eliza¬ beth, with her ufual treachery, proteded them. 1 he earl e,f Gowrie fuffered as a traitor ; but the feverity exercifed againfl; him did not intimidate the clergy. They ftill continued their rebellious pradices, tuitil the king being informed that they wer# engaged in a correfpondence with fome of the fugitive lords, Scotland, citations were given to their leaders to appear before ” v~ 7 the privy-council. The clergymen, not daring to ap- proS°°( pear, fled to England ; and on the 2Cth of May 1584,^,, ag»inft the king fummoned a convention of the eftates, on pur-the clergy,, pofe to humble the pride of the church in an effedual manner. In this affembly the raid of Ruthven was declared to be rebellion, according to a declaration which had formerly been made by the king. And, as it had grown into a cuflom with the promoters of {edi¬ tion and the enemies of order, to decline the judgment of the king and the council, when called before them to anfwer for rebellious or contumelious fpeeches, uttered from the pulpit or in public places, an ordination was made, afferting that they had complete powers to judge concerning perfons of every degree and fundtion ; and declaring, that every aft of oppolition to their jurifdic- tion (hould be accounted to be treafon. It was enafted, that the authority of the parliament, as conftituted by the free votes of the three eftates, was full and fupreme j and that every attempt to diminifti, alter, or infringe, its power, dignity, and juritdiftion, ftiould be held and punifhed as treafon. All jurifdiftions and judgments, all affemblies and conventions, not approved of by the king and the three eftates, were condemned as unlaw¬ ful, and prohibited. It was ordained, that the king might appoint commilfioners, with powers to examine into the delinquencies of clergymen, and, if proper, to deprive them of their benefices. It was commanded, that clergymen {hould not for the future be admitted to the dignity of lords of the fefiion, or to the adminiftra- tion of any judicature civil or criminal. An ordination was made, which fubjefted to capital punilhment all perfons who fhould inquire into the affairs of (late with a malicious curiofity, or who {hould utter falfe and flanderous fpeeches in fermons, declamations, or familiar difeourfe, to the reproach and contempt of the king, his parents, and progenitors. It was ordered that a guard, confiding of 40 gentlemen, with a yearly allowance to each of 2001. {hould continually attend upon the king. This parliament, which was full of zeal for the crown. Attempts did not overlook the hiftory of Buchanan, which about to fupprefs this time was exciting a very general attention. It BgchanauV commanded, that all perfons who were poffelfed of copies ’ of his chronicle, and of his treatife on the Scottilh go¬ vernment, {hould furrender them within 40 days, under the penalty of 200 1. in order that they might be pur¬ ged of the offenfive and extraordinary matteis they con¬ tained. This fttoke of tyranny was furious and in¬ effectual. Foreign nations, as well as his own country¬ men, were filled with the higheft admiration of the genius of Buchanan. It was not permitted that his writings {hould fuffer mutilation ; they were multiplied in every quarter ; and the feverity exercifed againft them only ferved the more to excite curiofity, and to diffufe his reputation. While the parliamentary afts, which {truck againft the importance of the church, were in agitation, the eocjeavoUr miniftu s deputed Mr David Lindfay to folicit the king to fupport that no ftatutes {hould pafs which affefted the eccle- themfelves fiaftical eftablifhment, without the confultation of the general aflembly. But the earl of Arran having intel-'" ^ ligence of this commiffion, defeated it, by committing Mr Lindiay to prifon as a fpy for the difeontented nobles. Upon the publication, however, of thefe a As SCO [ 88 ] Scotland, by the heralds, Mr Robert Pout miniHer of St Cuth- v bert’s, and one of the fenators of the court of fefiion, with Mr Walter Balcanqual, protefted formally in the name of the church, that it diffented from them, and that they were confequently invalid. Having made this proteftation, they inflantly fled, and were pro- ?claimed traitors. By letters and pamphlets, which were artfully fpread among the people, their paffions were rouzed againft the king and his council. The rcinifters of Edinburgh took the refolution to forfake their flocks, and to retire to England. And in an a- pology circulated by their management, they anxiouf- ly endeavoured to awaken commiferation and pity. They magnified the dangers which threatened them ; and they held out, in vindication of their conduft, the example of the prophets, the apollles, the martyrs, and of Chrifl: himfelf, who all concurred, they faid, in op- poling the ordinations of men, when contradi&ory to the will of heaven, and in declining the rage of the enemies of God. The king appointed his own chap¬ lains and the archbilhop of St Andrew’s to perform the minifterial functions in his capital. The clergy over Scotland were commanded to fubferibe a declaration, v hich imported the fnpremacy of the king over the church, and their fubmiffion to the authority of the bi- ihops. The national ferments ftill increafed in violence. Many minifters refufed to fubferibe this declaration, and were deprived of their livings. It was contended, that to make the king fupreme over the church was no better than to fet up a new pope, and to commit trea- fon againft Jefus Chrift. It was urged, that to over¬ throw aflemblies and prefbyteries, and to give dominion to bifhops, was not only to overfet the eftablifhed poli¬ ty of the church, but to deftroy religion itfelf. For the biihops were the flaves of the court, were fchifma- tical in their opinions, and depraved in their lives. It was affirmed, that herefy, atheifm, and popery, would ftrike a deep root, and grow into ftrength. And the people were taught to believe, that the bifhops would corrupt the nation into a refemblance with themfelves ; and that there everywhere prevailed diffimulation and blafphemy, perfecution and obfeenity, the profanation of the feriptures, and the breach of faith, covetoufnefs, perjury, and facrilege. It was reported abroad, that the minifters alone were entrufted with eccleiiaftical fnndlions, and with the fword of the word ; and that it was molt wicked and profane to imagine, that Jefus Chrift had ever committed the keys of the kingdom of heaven to civil magiftrates and their fervants or de¬ puties. While the clergy were thus impotently venting their wrath, Elizabeth, alarmed beyond meafure at this hid¬ den revolution, and terrified by a confeffion extorted by the rack from one Francis Throgmorton, concern¬ ing a combination of the Catholic princes to invade England, began to treat with Mary in a more fincere manner than ufual; but having gained over to her fide the earl of Arran, the only man of activity in Scot¬ land, fhe refolved to proceed to extremities with the queen of Scots. The Roman Catholics, both at home and abroad, were inflamed againft her with a boundlefs and implacable rage. There prevailed many rumours of plots and confpiracies againft her kingdom and her life. Books were publifhed, which detailed her cruel* ties and injuftice to Mary in the moft indignant lan- $ c o guage of reproach, and which recommended her affaf. Scotland, filiation as a moft meritorious a&. The earl of Arran v--* had explained to her the pra&ices of the queen of Scots ivith her fon, and had difeovered the intrigues of the 803 Catholic princes to gain him to their views. While her fenfibilities and fears were feverely excruciating”/^!^ - to her, circumftances happened which confirmed themdiicovered. In their ftrength, and provoked her to give the fulleft fcope to the malignity of her paffions. Crichton, a Scottifh Jefuit, paffing into his own country, was taken by Netherland pirates ; and fome papers which he had torn in pieces and thrown into the fea being recovered, were tranfmitted to England. Sir William Wade put them together with dexterity ; and they demonftrated beyond a doubt, that the invafion of England was con¬ certed by the Pope, the king of Spain, and the duke of ‘804 Guife. About this time, too, a remarkable letter was Remark- intercepted from Mary to Sir Francis Englefield. Sheal)*e lctrep complained in it that fhe could have no reliance upon-^”^^^ the integrity of Elizabeth, and that fhe expeded no by Eliza- happy iffue to any treaty which might be opened forbech. her reftoration and liberty. She urged the advance¬ ment of the “ great plot fhe intimated, that the prince her fon was favourable to the “ defignment,’* and difpofed to be directed by her advice ; fhe intreat- ed, that every delicacy with regard to her own ftate and condition fhould be laid afide without fcruple ; and fhe allured him, that fhe would moft willingly iuf- fer perils and dangers, and even death itfelf, to give re¬ lief to the opprefled children of the church. Thefe difeoveries, fo exafperating to the inquietudes and di- ftrefles of Elizabeth, were followed by a deep and ge¬ neral conllernation. The terror of an invafion fpread itfelf with rapidity over England ; and the Proteftants, while they trembled for the life of their champion, were ftill more alarmed with the dangers which threatened their religion. In this ftate of perplexity and diftraftion, the coun- fellors of Elizabeth did not forget that they had been her inftruments in perfecuting the queen of Scots, and of the feverities with which fhe had treated the Roman Catholics. They were fully fenfible, that her great- nefs and fafety were intimately comie&ed with their own; and they concurred in indulging her fears, jealouiies, and refentment. It was refolved that Mary hf,r ucaui perifh. An aflbeiatien was formed, to which perfonsi/^fygei of every condition and degree were invited. The pro-on. fefied bufinefs of this aflbciatiou or fociety was the pre- fervation of the life of Elizabeth, which it was affirmed was in danger, from a confpiracy to advance fome pre¬ tended title to the crown ; and its members vowed and protefted, by the majefty of God, to employ their whole power, their bodies, lives, and goods, in her fer- vice; to withftand, as well by force of arms as by other methods of revenge, all perfons, of whatfoever nation or rank, who ffiould attempt in any form to invade and injure her fafety or her life, and never to defift from the forcible purfuit of them till they fhould be com- - pletely exterminated. They alfo vowed and protefted, in the prefence of the eternal God, to profecute to deftruc- tion any pretended fuccefibr by whom, or for whom, the deteftable deed of the affaflination of Elizabeth fhould be attempted or committed. The earl of Lei- cefter was in a particular manner the patron of this af- fociation ; and the whole influence of Elizabeth and her 7 miniftera Soy ' Her death SCO E>f accom¬ modation, Scotland, miinilers was exerted to multiply the fubfcriptions to a —bond or league which was to prepare the way, and to be a foundation for accomplifhing the full deftru&ion and ruin of the Scottifh queen. A combination fo refolute and fo fierce, which point- ' ed to the death of Mary, which threatened her titles ► to jhe crown of England, and which might defeat the fucceffion of her fon, could not fail to excite in her bo- fom the bittereft anxieties and perturbation. Weary of her fad and long captivity, broken down with calami- 8og ties, dreading afflictions llili more cruel, and willing to She propo- take away from Elizabeth every poffible pretence of fes a fcheme feverity, fhe now framed a fcheme of accommodation, to which no decent or reafonable objection could be made. By Naw, her fecretary, fhe prefented it to E- lizabeth and her privy-council. She protefted in it, that if her liberty fhould be granted to her, fhe would enter into the clofeft amity with Elizabeth, and pay an ©bfervance to her above every other prince of Chriften- dom; that fhe would forget all the injuries with which fhe had been loaded, acknowledge Elizabeth to be the rightful queen of England, abftain from any claim to her crown during her life, renounce the title and arms of England, which fhe had ufurped by the command of her hufband the king1 of France, and reprobate the bull from Rome which had depofed the Englifh queen. She likewife protefted, that fhe would enter into the aflbciation which had been formed for the.fecurity of Elizabeth ; and that fhe would conclude a defenfive league with her, provided that it fhould not be preju¬ dicial to the ancient alliance between Scotland and France ; and that nothing fhould be done during the life of the Englifh queen, or after her death, which fhould invalidate her titles to the crown of England, or thofe of her fon. . As a confirmation of thefe articles, fhe profefted that fhe would confent to ftay in Eng¬ land for fome time as an hoftage ; and that if fhe was permitted to retire from the dominions of Elizabeth, fhe would furrender proper and acceptable perfons as fureties. She alfo protefted, that fhe would make no alterations in Scotland; and that, upon the repeal of what had been enafted there to her difgrace, fhe would bury in oblivion all the injuries fhe had received from her fubjedts : that fire would recommend to the king her fon thofe counfellors who were moft attached to England, and that fhe would employ herfelf to recon¬ cile him to the fugitive nobles : that fhe would take no iteps about his marriage without acquainting the queen of England ; and that, to give the greater firmnefs to the propofed accommodation, it was her defire that he fhould be called as a party to it: and, in fine, fhe af¬ firmed, that flie would procure the king of France and the princes of Lorraine to be guarantees for the per¬ formance of her engagements. Elizabeth, who was fkilful in hypocrify, difeovered the moft decifive fymp- Vol. XVII. Part I. [ 89 ] SCO 807 Hypocrify sind trea- Jtery of E.izabeth. toms of fatisfaclion and joy when thefe overtures were Scotland, communicated to her. She made no advances, how- » ever, to conclude an accommodation with Mary; and her minifters and courtiers exclaimed againft lenient and pacific meafures. It was loudly infifted, that the liberty of Mary would be the death of Elizabeth ; that her affociation with her fon would be the ruin both cc England and Scotland ; and that her elevation to power would extend the empire of Popery, and give a deadly blow to the do&rines of the reformation. In the mean time, an aft of attainder had pafted againft the fugitive nobles, and their eftates and ho¬ nours were forfeited to the king; who, not fatisfied with this, fent Patrick mafter of Gray to demand a furrender of their perfons from the queen of England. As this ambaflador had refided fome time in France, and been intimate with the duke of Guife, he was re¬ commended to Mary : but being a man of no prin¬ ciples, he eafily fuffered himfelf to be corrupted by E- lizabeth ; and while he pretended friendfliip to the un¬ fortunate queen, he difeovered all that he knew of the gog intentions of her and her fon. The moft fcandalous Falfs re- falfehoods were forged againft Mary; and the lefs fhe portsraifed was apparently able to execute, the more (he was faid a«ainft: che to deiign,. That an unhappy woman, confined and ^c^gn guarded with the utmoft vigilance, who had not for many years fufficient intereft to procure a decent treat¬ ment for herfelf, fliould be able to carry on fuch clofe and powerful negociations with different princes as were imputed to her, is an abfurdity which it mult for ever be impoffible to reconcile. That fhe had an amour with her keeper the earl of Shrewfbury, as was now reported, might be ; though of this there is no proof. This, however, could fearce be treafon againft Eliza¬ beth (x) : yet, on account of this, Mary was commit¬ ted to the charge of Sir Amias Pauiet and Sir Drue Drury, zealous puritans, and who, it was hoped, would treat her with fuch feverity as might drive her to de- fpair, and induce her to commit fome rafh aftion. — So(? The earl of Leicefter, faid to be Elizabeth’s paramour, Aflaflins even ventured to fend aft'affins, on purpofe, by the mur- fent der of Mary, at once to deliver his miftrefs from her fears. But the new keepers of the caftle, though re- her* ligious bigots, were men of ftrift probity, and rejefted with fcorn fuch an infamous tranfaftien. In 1585, Mary began to feel all the rigours of a fevere imprifon- ment. She had been removed from Sheffield to the caftle of Tutbury ; and under her new keepers (he ex¬ perienced a treatment which was in the higheft degree Sl unjuft, difrefpeftful, and acrimonious. Two apart- she kcon- ments or chambers only were allotted to her, and they fined, and were fmall and inconvenient, meanly furniffied, and fo cruefiy full of apertures and chinks, that they could not pro-treated* teft her againft the inclemencies of the weather. The liberty of going abroad for pleafure or exercife was de- M nied (x) Amidft the infamous calumnies which this princefs wasffolicitous to fix upon the queen of Scots, it muft excite the higheft indignation to confider her own contempt of chaftity, and the unprincipled licentioufnefs of her private life; See Haynes’s Colleft. of State Papers, p. 99, &c Even when palfied with age, fhe was yet burning with unquenchable defires ; and vain of her haggard and cadaverous form, fought to allure to her many lovers. See Murdin, p.. 558, 560, 657, 718, 7I9* anc^ difeoveries of a writer, whofe pen, elegant, poignant, inqumtive, and polite, improves and embellifties every topic that it caxivaffes j Walpole, Catalogue of royal and noble Authors, vol. i. p. 126. [Stuart, vol. ii. p. 282, note.] SCO [ 90 1 SCO ocxtlaml nJed to lier. She was affailed by raeumatifms and other 1 » maladies ; and her phylician would not undertake to effeft a cure, or even to procure her any eafe, umefs the ihould be removea to a more commodious dwelling. -Applications for this purpofe were frequently made, and uniformly reje&ed. Here, however, her own af- fii&ions did not extinguifh in her mind her fenfibility for the misfortunes of others ; and Ihe often indulged herfelf in the fatisfadtion of employing a fervant to go die would dtfTolve his alfociation with her in the go- Scotland vernment, on the pretence of his attachment to the re- t***-* formed doctrines ; and that he would not only lofe the glory of his prefent power, but endanger his profpects of fucceffion. Mary expoftulated w'ith him by letter upon the timidity and coldnefs of his behaviour; and he returned her an anfwer full of difrefpedt, in which lie intimated his refolution to confider her in no othtr chara&er than as queen-mother. Her amazement, in- through the village of Tutbury in fearch of obje&s of dignation, and grief, were infinite. _ She wrote to Ca- Six Elizabeth iWws dif- icrfion be¬ tween Ma- iy and her ton. diftreis, to whom die might deal out her charity. But her inhuman keepers, envying her this pleafure, com¬ manded her to abltain from it. Imputing their rigour to a fufpicious fidelity, Ihe defired that her fervant .might, on thefe occafions, be accompanied by one of the foldiers of their guard, or by the conltable of the village. But they would not alter their prohibition. They refufed to her the exercife of the Chrifthurduty of difpenfmg an alms; and they would not allow her the foft confolation of moillening her eye with for- 1 ows not her own. To infult her the more, the caftle of Tutbury was converted into a common jail. A young man, whofe crime was the prefeffion of the Ro- miih religion, was committed to a chamber which was oppofite to her window, in order that he might be per- fecuted in her fight with a peftilent cruelty. Notwith- ftanding his cries and refiftance, he was dragged every morning to hear prayers, and to join in the Proteftant worfhip ; and after enduring feveral weeks this extraor¬ dinary violence to his confcience, he was unmercifully firangled without any form of law or juftice. Mary remonftrated with warmth to Elizab th againlt indig¬ nities fo {hocking and fo horrible ; but inftead of ob¬ taining confolation or relief, {he was involved more deeply in wo, and expofed to {till harder inventions of malice and of anger. In the midit of her misfortunes, Mary had {till fola- ced herfelf with hope ; and from the exertions of her fon fne naturally expedted a fuperlative advantage. He had hitherto behaved with a becoming cordiality ; and .Edward Wotton was deputed to Scotland ; and fo com ftelnau the French ambaffador to inform him of her inquietudes and anguilh. “ My fon (faid {he) is un¬ grateful ; and I defire that the king your matter {hall confider him no longer as a fovereign. In 'your future difpatches, abftain from giving him the title of king. I am his queen and his fovereign ; and while I live, and continue at variance with him, he can at the bell be but an ufurper. From him I derive no lultre ; and without me he could only have been lord Darnley or the earl of Lenox ; for I raifed his father from being my fubjeft to be my hufband. I alk from him nothing that is his ; what I claim is my own ; and it he perfifls in his courfe of impiety and ingratitude, I will beftow upon him my maledi&ion, and deprive him not only of all right to Scotland, but of all the dignity and grandeur to which he may fucceed through me. My enemies {hall not enjoy the advantages they expert from him. For to the king of Spain I will convey, in the ampleft form, my claims, titles, and greatnefs.” Elizabeth having thus found means to fow difien- fion between the queen of Scots and her fon, did not fail to make the belt ufe fhe could of the quarrel for her own advantage. The Pope, the duke of Guife, Alliance of and the king of Spain, had concluded an alliance, call-1^6 ed the bo'y league, for the extirpation of the Proteftant religion all over Europe. Elizabeth was thrown intoZdbecj1< the greateft conftematio'n on this account ; and the idea of a counter afibciation among the Proteftant princes of Europe immediately fuggefted itfelf. Sir 8 n in the negociation which the had opened with him for her aftociation in the government, he had been ftudi- ous to pleafe and flatter her. He had informed her by a particular difpatch, that he found the greateft comfort in her maternal tendernefs, and that he would accomplifh her commands with humility and expedi¬ tion ; that he would not fail to ratify her union and afibciation with him in the government ; that it would be his moil earneft endeavour to reconcile their com¬ mon fubjects to that meafure ; and that {he might ex- peft from him, during his life, every fatisfadtion and duty which a good mother could promife to herfelf from an affedtionate and obedient fon. But thefe fair bloffoms of kindnefs and love were all blafted by the treacherous arts of Elizabeth. By the mafter of Gray, who had obtained an afeendant over James, {he turned from Mary his affedtions. He delayed to ratify her afibciation in the government; and he even appeared to be unwilling to prefs Elizabeth on the fubjedt of her liberty. The mafter of Gray had convinced him. pletely gained upon the imbecility ot James, that he concluded a firm alliance with Elizabeth, without rna- S13 king any ftipuiation in favour of his mother. Nay, fo Mean and far was he the dupe of this ambaffador and his miltrefs, that he allowed himfelf to be perfuaded to take into james> his favour Mr Archibald Douglas, one of the murder¬ ers of Lord Darnley ; and, as if all this had not been fufficient, he appointed this afl'afiin to be his ambaffador for England. Mary, thus abandoned by all the world, in the hands of her molt inveterate and cruel enemy, fell a vidtim to gj^ her refentment and treachery in the year 1587. AAcceuntof plot of affaffination had been formed in the fpring ofBal>mg- the year 1586 againft the Englilh queen; partly with|.0Pa8cco^“ a view to refeue the Scottifh princefs ; but chiefly from-J^^Eli. a motive to ferve the interefts of the Roman Catholiczabeth. religion. This confpiracy, which originated with Ro¬ man Catholic priefts and perfons of little note, was foon imparted to Mr Babington, a perfon of great for¬ tune, of many accompliflaments, and who had before that if any favour was {hewn to Mary by the queen of that time difeovered himfelf to be a zealous friend of t ^ n tV I O Y1 / T ^ T T r ill 4- L . — 1 *1* A T T a A-t TV /C ^ PL rA 4- f!-, -T — —- SA TAH -T 1 England, it would terminate in his humiliation. He affured him, that if his mother were again to mount the Scottifh throne, her zeal for Popery would induce her to feck a hufband in the houfe of Aullria; that queen Mary. That {he had correfponded with Ba¬ bington there is no doubt; but it was fome years previous to the formation of the plot. A long fi- lence had taken place between them; and Morgan, 2 one SCO [ 9* ] SCO Scotland, one of t-fee Englifh fugitives in France, and awarm fniend of Mary’s, in the month of May 1586, wrote a letter to her, repeatedly and in the moft prefling man¬ ner recommending a revival of that correfpondence. In confequencd of which, in her anfwer to Morgan, dated the 27th day of July, ihe informed him, that /he had made all apologies in her power to Babington, for not having written to him for fo long a fpace ; that he had generoufly offered himfelf and all his fortune in her caufe ; and that, agreeably to Morgan’s advice, flie would do her belt to retain him in her interefts ; but fhe throws out no hint of her knowledge of the intend¬ ed aflaflination. On the very fame day Are wrote hke- wife to Paget, another of her moft confidential friends; but not a word in it with rtfped to Babington’s fcheme of cutting off the Englifh queen. To Morgan and to Paget /he certainly would have communicated her mind, more readily and more, particularly than to Babington, and have confulted them about the plot, had fhe been acceffory to it. Indeed it feems to have been part of the policy of Mary’s friends to keep her a ftranger to all clandeftine and hazardous undertakings in her fa¬ vour. To be convinced of this, we have only to re¬ coiled, that Morgan, in a letter of the fourth of July, exprefsly, and in the ftrongeft terms, recommended to Mur Jin, have no intelligence at all with Ballard*, who was 27- one of the original contrivers of the plot, and who was the very perfon who communicated it to Babington. The queen, in confequence of this, ihut the door again/l all correfpondence, if it Zhould be offered, with that UiJ. 534. perfon f. At the fame time, Morgan affigned no par¬ ticular reafons for that advice ; io cautious was he about giving the queen any information upon the fub- jed : What he fa id, was generally and ftudioufly ob- icure : “ Ballard (laid he, only) is intent on foine mat¬ ters of confequence, the iflue of which is uncertain.” He even went farther, and charged Baflard himfelf to abftain in aaywife from opening his views to the queen of Scots. I be confpiracy which goes under the name of Ba- Ungton was completely deteded by the court in the month of June: Ihe names, proceedings, and rtfi. dences, of thofe engaged in it were then known : The blow might be foon /truck : The life of Elizabeth was in imminent hazard. '/ he confpirators, however, were not apprehended ; they were permitted to enjoy com¬ plete liberty ; treated as if there were not the leaft fuf- _picion againft them ; and in this free and quiet ftate, were they fuffered to continue till the beginning of Au- guft, for a period it ibould feem of near two months. What could be the reafons for fuch a condud ? From what caufes did the council of England fufpend the juft vengeance of the Jaws, and leave their queen’s life Sorianrk /till in jeopardy ? W^as it on purpofe to procure more —-v ■“ coafpirators, and involve others in the crime ? Mary queen of Scots continued /till detached from Babington and his aftbeiates. Their deftrudion was a fmall matter compared with her’s. Could fhe be de¬ coyed into the plot, things would put on a very new face: Babington’s confpiracy, which in reality occa- fioned little dread, as it was early found out, and well guarded againft, would prove one of the molt grateful incidents in queen Elizabeth’s reign. Elizabeth’s mi- nifters, too, knew how much they had rendered them- felves juftly obnoxious to the Scotti/h princefs : Should /he come to mount the throne of England, their down- fall was inevitable ; from which, it fhould feem, is to be explained, why they were even more zealous than their miftrefs to accompli/h her ruin. s Of thefe, Sir Francis Walfmgham fecretary of ftate A-t and appears to have taken upon himfelf the cliitf manage-freachery ment in concerting a plan of operations agarnfl ;ke'’fEliza_ queen of Scots ; and as a model, he feems to have had j^r^nduB in his eye that which was purfued upon a former occa-fters. fron by the earl of Murray. His /pies having early got into the confidence of the lower fort of the confpi¬ rators, he now employed the very agency of the latter for his purpofes. Learning that a packet from France was intended to be conveyed by them to queen Mary, and by the hands of one Gilbert Gifford aprie/l whom, he had fecretly gained over from their a/lbciation, he wrote a letter to Sir Amias Paulet, who had now the cuftody of the Scotti/h queen, requefting that one of his domeftics might be permitted to take a bribe for conveying that packet to the captive princefs. This was on purpofe to communicate to her a letter forged in the name of Babington, in which that confpirator was made to impart to the Scotti/h queen his icheme of affaflination, and to claim rewards to the perpetra¬ tors of the deed. Paulet, however, to his honour, re- fufed to comply with the requeft of Walfingham ; upon w'hich Gifford corrupted a brewer in the neigh- * bourhood, who put his letters to Mary in a hole in the caftle-wall. By. the fame conveyance it was thought that Mary would aniwer the letters ; hut it appears that /he never law them, and that of courfe no return was made (y). It w’as then contrived that anfwers, in the name of the queen of Scots to Gifford, ffrould be found in the hole of the wall. Walfingham, to whom thefe letters were -carried, proceeded formally to decipher them by the help of one i homas Philips, a perfon /killed in the/e matters ; and after exact copies were taken of them, it is faid that they were all artfully fealed and lent off to the perfons to whom they w'erc M 2 cine bled. r.h;s H:ftr °f ^«»«»w tw™ ^ &.K, „Fo.. t , , k 11 anLbtrons of Elizabeth s nefarious mrmfters, thinks it not improbable that an mfwer tn TV k,V , toYe nfer WaS Wntten the.Sc0ttiih queen’s fecretaries. Although they could not communicate thaJlette- o herfelf, on account of her known abhorrence of affaflination, they perhaps wrote a difnauh in {Y rame YranYof England PtTlly Y °f efcap'nJ ^r0m Jmprifonment, and of their miftrefs being feated on the to W alii n aft am onY n P fc5°nvcTed throu&h the fame chink of the wall, was carried by Gifford IhatmSfe; TtYl 5 fdtC,Phered’ and copied by him ; and then feet to Bahingtcn. Camden inLYs uf made to requeft T p‘y. 0;U:ta a PuiycnPt !n the fame cipher to this difpatch ; in which queen Mary v/a^ were friends to the cau/e. lgU°n ^ “ 0rm her ParciCuIarI'/of the names of his accomplices, and of others who SCO [ 92 ] s StwHnJ. direacd. It appears, however, that only the letters di- the ftatute of Edward III. $16 Wary is charged with the confpira- ey. refted to Babington were fent to him ; and the anfwei s which he made to the queen’s fuppofed letters were carried dire£Uy to Walfingham. A foundation for criminating Mary being thus laid, the confpirators were quickly difcovered, as being already known, and fuller¬ ed the death of traitors. The unhappy princefs, eager- ly watched by Paulet, and unacquainted with the late occurrences, received a vifit from Sir Thomas Goiges. This envoy, as inftrudted by Ildizabeth, furprifed ht r when flie had mounted her horle to take the pleafure of the chace. His falutation was abrupf and uncere¬ monious ; and after informing her of the difcovery and circumftances of the confpiracy of Babington, he rude¬ ly charged her with a concern in it. Her affonifhment was great, and fhe defired to return to her chambei . but this favour was refufed to her ; and after being car¬ ried from one houfe to another, in an anxious and per¬ plexing uncertainty, fhe was committed to h otheringay caftle in Northamptonfhire. Naw and Curl, her two fecretaries, the former a Frenchman, the latter a native of Scotland, were taken into cuflody. Paulet break¬ ing open the doors of her private clofet, pofTeffed him- felf of her money, which amounted not to more than 7000 crowns. Pier cabinets were carefully fealed up ; and being fent to London, were examined in the pre¬ fence of Elizabeth. They contained many difpatches from perfons beyond the fea, copies of letters which had been di&ated by her, and about 60 tables of ci¬ phers and characters. There were alfo difcovered in them many difpatches to her from Englifh noblemen, which were full of admiration and refpeCt. 1 hefe E- lizabeth concealed ; but their authors fufpe&ing that they were known, fought to purchafe her forgivenefs by the molt abjeCt proteftations of an attachment to her perfon, and by the exercife of the moll inveterate enmity to the queen of Scots. Naw and Curl decla¬ red, that the copies of her letters were in their hand¬ writing. They had been dictated by her in the French language to Naw, tranllated into Englilh by Curl, and then put into cipher. They contained not, however, any matters with which Ihe could be reproached or cri¬ minated. It was upon the foundation of the letters which Gifford had communicated to Walfingham that her guilt was to be inferred ; and with copies of thefe, and with an attetted account of the confpiracy of Ba¬ bington and his affociates, Sir Edward Wotton was now difpatched into France to accufe her to Henry III. and to explain to him the dangers to which Elizabeth was expofed from the machinations and practices of the Englilh exiles. The privy-counfellors of Elizabeth deliberated upon tiorson thethe moft proper method of proceeding againlt Mary, r.ieth'-d of To fomfc it appeared, that as fhe was only acceffory to proceeding ^ piot} and not the defigner of it, the moll eligible agaui.t her ^ verJty to be t^ercifed againft her was a clofer and more rigorous confinement; and they endeavoured to fortify this opinion, by obferving, that Ihe was fickly, and could not live long. By others who were haunted by the terrors of Popery, it was urged, that Ihe ought to be put inftantly to death by the formalities of the law. The earl of Leicefter recommended it as moft prudent to difpatch her fecretly by poifon. But this counfel was rejected as mean, difgraceful, and violent. The lawyers were of opinion, that Ihe might be tried upon D-libera- c o I by which it was ena&ed Scotland, to be treafon to imagine the deftruCtion of the love* —v"*'- reign, to make wrar againft his kingdom, or to adhere to his enemies. Elizabeth, however, and her minifters had provided a more plaufible foundation for her trial ^ '1 I « r-l t-v-x 4-V X r ? VX 4" 1X O A T /“V This was a parliamentary ftatute appioving the aft of affociatisn. As it had been palled while Mary was in England, it was argued, that hie was bound by it in a local allegiance to Elizabeth. The next point of de¬ bate was the designation under which it was moft ad- vifable to arraign her. To employ a foreign name and title as direCtly delcriptive of her, was not judged to be confident with the law of England. It was therefore refolved to defign her “ Mary, daughter and heir of James V. king ©f Scotland, and commonly called queen of Scots, and dowager of France.” 81S This refolution being once taken, Elizabeth next ap-Commif- pointed above 40 peers or privy-counfellors, and five^f^3^ judges, bellowing upon them in a body, or upon the^y her< greater part of them, abfolute power and authority to inquire into the matters compaffed and imagined againft her by the Scottilh princefs, and to pafs fentence ac¬ cording to the fpirit and tenor of the aft which had been palled. Of thefe commiflioners a great majority proceeded to the caftle of Fotheringay j and the day after their arrival, they deputed to Mary, Sir Walter Mddmay, Sir Amias Paulet, and Edward Barker a public notary, to deliver to her a letter from Elizabeth. In this letter the Englilh queen gratified her unhappy paffions, and after reproaching Mary with her crimes, informed her that commiffioners were appointed to take cognizance of them. The Scottilh princefs, though aftonilhed with the projeCt of being brought to a pub¬ lic trial, was able to preferve her dignity, and addreffed them with a compofed manner and air. “ It is a mat-gi^ 0bjf(<£5 ter (faid Ihe) altogether uncommon and ftrange, thattothei ju. Elizabeth Ihould command me to fubmit to a trial, ashfdi&ion. if I were her fubjeft. I am an independent fovereign; and will not tarnilh by any meannefs my high birth, the princes my predeceffors, and my fon. Misfortunes and mifery have not yet fo involved me in dejection, as that I am to faint and fink under this new calamity and infult. I defire that you will remember what I formerly pro- tefted to Bromley, who is now lord-chancellor, and to the lord La War. To fpeak to me of commiffioners, is a vain mockery of my rank. J^ings alone can be my peers. The laws of England are unknown to me; and I have no counfellors to whofe wifdom I can apply for inftruftion. My papers and commentaries have been taken from me ; and no perfon can have the perilous courage to appear as my advocate. I have indeed re¬ commended myfelf and my condition to foreign princes; but I am clear of the guilt of having confpired the de- ftruftion of Elizabeth, or of having incited any perfon whatfoever to deltroy her. It is only by my own words and writings that an imputation of this kind can be fupported ; and I am conlcious beyond the pofiibility of a doubt, that thefe evidences cannot be employed againft me.” The day after Ihe had in this manner re¬ fufed to allow the jurifdi£tion of the commiffioners, Paulet and Barker returned to her, and informed her that they had put her fpeech into writing, and defired to know if Ihe would abide by it. She heard it read diftindtly, acknowledged it to be rightly taken, and avowed her readinefs to perftft in the fentiments fhe had delivered. SCO [ ? l Scotland, delivered. But (lie added, there WM a circtimfance to ' by Hatton the vice-chamberlain, that by rejedting a ^ trial> fhe injured her own reputation and interefts, and deprived herfelf of the only opportunity of fetting her innocence in a clear light to the preient and to fu¬ ture times. Impofed upon by this artifice, fhe con- fented to make her appearance before the judges ; at the fame time, however, fhe flill protefted again ft the jurifdiaion of the court, and the validity of all their foo proceedings. The accu- After various formalities, the lord-chancellor opened fation is tbe cafe ; and was followed by Serjeant Gawdry, who preferred procee(je^ to explain the above flatute, and endeavour- |*gaui er. ^ ^ demonftrate that fhe had offended againft it.. He then entered into a detail of Babington s confpiracy ; and concluded with affirming, “ That Mary knew it, had approved it, had promifed her afliftancc, and had pointed out the means to effeft it.” Proofs of this charge were exhibited againft her, and diiplayed with great art. The letters were read which Sir hrancis £ j Walfingham had forged, in concert with Gifford, &c. and her fecretaries Naw and Curl. 1 he three fpies had afforded all the neceffary intelligence about the confpi¬ racy, upon which to frame a correfpondence between Mary and Babington, and upon which difpatches might be fabricated in her name to her foreign friends ; and the Stuart's ciphers were furnifhed by her two fecretaries. But be- fiijhry. fide thefe pretended letters, another fpecies of evidence was held out againft her. Babington, proud of the dil- patch lent to him in her name by Walfingham and Gif¬ ford, returned an anfwer to it; and a reply from her by the fame agency was tranfmitted to him. Deluded, and in toils, he communicated thefe marks of her atten¬ tion to Savage and Ballard, the moft confidential of his f affociates. His confeffion and theirs became thus of im¬ portance. Nor were her letters and the confeffions of thefe confpirators deemed fufficient vouchers of her guilt. Her two fecretaries, therefore, who had lately forfaken her, were engaged to fubfcribe a declaration, that the difpatches in her name were written by them at her command, and according to her inftruftions. Thefe branches of evidence, put together with fkill, and heightened with all the impofing colours of eloquence, were preffed upon Mary. Though fhe had been long accuftomed to the perfidious inhumanity of her enemies, her amazement was infinite. She loft not, however, her courage; and her defence was alike expreffivc of her penetration and magnanimity. 3 1 SCO *i The accufation preferred to my prejitdice is a moft Scotland. ^ deteftable calumny. I was not engaged with Babing- ton in his confpiracy ; and I am altogether innocent °f Mary’s de*» having plotted the death of Elizabeth. The copies of fence. Babington’s letters which have been produced, may in- Smrh deed be taken from originals which are genuine ; but it is impoffible to prove that I ever received them. Nor did he receive from me the difpatches addreffed to him in my name. His confefiion, and thofe of his affociates, which have been urged to eflablifh the authority of my letters to him, are imperfect and vain. If thefe confpi¬ rators could have tellified any circumftanccs to my hurt, they would not fo foon have been deprived of their lives. Tortures, or the fear of the rack, extorted improper confeffions from them ; and then they were executed’. Their mouths were opened to utter falfe criminations j and were immediately fhut for ever, that the truth might be buried in their graves. It was no difficult matter to obtain ciphers which I had employed ; and my ad- verfaries are known to be fupenor to fcruples. I am informed, that Sir Francis Walfingham has been earneft to recommend himfelf to his fovereign by pra&ices both againft my life and that of my fon j and the fabrication of papers, by which to effe&uate my ruin, is a bufinefs not unworthy of his ambition. An evidence, the mof<. clear and inconteftable, is neceffary to overthrow my integrity; but proofs, the moil feeble and fufpicious, are held out againft me. Let one letter be exhibited, written in my hand, or that bears my fuperfcription, and I will inftantly acknowledge that the charge againft me is fufficiently iupported. The declaration of my fecre¬ taries is the effedl of rewards or of terror. I hey are ftrangers ; and to overcome their virtue was an eaty at- chievement to a queen whofe power is abfolute, whole riches are immenie, and whofe minifters are profound and daring in intrigues and treachery. I have often had oc- cafion to fufpedt the integrity of Naw ; and Curl, whofe capacity is more limited, was always moft obfequious to him. They may have written many letters in my name without my knowledge or participation ; and it is not fit that I Ihould bear the blame of their inconfi- derate boldnefs. They may have put many things into difpatches which are prejudicial to Elizabeth ; and they may even have fubferibed their declaration to my pre¬ judice, under the prepoffeffion that the guilt, which would utterly overwhelm them might be pardoned m me. I have never dictated any letter to them which can be made to correfpond with their teftimony. And what, let me afk, would become of the grandeur, the virtue, and the fafety of princes, if they depended upon the writings and declarations of fecretaries ? Nor let it be forgotten, that by ading in hoftility to the duty and allegiance which they folemnly Iwore to obierve to me, they have utterly incapacitated themfelves from ob¬ taining any credit. The violation of their oath of fi¬ delity is an open perjury; and of fuch men the protef- tations are nothing. But, if they are yet in life, let them be brought before me. i he matters they declare are fo important as to require that they fhould be ex¬ amined in my prefence. It argues not the fairnefs of the proceedings againft me, that this formality is ne- gle&ed. I am alfo without the affiftance of an advocate; and, that I might be defencelefs and weak in the great- eft degree, I have been robbed of my papers and com¬ mentaries} Scotland. SCO mentaries. As to the copies of the difpatches which nee laid to have been written by my direction to Men¬ doza, the lord Paget, Charles Paget, the archbilhop of Glafgow, and Sir Francis Inglefield, they are molt un¬ profitable-forgeries. For they tend only to fhow that I was employed in encouraging my friends to invade England. Now, if I fhould allow that thefe difpatches were genuine, it could not be inferred from them that T had confpired the death of Elizabeth. I will even confers, that I have yielded to the itiong impulfes of nature ; and that, hke a human creature, encompalfed with dangers and iufulted with wrongs, I have exerted my fell to recover my greatnefs and my liberty. The efforts I hive made can excite no blulhes in me; for the voice of mankind mult applaud them. Religion, in her fterneft moments of feverity, cannot look to them with reproach ; and to confider them as crimes, is to defpife the fanftimonious reverence of humanity, and to give way to the fufpicious wretchednefs of defpotifm. I have fought by every art or conceflion and friendflup to engage my filter to put a period to my fufferings. Invited by her fmiles, I ventured into her kingdom, in the pride and gaiety of my youth ; and, under her an¬ ger and the miferies of captivity, I have grown into age. During a calamitous confinement of 20 years, my youth, my health, my happmels, are for ever gone. To her tendernefs and generolity I have been indebted as little as to her ju'ltice ; and, opprefled and agonizing ivith unmerited affli&ions and hardihips, I fcrupled not to beleech the princes my allies to employ their armies to idieve me. Nor will 1 deny, that 1 have endeavour¬ ed to promote the advantage and intereft of the perfe- cuted Catholics of England. My intreaties in their be¬ half have been even offered with earneffnels to cjueen Elizabeth hprfelf. Eut the attainment of my kingdom, the recovery of my liberty, and the advancement of that religion which I love, could not induce me to flam rnyfclt with the crimes that are objected to me. I would dildain to purchafe a crown by the aflaillnation of the jneanett of the human race, i o accufe me ol fcheming the death of the queen my filler, is to brand me with the infamy which I abhor molt. It is my nature to em¬ ploy the devotions of Either, and not the fvvord of Ju¬ dith. Elizabeth herfelf will atteft, that I have often admonilhed her not tu draw upon her head the refent- ment of my friends by the enormity of her cruelties to me. My innocence cannot fincerely be doubted ; t 94 ] SCO Scotland, 822 and it is known to the Almighty God, that I could not poffibly think to forego his mercy, and to ruin my fiuul, in order to cqmpafs a tranfgrelhon fo horrible as that of her murder. Tut amidil the inclement and un¬ principled pretences which rny adversaries are pleafed to invent to overwhelm me with calamities and amruiih, I can trace and difeover with cafe the real caufes ot their holtihty and provocation. My crimes are, my birth tne injuries i have been compelled to endure, and my religion. I am proud of the firft; I can forgive the fecond ; and the third is a feurce to me of fuch comfort and nope, that lor its glory 1 will be contested that my blood mad flow upon the fcaffold.” J to the de'ence oi-Mary, no returns were made be- uue flout and unlupported affirmations of the truth of the evidence produced to her prejudice. In the comfe ol the trial, however, there occurred feme incidents wlucu deferve to he related. My lord Burleigh, who was willing to difeompofe her, charged her with a fixed refolution of conveying her claims and titles to England to the king of Spain. But though, in a diicontented humour with her fon, ffie had threatened to difinherit him, and had even correfponded on the fubjedt with her feleft friends, it appears that this project is to be eou- fidered as only a tranfient effedt of relerument and paf- fiou. She indeed acknowledged, that the Spaniard pro- ftlTed to have pretentions to the kingdom of England, and that a book in junification of them had been com¬ municated to her. She declared, however, that fhe had incurred the dilpleafure of many by difapprovrng oi this book ; and that no conveyance of her titles to the Spa¬ niard had been ever executed, 1 lie trial continued during the fpace of two days; but the commiffioners avoided to deliver their opinions! My lord Burleigh, in whole management Elizabeth chiefly confided, and whom the Scottiffi queen difeom- pofed in no common degree by her ability and vigour, being eager to conclude the bulinefs, demanded to know if ffie had any thing to add to what ffie had urged in her defence. She informed him, that ffie Sheldircj would be infinitely pleafed and gratified, if it ffiould behe heard permitted to her to be heard in her jollification before before the a full meeting of the parliament, or beffire the queen and her privy-council. This intimation was unexpec-the queen* ted ; and the requeft implied in it was rejected. The court, in confequence of previous inltruftions from Eli¬ zabeth, adjourned to a farther day, and appointed that the place of its convention ffioulctbe the Itar-chamber at Weflminfter. It accordingly affembled there ; and Naw and Curl, who had not been produced at Fotheringay- caffle, were now called..betore the commiffioneis. Au oath to declare the truth was put to them ; and they definitely affirmed and protefted that the declaration they had fubferibed was in every refpecfl juft and faith- lul. Nothing farther remained but to pronounce fen- o tence againft Mary.. The commiffioners unanimoufly jud^mert concurred in delivering it as their verdieft or judgment, ^iven a- that ffie “ w?as a party to the confpiracy of Babington ; ^3*11^ bef' and that ffie had compafled and imagined matters wfith- m the realm of England tending to the hurt, death, and dellruttion, of the royal perfon of Elizabeth, in oppoli- tion to the flatute framed for her protection.” Upon the fame day in which this extraordinary fentence w'as given, the commifikmers and the judges of England if- fued a declaration, which imported, that it was not to derogate in any degree from the titles and honour of the king of Scots. .1 he fentenct againft Mary was very foon afterwardsThc itn- ratified by the Engliffi parliament. King James was/ence rati- ftruck with horror at hearing of the execution of his^c* by the mother ; but that Ipiritlefs piince could fhow his re_£nglifil fentment no farther than by unavailing embaffies and re J3'iiament* monftranccs. France interpofed in the fame ineffeaual manner ; and on the 6th of December 1586, Elizabeth, caufed the fentence of the commiffioners againfl her to be proclaimed. After this the was made’ acquainted with her late, and received the news with the greatelt compofure, and even apparent fatisfaftion. Her keep- eis now refufed to treat her with any reverence or re- fpeCl. i hey entered her apartment with their heads covered, and made no obeilance to her. They took down her canopy of flate, and deprived her of all the badges of royalty. By thefe intuiting mortifications they eot!an fovereign. They confidered themfelves as grofsly in- fultedE SCO r 96 ] SCO Scotland. Stuart. fulted bv the purpofe propofed to them ; and In the re- They then affeaed to juftify their rniftrefs by entering Seothtd. . ' . r ,t» ,1 1 _rr. .1 infn ronr^rnincr the rnniniraev or nabmp'tQn. V' ■J turn they made to Walfmgham, they affured him, that the queen might command their lives and their proper¬ ty, but that they would never confent to. part with their honour, and to ftain themfelves and their pofterity with the guilt of an aflaflination. When Davidfon car¬ ried their difpatch to her, flic broke out into, anger. Their fcrupulous delicacy, fhe faid, was a dainty in¬ fringement of their oath of aflbciation ; and they were into details concerning the confpiracy of Babington. She put her hand upon the Scriptures, which lay upon a table near her, and fwore in the moll folenm manner, that fhe never devifed, confented to, or purfued the death of Elizabeth in any fliape whatfoever. The earl of Kent, unwifely zealous for the Proteftant religion, excepted againft her oath, as being made upon a Popifh Bible. She replied to him mildly, “ It is'for this Ve¬ nice, precife, and perjured traitors, who’ could give great ry reafon, my lord, to be relied upon with the greater •r • , , . 1 • .i.’ „ ov,^ Kim ffvmritv • fhr T efleem the ronilh venion ox the ocrm- S30 The war¬ rant .pafft s the great /Teal. promifes in words, and atchieve nothing. She told him that the bufinefs could be performed without them; and recommended one Wingfield to his notice, who would not hefitate to ftrike the blow. The aftoniflied fecre- tary exclaimed with warmth againfl: a mode of proceed¬ ing fo dangerous and unwarrantable. He protefted, that if fhe fiiould take upon herfelf the blame of this deed, it would pollute her with the blacked difhonour ; and that, if flie fliould difavow it, file would overthrow for ever the reputation, the eftates, and the children, of the perfons who Ihould afiift in it. She heard him with pain, and withdrew from him with precipitation. The warrant, after having been communicated to Walfingham, was carried to the chancellor, who put the great feal to it. This formality was hardly con¬ cluded, when a meflage from Elizabeth prohibited JDavidfon from waiting upon the chancellor till he fhould receive farther initruftions. Within an hour af¬ ter, he received a fecond meflage to the fame purpofe. He haftened to court; and Elizabeth afked eagerly, if he had feen the chancellor. He anfvvered in the affir¬ mative ; and flie exclaimed with bitternefs againll his hafte. He faid, that he had ailed exa&ly as flie had direfted him. She continued to exprefs warmly her difpleafure'; but gave no command to flop the opera¬ tion of the warrant. In a ftate of uneafinefs and appre- fecurity ; for I etteem the Popifh verfion of the Scrip¬ tures to be the moll authentic.” Indulging his puri¬ tanical fervour, he declaimed againft popery, counfelled her to renounce its errors, and recommended to her at¬ tention Dr Fletcher dean of Peterborough. She heard him with fbme impatience ; and difcovered no anxiety to be converted by this ecclefiaftic, whom he reprefent- ed as a moft learned divine. Rifing into paffion, he ex¬ claimed, that “ her life would be the death of their re¬ ligion, and that her death would be its life.” After informing him that fhe was unalterably fixed in her re¬ ligious fentiments, fhe defired that her confeflbr might have the liberty to repair to her. The two earls con¬ curred in obferving, that their confciences did not al¬ low them to grant this requeft. She intimated to them the favours for which flie had applied by her letter to Elizabeth, and exprefled a wifli to know if her After had attended to them. They anfwered, that thefe were points upon which they had received no inftru&ions. She made inquiries concerning her fecretaries Naw and Curl; and alked, whether it had ever been.heard of, in the wickedeft times of the moft unprincipled nation, that the fervants of a fovereign princefs had been fub- orned for the purpefe of deftroying her. They looked to one another, and were filent. Bourgoin her phyfx- cian, who with her other domeftics was prefent at this tiUli UI LI 1C WcUlrtllL# Xil a itacc VI uaiv-aixuvio “■ft'1 w - x henfion, he communicated her behaviour to the chancel- interview, feeing the two earls ready to depart, be * 1 ai.., ! JVmrvVit- fVipm ixrlfh 5m pmrihatir parneftnefs to refleft ud lor and the privy-council. Thefe courtiers, however, who were well acquainted with the arts of their miftrefs, and who knew how to flatter her, paid no attention to him. They perceived, or were fecretly informed, that flie defired to have a pretence upon which to complain fought them with ah emphatic earneftnefs to refledi up- ,>.1 the fhort and inadequate portion of time that they had allotted to his miftrefs to prepare' herfelf for death. He infilled, that a refpeft for her high rank, and the multiplicity and importance of her concerns, required at 11JC ucuicu. lu nave a ujjwn w— j — ' *■ 5 1 SCO Scotland and faid, “ In thee, O Lord ! do T truft, let Tne never he confoimded.” She covered her eyes with a linen handkerchief in which the eucharift had been inclofed ; and ftretching forth her body with great tranquillity, and fitting her neck for the fatal llroke, fhe called out, “ Into thy hands, O God ! I commit my fpirit.” The executioner, from defign, from unfkilfulnefs, or from inquietude, ftruck three blows before he feparated her head from her body. He held it up mangled with wounds, and dreaming with blood ; and her hair be¬ ing difcompofed, was difcovered to be already grey with afflictions and anxieties. The dean of Peterborough alone cried out, “ So let the enemies of Elizabeth pe- rifh.” The earl of Kent alone, in a low voice, anfwer- ed, “ Amen.” All the other fpeftators were melted into the tendered: fympathy and forrow Her women hadened to protect her dead body from the curiofity of the fpeCtators ; and folaced themfelves with the thoughts of mourning over it undidurbed when they fhould retire, and of laying it out in its fune¬ ral garb. But the two earls prohibited them from dif- charging thefe melancholy yet pleading offices to their departed midrefo, and drove them from the hall with indignity. Bourgoin her phydcian applied tp them that he might be permitted to take out her heart for the purppfe of preferving it, and of carrying it with him to France. But they refufed his intreaty with difdain and anger. Her remains were touched by the rude hands of the executioners, who carried them into an adjoining apartment; and who, tearing a cloth from an old billiard-table, covered that form, once fo beauti¬ ful. The block, the cufhion, the fcaffold, and the gar¬ ments, which were dained with her blood, were con- fumed with fire. Her body, after being embalmed and committed to a leaden coffin, was buried with royal fplendour and pomp in the cathedral of Peterborough. Elizabeth, who had treated her like a criminal while fhe lived, feemed difpofed to acknowledge her for a queen when fhe was dead. On the death of his mother, the full government of the kingdom devolved on James her fon. Elizabeth, apprehenfive of his refentment for her treatment of his and indiffe- mother, wrote him a letter, in which fiae declaimed all knowledge of the fa&. James had received intelligence of the murder before the arrival of this letter, which was lent by one Cary. The mefl'enger was flopped at Ber¬ wick by an order from the king, telling him, that, if Mary had been executed, he fhould proceed at his pe¬ ril. James Ihut himfelf up in Dalkeith caftle, in order to indulge himfelf in grief; but the natural levity and imbecility of his mind prevented him from adting in any degree as became him. Inftead of refolutely adhe¬ ring to his firft determination of not allowing Cary to fet foot in Scotland, he in a few days gave his confent that he fhould be admitted to an audience of certain 834 Infamous diflimula- tion in Elizabeth, rence in James. members of his privy-council, who took a journey to the borders on purpofe to wait upon him. In this con¬ ference, Cary demanded that the league ef amity between the two kingdoms fhould be inviolably obferved. He faid that his miflrefs was grieved at the death ©f Mary, which had happened without her confent; and, in Eli¬ zabeth’s name, offered any fatisfa&ien that James could demand. The Scots commiffioners treated Cary’s fpeech and propofal with becoming difdain. They ob¬ ferved, that 'they amounted to no more than to know Scotland whether James was difpofed to fell his mother’s blood ; —y—j adding, that the Scottifh nobility and people were deter¬ mined to revenge it, and to intereft in their quarrel the other princes of Europe. Upon this Cary delivere 1 to them the letter from Elizabeth, together with a de- claration of his own concerning the murder of the queen; and it does not appear that he proceeded farther. This reception of her ambalfador threw Elizabeth in- to the utmofl confternation. She was apprehenfive that James would join his force to that of Spain, and entire¬ ly overwhelm her; and had the refentment or the fpirit of the king been equal to that of the nation, it is pro¬ bable that the haughty Engliih princefs would have been made feverthy to repent her perfidy and cruelty. It doth not, however, appear, that James had any lerions intention of calling Elizabeth to an account for the murder of his mother ; for which, perhaps, his natural imbecility maybe urged as an excufe, though it is more probable that his own neceffity for money had fwallowed up every other confideration. By the league formerly conclhded w ith England, it had been agreed that Eliza¬ beth fflould pay an annual penfion to the king of Scot¬ land. James had neither economy to make his own re¬ venue anfwer his purpofes, nor addrefs to get it increa- fed. Fie was therefore always in want ; and as Eliza¬ beth had plenty to fpare, her friendflrip became a va¬ luable acquifition. To this confideration, joined to his view of afeending the Englifh throne, mull chiefly be aferibed the little refentment fhown by him to the atro¬ cious conduA of Elizabeth. Elizabeth was not wanting in the arts of diffimula-Secmarf tion and treachery now more than formerly. She pro-Lindfay fecuted and fined fecretary Davidfon and lord Bur-aild 1(?rd leigh for the a&ive part they had taken in Mary’s death. Their punifhment was indeed much lefs thanpLm they deferved, but they certainly did not merit fuch treat¬ ment at her hands. Walfingham, though equally guil¬ ty, yet efcaped by pretending indifpofition, or perhaps efcaped becaufe the queen had now occafion for his fer- vices. By her command he drew up a long letter ad- dreffed to lord Thirlfton, king James’s prime minifter ; in which he fhowed the neceffity of putting Mary to death, and the folly of attempting to revenge it. He boafted of the fuperior force of England to that of Scot¬ land ; (hewed James that he would for ever ruin his pretenfions to the Englilh crown, by involving the twfo nations in a war; that he ought not to truft to foreign alliances; that the Roman Catholic party wrere fo di¬ vided among themfelves, that he could receive little or. no affiftance from them, even fuppofing him fo ill advifed as to change his own religion for Popery, and that they would not truft his fincerity. Laftly, he attempted to (how, that James had already difeharged all the duty towards his mother and his own reputation that could be expefted from an affeftionate fon and a wife king ; that his interceding for her with a concern fo becoming nature, had endeared him to the kingdom of England; but that it would be madnefs to pulh his refentment farther. This letter had all the effeft that could be defired., James gave an audience to the Engliih ambaffador ; and being affured that his blood was not tainted by the exe¬ cution of his mother for treafon againft Elizabeth, but that SCO [ 99 s c o 836 ’"ifhi'ban' ke reign of t Hives. 'Seettend.itTiat lie was Util -capable 'of Fncceeffmg to the crown of «-v— England, 'he confented to malce up matters, and to ad- •drefs the murderer of his mother by the title off loving and affe&ionate fifter. The reign of James, till his acceffion to the crown of England by Elizabeth’s death in 1603* affords little matter of moment. His fcandalous concefitons to Eli¬ zabeth, and his conftant applications to her for money, filled up the meafure of Scottih meannefs. Ever fince the expulfion of Mary, the country had in faft been re¬ duced to the condition of an Englifh province. The fovereign had been tried by the queen of England, and executed for treafon ; a crime, in the very nature -of the thing impofiible, had not Scotland been in fubje&ion to England ; and to complete all, the contemptible fuccef- for of Mary thought himfelf well off that he was not a traitor too, to his fovereign the queen of England we muft fnppofe, for the cafe will admit of no other fuppo- fition. During the reign of James, the religious difturbances during f which began at the reformation, and that violent ftnig- gle of the clergy for power which never ceafed till the revolution in 1688, went on with great violence. Con- tinual clamours were raifed againfl Popery, at the fame time that the very fundamental principles of Popery were held, ray urged in the moft infolent man¬ ner, as the effe&s of immediate infpiration. Thefe were the total independence of the clergy on every earthly power, at the fame time that all earthly powers were to be fubjeft to them. Their fantaftic decrees were fuppofed to he binding in heaven-; and they took care that they fhould be binding on earth, for whoever had offended fo far as to fall under a fentence of excom¬ munication was declared an outlaw. It is eafy to fee that this circumflance muft have con¬ tributed to difturb the public tranquillity in a great de¬ gree. But befides ibis, the weaknefs of James’s govern¬ ment was fuch, that, under the name of peace, the whole kingdom was involved in the miferies of civil war ; the feudal animofities revived, and flaughter and murder prevailed all over the country. James, fitted only for pedantry, difputed, argued, modelled, and re-modelled, Ution and conft^ut'on to no purpofe. The clergy continued L ueity. their infolence, and the laity their violences upon one another ; at the fame time that the king, by his unhap¬ 8.17 py credulity in the 'operation of demons and witches, ScoflanC declared a moft inhuman and bloody war againft the -“-r— poor old women, many of whom were burnt for the imaginary -crime of convtrfing with the devil. In autumn 1600 happened a remarkable eonfpiracy againft the liberty, if not the life, of the king. The at¬ tainder and execution of the earl of Gowrie for the part he afted in the raid of Ruthven and for fubfequent practices of treafon have been already mentioned. His fon, however, had been reftored to his paternal dignity and eftates, and had in confequence profefled gratitude and attachment to the king. But the Prefbyterian clergy continued to exprefs their approbation of the raid of Ruthven, and to declare on every occafion that in their opinion the earl of Gowrie had fuffered by an unjuft fentence. One of the moft eminent and popular of that order of men was preceptor to the younger Gowrie and his brothers, Who, from their frequent eonverfation* with him, muft have been deeply impreffed with the belief that their father was murdered. The pafiion of revenge took poffelTion of their breafts ; and having in¬ vited the king from Falkland to the earl of Gowrie'* houfe at Perth, under the pretence of fhowing him a fecret treafure of foreign gold, which he might lawfully appropriate to his own ufe, an attempt was made to keep him a clofe prifoner, with threats of putting him to inftant death if he fhould make any attempt to regain his liberty. The reality-of this confplracy has been queftioned by many writers, for no other reafon, as it would appear, but becaufe they could not aflxgn a rational motive for Gowrie’s engaging in fo hazardous an enterprife ; and fome have even infinuated that the confpiracy was en¬ tered into by tire king againft Gowrie in order to get pofleffion of his large eftates. It has been fhown how¬ ever by Arnot, in his Criminal Trials, with a force of evidence which leaves no room for doubt, that the con¬ fpiracy was the earl’s, who feems to have intended that the king fhould be cut off by the hand of an aflafiin ; and the fame acute and diferiminating writer has made it appear highly probable, that he entertained hopes, in the then diftrafted ftate of the nation not ill founded, of being ^ble to mount the throne of his murdered fo- vereign( z). From this imminent danger James was re- feued by his attendents the duke of Lenox, the earl of N 2 Marre, (z) The family of Ruthven had long been looked upon as the head of that party which was attached to England and the reformation; and the accomplifhments of the latter Gowrie qualified him to be the leader of an enterprifing faflion. The importance he derived from ariftocratic influence over his extenfxve domains, and from the attachment of a powerful party in church and ftate, was embelliihed with the luftre of a regal defeent. Thus ambition, as well as revenge, might ftimulate him to his daring enterprife. Indeed, if his attempt was to be directed againft the life of the king, it could no longer be fafe for him to remain in the condition of a fub- je£t : and the indecent and malicious imputation of baftardy, with which the fanatics reproached king James, might afford a plaufible pretext for fecluding the royal offspring. The family of Hamilton, next heir to the crown, had long loft its popularity, and the earl of Arran, its head, had loft his judgment; and, though there nndoubtedfuly were feveral families interpofed between Gowrie and the -crown in the ft-ridt line of fuccellion, cone of them probably poffeffed power and popularity to fupport their right. But if Gowrie and his brother were really endowed with thofe perfonal accompli(hments which have been fo highly extolled, and which made their countrymen conceive the moft fanguine hopes of their early virtues ; it is abfurd to fuppofe lord Gowrie t© have flattered himfelf, that in a country where the church 'was in danger, where the trumpet of fedition was found¬ ed by the minifters, who fortified the chief block-houfe of the Lord's jferufalem, his piety, popularity, and bravery,, Ihould fupply the defedt in title, and make him be called, while there were nearer heirs to the crown j as has ■'fince happened in the fame country, on a fimilar occafiom Scotland. 838 The VVe- ftern Wan¬ ders civi¬ lized. 839 James fuc- ceeds to the crown of England. 840 General defcription of Scot¬ land. SCO [ Matre, Sir Thomas Erfla'ne afterwards earl of Kellie, and Sir John Ramley who was likewife ennobled-; and though Gowrie and his brother fell in the druggie, they were attainted by an a& of parliament, which decerned their name, memory, and dignity, to be extinguifhed ; their arms to be cancelled ; their whole eltates to be forfeited and annexed to the crown; the name of Ruthven to be abolifhed ; and their pofterity and fur- viving brethren to be incapable of fucceeding to, or of holding, any offices, honours, orpolleffions. The moll memorable tranfaftion of James’s reign, and that mod to his honour, is the civilizing of the wedern idanders. For this purpofe, he indituted a company of gentlemen adventurers, to whom he gave large privileges for reforming them. The method he propofed was to tranfport numbers of them to his low countries in Scotland, and to give their iflands, which were very improveable, in fee to his lowland lubjetts who diould choofe to refide in the iflands. The ex¬ periment was to be made upon the Lewes, a long range of the Ebudae ; from whence the adventurers expelled Murdoch Macleod, the tyrant of the inhabitants. Mac- leod, however, kept the fea; and intercepting a fhip which carried one of the chief adventurers, he lent him prifoner to Orkney, after putting the crew to the fw-ord. Macleod was foon after betrayed by his own brother, and hanged at St Andrew’s. The hidory of this new undertaking is rather dark; and the fettlers themfelves feem to have been defe&ive in the arts of civilization. The arrangements they made were conlidered by the inhabitants as very oppreffive ; and one Norman, of the Macleod family, attacked and fubdued them fo effedlual- ly, that they not only confented to yield the property of the iflands to him, but engaged to obtain the king’s pardon for what he had done. In 1603 James was called to the throne of England by the death of Elizabeth, and the fame year took a final leave of Scotland (a). From this period the hi¬ dory of Scotland, being blended with that of England, is included in the article Britain ; to which therefore we refer the reader, and lhall proceed to give a general account of the country. The fird and great divifion of Scotland is into the Highlands and Lowlands. The former engrofs more than one half of Scotland ; extending from Dumbar- tonlhire to the mod northern part of the ifland, a fpace of 200 miles in length, and in breadth from 50 to too. This trail, however, includes feveral extenfive diftriils of low, fruitful ground, inhabited by people who are in all refpeils different from the mountaineers. Nothing can be more favage and tremendous to the eye of a dranger, than the appearance of the Highlands, com- pofed of blue rocks and dulky mountains heaped upon one another even above the clouds, their interdicts rendered impaffable by bogs, their fides embrowned with heath, and their fummits covered with fnow, which lies all the year unthawed, pouring from their jagged fides a thoufand torrents and roaring catarails 100 ] SCO that fall into gloomy vales or glens below, fome of them Scotland,, fo narrow, deep, and difmal, as to be altogether impe- "" 1 netrable by the rays of the fun ; yet even thefe moun¬ tains are in fome places floped into agreeable green hills fit for padure, and flcirted or interfperfed with pleafant draths or valleys capable of cultivation. It may be un- necedary to obferve, that the Lowlanders of Scotland fpeak an ancient dialedl of the Englifh language, inter¬ larded with many terms and idioms which they borrow¬ ed immediately from France, in a long courfe of cor- refpondence with that kingdom : they like-wife copy their fouthern neighbours in their houfes, equipage, habit, indudry, and application to commerce. As to the inhabitants of the mountains, fee the article High, landers. They are, all, however, comprehended un¬ der the name of Scots, governed by the fame laws, and tried by the fame judges ; and, whatever may be their diffenfions at home, they always, when abroad, ac¬ knowledge and affid one another as friends and country¬ men. Some authors have divided Scotland into that part which lies to the fouthward of the Frith, and that which lies to the northward; but the true divifion is, like that of England, into diires, counties, dewart- ries or bailiwicks, of which there are above 40 within the kingdom of Scotland. The lace of this countiy exhibits a very mountain- ous appearance, efpecially to the wed and northward ; mountain* but, at the fame time, it difplays many large and long&e. tra&s of plain ground fit for all the purpofes of agri¬ culture. It is divided from ead to wed by a chain of huge mountains, known by the name of Grant's bain or the Grampian hills. There is another chain called the Pentland bills, which run through Lothian, and join the mountains of Tweeddale ; a third, called Lam- mer-muir, riling near the eadern coad, runs wedward through the Merfe : but belides thefe, there is a vail number of detached hills and mountains, remarkable for their dupendous height and lleepnefs. There is no country in the world better fupplied than Scotland with rivers, lakes, rivulets, and fountains. Over and above the principal rivers of Tweed, Forth, Clyde, Tay, and Spey, there is an infinity of fmaller dreams that contribute to the beauty, convenience, and ad¬ vantage of the kingdom. Tweed takes its life from the borders of Annandale ; ferves as a boundary be¬ tween Scotland and England ; and, after a long Ter¬ pentine courfe, difcharges itfelf into the fea at Ber¬ wick. Forth rifes in Monteith near Callendar, paffes by Stirling, and after a courfe of 25 leagues, runs into the arm of the fea called the Frith of Forth, which divides the coad of Lothian from Fife. Clyde takes its rife from Errick hill, in the dure of Lanerk ; tra- verfes the ffiire of Clydefdale, to which it gives name ; wadies the city of Glafgow, widens in its paffage to the cadle of Dumbarton, and forms the frith of Clyde adjoining to the Iriffi fea. Tay, the larged river in Scotland, derives its fource from Loch-Tay in Bread- albane ; and, after a fouth-ead courie, difcharges itfelf into (a) In 1589 James was married to Anne princefs of Denmark, for whom he made a voyage on purpofe t© that country. This princefs feems to have intermeddled very little with date-affairs, fince we dnd her fcarce ever mentioned either by Scots or Engliffi hidorians. In her private condud ffie is laid to have been unprincipled, vindidive, and unfaithful to her hulband. SCO Scotland. Into the fea below Dundee. _ Spay, from a lake of the fame name in Badenoch ; and, run¬ ning a north-eafterly courfe, [ ioi 1 S C O or Spey, iffues and make himfelf better acquainted with the fclence of Scotland foil. falls into the German ocean, at Speymouth. Some of the frefh-water lakes are beautiful pieces of water, incredibly deep, and fur- priiingly extended. There are feveral large forefts of hr in Scotland, and a great number of woods ; which, however, produce very little timber of any confequence : but the country, in general, is rather bare of trees ; and in many places neither tree, ihrub, nor any kind of plan¬ tation, is to be feen. The cafe has been otherwife of old; for huge trunks of trees are often dug from un¬ der ground in almoit every part of the kingdom. Climate and In the north of Scotland, the day at midfummer is lengthened out to 18 hours and 5 minutes ; fo that the° ihorteft night does not exceed 5 hours and 55 minutes : the night and day, in winter, are in the fame proportion. The air of this kingdom is generally modi and temperate, except upon the tops of high moun¬ tains covered with eternal fnow, where it is cold, keen, and piercing. In other parts it is tempered by warm vapours from the fea, which environs it on three lides, and runs far up into the land by friths, inlets, and in¬ dentations. This neighbourhood of the fea, and the frequency of hills and mountains, produce a conftant undulation in the air, and many hard gales, that pu¬ rify the climate, which is for the mod part agreeable and healthy. Scotland affords a great variety of foil in different parts of the country, which, being hilly, is in general well adapted to pafturage : not but that the Lowlands are as fertile, and, when properly in- clofed and manured, yield as good crops of wheat as any grounds in the ifland of Great Britain. 1 he wa¬ ter in Scotland is remarkably pure, light, and agreeable to the ftomach : but, over and above that which is ufed for the ordinary purpofes of life, here are many medi¬ cinal fprings of great note. Scotland abounds with quarries of free-ftone eafily worked, which enable the people to build elegant houfes, both in town and country, at a fmall expence, efpe- cially as they have plenty of lime-ftone, and labour very cheap. The call, weft, and northern parts of the country produce excellent'coal; and where this is want¬ ing, the natives burn turf and peat for fuel. Cryflals, variegated pebbles, and precious ftones, are found in many parts of Scotland ; talc, flint, and fea fhells, fuller’s earth, potter’s clay, and metals in great plenty. The country produces iron and copper ore, a prodigious quantity of lead, mixed with a large proportion of filver; and in fome places little bits of folid gold are gathered, in brooks immediately after torrents. The Lowlands of Scotland, as has been obferved when duly cultivated, yield rich harvefts of wheat; and indeed it muff be owned that many parts of this king¬ dom rival the beft fpots of England in agriculture: but thefe improvements have not yet advanced into the weftern and northern extremities of the ifland, where we fee nothing but fcanty harvefts of oats, rye, and barley. The Highlands are fo defe&ive even in thefe, that it is neceffary to import fupplies of oatmeal from Ireland and Liverpool. This fcarcity, however, we muff not impute to the barrennefs of the foil, fo much as to the floth and poverty of the tenants, oppreffed by agriculture. This is peneftly well underftood in the Lothians, where we fee fubflantial inclofures, planta¬ tions, meadows for hay and paffure, wide extended fields of wheat, the fruits of flcill and induftry, and meet with farmers who rent lands to the amount of 4001. or 500 1. a year. Of plants this country produces an im- menfe variety, growing wild, excltifive of thofe that are raifed by the hands of the hufbandman and gardener. Their farm-grounds are well flocked with wheat, rye, barley, oats, hemp, and flax : their gardens produce great plenty of kitchen-roots, falads, and greens ; among which lall we reckon the colewort, known by the name of Scotch kail: their orchards bear a variety of apples, pears, cherries, plums, ftrawberries, goofeberries, rafp- berries, and currants: here alfo apricots, ne&arines, peaches, and fometimes grapes, are brought to matu¬ rity. In a word, there is nothing, whether fhrub, fruit, or flower, that grows in any part of South Britain, which may not, with a little pains, be brought to the fame perfe£lion in the middle of Scotland. Among the trees and fhrubs which are the national growth of this country, we may reckon the oak, the fir, the birch, the poplar, the alder, willow, elder, hazle, mountain-afh, crab-tree, and juniper; which lafl abounds to fuch a degree in fome parts of the Highlands, that in the fpace of a few miles many tons of the berries might be year¬ ly gathered : befides thtfe, we find the hawthorn, the floe, the dog-role, furze, broom, fern, and whole trafts of land and mountains covered with ilrong heath. This affords flicker for the myrtillis, the fruit of which, call¬ ed bilberries, is here found in great abundance, as well as the brambleberry, cranberry, and wild ftrawberry. The afli, the elm, the fycamore, lime and walnut-tree, are chiefly planted about the houfes of gentlemen ; but even the inclofures of quickfet appear naked for want of fuch hedge-rows as adorn the country of England. Indeed, great part of this kingdom lies naked and ex- pofed like a common ; and other parts have no other inclofure than a paltry wall huddled up of loofe flones, which yields a bleak and mean profpeft, and ferves no other purpofe than that of keeping out the cattle. All the fea-coafl is covered with alga marina, dulfe, and other marine plants. The Highlands are well flocked with red deer, and the fmaller fpecies called the roe-buck,' as well as with hares, rabbits, foxes, wild cats, and badgers ; and they abound with all forts of game. The rivers and lakes pour forth a profufion of falmon, trout, jack, and eels ; the fea-coaft >fwarms with all the productions of the ocean. The hills and mountains are covered with fheep and black cattle for exportation, as well as domeflic ufe. Thefe are of fmall fize, as are alfo the borfes bred ia the Highlands ; but the Lowlanders ufe the large breed3 which came originally from England. New Scotland. See Nova Scotia. SCOTOMIA, in medicine, a vertigo accompanied with dimnefs of fight, frequently the forerunner of aa apoplexy. SCOTT (John), an eminent Englifh divine, was born in 1638, and became minifler of St Thomas’s ia Southwark. In 1684 he was collated to a prebend in the cathedral of St Paul’s. Dr Hickes tells us, that. Scott. rapacious landlords, who refufe to grant fuch leafes as would encourage the hufbandman to improve his farm after the revolution, “ he firfl refufed the bifhopric of Chefter, becaufe he would not take the oath of ho- mage: < cetus, ^cougaj SCO r ff©2 1 SCO and afterwards another bifhopnc, the deanery «d Vis authority among the ftudents m ifuch a war as Wvorche^er’. and a pr'-bend of the church of Wind- to keep them in awe, and at the fame time to crain tLh — for, becaufe they were a 1 places of deprived men/’ love and efteem. Sunday evenings were fpent with his He pubhfhed fieveral excellent works, particularly The fcholars in difcourfmg againft vice and impiety of all Chriiliaii Life, &c; and died in 1695. He was emr- kinds, and encouraging religion in prindphTand nrac nent for^his humanity, _ affability, fincenty, and readi- tree. He allotted a confiderable part of his yearly in jiefs to do good ; and liis talent for preaching was ex¬ traordinary. SCOT. US (Duns). See Duns. Scotus (John). See Erigena. SCOUGAL (Henry), fecond fon of Patrick Scougal hifliop of Aberdeen, was born, June 1650, at Salton in Eaft Lothian, where his father, the immediate pre- deceffor of Bifliop Burnet, was rector. His father, defigning him for the facred miniftry, watched over his infant mind with peculiar care ; nor was his care be- jftwwed in vain. He had foon the fatisfa&ion of per¬ ceiving the moft amiable difpofitions unfold themfelves, und his underftanding rife at once into the vigour of tnanhood. Relinquifhing the amufements of youth, young Scougal applied to his fludies with ardour ; and, agreeable to his father’s wifh, at an early period he di- refted his_ thoughts to facred literature. He pernfed the hiftorical parts of the bible with peculiar pleafure, and then began to examine its contents with the eye of a philofopher. He was flruck with the pecularities cti the Jewifh difpenfation, and felt an anxiety to under- fland the reafon why its rites and ceremonies were abolifhed. _ The nature and evidences of the Chriftian leligion alio occupied his mind. He perufed fermons with pleafure, committed to writing thofe padages which moil affected him, and could comprehend and remember their whole fcope. Nor was he inattentive to polite literature. He read the Roman claffics, and made con¬ fiderable proficiency in the Greek, in the Hebrew, and other oriental languages. He was alfo well verfed in hiftory and mathematics. _ His diverfions were of a manly kind. After becoming acquainted with the Ro- man hiftory, in concert with fome of his companions he formed a little fenate where orations of their own compofition were delivered. At the age of fifteen he entered the umverfity, where he behaved with great modefty, fobriety, and dili¬ gence. He diftiked the philofophy then taught, and applied hmidf to the ftudy of natural philofophy; that philofophy which has now happily got fuch foot¬ ing m the world, and tends to enlarge the faculties. In confequence of this, we may here obferve, that when he was yet about eighteen years of age, he wrote the reflections and fhort effays fince publilbed ; which tho’ written in his youth, and fome of them left unfinifhed, breathe forth fo much devotion, and fuch an exalted foul, as muft convince us his converfation was in heaven. In all the pub ic meetings of the ftudents he was unammoufly chofen preiident, and had a fingular de¬ ference paid to his judgment. No fooner had he finifh- ed his courfes, but he was promoted to a profefforfhip jn the umveriity of Aberdeen, where he confeientiouf- ly performed his duty m training up the youth under his care m fuch principles of learning and virtue as might render them ornaments to church and ftate. When any divifions and animofities happened in the fociety, he was very mftrumental in reconciling and hanging them to a good underftanding. He maintain- c]°™€ ‘Qr the poor ; and many indigent families, of difteient perfuafions, were relieved in their ftraits by his bounty though fo fecretly that they knew not whence •their fupply came. Having been a profeffor of philofophy for four years, he was at the age of twenty-three ordained a minifter, and fettled at Auchterlefs, a fmall village about twenty miles from Aberdeen. Here his zeaf and ability for his great Mailer’s fervice were eminently difplayed. He catechifed with great plainnefs and affe&ion, and ufed the moft endearing methods to recommend religion to his hearers. He endeavoured to bring them to a clofe -attendance on public worftiip, and joined with them himfelf at the beginning of it. He revived the ufe of lectures, looking on it as very edifying to com¬ ment upon and expound large portions of feripture. And though he endured feveral outward inconvenieu- cie-s^yet he bore them with patience and meeknefs. But as God had defigned him for an eminent ftation, where he could be of more univerfal ufe in his church, he was removed from his private charge to that of training up youth for the holy miniftry and the care of fouls. In the twenty-fifth year of his age he was admitted pro¬ feffor of divinity in the king’s college, Aberdeen; and though he was unanimoufly chofen, yet he declined a ftation of fuch importance, from a modeft fenfe of his unfit nets for it: And as he had been an ornament to his other ftations of life, fo in a particular manner he applied himfelf to the exercife of this office. After he had guarded. his ftudente againft the common artifices of the Romifh miffionaries in making profelytes, he propofed two fubje&s for public excrcifes ; the'one, of thepaftoral care ; theocher, of cafuiftical divinity : but there were no debates he was more cautious to meddle with than the decrees of God ; fenfible that fecret things belong to God; and to us things revealed, u j-? *?wa(d difpofitions of this excellent man are heft feen in his writings ; and the whole of his outward behaviour and converfation was the conftant pra&ice of what he preached ; as we are affured by the con¬ curring teftimony of feveral refpe&abk perfons who knew him. How unfuitable then would panegyric be, where the fubjedl was full of humility ? and there¬ fore let it fuffice to fay, that after he began to appear publicly, you fee him as a profeffor, earneft at once to improve his fcholars in human and facred learning ; as a paftor, he ceafed not to preach the word, to ex¬ hort, to reprove, and to rebuke with all authority : and as a profeffor of divinity, he beftowed the utmoft: pains to convince the candidates for the miniftry of the weight and importance of that high office; that it was not to be followed for lucre, but purely to promote the worftiip of God and the falvation of men. Again, if we confider his private life, how meek, how charitable, and how felf-denied ! how difinterefted in all things, how refigned to the divine will ! and above all, how refined hie fentiments with regard to the love of God ! How amiable muft he then appear! How worthy r Screw, S C R | 103 1 S gcongal wortfry of imitation, and of the univerfal regfet at his ogram, as defcribed before death ! In this light we fee clearly that the memory of the juft is bleffed. At length his health begun to be impaired by in- ceftant ftudy, and about the twenty-feventh year of his age he fell into a confumption, which wafted him by flow degrees. But during the whole time of his iicknefs he behaved with the utmoft refignation, nor did he ever fhow the lead impatience. When his friends came to vifit him, he would fay, “ he had reafon to blefs God it was no -worfe with him than it was. And (fays he) when you have the charity to remember me in your prayers, do not think me a better man than I am ; but look on me, as indeed I am, a miferable finner.” 'Upon the twentieth day of June 1678 he died, in the greateft calmnefs, in the twenty-eighth year of his age, and was buried in the King’s College-Church in Old Aberdeen. The prin¬ cipal Work of Scougal is a fmall treatife intitled, The Life of God in the Soul of Man. This book is not only valuable for the fublime fpirit of piety which it breathes, but for the purity and elegance of its flyle ; qualities for which few Englifh writers were diftinguifhed before the Revolution. SCOUTS, in a military fenfe, are generally horfe- men fent out before, and on the wings of an army, at the diftance of a mile or two, to difcover the enemy, and give the general an account of what they fee. SCRATCH-pans, in the Englifh falt-works, a name given to certain leaden pans, which are ufually made about a foot and an half long, a foot broad, and three inches deep, with a bow or circular handle of iron, by which they may be drawn out with a hook when the liquor in the pan is boiling. Their ufe is to receive a felenitfc matter, known by the name of [oft [cratch., which falls during the evaporation of the fait-water. See the article Sea-Salt. SCRATCHES, in farriery. See there, $ xxxvii. ^ SCREED, with plafterers, is the floated work be¬ hind a cornice, and is only neceffary when a cornice is to be executed without bracketing. SCREW, one of the fix mechanical powers. A fcrew is a cylinder cut into feveral concave furfaces, or rather a channel or groove made in a cylinder, by car¬ rying on two fpiral planes the whole length of the fcrew, in fuch a manner that they may be always equally in¬ clined to the axis of the cylinder in their whole pro- grefs, and alfo inclined to the bale of it' in the fame angle. See Mechanics, n’ 30 N° I. eT0 crmjiruS a common, or one-threaded Screw. — Make a parallelogram of paper equal in length to the cylinder which is to be fcrewed, and equal in breadth to the eircumferenee of that cylinder. Divide the fide of the parallelogram, which is equal to the cir¬ cumference of the cylinder, into two equal parts. Di¬ vide the other fide of the parallelogram, which is equal in length to the cylinder, into as many parts as the thicknefs or breadth of the intended thread will run ever. Then join the fecond point on the circumference fide to the fecond point on the length-fide of the pa¬ rallelogram, and fo join all the fucceeding points as you fee in the figure. N1 2. ‘To make a four-threaded Screw, or that which u commonly ufed for the letter-prefs .-—Make a parallel- Scrtw, Scribe. C R divide that fide which is equal to the circumference of the cylinder into eight equal parts, or twice the number of threads. Divide the other fide into as many parts as the diftance be¬ tween two threads will run over, then join the points as in n° 1. (fig. I). Plate Corollary. To make a left-handed [crew.—Make ccccxly-UI*. the parallels to the right inftead of the left, as exprefled by the figures, n° 3. This is the true and only pra&icable way of making all kinds of fcrews that are cut on a cylinder. Archimedes's ScRf ir. See Hydrostatics, n04O. Endlef or Perpetual Screw, one fo fitted in a com¬ pound machine as to turn a dented wheel ; fo called, becaufe it may be turned for ever without coming to an end. If in the endlefs or perpetual fcrew, AB (n°4.), whofe threads take the teeth of the wheel CD, you take the diftance of two threads, according to the length of the axis AB ; or the diftance of two teeth in the wheel CD, in the diredtion of the circumference ; and if a weight W aft at the circumference of the wheel : then, if the power D be to the weight W, as that di¬ ftance of the teeth or threads, to the length defcribed by the power P in one revolution, the power and weight will be in equilibrio ; becaufe in one revolution of Pi the wheel DC, with the weight W, has moved only the diftance of one tooth. SCRIBE, in Hebrew 'W [opher, is very common in fcripture, and has feveral fignifications. It fignifies, A clerk, writer, or fecretary. This was a very confiderable employment in the court of the kings of Judah, in which the fcripture often mentions the fe- cretaries as the firft officers of the crown. Seraiah was fcribe or fecretary to king David (2 Sam. viii. 17)* Shevah and Shemaiah exercifed the fame office under the fame prince (2 Sam. xx. 25). In Solomon’s time we find Elihoreph and Ahiah fecretaries to that prince ( 1 Kings iv. 4). Shebna under Hezekiah ( 2 Kings xix. 2). And Shaphan under Jofiah (2 Kings xxii. 8). As there were but few in thofe times that could write well, the employment ef a fcribe or writer was very confiderable. 2. A fcribe is put for a commiflary or mufter-mafter of an army, who makes the review of the troops, keeps the lift or roll, and calls them over. Under the reign of Uzziah king of Judah, there is found Jell the fcribe who had under his hand the king’s armies (2 Chr. xxvi. 11). And at the time of the captivity, it is faid the captain of the guard, among other confiderable per- fons, took the principal fcribe of the holR or fecretary at war, which muftered the people of the land ( 2 Kings xxv. 19). 3. Scribe is put for an able and Ikilful man, a doftor of the law, a man of learning that underftands affairs. Jonathan, David’s uncle by the father’s fide, was a' counfellor, a wife man, and a fcribe (1 Chr. xxvii. 32). Baruch, the difciple and fecretary to Jeremiah, is call¬ ed * fcnhe (Jer. xxxvi. 26)1 And Ezra is celebrated as a Ikilful fcribe in the law of his God (Ezra vii. 6). The fcribes of the people, who are frequently men¬ tioned in the Gofpel, were public writers and profef- fed doftors of the law, which they read and explained to the people. Some place the original of fcribes um 4 der SCR [ 104 T SCR Sente (Jet- Mofes: but their name does not appear till under Scrimzco- ju<%es- ^ t^iat t^e wars ^ara^ a,?ain^ ■ , y-. Sifera, “ out of Machir came down governors, and out of Zebulun they that handle the pen of the writer/’ (Jl% es v. 14). Others think that David firft inftitu- ted them, when he ellablifned the feveral claffes of the priefts and Levites. The feribes were of the tribe of Levi ; and at the time that David is faid to have made the regulations in that tribe, we read that 6000 men of them were conftituted officers and judges (1 Chr. otxiii. 4.) ; among whom it is reafonable to think the feribes were included. For in 2 Chr. xxiv. 6. we read of Shemaiah the feribe, one of the Levites ; and in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 13. we find it written, “ Of the Levites that were feribes and officers.” The feribes and doftors of the law, in the feripture phrafe, mean the fame thing ; and he that in Mat. xxii. 3 is called a Jotlor of the law, or a lawyer, in Mark xii. 28. is named a feribe, or one of the feribes. And as the whole religion of the Jews at that time chiefly -confifted in pharifaical traditions, and in the ufe that was made of them to explain the feripture ; the great- eft number of the doctors of the law, or of the feribes, were pharifees ; and we almcft always find them joined together in feripture. Each of them valued themfelves upon their knowledge of the law, upon their ftudying and teaching it (Mat. xxii. 52.) : they had the key of knowledge, and fat in Mofes’s chair (Mat. xxiii. 2). Epiphanius, and the author of the Recognitions impu¬ ted to St Clement, reckon the feribes among the fedts of the Jews ; but it is certain they made no fedt by themfelves; they were only diftinguifhed by their ftudy of the law. SCRIBONIUS (Largus), an ancient phyfician in the reign of Auguftus or Tiberius, was the author of feveral works ; the beft edition of which is that of John Rhodius. SCRIMZEOR or Scrimgeour (Henry), an emi¬ nent reftorer of learning, was born at Dundee in the year 1506. He traced his defeent from the ancient fa¬ mily of the Scrimzeours of Didupe, who obtained the •ffice of hereditary ftandard-bearers to the kings of Scotland in 1057. At the grammar-fchool of Dundee our author ac- Scriwzeor, quired the Greek and Latin languages to an uncommon degree of perfeftion, and that in a ffiortcr fpace of time than many fcholars before him. At the univerfity of St Andrew’s his fuccefsful application to philofophy gained him great applaufe. The next feene of his ftu- dies was the univerfity of Paris, and their more parti¬ cular objedl the civil law. T wo of the moft famous ci¬ vilians of that age, Eguinard Baron and Francis Dua- ren (a), were then giving their ledlures to crowded cir¬ cles at Bourges, The fame of thefe profeffors oc- cafioned his removal from Paris ; and for a confider- able time he profecuted his ftudies under their direc- . tion. •• At Bourges he had an opportunity of becoming ac¬ quainted with the celebrated James Amiot, Greek pro- feflbr in that city, well known in the learned world by his tranflation of Plutarch’s Lives, and diftingu’ffied af¬ terwards by his advancement to great honours in the church, and finally to the rank of cardinal. Through the recommendation of this eminent per- fon, Mr Scrimzeor engaged in the education of two young gentlemen of the name of Bucherel, whom he in- ftrufted in the belles lettres, and other branches of li¬ terature, calculated to accompliffi them for their ftation in life. This conneftion introduced him to Bernard Borne- tel biihop of Rennes, a perfon famed in the political world for having ferred the ftate in many honourable embaffies. Accepting an invitation from this prelate to accompany him to Italy, Mr Scrimzeor greatly en¬ larged the fphere of his literary acquaintance, by his converfation and connexion with moft of the diftin- guilhed fcholars of that country. The death of Fran¬ cis Spira (b) happened during his vifit at Padua ; and as the charaffter and conduit of this remarkable perfon at that time engaged the attention of the world, Mr Scrimzeor is faid to have colleited memoirs of him in a publication entitled, “ The Life of Francis Spira, by- Henry of Scotland.” This performance, however, does not appear in the catalogue of his works. After he had ftored his mind with the literature of foreign countries, and fatisfied his curiolity as a travel¬ ler. (a) “ Francis Duaren was the firft of the French civilians who purged the chair in the civil law fchools from the barbarifms of the Glofiaries, in order to introduce the pure feurces of the ancient jurifprudence. As he did not defire to fliare that glory with any one, he looked with an envious eye on the reputation of his colleague Eguinard Baron, who alfo mixed good literature with the knowledge of the law. This jealoufy put him upon compofing a work, wherein he endeavoured to leffen the efteem that people had for his colleague. The maxim, * Pajcitur in vvis liver ; pofl fata quiefeitwas verified remarkably in him ; for after the death of Baron, he fhowed himfelf moft zealous to eternize his memory-, and was at the expence of a monument to the honour of the deceafed.” From the Tranflation of Bayle’s Dift. of 1710, p. 1143-4. (b) brands Spira was a lawyer of great reputation at Cittadella in the Venetian ftate, at the beginning of the 16th century-. He had imbibed the principles of the Reformation, and was accufed before John de la Cafa, archbifirop of Benevento, the pope’s nuncio at Venice. Fie made fome conceffions, and afleed pardon of the papal minifter for his errors. But the nuncio infilled upon a public recantation. Spira was exceedingly averfe *o this meafure ; but at the preffing inllances of his wife and his friends, who reprefented to him that he muft iole his practice and ruin his affairs by perfifting againft it, he at laft complied. Shortly after he fell into a deep melancholy, loft his health, and was removed to Padua for the advice of phyficians and divines ; but his diforders augmented. 1 he recantation, which he faid he had made from cowardice and intereft, filled his mind with con¬ tinual horror and remorfe ; infomuch that he fometimes imagined that he felt the torments of the damned. No means being found to reftore either his health or his peace of mind, ni 1548 he fella vidlim to his miferable fitu- atron. See Collyer’s Did Spira. S-C R U 105 1 SCR isrtimzeor ler, it V^as his intention to ha^e reviAted Scotland He — v— tniirht without vanity have entertained hopes, that the various knowledge which he had treafured would have won him a partial reception among his countrymen. An ambition of being rife fully diftinguilhed among them as a man of letters is juftly fuppofed the princi¬ pal motive of his defire to return: but the moft fan- guine projefts of life are often ftrangely diverted by ac¬ cident, or rather perhaps are invifibly turned by Provi¬ dence, from their purpofed courfe. • Mr Scrimzeor, on his journey homewards, was to pafs through Geneva. His fame had long forerun his footfteps. The fyndics and other magiftrates, upon his arrival, requdted him to fet up the profeflion of philoiophy in that city ; pro- tnifing a compenfation fuitable to the exertion of his talents. He accepted the propofal, and eftablifhed the philofophical chair. After he had taught for fome time at Geneva, a fire broke out in his neighbourhood, by which his houfe was confumed, and he himfelf reduced to great diftrefs. His late pupils, the Bucherels, had not forgotten their obligations to him, and fent a confiderable fum of mo¬ ney to bis relief. At this time flourUhed at Augfburg that famous mercantile family (c), the Fuggers. Ulric Fugger was then its reprefentative ; a man pofleffed of prodigi¬ ous wealth, paflionately fond of literature, a great col- leftor of books and manufcripts, and a munificent pa¬ tron of learned men. Being informed by means of his literary correfpondence of the misfortune which had befallen Mr Scrimzeor in the burning of his houfe, he immediately fent him a prefiing invitation to accept an afylum beneath his roof till his affairs could be re-efta- bliftied. Mr Scrimzeor, gladly availing himfelf of fuch a hofpitable kindnefs, loft no time in going to Ger¬ many. Whilft refiding at Augfburg with Mr Fugger, he was much employed in augmenting his patron’s library by vaft colleo8 ] SCR 3. Let us now confider the evidence of teflimony for the authenticity of the Old Teftarnent. As the Jews were a more ancient people than the Greeks or Ro¬ mans, and for many ages totally unconnected with them, it is not to be expected that we fhould derive much evidence from the hiftovians of thole nations ; it is to the Jews alone we nhuft look for information. But it has unfortunately happened that tew of their works ex¬ cept the Scriptures themfelves have been preferved to pollerity. Jofephus is the moll ancient of the Jewilh hillorians to whom we can appeal. He informs us, that the Old Teilament was divided into three parts, the Law, the Prophets, and the Hagiographa or poeti¬ cal books. No man, fays he, hath ever dared to add or take away from them. He tells us alfo, that other books were written after the time of Artaxerxes ; but as they were not compofed by prophets, they were not reckoned worthy of the fame credit. Since the promulgation of the Chrillian religion, it is impofiible that any material alterations or corruptions could have taken place in the books of the Old ! ella- ment ; for they have been in the hands both of Jews and Chriftians from that period. Had the Jews at¬ tempted to make any alterations, the Chriftians would have detefted and expofed them ; nor would the Jews have been lefs fevere againft the Chriftians if they had corrupted the facred text. But the copies in the hands of Jews and Chriftians agree; and therefore we juftly conclude, that the Old Teftament is ftill pure and un¬ corrupted. The divifion mentioned by our Saviour into the Law, the Prophets, and the Pfalms, correfponds with that of Jofephus. We have therefore fufficient evidence, it is hoped, to convince even a deift, that the Old Teftament exifted at that time. And if the deift will only allow, that Jefus Chrift was a perfonage of a virtuous and ir¬ reproachable chara&er, he will acknowledge that we draw a fair conclufion when we aftert that the Scrip¬ tures were not corrupted in his time: for when he ac- cufed the Phariiees of making the law of no effeft by their traditions, and when he injoined his hearers to fearch the Scriptures, he could not have failed to men¬ tion the corruptions or forgeries of Scripture, if any in that age had exifted. But we are affured, by very re- fpedlable authority, that the canon of the Old Tefta¬ ment was fixed fome centuries before the birth of Jefus Chrift. Jefus the fon of Sirach, the author of Eccle- fiafticus, makes evident references to the prophecies of Ifaiah *, Jeremiah f, and Ezekiel if, and mentions thefe prophets by name. He fpeaks alfo of the twelve minor prophets $. It appears alfo from the prologue, that the law and the prophets, and other ancient books, ex¬ ifted at the fame period. The book of Ecclefiafticus, according to the calculations of the beft chronologers, was written in Syriac about A. M. 3772, that is, 232 years before the Chriftian era, and was tranflated into Greek in the next century by the grandfon of the au¬ thor. The prologue was added by the tranflator : but this circumftance does not diminifh the evidence for the antiquity of Scripture ; for he informs us, that the law and the prophets, and the other books of their fathers, were ftudied by his grandfather : a fufficient proof that they exifted in his time. As no authentic books of a more ancient date, except the facred writings them¬ felves, have reached our time, we can afeend no higher Senjuii,,, in fearch of teftimony. — There is, however, one remarkable hillorical fad!; which proves the exiftence of the law of Mofes at the dflfolution of the kingdom of Ifrael, when the ten tribes were carried captive to Afiyria by Shalmanefer, and dif- perfed among the provinces of that extenfive empire ; that is, about 741 years before Chrift. It was about that time the Samaritans were tranfported from Affyria to repeople the country, which the ten captive tribes of liracl had formerly inhabited. The pofterity of the Samaritans ftill inhabit the land of their lathers, and have preferved copies of the Pentateuch, two or three of which were brought to this country in the laft century. The Samaritan Pentateuch is written in old Hebrew charadlers (fee Philology, n° 28), and therefore mull have exifted before the time of Ezra. But fo violent were the animofities which fub- fifted between the Jews and Samaritans, that in no pe¬ riod of their hiftory would the one nation have received any books from the other. They muft therefore have received them at their firft fettlement in Samaria from the captive prieft whom the Affyrian monarch Tent to teach them how they fhould fear the Lord (2 Kings xvii.) $ The canon of the Old Teftanaent, as both Jewifh The canon and Chriftian writers agree, was completed by Ezra^f and fome of his immediate fucceffors (fee Bible). our copies the facred books are divided into 39. The Jews reckoned only 22, correfponding to the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet. They united the books of Judges and Ruth ; they joined the two books of Samuel; the books of Kings and Chronicles were reckoned one ; Ezra and Nehemiah one ; the Prophe'- cies and Lamentations of Jeremiah were taken -under the fame head; and the 12 minor prophets were con- fidered as one book—fo that the whole number of books in the Jewifh canon amounted to 22. y The Pentateuch confifls of the five books Genefis, The r'en. Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. Se-£ateuch veral obfervations have been already made refpedling the ^ authenticity of thefe under the article Pentateuch ; but feveral additional remarks have occurred, which may not improperly be given in this place. For many of thefe we acknowledge ourfelves indebted to a fermon publifhed by the reverend Mr Marfh, whofe refearch and learning and critical accuracy will be acknow¬ ledged by every reader of difeernment. One of the flrongeft arguments that have occurred to us in fupport of the authenticity of the Pentateuch, and the infpiration of the writer, has already been given under the article Religion, n° 14, &c. which fee: But we fhall in this place prefent two arguments of a different kind, which would be fufficient to prove at leaft the former of thefe conclufions. We argue from the language and contents of the Mofaic writings, and from the teflimony of the other books of Scripture. ? From the contents and language of the Pentateuch PmvctUy there arifes a very flrong prefumption that Mofes was J^nce, its author. The very mode of writing in the four laft books difeovers an author contemporary with the events which he relates; every defeription, both religious and political, is a proof that the writer was prefent at each refpe&ive feene ; and the legifiative and hiftorical parts 6 ate 1 4 a Scripture. Utrjb. Aftd by te> Simony. ^ Ezra iii viii, 14. Nehem. siii. 1. scr r 1 are fo interwoven with each other, that neither of them could have been written by a man who lived in a later age. The acc unt which is given in the book of Ex¬ odus of the condudt of Pharaoh towards the1 children of Tfrael,- is fuch as might be expected from a writer who was not only acquainted with the country-at large, but had frequent accefs to the court of its fovereign s and the minute geographical defcription of the paffage thro' Arabia is fuch, as could have been given only by a man like Mofes, who had fpent 40 years in the land of Mi- dian. The language itfelf is a proof of its high anti¬ quity, which appears partly from the great fimplicity of the ftyle, and partly from the ufe- of archaifms or antiquated expreflions, which in the days even of Da¬ vid and Solomon were obfokte (b). But the ftrongell argument that can be produced to fhow that the Pen¬ tateuch was written by a man bom and educated in Egypt, is the ufe of Egyptian words; words which never were, or ever could have been, ufed by a native of Paleitine : and it-is a remarkable circumllance, that the very fame thing which Mofes had expreffed by a word that is pure Egyptian, Ifaiah, as might be expected from his birth apd education, has expreffed by a word that is purely Hebrew (c). That Mofes was the author of the Pentateuch is pro¬ ved alfo from the evidence of teftimony. We do not here quote the authority of Diodorus Siculus, of Lon¬ ginus, or Strabo, becaufe their information mufl have been derived from the Jews. We ihall feek no autho¬ rity but that of the fucceeding facred books themfelves, which bear internal evidence that they were written in different ages, and therefore could not be forged unlefs we were to adopt the abfurd opinion that there was a fucceflion of impoflors among the Jews who united to¬ gether in the fame fraud. The Jews were certainly belt qualified to judge of the authenticity of their own books. They could judge of the truth of the fadfs re¬ corded, and they could have no interefl in adopting a forgery. Indeed, to fuppofe a whole nation combined in committing a forgery, and that this combination fhould continue for many hundred years, would be the moft chimerical fuppofition that ever entered into the mind of man. Yet we muft make, this fuppofition, if we rejedf the hiftorical fadts of the Old Teftament. No one will deny that the Pentateuch exifled in the time of Chrift and his apoitles ; for they not only mention it, but quote it. “ This we admit,” reply the advo¬ cates for the hypothefis which we are now combating ; “ but you cannot therefore conclude that Mofes was the author; for there is reafon to believe it was compofed by Ezra.” But unfortunately for men of this opinion, both Ezra and- Nehemiah aferibe the book of the law to Mofes f. 2. The Pentateuch was in the pofl'efiion of the Samaritans before the time of Ezra. 3. It exilted in the reign of Amaziah king of Judah, A. C. 839 09 ] SCR years f. 4. It was In public ufe in the feign of Jehc* Scripture; faphat, A. C. 912 { for that virtuous prince appointed Levites and priefts who taught in Judah, and had the4 /7/e, and "W faery which are ufed in both genders by no other writer than Mofes. See Gen. xxiv. 14. x6. 28. 55. 57. xxxviii. 21. 25. (c) For inftance, u™ (perhaps written originally ‘"K, and the ' lengthened into 1 by miftake), written by the Seventy or axu> Gen. xli. 2. and nan, written by the Seventy or S-Kij. See La Croze Lexicon LEgyp-. tiacuniy art. axi and ©hbi 1 he fame thing which Mofes exprelfes by irrx, Gen. xli. 2. Ifaiah xix. 7. exprefles by nrijt, for the Seventy have tranflated both of thefe words by S C R Sc-'pture. an(j reacj the people every feventK year (n care therefore was taken not only for the prefervation of the original record, but that no fpurioua produdtion fhould be fubftituted in its (lead. And that no fpurions production ever has been fubdituted in the fteaa of the original conrpofition of Mofes, appears from the evidence both of the Greek and the San.aritan Pentateuch. For as thefe agree with the Hebrew, except in fome trif¬ ling variations (e), to which every work is expcfed by length of time, it is abfolutely certain that the five books which we now afcribe to Mofes are one and the fame work with that which was tranfiated into Greek in the time of the Ptolemies, and, what is of ftill great¬ er importance, with that which exifted in the time of Solomon. And as the Jews could have had no mo¬ tive whatfoever, during that period which elapfed be¬ tween the age of Jofhua and that of Solomon, for fub- ftituting a fpurious produdlion inftead of the original as written by Mofes, and, even had they been inclined to attempt the impolture, would have been prevented by the care which had been taken by their lawgiver, we muft conclude that ourprefent Pentateuch is the ve¬ ry identical work that was delivered by Mofes. The politive evidence being now produced, we fir all endeavour to anfwer fome particular obje&ions that have been urged. But as mod of thefe occur in the book of Genefrs, we fhall referve them for feparate examination, and (hall here only confrder the objections peculiar to the four lad books. They may be comprifed under one head, viz. expreflions and paffages in thefe books •which could not have been written by Mofes. I. The account of the death of Mofes, in the lad chapter of Deuteronomy, we allow mud have been added by fome fucceeding writer ; but this can never prove that the book of Deuteronomy is fpurious. What is more com¬ mon among ourfelves than to fee an account of the life and death of an author fubjoined to his works, without informing us by whom the narrative was written ? 2. It has been objeCfed, that Mofes always fpeaks of himfelf in the third perfon. This is the objetlion of foolifh ignorance, and therefore fcarcely deferves an anfwer. W'e fufpect that fuch perfons have never read the daf¬ fies, particularly Caefar’s Commentaries, where the au¬ thor uniformly fpeaks of himfelf in the third perfon, as every writer of corredl tade will do who refleCts on the ubfurdity of employing the pronoun of the firit perfon tr Particular •objecftions .obviated. f no 1 SCR Sufficient in a work intended to be read long after his death. (See Scripture, Grammar, n° 33.) 3. As to the objection, that in fome places the text is defective, as in Exodus xv. 8. it is not direCted againd the author, but againd fome tran- feriber ; for what is wanting in the Hebrew is inferted in the Samaritan. 4. The only other objection that de¬ fences notice is made from two paflages. It is faid in one place that the bed of Og is at Hamah to thit day \ and in another (Deut. iii. 14.), “ Jail- the fon of Ma- nafieh took all the country of Argob unto the coads of Gefhuri and Maacathi, and called them after his own name, Bafhan-havoth jair, unto this day” The laft claufe in both thefe padages could not have been writ¬ ten by Mofes, but it was probably placed in the margin by fome tranferiber by way of explanation, and was af- -terwards by midakc inferted in the text. Whoever doubts the truth of this adertion may have recourfe to the manuferipts of the Greek Tedament, and he will find that the fpurious additions in the texts of fome manuferipts are aCtually written in the margin of others (f). That the Pentateuch, therefore, at lead the four lad books of it, was written by Mofes, we have very fatis- faftory evidence ; which, indeed, at the didance of 3000 years is wonderful, and which cannot be affirmed of any profane hidory written at a much later period. The book of Genefis was evidently not written by a Air hen tk perfon who was contemporary with the fads which he^1^0^™* records; for it contains the hidory of 2369 years, aGei period comprehending aimed twice as many years as all the red of the hidorical books of the Old Tedament put together. Mofes has been acknowledged as the au¬ thor of this book by all the ancient Jews and Chrif- tians ; but it has been a matter of dii'pute from what fource he derived his materials ; fome affirming that all the fads were revealed by infpiration, and others main¬ taining that he procured them from tradition. Some who have looked upon themfelves as profound philofophers, have rejeded many parts of the book of Genefis as fabulous and abfurd: but it cannot be the wifdom of philofophy, but the vanity of ignorance, that could lead to fuch an opinion. In fad, the book of Genefis affords a key to many difficulties in philofo¬ phy which cannot otherwife be explained. It has been fuppofed that the dfverfities among mankind prove that they- are not defeended from one pair ; but it has been fully (d) “ And Mofes wrote this law, and delivered it unto the priefts the fons of Levi, which bare the ark of the covenant of the Lord, and unto all the elders of Ifrael. And Moles commanded them, faying, At the end of every feven years, in the folemnity of the year of releafe, in the feaft of tabernacles, when all Ifrael is come to appear before the Lord thy God, in the place which he fhall chorife, thou firalt read this law before all Ifrael ia their hearing. And it .came to pafs, when Mofes had made an end of writing the words of this law in a book until they were finifhed, that Mofes commanded the Levites, whrch bare the ark of the covenant of the Lord, faying, Take this book of the law, and put it in the fide of the ark of the covenant of the Lord your God.’' ifieut. xxxi. 9— 1 1. 24—26. There is a paffage to the fame purpofe in Jofephus : Auxura* Jia rav avajai^t.a* r« iff a ‘foff phi Anfiquitnt. Lib. V. C. I . § I J. 6(1. Hudfon. (e) See the collation of the Hebrew and Samaritan Pentateuch, in the 6th vol. of the London Polyght. p. 19. ' of the Animadverftones Samaritice. (f) To mention only two examples. 1 The common 'reading, 1 Cor. xvi. 2. is A&s lie for 317 years, the materials mud have been furailh- u1’,4-5’.’ ed by different perfous. Ihe book, however, feems to^- be the compofition of one individual (o), who lived af-James ii’** ter the regal government was edabliihcd 4, but before the *5 . >8,; acceffion of David : for it is laid in the 2 id verfe ofEcclus X'VI* the id chapter, that the Jebuiites were dill in Jerufa-i?'-5 !-MaC* Jem ; who, we know, were difpofieffed of that city ear- ’’"Vi ly in the reign of David ^[. We have reafon, therefore,Judg«* to afenbe this book to Samuel. 1 Jud.xix.rj The hidory of this book may be divided into two parts; the fird contains an account of the Judges from Qtbnielv 6 s'11’ to Samfon, ending at the 16th chap. The fecond part relates feveral remarkable tranfaftions which occurred foon after the death of Joffiua; but are thrown to the end of the book, that they might not interrupt the courfe of the hidory. See Judges. 1 lie book of Ruth is a kind of fupplement to theR book of Judges, and an introduftion to the hidory of David, as it is related in the books of Samuel. Since the genealogy which it contains defeends to David, it mud have been written after the birth of that prince, but not at any coniiderable time after it; for the hi¬ dory of Boaz and Ruth, the great-grandfather and great-grandmother of David, could not be remembered above two or three generations. As the elder brothers of David and their fons are omitted, and none of his own children are mentioned in the genealogy, it is evi¬ dent that the book was compofed in honour of the He¬ brew monarch, after h? was anointed king by Samuel, and before any of his children were barn ; and confe- quently in the reign of Saul. The Jews aferibe it to Samuel ; and indeed there is no perfon of that age to whom it may be attributed with more propriety We are informed (1 Sam. x. 25.) that Samuel was a writer, ^ and ten^o/the^book.1 ^ ^ ^ ^ be obferved’ that the author> chap. ii. 10, &c. lays before us the con- 7 11 *5 The two book* of Samuel SCR f Scripm-t. ana are affured that noperfon in the reign of Saul was v f0 well acquainted with the fplendid profpeas of David as the prophet Samuel. , The Greeks denominate the books of Samuel, whicu follow next in order, 7he Books of Kingdoms; and the Latins, 7he Books of Kings /. and II. Anciently there were but two books of Kings ; the firft was the two books of Samuel, and the fecond was what we now call the two books of Kings. According to the prelent divifion, thefe two books are four, viz. the firft and ie- cond books of Samuel, and the firft and fecond books Concerning the author of the two books of Samuel there are different opinions. Some think that Samuel wrote only twenty or twenty-low chapters of the hi it book, and that the hiftory was continued by Nathan and Gath This opinion they ground on the following $ i Chron paffage in Chronicles §, “ Now the ads of David the xxlx.atj, ' kin*; firft and laft, behold they are written in the book of Samuel the feer, and in the book of Nathan the pro¬ phet, and Gad the feer.” _ Others think they were compiled by Ezra from ancient records ; but it is evi¬ dent that the books of Samuel were written before the books of Kings and Chronicles ; for on comparifon it will be found, that in the laft mentioned books many circumftances are taken from the former. The firft; book carries down the hiftory of the Ifraelites from the birth of Samuel to the fatal battle of Gilboa, compre¬ hending a period of about 8o years. The fecond re¬ lates the hiftory of David from his fucceffion to the throne of Ifrael till within a year or two of his death, containing 40 vears. I here are two b*. autiful paffages in thefe books which every man of fenument and tafte muft feel and admire, the lamentation or elegy on Saul and Jonathan, and the parable of Nathan. I he im¬ partiality of the hiftorian is fully attefted by the can¬ dour and freedom with which the attions of Saul and David are related. There are fome remarks interfper- fed which were probably added by Ezra. When the two books of Kings were written, or by whom they were compiled, is uncertain. Some have fuppofed that 7)avid, Solomon, and Ilevsekiah, w. ote the hiftory of their own times. Others have been of opi¬ nion that the prophets, viz. Ifaiah, Jeremiah, Gad, and Nathan, each of them wrote the hiftory of the reign in which he lived. But it is generally believed that Exra wrote thefe two books, and publifhed them in the form in which we have them at prefent. There can be no doubt but the prophets drew up ihe lives of the kings who reigned in their times ; for the names and writings of thofe prophets are frequently mentioned, and cited. Still, however, it is evident that the two books of Kings are but an abridgment of a larger work, the fubftance of which is contained in the books before us. In fup- port of the opinion that Ezra is the author of thefe books, it is faid, That in the time of the penman, the un tribes were captives in Affyria, whither they had been carried as a punifhnient for their fins : That in the jfecond of thefe books the author makes fome refle&ions on the calamities of Ifrael and Judah, which demon- Ibate that he lived after that event. But to this it is objeded, That the author of thefe books expreffes himfelf throughout as a contemporary, and as one would have done who had been an eye and ear witnefs of what he related. To this objedion it i§ auftvered, 16 Of King*. 4 ] SCR That Ezra compiled thefe books from the prophetic scripture, writings which he had in his poffefiion ; that he copied ’ l_'1 them exadly, narrating the fads in order as they hap- pened, and interfperfed in his hiftory fome refledions and remarks arifing from the fubjeds which he hand- led. The firft book comprifes a period of 1 26 years, from the death of David to that of Jeholhaphat. The fecond book records the tranfadions of many kings of Judah and Ifrael for the fpace of about 300 years, from the death of Jehofhaphat to the deftrudion of Jerufakm and the temple, A. M. A. C. 588. J The Hebrews ftyle the two books of Chronicles De- of ben Imim §, i. e. IVords of days, journals or dianes, innjcies allufion to thofe ancient journals which appear to have § o‘D' 333, been kept among the Jews, d he Greeks call them Paralipomena ff, which iigniftes things omitted; as ife Ta?aX(i, thefe two books were a kind of fupplement to inform us what had been omitted or too much abridged in the books of Kings. The two books .of Chronicles contain indeed feveral particulars which are not to be met with in the other books of feripture : but it is not theiefore to be fuppofed that they are the records of the kings of Judah and Ifrael, fo often referred to in the books of Kings. Thofe ancient regifters were appa¬ rently much more copious than the books before us ; and the compiler of the books of Chronicles often refers to them, and makes long extrads from them. Some fuppofe that the author of thefe two books was the fame with that of the two books of Kings. The Jews fay that they were written by E*,ra, after the return from the captivity, affifted by Zechariah and Haggai, who were then alive. But events are men¬ tioned in them of fo late a date as to fhow that he could not have written them in their prefent form ; and there is another objedion to his being their author, which is lit¬ tle lefs forcible: between the books of Kings and Chroni¬ cles there is a great number of variations both in dates and fads, which could not have happened if Ezra had been the author of them, or indeed if they had been the work of any one perfon. The books of Chronicles are not to be confidered merely as an abridgment of former hiftories with fome ufeful additions, but as books written with a particular view; which feems to have been to furnifti a genealogical regifter of the twelve tribes, deduced from the earlicft times, in order to point out thofe diftindions which were neceffary to diferiminate the mixed multitude that returned from Babylon ; te afeertain the lineage of Judah ; and to re-eftablifti on their ancient footing the pretenfions and fundions of each individual tribe. ^ The book of Ezra, and alfo that of Nehemiah, areThe boo^ attributed by the ancients to the former of thefe 0f Ezra, prophets ; and they called them the 1 ft and 2d books of Efdras; which title is ftill kept up by the Latin church. It is indeed highly probable that the fotmer of thefe books, which comprifes the hiftory of the Jew's from the time that Cyrus made the decree for their re¬ turn until the twentieth year of Artaxerxes Longima- nus (which was about 100 years, or as others* think 79 years), was allcompofedby Ezra, except the firft fix chapters, which contain an account of the firft return of the Jews upon the decree of Cyrus ; whereas Ezra did not return till the time of Artaxerxes. It is of this fecond return therefore that he writes the account; and g adding SCR [ i Scripture adding it to the other, which he found ready compofed to his hand, he made it a complete hiliory of the Jewilh reftoration. This book is written in Chaldee from chap. iv. 8. to chap. vii. 27. As this part of the work chiefly con¬ tains letters, converfations, and decrees ex prefled in that language, the fidelity of the hiftorian has probably in¬ duced him to take down the very words which were ufed. The people, too, had been accuftomed to the Chaldee during the captivity, and probably underftood it better than Hebrew ; for it appears from Nehemiah’s account, chap. viii. 2, 8. that all could not underhand the law. Of Nehe- The book of Nehemiah, as has been already obfer- raiah. Ved, bears, in the Latin bibles, the title of the fecond book of Efdras ; the ancient canons likewife give it the fame name, becaufe, perhaps, it was confidered as a fequel to the book of Ezra. In the Hebrew bibles it has the name of Nehemiah prefixed to it; which name is retained in the Englilh bible. But though that chief is by the writer of the fecond book of Maccabees affirm¬ ed to have been the author of it, there cannot, we think, be a doubt but that either it was written at a later period, or had additions made to it after Nehemiah’s death. With the book of Nehemiah the hiftory of the Old ^ Teftament concludes. This is fuppofed to have taken place about A. M. 3574. A. C. 434. But Prideaux with more probablity has fixed it at A. M. 359c., Sec ^ Nehemiah. }£ j?Rher. It uncertain who was the author of the book of Either. Clement of Alexandria, and many commen¬ tators, have aferibed it to Mordecai; and the book itfelf feems to favour this opinion ; for we are told in chap, ix. 20. that “ Mordecai wrote thefe things.” Others have fuppofed that Ezra was the author; but the more 15 ] SCR probable opinion of the Talmudilts is, that the great Scripture* fynagogue (fee Synagogue), to perpetuate the me- mory of the deliverance of the Jews from the confpira- cy of Haman, and to account for the origin of the feafl; of Purim, ordered this book to be compofed, very likely of materials left by Mordecai, and afterwards approved and admitted it into thefacred canon. The time when the events which it relates happened, is fuppofed by forne to have been in the reign of Artaxerxes Longi- manus, and by others in that of Darius the Ion of Hyftafp es, called by the facred penman Ahafuerus. Concerning the author of the book ©f Job there are Of Job. many different opinions. Some have fuppofed that Job himfelf wrote it in Syriac or Arabic, and that it was afterwards tranllated by Mofes. Others have thought that Etihu wrote it; and by others it is aferibed to Mofes, to Solomon, to Ifaiah, and to Ezra. To give even an abridgment of the arguments brought in fup- port of thefe various opinions would fill a volume, and at laft leave the reader in his prefent uncertainty. He who has leifure and inclination to weigh them may ftudy the fecond fedb'on of the fixth book of Warbur- ton’s Divine Legation of Mofes, together with the fe* veral works there referred to ; but the queltion at iffiie is of very little importance to us. The book of Job, by whomfoever it was written, and whether it be a real hiftory, or a dramatical poem founded on hiftory, has been always efteemed a portion of canonical feripture, and is one of the moll fublime compofitions in the facred volume. The book of Job appears to Hand fingle and unpa¬ ralleled in the facred volume. It feems to have little connection with the other writings of the Hebrews, and no relation whatever to the affairs of the Ifraelites. Thefcene is laid in Idumaea (h) ; the hiftory of an in¬ habitant of that country is the bafts of the narrative; I5 2 the ( h ) “ The information which the learned have endeavoured to colleCt from the writings and geography of the Oreeks concerning the country and relidence of Job and his friends, appears to me (lays Dr Lowth) fo very in- conckifive, that I am inclined to take a quite different method for the folution of this queftion, by applying fole- ly to the Sacred Writings: the hints with which they have furnilhed me towards the illuilration of this fubjedt, 1 ftiall explain as briefly as poffible. “ 1 he land of Uz, or Cnutz, is evidently Idumaa, as appears from Lam. iv. 21. Uz was the grandfon of Seir the Horite, Gen. xxxvi. 20, 21, 28. 1. Chron. i. 38, 42. Seir inhabited that mountainous tradt which was called by his name antecedent to the time of Abraham ; but his pofterity being .expelled, it was occupied by the Idumseans : Gen. xiv. 6. Deut. ii. 12. Two other men ar^mentioned of the name Uz ; one the grandion of Shem, the other the fon ol Nachor, the brother of Abraham ; but whether any diftridt was called after their name is not clear. Idumaea is a part of Arabia Petraea, fituated on the fouthern extremity of the tribe of Judah ; Numb, xxxiv. 3. Jolh. xv. 1, 21. The land of Uz therefore appears to have been between Egypt and Philiftia, Jer. xxv. 20. where the order of the places feems to have been accurately obferved in reviewing the different nations from Egypt to Babylon; and the fame people leem again to be deferibed in exaCtly the fame fituations, Jer. xlvi—1. “ Children of the Eajl, or Enflern people, feems to have been the general appellation for that mingled race of peo¬ ple (as they are called, Jer. xxv. 20.) who inhabited between Egypt and the Euphrates, bordering upon Judea from the fouth to the eaft ; the Idumaeans, the Amalekites, the Midianites, the Moabites, the Ammonites. See Judges vi, 3. and Ifa. xi. 14. Of thefe the Idumaeans and Amalekites certainly poffeffed the fouthern parts. t»ee Numb, xxxiv. 3, xiii. 29. 1 Sam. xxvii. 8, 10. This appears to be the true ftate of the cafe ; The whole regiun be¬ tween Egypt and Euphrates was called the Eaft, at firft in refpeCt to Egypt (where the learned Jol. Mede thinks the liraelites acquired this mode ol fpeaking. Mede’s Works, p. 580.), and afterwards ablolutely and with¬ out any relation to fituation or circumliances. Abraham is laid to have fent the fons of his concubines, Hagar and Keturah, “ eaftward, to the country w hich is commonly called the Eaft.” Gen. xxv. 6. where the name of the region teems to have been derived from the fame fituation. Solomon is reported “ to have excelled in wifdom cjI the Eaftern people, and all Egypt,” 1 Kings iv. 3c.; that is, all the neighbouring people on that quarter; for there SCR. [ n Scnffufr. f Ter xlix 7. Ob. 8. 5 Bruch iii. an- 23. 3* The cha- raflet of job. the chara&ers who fpeak are Idumteans, or at leail •'^-ra" bians of the adjacent country, all originally of the race of Abraham. The language is pure Hebrew, although the author appears to be an Idumasan ; for it is not improbable that all the poftevity of Abraham, Ifraehtes, IdurruEans, and Arabians, whether of the family of Ke- turah or Ifhmael, fpoke for a confiderable length of tune one common language. That the Idumveans, however, and the Temanites in particular, were eminent for the reputation of wifdom, appears by the teftimony of the , prophets Jeremiah and Obadiah *|j ; Baruch alio parti¬ cularly mentions them among “ the authors (01 ex¬ pounders) of fables, and fearchers out of undeiltand- The principal perfonage in this poem is Job ; and in his chara&er is meant to be exhibited (as far as is con- fjftent with human infirmity) an example of perfeft virtue. This is intimated in the argument or intro- duftion, but is ftill more eminently difplayed by his 6 1 SCR own aftions and fentiments. He is holy, devout, and Scripur*. mofl pioufly and reverently impreffed with the facred vr*""* awe of his divine Creator ; he is alfo upiight, and con- fcious of his own integrity ; he is patient of evil, and yet very remote from that infenfibility or rather limpi¬ dity to which the Stoic fchool pretended. Oppreffed therefore with unparalleled misfortunes, he laments his mifery, and even wifhes a releafe by death ; in other words, he obeys, and gives place to the diftates of na¬ ture. . Irritated, however, by the unjuft infmuations and the fevere reproaches of his pretended friends, he is more vehemently exafperated, and the too great confidence in his own righteoufnefs leads him to expoftulate with God in terms fcarcely confillent with piety and Arid decorum. It muft be obferved, that the firft fpeech of Job, though it burfts forth with all the vehemence of pafiion, confilts wholly of complaint, “ the words and fenti¬ ments of a delpairing perfon, empty as the wind * *Jub vl. which there were people beyond the boundaries of Egypt, and bordering on the fouth of Judea, who were famous for wifdom, namely, the Idumteans (fee Jer. xlix. 7. Ob. 8.), to whom we may well believe this paffage might have fome relation. Thus Jehovah addreffes the Babylonians ; “ Arife, afeend unto Kedar, and lay waite the ch.l- dren of the Eaft,” (Jer. xlix. 28). notwithftanding thefe were really fituatedto the weft of Babylon. Although Job, therefore, be accounted one of the orientals, it by no means follows that his refidence muft be in Arabia Deferta • ^ » Elibha’z the Temamte was the fon of Efau, and Teman the fon of Eliphaz, (Gen. xxxvi. 10, i t.). The Eliphaz of Job was without a doubt of this race. Teman is certainly a city of Idumaea, (Jer. xlix, 7, 20. Ezek. xxv. 13. Amos i. 11, 12. Ob. 8, 9.). , , . „ . . , “Bilda.i the Shuhite: Shuab was one of the fons of Abraham by Keturah, whdfe pofterity were numbered among the people of the Eaft, and his fituation was probably contiguous to that of his brother Midian, and of his ne* phews Shebah and Dedan, (fee Gen. xxv. 2, and 3.) Dedan is a city of Idumaea (Jer. xlix. 8.), and feems to have been fituated on the eatlern fide, as Teman was on the weft, (Ezek. xxv. 13.). From Sheba originated the Sabaeans in the paffage from Arabia Felix to the Red Sea: Sheba is united to Midian (Ifa. lx. 6.); it is in the fame region however with Midian, and not far from Mount Horeb, (Exod. ii. 15. in. !•) . “ Zopbor the N-'.amath'ite : among the cities which by lot tell to the tribe of Judah, in the neighbourhood of Idumaea, Naama is enumerated, (Jofh. xv. 21, 41.) Nor does this name elfewhere occur j this probably was the country of Zophar. . . , , . . “ Klihu the Bu%He: Buz occurs but once as the name of a place or country (Jer. xxv. 23.), where it 1^men¬ tioned along with Dedan and Thema : Dedan, as was juft now demonilrated, is a city of Idumsa Thema belonged to the children of Ifhmael, who are faid to have inhabited from Havilah, even to Shur, which is fit the diftrift of Egypt, (Gen. xxv. 15. 18.) Saul, however, is faid to have fmitten the Amalekites from Havi- lah even to Shur, which is in the diftrift of Egypt, (1 Sam. xv. 7.) Havilah cannot, therefore, he very far from the boundaries of the Amalekites ; but the Amalekites never exceeded the boundaries of Arabia Petraea. f See Reland Pabeftin. lib. i. c. xiv.) Thema, therefore, lay fomewhere between Havilah and the defert of Shur, to the fouth ward of Judea. Thema is alfo mentioned in conne&ion with Sheba, (Job vi. 19.) “ Upon a fair review of thefe fafts, I think we may venture to conclude, ftill with that modefty which fuch a queftion demands, that Job was an inhabitant of Arabia Petrasa, as well as his friends, or at leaft of that neigh¬ bourhood. To this folution one objection may be railed: it may be afked, How the Chaldeans, who lived ou the borders of the Euphrates, could make depredations on the camels of Job, who lived in Idumaea at fo great a dlftance ? This too is thought a fufficient caufe for affigning Job a fituation in Arabia Deferta, and not far from the Euphrates. But what fhould prevent the Chaldeans, as well as the Sabasans, a people addicted to rapine, and roving about at immenfe diftances for the fake of plunder, from wandering through thefe defencelefs regions, which were divided into tribes and families rather than into nations, and pervading, from Euphrates even to Egypt ? Further, I would afk on the other hand, whether it be probable that all the friends of Job who lived in Idumaea and its neighbourhood, fhould inftantly be informed of all that could happen to Job in the defert of Arabia and on the confines of Chaldea, and immediately repair thither ? Or whether it be reafonable to think, that, fome of them being inhabitants of Arabia Deferta, it fhould be concerted among them to meet at the refidence of Job ; fince it is evident, that Eliphaz lived at Theman, in the extreme parts of Idumaea ? With refpea to the _ /itfitas of Ptolemy (for fo it is written, and not Aujltas) it has no agreement, not fo much as in a fingle letter with the Hebrew Unutz The: LXX indeed call that country by the name Aujitida, but they deicribe it as fituated in Idumaea ; and they account Job himfelf an Idumaean, and a defeendant of Efau.” See the Appendix of the LXX to the book of Job, and Hyde Not. in Peritzol. chap. xi. Lowth on Hebrew Poetry. -SCR I x Scripture, winch is indeed the apology that he immediately makes - for his conduit; intimating, that he is far from prefu¬ ming to plead with God, far from daring to call in qud- tion the divine decrees, or even to mention his own in- " nocence in the prefence of his all-juft Creator j nor is there any good reaCon for the cenfure which has been paired by fome commentators upon this pafTage. The poet feems, with great judgment and ingenuity, to have performed in this what the nature of.his. work required. He has depiited the aiBidtion and augurih of Job, as flowing from his wounded heart in a manner fo agree¬ able to hum:.a nature (and certainly fo far venial), that it may be truly faid, “ in' all this Job finned not with his lips.” It is, never thelefs, embellifhed by fuch af- feating imagery, and infpired with fuch a warmth and force of fentiment, that we find it afforded, ample fcope for calumny ; nor did the unkind witneffes of his fuffer- ings permit fo fair an opportunity to efcape. The oecafron is eagerly embraced by Eliphaz to rebuke the impatience of Job ; and, not satisfied with this, he pro¬ ceed: to accufe him in direft terms of wanting forti¬ tude, and obliquely to inlrnuate fomething of a deeper dye. Though deeply hurt with the coarle reproaches of Eliphaz, flill, however, when Job afterwards com¬ plains of the feverity of God, lie cautioufly refrains from violent expoftulations with his Creator, and, con¬ tented with the Ample expreffion of affliction, he humbly f Seecha;, confeffes himfelf a firmer ^[. Elence it is evident, that ra. so. thofe vehement and perverfe atteflations of his inno¬ cence, thofe murmurs againfl the divine Providence, which his tottering virtue afterwards permits, are to be confidered merely as the conlequences of momentary paffion, and not as the ordinary effects of his fettled character or manners. They prove him at the very worft not an irreligious man, but a rnau pofieffed of in¬ tegrity, and too confident of it ; a man oppreffed with almoft every imaginable evil, both corporal and mental, and hurried beyond the limits of virtue by the ftrong influence ,of pain and affliftion. When, on the con¬ trary, his importunate vifltors abandon by filence the cauie which they had fo wantonly and fo malicioufly maintained, and ceale unjuftly to load him with un¬ merited criminations ; though he defends his argument with fcarcely-lefs obftinacy, yet the vehemence of his grief appears gradually to fublide; he returns to himfelf, and explains his fentiments with more candour and fe- datenefs : and however we may blame him for- affuraing rather too much of arrogance in his appeals to the Al¬ mighty, certainly his deience againtl the accufations of 33 Eliphaz is no'more than the occafion will ftr.Ldtiy jufti- lis coijfi- fy. Obferve, in the firft place, how admirably the con- £?feY*nd ^enceanc* perfeverance of Job is difplayed in replying to the flander of his falfe friends: As God liveth, who hath removed my judgment; Nay, as the Almighty liveth, who hath embittered my foul; Verily as long as I have life in me. And the breath of God is in my neftrils; My lips fhall not fpeak perverfity, Neither fh?.U my tongue w-hifper prevarication. rG°d f°rbid that I fhould declare you righteous ! I ill I expire I will not remove my integrity from me. X have fortified myftlf in my righteoufnefs, And I will not give up my ftation : My heart fliall not upbraid me as long as I live. 17 J S C. R May mine enemy be as the impious man, And he that rifeth up againft me as the wicked [|. But how magnificent, how noble, how inviting and beautiful is that image of virtue in which he delineates his pad life ! What dignity and authority does he feem to poffcfs ! Scripture. [| Chap, xxvii. 2—7» If I came out to the gate, nigh the place of public re* fort, If I took up my feat iu the ftreet; Tire,young men faw me, and they hid themfelves ; Nay, the very old men rofe up and flood, d he princes refrained talking, Nay, they laid their hands-on their mouths. "i he nobles held their peace, And their tongue cleaved to the roof of their mouth fChap. What liberality ! what a promptitude in beneficence ! ^ Becaufe the ear heard, therefore it biefled me ; The eye alio faw, therefore it bare teflimony for me. That I delivered the poor who cried, Tire orphan alio, and him who had no helper. The blefiing of him w ho was ready to perhh came Upon me, And I caufed the heart of the widow to fing for joy jj. j| Chap. What fan&ity, what integrity in a judicial capacity ! ^*X’ I put on righteoufnefs, and it clothed me like a robe ; My juflice alio was a diadem. 1 was a father to the poor, And the con-troverfy which I knew not, I fearched it out. Then brake I the grinders of the oppreflbr, And I plucked the prey out of his teeth f Chap. But what can be more engaging than the purity of his devotion, and his reverence for the Supreme Being, founded upon the belt and mo’fl philofophical princi¬ ples ? Btfides that through the whole there runs a flrain of the moft amiable tendernefs and humanity : lor what is the portion which God diftributeth from above, And the inheritance of the Almighty from on high ? Is it not defiruAion to the wicked, And banifhmcut from their country to tire doers of ini¬ quity ? Doth he not fee my ways ? And numbereth he not all my fleps ? If I fhould deipite the caole of my lea vaot, Or my maid, when they had a controverly with me, What then fiiptfid I do when Gad arifeth, Anti, when he vifiteth, what anfwer could I make him? Did not he who formed me in the belly form him. And did not one Mbaoa us m the -womb i! i II ChaP* The three friends are exa&ly fuch chara&ers as thex*xi 3—4* nature of the poem required. They are fevSre, irrita- ^—15' bie, malignant cenfors, readily and with apparent fatis- chafaders fa&ion deviating fiom the purpofe of conlolation into of his three reproof and contumely. Even from the very firft theyfi'en^3* manifeft this evil propennty, and indicate what is to be expected from them. The firft of them, indeed, iir the opening of his harangue, allumes an air of eandutir : Would ft thou take it unkindly that one ihould efiav to fpeak to thee Chap, IndignationIV' i’ /-Scripture. || Chap, -viii. *. •Chap. *»• i> 3‘ 35 .Of Elihu. 36 Sentiments of he poem of Job. || Chap, xiv. i, 2, 3» SCR . ^ 11 Indignation is, however, inflantly predominant: But a few words who can forbear ? The fecond flames forth at once : How long wilt thou trifle in this manner ? How long fhall the words of thy mouth be as a mighty wind || ? But remark the third : Shall not the matter of words be anfwered ? Or fhall a man be acquitted for his fine fpeeches ? Shall thy prevarications make men filent ? Shalt thou even feoff, and there be no one to make thee afhamed * i The lenity and moderation of Elihu ferves as a beau¬ tiful contrail to the intemperance and afperity of the other three. He is pious, mild, and equitable ; equal¬ ly free from adulation and feverity ; and endued with Angular wifdom, which he attributes entirely to the infpi- ration of God : and his snodefty, moderation, and wif- dom, are the more entitled to commendation when we confider his unripe youth. As the chara&ers of his detradlors were in all refpe£ls calculated to inflame the mind of Job, that of this arbitrator is admirably adapted to footh and compofe it: to this point the whole drift of the argument tends, and on this the very purport of it feems to depend. Another circumftance deferving particular attention in a poem of this kind, is the fentiment ; which mutt be ■agreeable to the fubjedl, and embellifhed with proper expreffion. It is by Ariftotle enumerated among the effentials of a dramatic poem ; not indeed as peculiar to that fpecies of poetry alone, but as common, and of the greateft importance, to all. Manners or chara&er are effential only to that poetry in which living perfons are introduced ; and all fuch poems mutt afford an exa<5t reprefentation of human manners: but fentiment is effential to every poem, indeed to every compofltion whatever. It refpetts both perfons and things. As far as it regards perfons, it is particularly concerned in the delineation of the manners and paffions : and thofe in- ilances to which we have juft been adverting are fenti- ments expreflive of manners. Thofe which relate to the delineation of the paffions, and to the defeription of other objefts, yet remain unnoticed. The poem of Job abounds chiefly in the more vehe¬ ment paffions, grief and anger, indignation and violent contention. It is adapted in every refpedt to the in¬ citement of terror and, as the fpecimens already quo¬ ted will fufficiently prove, is univerfally animated with the true fpirit of fublimity. It is however not wanting in the gentler affections. The following complaints, for inftance, are replete with an affedting fpirit of melan¬ choly : Man, the offspring of a woman, Is of few days, and full of inquietude ; He fpringeth up, and is cut off like a flower ; He fleeteth like a (hadow, and doth not abide : Up on fuch a creature doft thou open thine eyes ? And wilt thou bring even me into judgment with thee? Turn thy look from him, that he may have fome re- fpite, Till he (hall, like a hireling, have completed his day |j. 8 1 SCR The whole paflage abounds with the mod beautiful Scripiurgi imagery, and is a moft perfedt fpecimen of the Elegiac. v'—' His grief afterwards becomes more fervent; but is at the fame time foft and querimonious. How long will ye vex my foul, And tire me with vain harangues? Thefe ten times have ye loaded me with reproaches, Are ye not aftiamed that ye are fo obftinate againft me ? Pity me, O pity me, ye are my friends, For the hand of God hath fmitten me. Why will you be my perfecutors as well as God, And therefore will ye not be fatisfied with my fleftr ^ XIX, 2, The ardour and alacrity of the war-horfe, and hisil>4** eagernefs for battle, is painted with a mafterly hand: lts Foreagernefs and fury he devoureth the very ground : mity* He believeth it not when he heareth the trumpet. When the trumpet foundeth, he faith, ahah ! Yea he feenteth the battle from afar, The thunder of the chieftains and their fhouts^. ^ Cfap. The following fublime defeription of the creation i3xxxixi4f> admirable: Where waft thou when I laid the foundations of the earth ? If thou knoweft, declare. Say, who fixed the proportions of it, for furely thou knoweft ? Or who ftretched out the line upon it ? Upon what were its foundations fixed ? Or who laid the corner-ftone thereof ? When the morning-ftars fung together, And all the fons of God fhouted for joy ; When the fea was fhut up with doors ; When it burft forth as an infant that cometh out of the womb ; When I placed the cloud for its robe. And thick darknefs for its fwadling-band; When I fixed my boundary againft it, When I placed a bar and gates; When I faid, Thus far fhalt thou come, and not ad¬ vance, And here fhall a flop be put to the pride of thy waves!. 11°^ Let it fuffice to fay, that the dignity of the flyle is anfwerable to that of the fubjedl; its force and energy, to the greatnefs of thofe paffions which it deferibes : and as this produdlion excels all the other remains of the Hebrew poetry in economy and arrangement, fo it yields to none in fublimity of flyle and in every grace and excellence of compofition. Among the principal of thefe may be accounted the accurate and perfectly poe¬ tical conformation of the fentences, which is indeed ge¬ nerally moft obfervable in the moll ancient of the poeti¬ cal compofitions of the Hebrews. Here, however, as is natural and proper in a poem of fo great length and fublimity, the writer’s fkill is difplayed in the proper adjuflment of the period, and in the accurate diflribu- tion of the members, rather than in the antithefis of words, or in any laboured adaptation of the paralle- liims. 38 The word Pfalms is a Greek term, and fignifies Son^j.The book The Hebrews call it Seper Tehellm§, that is, “the Book£f of Praifes and in the Gofpel it is flyled the Book or n Pialms. Great veneration has always been paid to this colkctioii* SCR [ 119 ] SCR cripture colie&ton of divine fongs. The Chrillian church has •—/ from the beginning made them a principal part of her holy fervices ; and in the primitive times it was almoft a general rule that every biihop, prieft, and religious perfon, fhould have the pfalter by heart. Many learned fathers, and not a few of the moderns, have maintained that David was the author of them all. Several are of a different opinion, and infill that David wrote only 72 of them ; and that thofe without titles are to be afcribed to the authors of the preceding pfalms, whofe names are affixed to them. Thofe who fuppofe that David alone was the author, contend, that in the New Teftament, and in the language of the church uni- verfal, they are exprefsly called the Pfalms of David. That David was the principal author of thefe hymns is univerfally acknowledged, and therefore the whole eol- leftion may properly enough go under his name ; but that he. wrote them all, is a palpable miftake. Nothing certain can be gathered from the titles of tire pfalms ; for although unqueftionably very ancient, yet authors are not agreed as to their authority, and they differ as much about their fignificatien. The Hebrew do&ors generally agree that the 9 2d pfalm was compofed by 1 Adam ; an opinion which for many reafons we are not Written by inclined to adopt. There feems, however, to be no •thonr doubt but that fome of them were written by Mofes; I f * that Solomon was the author of the 49th ; and that others were occafioned by events long poflerior to the flourifhing era of the kingdom of Judah. The 137th particularly is one of thofe which mentions the captivi¬ ty of Babylon. The following arrangement of the Plalms, after a careful and judicious examination, has been adopted by Calmet. J. Eight Pfalms of which the date is uncertain, viz. 1, 4, 19, 8 1, 91, 1 re, 139,145. The firft of thefe was compofed by David or Ezra, and was fung in the temple at the feafl of trumpets held in the beginning of the year and at the feafl of tabernacles. The 81 il it attributed to Afaph, and noth to David. The au¬ thors of the reft are unknown. 2. 1 he Pfalms compoftd by David during the per- fecution of Saul. rl hefe are feventeen, 11, 31, 34, 56, 16, 54, 52, 109, 17, 22, 35, 57, 58, 142, 140, M1* 7; 3. The Pfalms compofed by David at the beginning of his reign, and after the death of Saul. Thele are fixteen, 2,9, 24, 63, 101, 29, 20, 21, 28, 39, 40, 41, 51’ 32, 33- 4. The Pfalms written by David during the rebellion ef Abfalom are eight in number; 3, 4, 55, 62, 70, 71, H3> J44- 5. The Pfalms written between the death of Abfa¬ lom and the captivity, which are ten, 18, 30, 72, 45, 78, 82, 83, 76, 74, 79: of thefe David wrote only three; 18, 30, and 72. 6. The Pfalms compofed during the captivity, which amount to forty. Thefe were chiefly cornpofed by the defcendants of Afaph and K.orah : they are, 10, 12,13, 53> l5> 2J> 26, 27, 28, 36, 37, 42> 43, 44, 49, 50, 60, 64, 69, 73, 75, 77, 80, 84, 86, 88, 89, 90, Scripture 92> 93> 94^95> 99> I2°, *21, 123, 130, 131, 132. —-v—»* Daftly, Thofe hymns of joy and thankfgiving, writ¬ ten upon the releafe from the Babylonifh captivity, and at the building and dedication of the temple. Thefe are, 122, 61, 63, 124, 23, 87, 85, 46, 47, 48, from 96 to 117 inclufive, 126, 133 to 137 inclufive, 149, 150, 146, 147, 148, 59, 65, 66, 67, 118, 125, 127, 128, 129, 138.—According to this diflribution, only 45 are pofitivdy affigned to David. Jofephus, and mofl of the ancient writers, affiert, that the Pfalms were compofed in numbers : little, however, refpedting the nature and principles of the Hebrew verfification is known. There exifted a certain kind o£ poetry among the Obfetva- Hebrews, principally intended, it fhould feem, for thet'om on the affiftance of the memory ; in which, when there was Hebrew little connection between the fentiments, a fort of or-r’°etr}r' der or method was preferved, by the initial letters of each line or flanza following the order of the alphabet. Of tins there are feveral examples extant among the facred poems (r) ; and in thefe examples the verfes are fo exaftly marked and defined, that it is impoffible to miftake them for profe ; and particularly if we atten¬ tively confider the verfes, and compare them with one another, fince they are in general fo regularly accommo¬ dated, that word anfwers to word, and almoft fylhble to fyllable. This being the cafe, though an appeal can fcarcely be made to the ear on this occafion, the eye itfelf will diftinguifh the poetic divifion and arrange¬ ment, and alfo that fome labour and accuracy has been employed in adapting the words to the meafure. Ehe Hebrew poetry has likewife another property altogether peculiar to metrical compofition. It admits foreign words and certain particles, which feldom occur in profe compofition, and thus forms a diftind poetical dia¬ led. One or two of the peculiarities alfo of the Hebrew verfification it may be proper to remark, which as they are very obfervable in thofe poems in which the verfes are defined by the initial letters, may at lead be reafon- ably conjedured of the reft. The firft of thefe is, that the verfes are very unequal in length; the fhorteft con- fifting of fix or feven fyllables; the longeft extending to about twice that number : the fame poem is, how¬ ever, generally continued throughout in verfes not very unequal to each other. It mull alfo be obferved, that the clofe of the verfe generally falls where the members of the fentences are divided. But although nothing certain can be defined con- ce.mng the metre of the particular verfes, there is yet another artifice of poetry to be remarked of them when in a colledive ftate, when feveral of them are taken to¬ gether. In the Hebrew poetry, as is before remarked, there may be obferved a certain conformation of the fentences; the nature of which is, that a complete fenfe is almoft equally infufed into every component part, and that every member conftitutes an entire verfe. So that as the poems divide themfelves in a manner fpontane- offily into periods, for the moft part equal ; .fo the pe- • riods themfelves are divided into verfes, moll common- ¥ (1) Pfalms xxv. xxxiv. xxxvii. cxi. cxii. cxix. cxlv. Prov. xxxi. from the 10th verfe to the ax ine Damentations of Jeremiah except the laft chapter. end, The whole- I 4J Pc culia' i- ties of it. sen [ > Scripture. I; co'.lplets, tliouch frequently of [Treater length. 1 hw is chiefly obfervable in thofe paffaoes which frequently occur in the Hebrew poetry, in which they treat one fubjed in many different ways, and dwell upon the lame fentiment ; when they expreis the fame^ thing in difle- rent words, or different things in a limilar form of words; when equals refer to equals, and oppoutes to oppofites : and fince this artifice of compolition feldom fails to produce even in profe an agreeable and men u- red cadence—wre can fcarcely doubt that it muff have imparted to their poetry, were we mailers of the verfi- f cat ion, an exqnifite deg-ree of beauty and grace. The elegant and ingenious Dr Lowth has with great acutenefs examined the peculiarities of Hebrew poetiy, and has arranged them under general diviflons. T he correfpondence of one verfe or line with another he calls pnraM/m. When a propoiition is delivered, and a fe- cond is fubjoined to it, equivalent or contrafted with it in fenfe, or fimikr to it in the form of grammatical conftrudlion, thefe he calls parallel lines; and the woids or phrafes anfwering one to another in the correfpond- ing lines, parallel terms. Parallel lines he reduces to three forts", parallels fynonymous, parallels antithetic, and parallels fynthetic. Of each of thefc we fhall pre- fent a few examples. Firft, of parallel lines fynonymous, which conefpond one to another by expreffing the fame fenfe in different but equivalent terms. O-Jehovah, in-thy-ftrength the-king fhall-rejoice •, And-in thy-falvation how greatly fhall-he-exult ! The-defire of-his-heart thou-haff-granted unto-him ; And-the-requeft of-his-lips thou-haft-not denied.. Pf. xxi. I. 2. 20 ] SCR of three, or more fynonymous terms. Sometimes they ! are formed by a repetition of part of the firff fentence; As, What {hall I do unto thee, O Ephraim ! What fhall I do unto thee, O Judah ! For your goodnefs is as the morning cloud, And as the early dew it paffeth away. Hofea vi. 4. The following is a beautiful inflance of a parallel triplet, when three lines correfpond and form a kind 01 ftanza, of which two only are fynonymous. That day, let it become darknefs; Let not God from above inquire after it ; Nor let the flowing light radiate upon it. That night, let utter darknefs feize it ; Let it not be united with the days or the year ; Let it not come into the number of the months. Let the ftars of its twilight be darkened : Let it look for light, and may there be none ; And let it not behold the eyelids of the morning. Job iii. 4, 6, 9. The fecond fort of parallels are the antithetic, when two lines correfpond with one another by an oppofition of terms and fentiments ; when the fecond is contraffed with the firff, fometimes in exprefiions, fometimes in fenfe only. Accordingly the degrees of antithefis are various : from an exa6l contrapofition of word to word through the whole fentence, down to a general difparity, with fomething of a contrariety, in the two propofi* tions. Thus in the following examples : A wife fon rejoiceth his father ; But a foolilh fon is the gijtf of his mother. Prov. x. I. Becaufe I-called, and-ye*refufed ; I-ftretched-out my-hand, and-no-one regarded : But-ye-have-defeated all my-counfel; And-would-not incline to-my-reproof: T alfo will-laugh at-your-calamity ; I-will-mock, when-vvhat-you-feared cometh ; When-what-you-feared cometh like-a-devaftation ; And-your-calamity advanceth like-a-tempeff; When diftrefs and-anguifh come upon-you : Then fhall they-call-upon-me, but-I-will-not anfwer ; They-fhall-feek-me-early, but-they-fhall-not find-me : Becaufe they-hated knowledge ; And-did-not choofe the-fear of-Jehovah ; Did-not incline to-my-counfel; Contemptuoufly-reje&ed all my-reproof; Therefore-fhall-they-eat of-the-fruit of-their-ways ; And-fhall-be-fcffiated with-their-own-devices. For the-defedlion of-the-fimple £hall-flay-them ; And-the-fecurity of-fools fhall-deftroy them. Prov. i. 24—32. Seek-ye Jehovah, while-ire- may-be-found ; Call-ye-upon-him, while-he-is near : Let-the-wicked forfake his-way ; And-the-umighteous man his-thoughts: And-let-him-return to Jehovah, and-he-will-compafTion- ate-him ; And unto our-God, for he-aboundeth in-forgivenefs (k). Ifaiah iv. 6. 7. Thefe fyndnymous parallels fometimes confifl of two, Where every word hath its oppofite ; for the terms father and mother are, as the logicians lay, relatively op* polite. The memory of the juft is a blefiing ; But the name of the wicked fhall rot. Prov. x. 7. Here there are only two antithetic terms: for memory' and name are fynenymous. There is that fcattereth, and ftill increafeth ; And that is unreafonably {paring, yet groweth poor. Prov. xi. 24. Here there is a kind of double antithelis ; one between the two lines themfelves ; and likewife a fubordinate op¬ pofition between the two parts of each. Thefe in chariots, and thofe in horfes ; But we in the name of Jehovah our God will be ftrong. They are bowed down, and fallen ; But we are rifen, and maintain ourfelves firm. Pf. xx. 7, 8. For his wrath is but for a moment, his favour for life; Sorrow may lodge for the evening, but in the morning gladnefs. Pf. xxx. 5. Yet a little while, and the wicked fhall be no more ; Thou fhalt look at his place, and he fhall not be found : But the meek fhall inherit the land; And delight themfelves in abundant profperity. Pf. xxxvii. 10, II. In (k) All the words bound together by hyphens anfwer to Angle words in Hebrew. SCR- [ i In the laft example the oppofition lies hetwecti the two ' par ts of a ftanza of four lines, the latter diftich being oppofed to the former. So likewife the following : For the mountains (hall be removed ; And the hills (hall be overthrown; But my kindnefs from thee (hall not be removed ; And the covenant of my peace (hall not be overthrown, Ifaiah liv. 10. Ifaiah by means of the antithetic parallelifm, without departing from his ufual dignity, adds greatly to the fweetnefs of his compofition in the following inftances: In a little anger have I forfaken thee ; But with great mercies will I receive thee again : In a (hort wrath I hid my face for a moment from thee; But with everlahing kindnefs will I have mercy on thee. Ifaiah liv. 7, 8. Behold my fervants (hall eat, but ye (hall be (amifhed ; Behold my fervants (hall drink, but ye (hall be thirfty ; Behold my fervants fnall rejoice, but ye (hall be con¬ founded ; Behold my fervants (hall fing aloud, for gladnefs of heart, But ye (hall cry aloud for grief of heart ; And in the anguxfh of a broken fpirit (hall ye howl. Ifaiah Ixv. 13, 14. Frequently one line or member contain! two fenti- ments; The nations raged; the kingdoms were moved; He uttered a voice ; the earth was diflblved: Be (till, and know that I am God : I will be exalted in the nations, I will be exalted in the earth. Pf. xlvi. 6. 10. When thou pafTeft through waters I am with thee ; And through rivers, tlrey (hall not overwhelm thee ; When thou walked in the fire thou (halt not be fcorched; And the flame (hall not cleave to thee. Ifaiah xliri. 2. The third fort of parallels is the fynthetic or con- ilru&ive ; where the parallelifm conflits only in the £- milar form of conftnndion ; in which word does not anfwer to word, and fentence to fentence, as equivalent or oppofite ; but there is a correfpondence and equality between different propolitions, in refpe£Fof the (hape and turn of the whole fentence, and of the condruftive parts ; fuch as noun anfwering to noun, verb to verb, member to member, negative to negative, interrogative to interrogative. Lo! he withholdeth the waters, and they are dried up : And he fendeth them forth, and they overturn the earth. With him is drength, and perfeft exidence; The deceived, and the deceiver, are his. Job xii. 13—16. Is fuch then the fad which I choofe ? That a man (hould afflift his foul for a day ? Is it, that he (hould bow down his head like a bulrufh, And fpread fackcloth and a(hes for his couch ? Shall this be called a fad, And a day acceptable to Jehovah ? Is not this the (ad that I choofe ? To diffolve the bands of wickednefs ; To loofen the oppreflxve burthens ; To deliver thofe that are crufhed by violence ; Vau XVII. Parti. 21 1 SCR And that ye (houtd break afunder every yoke ? Scripture, Is it not to didribute thy bx-ead to the hungry ; v—.y——i And to bring the wandering poor into thy houfe ? When thou feed the naked, that thou clothe him ; And that thou hide not thyfelf from thine own flefh ? Then (hall thy light break forth like the morning ; And thy wounds (hall fpeedily be healed over ; And thy righteoufnefs (hall go before thee; And the glory of Jehovah (hall bring up thy rear.M Ifaiah Iviii. 5 —8, We (hall produce another example of this fpecies of parallelifm from Pf. xix. 8—11. from Dr Lowth: The law of Jehovah is perfeft, redoring the foul; The tedimony of Jehovah is fure, making wife the fxmple : The precepts of Jehovah are right, rejoicing the heart; The commandment of Jehovah is clear, enlightening the eyes : The fear of Jehovah is pure, enduring for ever ; The judgments of Jehovah are truth, they are jud alto¬ gether. More defirable than gold, or than much fine gold ; And fweeter than honey, or the dropping of honey¬ combs. Synonymous parallels have the appearance of art and concinnity, and a dudied elegance ; they prevail chiefly in (horter poems ; in many of the Pfalms ; in Balaam’s prophecies ; frequently in thofe of Ifaiah, which are mod of them dillindt poems of no great length. The antithetic parallelifm gives an acutenefs and force to adages and moral fentences ; and therefore abounds in Solomon’s Proverbs, and eUewheie is not often to be met with. The poem of Job, being on a large plan, and in a high tragic dyle, though very exact in the di~ vifion of the lines and in the paralleliirn, and affording many fine examples of the fynonymou-s kind, yet con- fids chiefly of the condruritive. A happy mixture of the feveral forts gives an agreeable variety : and they ferve mutually to recommend and fet off one another. The reader will perceive that we have derived every thing we have faid relating to Hebrew poetry from the elegant Lectures of Dr Lowth, which are beautifully tranflated by Mr Gregory, a didinguidied author as well as tranflator. 4* The book of Proverbs has always been accounted ca-The brok nonical. The Hebrew title of it is Mi/hli*, which fig-°( fro* nifies “ fimilitudes.” It has always been aferibed to So - lomon, whofe name it bears, though fome have doubted whether he really was the author of every one of the maxims which it contains. Thofe in chap. xxx. are in¬ deed called the ivordi of Jgur the fon of jfaheh, and the title of the 31 d or lad chapter is the words of King Lemuel. It feems certain that the collection call¬ ed the Proverbs of Solomon was digeded in the 01-der in which we now have it by different hands; but it is not, therefore, to be concluded that they are not the work of Solomon. Several perfons might have made collections of them ; Heaekiah, among others, as men¬ tioned chapter xxv. h gur and Ezra might have dene the fame. From thefe feveral collections the work was compiled which we have now in our hands. The book of Proverbs may be confidered under five divifions. 1. The fird, which is a kind of preface, ex- tends SCR t Scripture, tends to the loth chapter. This contains general cau- "“v tions and exhortations for a teacher to his pupil* ex- prefTed in elegant language, duly connefted in its parts, ill nitrated with beautiful defcription, and well contrived to engage and intereft the attention. 2. The fecond part extends from the beginning of chap. x. to chap. xxii. 17. and confilts of what may flriftly and properly be called proverbs, viz. unconnedt- ed fentences, expreiTed with much neatnefs and iimpli- city. They are truly, to ufe the language of their fage author, “ apples of gold in pictures of filver.” 3. In the third part, which is included between chap¬ ter xxii. 16. and chapter xxv. the tutor drops the fen- tentious ftyle, addrefles his pupil as prcfent, and delivers his advices in a connedfed manner. 4. The proverbs which are included between chapter xxv. and chapter xxx. are fuppofed to have been feletl- ed by the men of Hezehnih from fome larger collection of Solomon, that is, by the prophets whom he em¬ ployed to reftore the fervice and writings of the church. Some of the proverbs which Solomon had introduced into the former part of the book are here repeated. 5. The prudent admonitions which Agur delivered to his pupils IthicI and Ucal are contained in the 30th chapter, and in the 31ft are recorded the precepts which the mother of Lemuel delivered to her fon. Several references are evidently made to the book of *R'>tn.xii. Proverbs by the writers of the New Teftament*. The Proverbs- of Solomon afford fpecimens of the didattic poetry of the Hebrews. They abound with antithetic parallels ; for this form is peculiarly adapted to that kind of writing, to adages, aphorilms, and de¬ tached fentences. Indeed, the elegance, acutenefs, and force of a great number of Solomon’s wife fayings arife in a great meafure from the antithetic form, the oppo- fition of diction and fenliment. Take the following examples: The blows of a friend are faithful; But the kiffes of an enemy are treacherous. The cloyed will trample upon an honeycomb ; But to the hungry every bitter thing is fweet. There is who maketh himfelf rich, and wanteth all things ; Who maketh himfelf poor, yet hath much wealth. The rich man is wife in his own eyes, But the poor man that hath difcernment to trace him out will defpife him*. The Hebrew title of the book which we call Eccle- fiaftes is Kehth, that is, the Gatherer or Co lie dor ; and it is fo called, either beeaufe the work itfelf is a collcdion of maxims, or becaufe it was delivered to an aiTembly gathered together to hear them.. The Greek term Ecclefajles is of the fame import, fignifying one who gathers together a congregation, or who difcourfes or preaches to an aflembly convened. That Solomon was the author of this book is beyond all doubt; the beautiful defcription of tire phenomena in the natural world, and their caufes ; of the circulation of the blood, as fome think *, and the economy of the hu¬ man frame, fhews it to be the work of a philofopher. At what period’ of his life it was written may be eafily found out. The alfeCfing account of the infirmities of old age which it contains, is a ftrong indication that the author knew by experience what they were; and; his 16,10. 1 Pet. iv 8. v. 5. James iv 6. * Proverbs xxvii. 6, 7. xiii. 7. xxviii. 11. 4.1 Dcdefiaftes ^ See Hor- Ser¬ mon before the Humane Society. 2 ] SCR complete convi&ion of the vanity of all earthly enjoy- Scripture, ments proves it to have been the work of a penitent, Some pafTages in it feem, indeed, to expreCs an Epicu¬ rean notion of Providence. But it is to be obferved, that the author, in an academic way, difputes on both fides of the queftion ; and at lafl concludes properly, that to “ fear God and keep his commandments is the whole duty of man ; for God (fays he) will bring every work to judgment, and every fecret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil.” The general tenor and flyle of Ecclefiafles is very dif¬ ferent from the book of Proverbs, though there are many detached fentiments and proverbs interfperfed. For the whole work is uniform, and confined to one fubjeft, namely, the vanity of the world exemplified by pott‘.'lU the experience of Solomon, who is introduced in the cha- rafter of a perfon invefligating a very difficult quefliort, examining the arguments on either fide, and at length difengaging himfelf from an anxious and doubtful de¬ putation. It would be very difficult to diftinguifh the parts and arrangement of this production ; the order of the fubject, and the connexion of the arguments, are involved in fo much obfeurity, that fcarcely any two commentators have agreed concerning the plan of the work, and the accurate divifion of it into parts or fec- tions. The truth is, the laws of methodical compofi- tion and arrangement were, neither known by the He¬ brews nor regarded in their didactic writings. They uniformly retained the old fententious manner, nor did they fubmit to method, even where the occafion appear¬ ed to demand it. Tfie ftyle of this work is, however, , fingular; the language is generally low ; it is frequently loole, unconne&ed, approaching to the incorreftnefs of converfation ; and poffefles very little of the poetical charadler, even in the compofition and ftrufture of the periods: which peculiarity may poflibly he accounted' for from the nature of the fubjedl. Contrary to the opi¬ nion of the Rabbies, Ecclefiaftes has been claffed among the poetical books ; though, if their authority and opi¬ nions were of any weight or importance, they might perhaps on this occafion deferve fome attention. The Song of Solomon, in the opinion of Dr Lowth, Song < f is an epithalanvum or nuptial dialogue, in which the Salomon, principal charafters are Solomon, his bride, and a cho¬ rus of virgins. Some are of opinion that it is to be taken altogether in a literal fenfe; but the generality of Jews and Chriftians have efteemed it wholly allego¬ rical, exprefiing the union of Jefus Chrift and the church. Dr Lowth has fupported the common opi¬ nion, by {bowing that the facred writers often apply metaphors to God and his people derived from the conjugal ftate. Our Saviour is ftyled a bridegroom by John the Baptift (John iii.), and is reprefented in the fame character in the parable of the ten virgins. Mi- chaelis, on the other hand, rejefts the argument drawn from analogy as inconclufive, and the opinion of Jews and Chriftians as of no, greater authority than the opi¬ nion of the moderns. The fecond of thofe great divifions under which the Jews clafled the books of the Old Teftament was that of the Prophets, which formerly comprehended 16 books. - The Prophets were 16 in number : Ifaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Hofea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Ze- chariafc, hets, 46 "heir an- SCR [1 'Rripttnr, chariah, Malachi. The four hr ft are called the greater —11 v ” prophets ; the other twelve are denominated the minor prophets. Vritirgxof writ”1Ss °f ^ie Prophets are to Chriftians the he pro- moft interefting part of the Old Teftament; for they af¬ ford one of the moft powerful arguments for the divine origin of the Chriftian religion. If we could only prove, therefore, that thefe prophecies were uttered a lingle century before the events took place to which they relate, their claim to infpiration would be unqutl- tionable. But we can pro%’e that the interval between their enunciation and accomplifhment extended much farther, even to jco and icoq years, and in fome cafes much more. The books of the prophets are mentioned by Jo- henticity fephus, and therefore furely exifted in his time ; they are alio quoted by our Saviour, under the general denomina¬ tion of the Prophets. We are informed by Tacitus and Suetonius, that about 60 years before the birth of our Saviour there was an univerfal expe&ation in the eaft of a great perfonage who was to arife ; and the fource of this expedfation is traced by the fame writers to the facred books of the Jews. They exifted alfo in the time of Amtiochus Epiphanes, A. C. 166; for when that tyrant prohibited the reading of the law, the books of the Prophets were fubftituted is its place, and were continued as a part of the daily fervice after the inter- didf againft the law of Mofes was taken oft. We for¬ merly remarked, that references are made by the author of Ecclefuijiicvs, A. C. 200, to the writings of Ifaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, and that he mentions the 12 Prophets. We can afcend ftill higher, and aflert from the language of the Prophets, that all their writings muft have been compofed before the Babylonifh capti¬ vity, or within a century after it ; for all of them, ex¬ cept Daniel and Ezra, are compofed in Hebrew, and even in them long paflages are found in that language : but it is a well known fadf, that all the books written by Jews about two centuries after that era are compo¬ fed in the Syriac, or Chaldaic, or Greek language. “ Let any man (fays Michaelis) compare what was writ¬ ten in Hebrew after the Babylonifh exile, and, I appre¬ hend, he will perceive no lefs evident marks of decay than in the Latin language.” Even in the time of Ez¬ ra, the common people, from their long relidence in Babylonia, had forgotten the Hebrew, and it was ne- ceflary for the learned to interpret the law of Mofes to them. We can therefore afcertain with very confider- able precifion the date of the prophetic writings; which indeed is the only important point to be deter¬ mined : For whether we can difcover the authors or not, if we can only eftablifh their ancient date, we fhall be fully entitled to draw this conclufion, that the pre- diffions of the Prophets are infpired. Much has been written to explain the nature of in¬ fpiration, and to fhow by what methods God imparted to the prophets that divine knowledge which they were commanded to publifh to their countrymen. At¬ tempts have been made to difclofe the nature of dreams and viftons, and to defcribe the ecftacy or rapture to which the prophets were fuppofed to be raifed while they uttered their predidlions. Not to mention the degrading and indecent comparifon which this laft cir- cumilance fuggefts, we fhall only inform thofe who ex- pedf here an explanation of the prophetic dreams and . 47 ind infpi- ation. 23 ] S c. R vifions, that tveJhatl not attempt to be nuife above ii'hat is S .Tipmrw •written. The manner in which the allwife and unfeen v ' God may think proper to operate upon the minds of his creatures, we might expett a prion to be myfterious and inexplicable. Indeed fuch an inquiry, though it were fuccefsful, would only gratify curiofity, without being in the leaft degree conducive to ufeful know¬ ledge. The bufinefs of philofophy is not to inquire how al¬ mighty power produced the frame of nature, and be¬ llowed upon it that beauty and grandenr which is eve¬ rywhere confpicuous, but to difcover thofe marks of in¬ telligence anddefign, and the various purpofes to which the works of nature are fubfervient. Philofophy has of late been diredfed to theology and the ftudy of the Scriptures with the happieft eftedfs; but it is not per¬ mitted to enter within the vail which the Lord of Na¬ ture has thrown over his council*. Its province, which is fufficiently extenfive, is to examine the lan¬ guage of the prophecies, and to difcover their appli¬ cation. 48 1 he charadter of the prophetic ftyle varies accord-Chara<3er ing to the genius, the education, and mode of li-”^eJr ving of the refpedlive authors ; but there are fome Pe* bolical culiarities which run through the whole prophetic books. A plain unadorned ftyle would not have fuit- ed thofe men who were to wrap the myfteries of futu¬ rity in a veil, which was not to be penetrated till the events themfelves ftiould be accomplifhed. For it was never the intention of prophecy to unfold futurity to our view, as many of the ralh interpreters of prophecy fondly imagine ; for this would be inconfiftent with the free agency of man. It was therefore agreeable to the wifdom of God that prophecies fhould be couched in a language which would render them unintelligible till the period of their completion ; yet fuch a language as is diftindf, regular, and would be eafrly explained when the events themfelves ftiould have taken place. This is precifely the charadter of the prophetic lan¬ guage. It is partly derived from the hieroglyphical lymbols of Egypt, to which the Ilraelites during their fervitude were familiarized, and partly from that ana- logy which fublilts between natural objects and thofe which are moral and political, The prophets borrowed their imagery from the moft B..rrov,e24 } The afcent of fmoke from rangement utterly any thing burning for ever, denotes the continuance of phecy. a people under flavery. Riding in the cleuds, fignifies The other arguments, however, ought to be partx- reigningover many fubjefts. Tempejluvus winds, ox motion cularly adverted, to upon this fubjeft : the poetic dia- of the clouds, denote wars. Thunder denotes the noife left, for inftance,. the diftion fo totally different from 50 And fr< m hierogly¬ phics. of multitudes. Fountains of waters exprefs cities. Mountains and ijlands, cities with' the territories belong¬ ing to them. Houfes and fhips ftand for families, af- femblies, and towns. A forejl is put for a kingdom. A wildernefs for a nation much diminifhed in its num¬ bers. Animal?, as a liony bear, leopard, goat, are put for kingdoms or political communities correfponding to their refpeftive charafters. When a man or beaft is put for a kingdom, the head reprefents thofe who go¬ vern ; the tail thofe who are governed ; the horns de¬ note the number of military powers or ftates that rife from the head. Seeing fignifies underflanding ; eyes men of underflanding ; the mouth denotes a lawgiver ; the the language of common life, and other fimilar circum- ftances, which an attentive reader will eafily difcover, but which cannot be explained by a few examples ; for circumftances which, taken feparately, appear but of fmall account, are in a united view frequently of the greateft importance. To thefe we may add the artifi¬ cial conformation of the fentences ; which are a necef- fary concomitant of metrical compoiition, the only one indeed which is now apparent, as it has always appear¬ ed to us. The order in which the books of the minor prophets are placed is not the fame in the Septuagint as in the Hebrew *. According to the latter, they ftand as in * Cbronotu our tranflation ; but in the Greek, the feries is altered S? ot unaentanctmg ; tne moutb denotes a lawgiver ; the our tranllation ; but in the Greek, the lenes is altered^ J arm of a man is put for power, or for the people by as to the fix firft, to the following arrangement: Ho- ^ whofe ftrength his power is exercifed ; feet reprefent the loweft of the people. Such is the precifion and regularity of the prophetic language, which we learn to interpret by comparing prophecies which are accomplifhed with the fafts to which they correfpond. So far is the ftudy of it car¬ ried already, that a diftionary has been compofed to explain it ; and it is probable, that in a fhort time it may be fo fully underftood, that we fhall find little dif¬ ficulty in explaining any prophecy. But let us not from this expeft, that the prophecies will enable us to penetrate the dark clouds of futurity : No ! The diffi¬ culty of applying prophecies- to their correfpondfng events, before completion, will ftill remain unfurmount- able. 1 hofe men, therefore,, however pious and well- meaning they may be, who attempt to explain and ap¬ ply prophecies which are not yet accompliftied, and who delude the credulous multitude by their own ro¬ mantic conjeftures, cannot be acquitted of rafttnefs and prefumption. The prediftions of the prophets, according to the opinion of Dr Lowth, are written in a poetic ftyle. They poflefs indeed all the charafteriftics of Hebrew poetry, with the fingle exception, that none of them \Xy alphabetical or acroftic, which is an artificial ar- fea, Amos, Micah, Joel, Obadiah, Jonah. This change, however, is of no confequence, fince neither in the ori¬ ginal, nor in the Septuagint, are they placed with ex- aft regard to the time in which their facred authors re- fpeftively ftouriftied. The order in which they ffiould ftand, if chronologi¬ cally arranged, is by Blair and others fuppofed to be as follows: Jonah, Amos, Hofea, Micah, Nahum, Joel, Zephaniah, Habbakuk, Obadiah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. And this order will be found to be generally confiftent with the periods to which the Prophets will be refpeftively affigned in the following pages, except! in the inftance of Joel, who probably flourilhed ns* ther earlier than he is placed by thefe chronologera. The precife period of this prophet, however, cannot, be afcertained and fame difputes might be maintained concerning the priority of others alfo, when they were nearly contemporaries, as Amos and Hofea ; and when the firft prophecies of a later prophet were delivered at the fame time with, or previous to, thofe of a prophet who was called earlier to the facred office. The fob- lowing fcheme, however, in which alfo the greater pro*, phets will be introduced, may enable the reader more accurately to comprehend the aftual and relative periods in which they feverally prophefted. The Prophets in their fuppofed Order of Time, arranged according to Blair’s Tables * with but little Variation. Jonah, Amos, Hofea, Before Chriit. Between 856 and 784. Between 810 and 785. Between 8 10 and 72 Kings of Judah. Uzaiah, ch. k 1. Uzziah, Jbtham, Ahaz, the third year of Hezekiah. Kings of Ifrael. Jehu, and Jehoahaz, accord¬ ing- to Lloyd but Joaffi and Jeroboam the Second according to Blair. Jeroboam the Second, chap., i. 1. Jeroboam the Second, chap, i, 1. • Bijiep Neiticomc 1 Verfion of Minor Proptets, Preface, P-43- SCR C *25 ] SCR Ifaiah. Ifaiah, Joel, Micah, Nahum, Before Chrlll. Between 810 and 698. Between 810 and 660, or later. Between 758 and 699. Between 720 and 698. Zephaniah, Jeremiah, Habakkuk, Daniel, Obadiah, Between 640 and 609. Between 628 and 586. Between 612 and 598. Between 606 and 534. Between 588 and 583. Ezekiel, Between 595 and 536. Kings of Judah. Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, chap. i. I. and perhaps Manaiteh. Uzziah, or poffibly Manaf- feh. Jotham, Ahaz, and Heze¬ kiah, chap. i. i. Probably towards the clofe of Hezekiah’s reign. In the reign of Jofiah, chap. i. I. In the thirteenth year of Jofiah. Probably in the reign of Jehoiakim. During all the Captivity. Between the taking of Jeru- falem by Nebuchadnezzar and the deitru&ion of the Edomites by him. During part of the Capti¬ vity. Haggai, Zechariah, About 520 to 518. After the return from Ba¬ bylon. From 520 to 518, or longer. Malachi, Between 436 and 397. Kings of Ifrael. Pekah and Hofea. Scripture. Tfaiah is fuppofed to have entered upon the prophe¬ tic office in the lail year of the reign of Uzziah, about 758 years before Chrift : and it is certain that he lived to the 15th or 16th years of Hezekiah. ’Ibis makes the leaft poffible term of the duration of his propheti¬ cal office about 48 years. The Jews have a tradition that Ifaiah was put to death in the reign of ManafTeh, being fawn afunder with a wooden faw by the command of that tyrant : but when we recolleft how much the traditions of the Jews were condemned by our baviour, we will not be difpofed to give them much credit. The time of the delivery of fome of his prophecies is either exprefsly marked, or fufficiently clear from the hiilory to which they relate.. 1 he date of a few others may with fome probability be deduced from internal marks ; from expreffions, descriptions, and circumftances interwoven. vjnaracrer Ifaiah, the firft of the prophets both in order and of his ftyie. dignity, abounds in fuch tranfeendant excellencies, that Character he may be properly faid to afford the moft perfe£ mo¬ del of the prophetic poetry. He is at once elegant and fublime, forcible and ornamented ; he unites energy with copioufnefs, and dignity with variety. In his fen- Loivih't* timents there is uncommon elevation and majefty ; in IfaLb,- his imagery the utmoil propt iety, elegance, dignity, and diverfity ; in his language uncommon beauty and ener¬ gy ; and, notwithftanding the obfeurity of his fubje&s, a furprifing degree of clearnefs and fimplicity. To thefe we may add, there.is fuch fweetnefs in the poeti¬ cal compofition of his fentences, whether it proceed from art or genius,- that if the Hebrew poetry at pre- fent is poffeffed of any remains of its native grace and harmony, we fhall chiefly find them in the writings of Ifaiah: fo that the faying of Ezekiel may molt j uilly be applied to this prophet: Thou art the confirmed exemplar of meafures,. Full of wifdom, and perfect in beauty *.. • EztkJ xxviii. li> Ifaiah S C R T 126 ] SCR Scripture, Tfalah greatly excels too in all the graces of method, ^ * order; connection, and arrangement: though in affert- ing this we mull not forget the nature of the prophetic impulle, which bears away the mind with irrefiitible violence, and frequently in rapid tranficions from near to remote objects, from human to divine ; we muft alfo be careful in remarking the limits of particular predic¬ tions, fince, as they are now extant, they are often im¬ properly connected, without any marks of difcrimina- tion ; which injudicious arrangement, on fome occalions, creates almoll infuperable difficulties. It is, in faCt, a body or collection of different prophecies, nearly allied to each other as to the fubjeCt, which, for that reafon, having a fort of connection, are not to be Separated but with the utmoft difficulty. The general fubjeCt is the reftoration of the church. Its deliverance from capti¬ vity ; the deftruCtion of idolatry ; the vindication of the divine power and truth ; the confolation of the If- raelites, the divine invitation which is extended to them, their incredulity, impiety, and rejection ; the calling in of the Gentiles ; the reftoiation of the chofen people ; the glory and felicity of the church in its perfeCb Hate ; and the ultimate deftruCtion of the wicked —are all fet forth with a fufficient rtfpeCI to order and method. If vve read thefe pafiages with attention, and duly regard the nature and genius of the myftical allegory, at the fame time remembering that all thefe points have been frequently touched upon in other prophecies pro- mulged at different times, we (hall neither find any ir¬ regularity on the arrangement of the whole, nor any want of order and connection as to matter or fentimcnt in the different parts. Dr Lovvth eftecms the whole book of Ifaiah to be poetical, a few paflages excepted, which, if brought together, would not at moil exceed 54 the bulk of five or fix chapters. Unparallel- The 14th chapter of Tfiiiah is one of the moft fu- mitybof"theblime odeS in. the. ScriPture> aild contains one of the 14th chap-no^e^ Per^on^cati°ns to he found in the records of fcer. poetry. The prophet, after predicting the liberation of the Jews from their fevere captivity in Babylon, and their reiteration to their own country, introduces them as re- .citing a kind of triumphal fong upon the fall of the Babylonilh monarch, replete with imagery, and with the moll elegant and animated perfonifications. A fudden exclamation, expreffive of their joy and admira¬ tion on the unexpected revolution in their affairs, and the deftruCtion of their tyrants, forms the exordium of the poem. The earth itfelf triumphs with the inhabi¬ tants thereof; the fir-trees amd the cedars of Lebanon (under which images the parabolic ftyle frequently de¬ lineates the kings and princes of the Gentiles) exult with joy, and perfecute with contemptuous reproaches the humbled power of a ferocious enemy : The whole earth is at reft, is quiet; they burft forth into a joyful ihout: Even the fir-trees rejoice over thee, the cedars of Le¬ banon : Since thou art fallen, no feller hath come up againft us. I his is fallowed by a bold and animated perfonifica- tron of Hades, or the internal regions : Hades from beneath is moved becaufe of thee, to meet thee at thy coming ; He roufeth for thee the mighty dead, all the great Script,,* chiefs of the earth ; w— He maketh to rife up from their thrones all the kiVs of the nations. ^ Hades excites his inhabitants, the ghofts of princes, and the departed (pints of kings : they rife immediate¬ ly from their teats, and proceed to meet the monarch of Babylon ; they rnlult and deride him, and comfort them- felves with the view of his calamity • Art thou, even thou too, become weak as we? art thou made like unto us ? Is then thy pride brought down to the grave ; the found of thy Iprightly inllruments ? Is the vermin become thy couch, and the earthworm thy covering ? Again, the Jewiih people are the fpcakers, in an excla¬ mation after the manner of a funeral lamentation, which indeed the whole form of this compofition cxaftly imi¬ tates. The remarkable fall of this powerful monarch ie thus beautifully illuftrated: How art thou fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, fon of the morning! Art cut down from earth, thou that didft fubdue the nations! Yet thou didft fay in thy heart, I will afeend the hea¬ vens ; Above the ftars of God I will exalt my throne ; Ana I will fit upon the mount of the divine prefence, on the fides of the north : 1 will afeend above the heights of the clouds ; I will be like the moft High. But thou fhalt be brought down to the grave, to the fides of the pit. He himfelf is at length brought upon the ftage, boaft- ing in the moft pompous terms of his own power ; which furnifhes the poet with an excellent opportunity of dif- playing the unparalleled mifery of his dovvnfal. Some perfons are introduced, who find the dead carcafe of the king of Babylon call out and expofed ; they at¬ tentively contemplate it, and at lail fca'rcdy know it to be his : Is this the man that made the earth to tremble, that fhook the kingdoms ? That made the world like a defert, that deftroyed the cities ? That never difmiffed his captives to their own home ? All die kings of the nations, all of them, Lie down in glory, each in his own iepulchre : But thou art call out of the grave, as the tree abomi¬ nated ; Clothed with the ilain, with the pierced by the fword, With them that go down to the ftones of the pit; as a trodden carcafe. Thou (halt not be joined unto them in burial ; Becaufe thou hail deftroyed thy country, thou haft (lain thyr people : The feed of evil doers (hall never be renowmed. They reproach him with being denied the common rites of fepulture, on account of the cruelty and atrocity of Ins condudl; they execrate His name, his offspring, and their pofterity^ A folcmn *ddrefs, as of the Deity him- 2 * klf. I ss eremiah. 56 h^onolo- cal ar- ngetnent his wri¬ ngs. SCR [ i felf, clofes the fcene, and he denounces againft the king of Babylon, his pofterity, and even againft. the city which was the feat of their cruelty, perpetual deftruc- tion, and confirms the immutability of his own counfels by the folemnity of an oath. How forcible is this imagery, how diverfified, how^ fubhme ! how elevated the diftion, the figures, the fen- timents ! —The Jewifh nation, the cedars of Lebanon, the ghofts of departed kings, the Babylonifh monarch, the travellers who find his corpfe, and laft or all Jeho¬ vah himfelf, are the characters which fupport this beau¬ tiful lyric drama. One continued aCtion is kept up, or rather a feries of interefting actions are eonnefted toge¬ ther in an incomparable whole. This, indeed, is the principal and difiinguifhed excellence of the fubiimer ode, and is displayed in its utmoft perfection in this poem of Ifaiah, which may be coufidered as one of the moft ancient, and certainly the moft finifhed, fpecimen ol that fpecies of compofition which has been tranf- mitted to us. The perfonifications here are frequent, yet not confufed ; bold, yet not improbable : a free, ele¬ vated, and truly divine fpirit, pervades the whole ; nor rs there any thing wanting in this ode to defeat its claim to the character of perfeCt beauty and fublimity. “If (lays Dr Lowth) I may be indulged in the free de¬ claration of my own fentiments on this occafion, I do not know a fingle inftance in the whole compafs of Greek and Roman poetry, which, in every excellence of compofition,. can be faid to equal, or even approach it.” Jeremiah was called to the prophetic office in the 13th year of the rerrn of Joiiah the fon of Amon, A. M. 3376, A. C. 628, and continued to prophecy upwards of 40 years, during the reigns of the degene¬ rate princes of Judah, to whom he boldly threatened tbofe marks of the divine vengeance which their rebelli¬ ous condUCl drew on themfelves and their country. Af¬ ter the deftrudion of Jerufalem by the Chaldeans, he was fuffered by Nebuchadnezzar to remain in the defo- latc land of Judea to lament the calamities of his infatu¬ ated countrymen. He was afterwards, as he himfelf informs us, carried with his difciple Baruch into Egypt, by Johananthe fan of Kareah. It appears from feveral paffages that Jeremiah com¬ mitted his prophecies to writing. In the 36th chap¬ ter we are informed, that the prophet was commanded to write upon a roll all the prophecies which he had ut¬ tered ; and when the roll was deftroyed by Jehoiakim the king, Jeremiah di&ated the fame prophecies to Ba¬ ruch, who wrote them together with many additional circumftances. The works of Jeremiah extend to the laft verfe of the 51ft' chapter ; in which we have thefe words, “ Thus far are the words of Jeremiah.” The 52d chapter was therefore added by fome other writer. It is, however, a very important fupplement, as it illuf- trates the accomplifhment of Jeremiah’s prophecies re- fpefting the fate of Zedekiah. The prophecies of Jeremiah are not arranged in the chronological order in which they were delivered. 27 ! SCR What has occafioned this tranfpofition cannot now be 'Scripture* determined. It is generally maintained, that if we con- *—-v'"-*- fult their dates, they ought to be thus placed : ■ In the reign of Jofiah the firft 12 chapters. In the reign of Jehoiakim, chapters xiii. xx. xxi. v. II, 14. ; xxii. xxiii, xxv. xxvi. xxxv. xxxvi. xlv.-xlix. 1 —83* In the reign of Zedekiah, chap. xxi. I — 1®. xxiv, xxvii. xxxiv. xxxvii. xxxix. xlix. 34 — 39. 1. and li. Under the government of Gedaliah, chapters xl. xliv. The prophecies which related to the Gentiles were con¬ tained in the 46th and five following chapters, being placed at the end, as in forae meafure unconnected with the reft. But in fome copies of the Septuagint thefe fix chapters follow immediately after the 13th verfe of the 25tfi chapter. Jeremiah, thqugh deficient neither in elegance nor fublimity, muft give place in both to Ifaiah. Jerome feems to objeCt againft him a fort of rufticity of lan¬ guage, no veftige of which Dr Lowth was able to dif- cover. His feutiments, it is true, are not always the moil elevated, nor are his periods always neat and com¬ pact ; but thefe are faults common to thofe writers whole principal aim is to excite the gentler affeCtkms, and to call forth the tear of fympathy or furrow. This obfervation is very ftrongly exemplified in the Lamen¬ tations, where thefe are the prevailing paffions; it is, however, frequently inftanced in the prophecies of this author, and moft of all in the beginning of the book ( l), which is chiefly poetical- The middle of it is almoft entirely hiftorical. The latter part, again, confiding of the fix laft chapters, is altogether poetical (m) ; it con¬ tains feveral different predictions, which are diilinCfly marked ; and in thefe the prophet approaches very near the fublimity of Ifaiah. On the whole, however, not above half the book of Jeremiah is poetioaL <7 The book of Lamentations, as we are informed in The book the title, was compofed by Jeremiah. We ffiall prefentof .Lamtn'' to our reader an account of this elegiac poem from thelauons' elegant pen of Dr Lowth. The Lamentations of Jeremiah (for the titfe is pro¬ perly and fignificantly plural) confift of a number of plaintive effufions, compofed upon the plan of the fu¬ neral dirges, all upon the fame fubjeCI, and uttered with-- out connection as they rofe in the mind, in along courfe of feparate ftanzas. Thefe have afterwards been put together, and formed into a collection or correfpondent whole. If any reader, however, fhould expeCt to find in them an artificial and methodical arrangement of the general fuhjeCt, a regular difpofition of the parts, a per¬ fect connection and orderly fucceffion in the matter, and with all this an uninterrupted feries of elegance and correCtnefs, he will really expeCl what was foreign to the prophet’s defign. In the character of a mourn¬ er, he celebrates in plaintive drains the obfequies of his ruined country : whatever prefented itfelf to his mind- in the midft of defolation and mifery, whatever ftruck him as particularly wretched and calamitous, whatever the inftant fentiment of forrow dictated, he pours forth (l) See the whole of chap. irf. chap. xiv. 17, &c. xx. 14—18. (m) Chap. xlvi.—li. to ver. 59. Chap. Hi. properly belongs to the Lamentations, to which it ferves as atr exordium,. 53 How di¬ vided. SCR [ J Ecrlp'W'p, In r kind of fpont^neous efFufion, He frequently pau- fes, and, as it were, ruminates upon the fame object; frequently varies and illuftrates the fame thought with different imagery, and a different choice of language; fa that the whole bears rather the appearance oi an ac¬ cumulation of correfponding fentiments, than an accu¬ rate and connected feries of different ideas, arranged in the form of a regular treatife. There is, however, no is wild incoherency in the poem ; the tranflations are ealy and elegant. _ . • The work is divided into five parts; in the nrit, fe- cond, and fourth chapters, the prophet addreffes the people in his own perfon, or introduces Jerufalem as fpeaking. In the third chapter a chorus of the Jews is reprefented. In the fifth the whole captive Jews pour forth their united complaints to Almighty God. Each of thefe five parts is diftributed into 22 llanzas, according to the number of the letters of the alphabet. In the three firit chapters thefe ftanzas coniift of three lines. In the four firft chapters the initial letter of each period follows the order of the alphabet; and in the third chapter each verfe of the fame ftanza begins with the fame letter. In the fourth chapter all the llanzas are evidently diltichs, as alfo in the fifth, which is not acroltic. The intention of the acroltic was to afiift the memory to retain fentences not much hecies. muft be excluded the clafs ©f poetical prophecy. Much indeed of the ptarabolic imagery is introduced in that book ; but the author introduces it as a prophet only ; as vifionary and allegorical fymbols of objects and events, totally imtinftured with the true poetical colouring. The Jews, indeed, would refufe to Daniel even the cha¬ racter of a prophet : but the arguments under which they Ihelter this opinion are very futile 5 tor thofe points which they maintain concerning the conditions on which the gift of prophecy is imparted, the diffe¬ rent gradations, and the diferimination between the true prophecy and mere infpiration, are all trifling and ab- furd, without any foundation in the nature of things, and totally deftitute of fcriptural authority. They add, that Daniel was neither originally educated in the pro¬ phetic difcipline and precepts, nor afterwards lived con¬ formably to the manner of the prophets. It is not, however, eafy to comprehend how this can diminifh his claim to a divine miffion and infpiration ; it may pof- fibly enable us, indeed, to aftign a reafon for the difli- milarity between the ftrle of Daniel and that of the 1 other prophets, and for its poffeffing fo littfe of the die* iion and character of poetry, which the reft feem to have imbibed in common from the fchools and difcipline £4 in which they were educated. Their an- The prophecies of Daniel appear fo plain and intel- henticity. Hgible after their accomplifhment, that Porphyry, who wrote in the 3d century, affirms, that they were written after the events to which they refer took place. A little refleftion will {how the abfurdity of this fuppofi- tion. Some of the prophecies of Daniel clearly refer to •Antiochus Epiphanes, with whofe ©ppreffions the Jews were too well acquainted. Had the book of Daniel not made its appearance till after the death of Epipha¬ nes, every Jew who read it muft have difeovered the forgery. And what motive could induce them to re¬ ceive it among their facred books ? It is impoffible to conceive one. Their character was quite the reverfe: their refpeft for the Scriptures had degenerated into fu- perftition. But we are not left to determine this im¬ portant point from the charadler of the Jews ; we have accefs to more decifive evidence; we are fure that the book of Daniel contains prophecies, for fome of them have been accomplifhed fince the time of Porphyry ; particularly thofe refpefting Antichrift : now, if it con¬ tains any prophecies, who will take upon him to affirm that the divine Spirit, which dittated thefe many cen¬ turies before they were fulfilled, could not alfo have delivered prophecies concerning Antiochus Epiphanes? The language in wffiich the book of Daniel is com- jpefed proves that it was written about the time of the You XVIL. Part I. ) 1 SCR Babylonifli captivity. Part of it is pure Hebrew ; a Scriphirs. language in which none of the Jewiih books were com- ——V"’’* pofed after the age of Epiphanes. Thefe are argu¬ ments to a deift. To a Chriftian the internal marks of the book itfelf will Ihow the time in which it wras writ¬ ten, and the teftimony of Ezekiel will prove Daniel to beat leaft his contemporary*. #Ezelc.xiy« The twelve minor prophets were fo called, not from I4 xxvn*-3« any fuppofed inferiority in their writings, but on ac- count of the fmall fize of their works. Perhaps it was minor j,r0i. for this reafon that the Jews joined them together, audphet*. confidered them as one volume. Thefe 12 prophets prefent in fcattered hints a lively {ketch of many parti- culars relative to the hiftory of Judah and of Ifrael, as Gray’/ Key well as of other kingdoms : they prophefy with hifto-'fj^ 0ld rical exadlncfs the fate of Babylon, of Nineveh, of Tyre, v*ament' of Sidon, and of Damafcus. The three laft prophets efpecially illuftrate many circumllances at a period when the hiftorical pages of Scripture are clofed, and when profane writers are entirely wanting. At firft the Jewifh prophets appeared only as fingle lights, and fol¬ lowed each other in individual fucceffion ; but they became more numerous about the time of the captivity. The light of infpiration was colle&ed into one blaze* previous to its fufpenfion ; and it ferved to keep alive the expectations of the Jews during the awful interval which prevailed between the expiration of prophecy and its grand completion on the advent of Chrift. 55 Hofea has been fuppofed the moft ancient of the 12 Prophecies minor prophets. He flourifhed in the reign of Jero-0^ boam II. king of Ifrael, and during the fucceffiye reigns of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Ju¬ dah. He was therefore nearly contemporary with I- faiah, Amos, and Jonah. The prophecies of Hofea be¬ ing fcattered through the book without date or con¬ nection, cannot with any certainty be chronologically arranged. ^ Hofea is the firft in order of the minor prophets, and Chara&er is perhaps, Jonah excepted, the moft ancient of them of their all. His ftyle exhibits the appearance of very remote antiquity; it is pointed, energetic, and concife. It bears a diitinguifhed mark of poetical compofirion, in that priftine brevity and condenfation which is obfer- vable in the fentences, and which later writers have in fome meafure neglefted. This peculiarity has not efeaped the obfervation of Jerome : “ He is altogether (fays he, fpeaking of this prophet) laconic and fenten- tious.” But this very circumftance, which anciently was fuppofed no doubt to impart uncommon force and ele¬ gance, in the prefent ruinous ftate of the Hebrew lite¬ rature is produftive of fo much obfeurity, that although the general fubjeft of this writer be fufficiently obvious, he- is the moft difficult and perplexed of all the pro¬ phets. There is, however, another reafon for the ob¬ feurity of his ftyle : Hofea prophefied during the reigns of the four kings of Judah, Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah. The duration of his miniftry, therefore, in whatever manner we calculate, muft include a very con- fiderable fpace of.time. We have now only a fmall vo¬ lume of his remaining, which feems to contain his principal prophecies ; and thefe are extant in a conti¬ nued feries, with no marks of diftindtion as to the times in which they were publifhed, or the fubje&s of which they treat. There is therefore no caufe to wronder if, in perufing the prophecies of Hofea, we fometimes find R our- SCR ScripMur. ourfelves in a fimilar predicament with thofe who con* Ul~"y ~~ fulted the fcattered leaves of the Sibyl. As a fpecimen of Hofea’s ftyle, we feleft the follow¬ ing beautiful pathetic paflage : How lhall I refign thee, O Ephraim ! How (hall I deliver thee up, O Ifrael! * EIow (liall I refign thee as Admah ! How (hall I make thee as Zeboim ! My heart Is changed within me; I am warmed alfo with repentance towards thee. I will not do according to the fervour of my wrath ; I will not return to deftroy Ephraim : For I am God, and not man 5 Holy in the midft of thee, though I inhabit not thy cities. 6g Concerning the date of the prophecy of Joel there Prophecies are various conje&ures. The book itlelf affords nothing of Joel. by which we can dlfcover When the author lived, or upon what occafion it was written. Joel (peaks of a great famine, and of mifchiefs that happened in confe- quence of an inundation of locufts; but nothing can be gathered from fuch general obfervations to enable us to fix the period of his prophecy. St Jerome thinks (and it is the general opinion) that Joel was contemporary with Hofea. This is poffibly true ; but the founda¬ tion on which the opinion ref is is very precarious, viz. That when there is no proof of the time in which a prophet lived, vve are to be guided in our conjedtures refpedting it by tliat of the preceding prophet whofe . epoch is better known. As this rule is not infallible, il therefore ought not to hinder us from adopting any other opinion that comes recommended by good rea- fons. Father Calmet places him under the reign of Joliah, at the fame time with Jeremiah, and thinks it probable that the famine to which Joel alludes, is the fame with that which Jeremiah predidted ch. viii. 13. he ftyle of Joel is effentially different from that of Chavader Hofea 5 but the general character of his didtion, though of their of a different kind, is not. lefs poetical. He is elegant, 1'jk' perfpicuous, copious, and fluent; he is alfo fuhlime, ani¬ mated, and energetic. In the lirit and fecond chapters Lowth ke difplays the full force of the prophetic poetry, and en Hebrew (hows how naturally it inclines to the ufe of metaphors, JPoetry, Sedl. allegories, and comparifons. Nor is the connedtion of iI‘ the matter lefs clear and evident than the complexioa of the ftyle: this is exemplified in the difplay of the impending evils which gave rile to the prophecy ; the exhortation to repentance; the promiles of bappinefs and fuccefs both terreftrial and eternal to thofe who be¬ come truly penitent; the reiteration of the Ifraelites; and the vengeance to be taken of their adversaries. Bet while we allow this juft commendation to his perfpi- cuity both in language and arrangement, we muft not deny that there is fometimes great obfeurky obfervabk in his fubjedt, and particularly in the latter part of the prophecy. The following prophecy of a plague of locufts is de- feribed with great fublimity of expreffion ; For a nation bath gone up on my land, Who are ftrong, and without number-: They have deftroyed my vine, and have mack my fig- tree a broken branch. They have made it quite bare, and caff it away; the 9 joel 1 branches thereof are made white. 7, *o, &c. The field is laid wafbe; the ground mourneth*. SCR Amos was contemporary with Hofea. They both script«rti began to prophecy during the reigns of Uzziah over —v—J Judah, and of Jeroboam IL over Ifrael. Amo* fawp . his firft vilion two years before the earthquake, which of Amos ** Zechariah informs us happened iu the days of Uzziah. ■See Amos. Amos was a herdfman of Tekoa, a fmall town in the territory of Judah, and a gatherer of fycamore fruit. In the Simplicity of former times, and in the happy cli¬ mates of the Eaft, thefe were not confidered as dilho- nourable occupations. He was no prophet {as he in¬ formed Amaziahf), neither was he a prophet’s f©n, 1. ^ .. that is, he had no regular education in the fchools of 14. the prophets. The prophecies of Amos confift of feveral diftinft difcourfes, which chiefly refpetft the kingdom of lirael; yet fometimes the prophet inveighs againft Judah, and threatens the adjacent nations, the Syrians, Philiftiaes, Tyrians, Edomites, Ammonites, and Moabites. ^ Jerome calls Amos “rude in fpcech, but not in Their knowledge J;” applying to him what St Paul modeftly f Proxm. profeifes of himfelf $. “ Many (fays Dr Lowth) have r-cmm!nt- it followed the authority of Jerome in fpeaking of tlus^”{jur ^ prophet, as if he were indeed quite rude, ineloquent, 0. and deftitute of all the embellilhments of compofition. The matter is, however, far otherwife. Let any perfoa who has candour and perfpicacity enough to judge, not from the man but from his writings, open the volume of his predictions, and he will, 1 think, agree with me, that our fhepherd ‘ is not a whit behind the very chief of the prophets jj.5 He will agree, that as in fublimity || a Cor.xi, and magnificence he is alinoft equal to tire greateff, foi* in fplendour of diction and elegance of expreffion he is fcarcely inferior to any. The fame celeftial Spirit in¬ deed actuated Ifaiah and Daniel in the court and Amos in the (beep-folds; conftantly felecting fuch interpreters- of the divine will as were beft adapted to the occafion* and fometimes * from the mouth of babes and fucklings perfecting praife occafionally employing the natural eloquence of fome, and occalionaliy making others elo¬ quent.” Mr Locke has obferved, that the comparifons of this prophet ate chiefly drawn from lions and other animals with which he was molt accuftomed ; but the fined images and allnfions are drawn from feenes of nature.- 'There are many beautiful paffages in the writings of A- tnos, of which we (hail prefent one fpecimea : Wo to them that are at eafe in Zion, And truft in the mountains of Samaria; Who arc named chief of the nations. To whom the houfe of Ifrael came Pals ye unto Calneh and fee. And from thence go to Hamath the Great ; Then go dovva to Gath of the Philiftines j Are they better than thefe kingdoms ? Or their borders greater than their borders ? Ye that put far away the evil day, Andcaufe the feat of violence to come near; That lie upon beds of ivory. And ftretch yourfelves upon couches ; That eat the lambs out of the flock, And the calves out of the midft of the Hall j That chant to the found of the viol, And like David dev if: influnntnu of mufic , That [ 13° ] SCR •.ripture. That drink wine in bowls, And anoint yourfelves with chief ointments ; But are not grieved for the ajfiShn of Jofeph [j, " I ^h. vi. x rP' I 7i . £ Obad:a!i 73 , < Jonah. * Kings §• 25- Jutth. xii. ft 4i. xvi ft like xi. 29 IJ 74 (p Micah. ■•p. xxv;. lf-24. i of. Ant. •c- 7:. cah iii. a Tatt. ii. 1 [ohn vii 4 I 75 ityif. The writings of Obadiah, which confift of one chap¬ ter, ai-e compofed with much beauty, and unfold a very Miterefting fcene of prophecy. Of this prophet little can be faid, as the fpecimen of his genius is fo fhort, and the greater part of it included in one of the pro¬ phecies of Jeremiah. Compare Ob. 1 —9. with Jer. xlix. 14, if, 16. See Obadiah. ’f hough Jonah be placed the iixth in the order of the minor prophets both in the Hebrew and Septua- gint, he is generally confidered as the moft ancient of all the prophets, not excepting Hofea. He lived in the kingdom of Tfrael, and prophefied to the ten tribes under the reign of Joalh and Jeroboam. The book of Jonah is chiefly hiftorical, and contains nothing of poe¬ try but the prayer of the prophet. The facred writers, and our Tord himfeif, fpeaks of Jonah as a prophet of confiderable eminence*. See Jonah. Micah began to prophecy foon after Ifaiah, Hofea, Joel, and Amos; and he prophefied between A. M. 3246, when Jotham began to reign, and A. M. 3305, when Hezekiah died. One of his prediclions is faid -j- to have faved the life of Jeremiah, who under the reign of Jehoiakim would have been put to death for prophe- fying the deftruftion of the temple, had it not appeared that Micah had foretold the fame thing under Heze¬ kiah above roo years before J;. Micah is mentioned as a prophet in the book of Jeremiah and in the New 1 eftament |!. He is imitated by fucceedingprophets(N), as he himfeif had borrowed expreffions from his prede- cefTors(o). Our Saviour himfeif fpoke in the language of this prophet (p). The ftyle of Micah is for the moft pail clofe, for¬ cible, pointed, and concife ; fonietimes approaching the obfeurity of Hofea ; in many parts animated and fub- hme ; and in general truly poetical. In his prophecies there is an elegant poem, which Or Lowth thinks is a citation from the anfwer of Balaam to the king of the Moabites: mbs ^-is ahum Wherewith fhall I come before Jehovah ? Wherewith ihall I bow myfelf unto the High God ? Shall I come before him with burnt-offering-s. With calves of a year old ? Will Jehovah be pleafed with thoufands of rams ? With ten thoufands of rivers of oil > Shall 1 give my firft-born for my tranfgrelTion > The fruit of my body for the fin of my foul ? ’ He hath ftiowed thee, O man, what is good : And what doth Jehovah require of thee, But to do juftiee, and to love mercy, And to be humble in walking with thy God ? J0^eP^us aflerts, that Nanutn lived in the time of Jo- tnam king of Judah; in which cafe he may be fuppofed to have prophefied againft Nineveh when Tiglath-Pilefer 31 1 SCR king of AfTyria carried captive the natives of Galilee Mid Scripture, other parts about A. M. 3264. It is, however, pro- ^ " bable, that his prophecies were delivered in the reign of Hezekiah ; for he appears to fpeak of the taking of No-Ammon a city of Egypt, and of the infolent mef- fengers of Sennacherib, as of things paft ; and he like- wife deferibes the people of Judah as ftill in their own country, and defirous of celebrating their fefti- vals. While Jerufalem was threatened by Sennacherib, Na¬ hum promifed deliverance to Hezekiah, and predidled that Judah would foon celebrate her folemn feafts fecure from invafion, as her enemy would no more difturb her peace. In the fecond and third chapters Nahum fore- tels the downfal of the Aftyrian empire and the final deftruftion of Nineveh, which was probably acccmplifli- ed by the Medes and Babylonians, whofe combined forces overpowered the Aflyrians by furprife “ while they were folden together as thorns, and while they were drunken as drunkards,” when the gates of the ri¬ ver were opened, the palace demoliihed, and an “ over¬ running flood” affifted the conquerors in their devafta- tion; who took an endlefs ftore of fpoil of gold and filver, making an utter end of the place of Nineveh, of that vaft and populous city, whofe wTalls were 100 feet high, and fo broad that three chariots could pafs abreaft. Yet fo completely was this celebrated city deftroyed, that even in the 2d century the fpot on which it ftood could not be afeertained, every veftige of it being gone. It is impofiible to read of the cxa& accomplifhment of the prophetic denunciations againft the enemies of the Jews, without refleding on the aftonifuing proofs which that nation enjoyed of the divine origin of their religion. From the Babylonifh captivity to the time of Chrift they had numberlefs inftances of the fulfilment of their prophecies. I he character of Nahum as a writer is thus deferibed by Dr Lowth : *£ None ot the minor prophets feem to equal Nahum in boldnefs, ardour, and fublimity. His prophecy, too, forms a regular and perfed poem ; the exordium is not merely magnificent, it is truly majeftic; the preparation for the deftrudion of Nineveh, and the description of its downfal and defolation, are expreffed in the moft vivid colours, and are bold and luminous in the higheft degree.” As the prophet Habakkiik makes no mention of thenf v Aflyrians, and fpeaks of the Chaldean invaiions as nearkuk at hand, he probably lived after the deftrudioii of the Aflyrian empire in the fall of Nineveh A. M. 3392, and not long before the devaftation of Judea by Nebu¬ chadnezzar. Habakkuk was then nearly contempora¬ ry with Jeremiah, and predided the fame events. A. general account of Habakkuk’s prophecies have already been given under the word Habakkuk, which may be confulted. We would, however, farther obferve, that the prayer in the third chapter is a moft beautiful and peifed ode, poflTefflng all the fire of poetry and the pro¬ found reverence of religion. ' 1 K * £ God ( n.) Compare 2vephan iii. ig. with Micah iv. 7. and Ezek. xxii. 27. with Micah iii I r SCR [ Scijptur?. Go4 came From Teman, ' And the Holy One from mount Pavan : His glory covered the heavens, And the earth was full of his praife. His brightnefs was as the light; Beams of glory iflued from his Me ; And there was the hiding of his power. Before him went the peftilence ; And burning coals went forth at his feet. He flood and meafured the earth ; J^e beheld and drove afunder the nations; The everlatting mountains were fcattered The perpetual hills did bow. The prophet illuftrates this fubjeft throughout with equal fublimity ; felefting from fuch an affemblage of miraculous incidents the molt noble and important, dil- playimr them in the molt fplendid colours, and embei- hfiling” them with the fublimeft imagery, figures, and didtion ; the dignity of which is fo heightened and re¬ commended by' the fuperior elegance of the concluhon, that were it not for a few (hades which the hand ot time has apparently call over it in two or three paffa- ges, no compolitioa of the hind would appear more elegant or more perfect than this poem. Habakkuk is imitated by fucceeding prophets, and his words are borrowed by the evangelical writers |[. Zephaniah, who was contemporary with Jeremiah, ; prophefied in the reign of Jofiah king of Judah ; and comnar-from the idolatry which he defcnbes as prevailing at with Hal. that time, it is probable that his prophecies were deh- i. j. vered before the laft reformation made by that pious prince A. M. 33^ of"Zepha- The account which Zephaniah and Jerermalygive of « Heb. x. 37» 38; Rom. i. 17 Gal. iii- i- AcSbs xii Biah the idolatries of their age is fo fimilar, that St liiodore afferts, that Zephaniah abridged the defenptions of Je¬ remiah. But it is more probable that the prophecies of Zephaniah: were written forne years before thofe of his contemporary ; for Jeremiah feems to reprefent the abufes as partly removed which Zephaniah delcribes as flagrant and excefllve (f^_). In the firft chapter Zephaniah denounces the wrath of God again it the idolaters who worlhippM. Baal and the holt of heaven, and againit the violent and deceitful. In the fecond chapter the prophet threatens deltruc- tion to the Philiftines, the Moabites, the Ammonites, and Ethiopians; and defcribea the fate of Nineveh in emphatic terms : “ Flocks fhall lie down in the midlt of her ; all the bealts of the nations, both the. cormo¬ rant and bittern, (hall lodge in her; their voice (hall lir.f in the windows defolation fhall be in the threfh- olds.” In the third chapter the prophet inveighs againit the pollutions and opprefiions of the Jewsand con¬ cludes with the promife, rFbat a remnant would be faved, and that multiplied bleflings would be bellowed upon the penitent.” The Ityle of Zephaniah is poeti¬ cal, but is not diltinguilhed by any peculiar elegance or beauty, though generally animated and impreflive. --T . Haggai, the tenth of the minor prophets, was the vi1 tiaggai. who flouri{hed among thc Jews after the Babylo- nilh captivity. He began to prophefy in the fecond 132 1 SCR year of Darius Hyftafpes, about 520 years befort Scripture, Chrift. . T J The intention of the prophefy of Haggai was to en¬ courage the difpirited Jews to proceed' with the build¬ ing of the temple. The only prediction mentioned re¬ fers to the Mefliah, whom the prophet alfures h;s coun¬ trymen would fill the new temple with glory. So well was this prediftion underltood by the Jews, that they looked with earned expe&ation for the Mefliah’s ap¬ pearing in this temple till.it was deftroyed by the Ro¬ mans. But as the victorious Mefliah, whom they ex- pefted, did not then appear, they have fince applied the prophecy to a third temple, which they hope to fee reared in feme future period. The ftyle of Haggai, in the opinion of Dr JLowth, is profaic. Dr Newcome thinks that a great pait of it is poetical. _ _ {80 Zechariah was undoubtedly a contemporary of Hag- of Zech*. gai, and began to prophecy two months after him, in riah. the eighth month of the fecond year of Darius Hyf¬ tafpes, A. M. 3484, being commiflioned as well, as Haggai to exhort the Jews to proceed in. the building of the temple after the interruption which the work had fuffered. We are informed by Ezra (vi. 14.), that the Jews profpered through the prophefying of Zechariah and Haggai. Zechariah begins with general exhortations to his countrymen, exciting them to repent from the evi4 ways of their fathers, whom the prophets had admoniftt- ed in vain. He delcribes angels ot the Lord interce¬ ding for mercy on Jerufalem and the defolate cities ox Judah, which had experienced the indignation of the Moil High for 70 years while the neighbouring nations were at peace, tie declares, that the houfe of the Lord (hould be built in Jeiufalem, and that Zion ftiould be comforted. The prophet then reprefents the in- creafe and profperity of the Jews under feveral typical figures. He deferibes the ettablifhment of the Jewiflt government and the coming of the Mefliah. He ad- monifhes thofe who obferved folemn fails without due contrition, to execute juitice, mercy, and compaffion* every man to his brother; not to opprefs the widow nor the fatherlefs, the itranger nor the poor. He pro- mifes, that God would again (how favour to Jerufalem; that their mournful fads (hould be turned into cheerful feafts ; and that the church ol the Lord (hould be en¬ larged by the accefiion of many nation*. The 1 2tli verfe of the 11 th chapter of this book, which exhibits a prophetic defeription of fome circum- ftances afterwards fulfilled in our Saviour, appears to be cited by St Matthew (xxvii. 9, 10.) as fpoken by Jeremiah; and as the nth, !2th, and 13th chapters have been thought to contain fome particulars more fuitable to the age of Jeremiah than to that of Zecha¬ riah, fome learned writers are of opinion that they were written by the former prophet, and have been from fi» Hiilarity of iubject joined by miltake to thofe of Ze¬ chariah. But others are of opinion, that St Matthew might allude to fome traditional prophecy of Jeremiah, or, what is more probable, that the name of Jeremiah was fubftituted by miftake in place of Zechariah. The ‘ (O Compare Zephaniah i. 4, 5, 9. with Jeremiah ii. 5, 20) 32. SCR I *33 ?;pmTe. The 12th, 13th, and 14th chapters contain prophe- -v— cies which refer entirely to the Clmftian difpenfatmn ; the circumftances attending which he defcnbcs with a dearnefs which indicated their near approach. The ftyle of Zechariah is fo limilar to that 01 jere- jniah, that the Jews were accuftomed to remark that the ipirit of Jeremiah had palled into him. He is ge¬ nerally profaic till towards the conclufion of 1 is work, when he becomes more elevated and poetical. ihe whole is beautifully connetfed by eufy tranfitions, and prefent and future fcenes are blended with the gieatelt the laft prophet that flourilhed under “ h the lewifli difpenfation j but neither the time in which he lived, nor any particulars of his Inftory, can now e afoertained. It is even uncertain whether the word Malachi be a proper name, or denote, as the beptua- oint have rendered it, his angel (r), that is, “the ange of the Lord.” Origen fuppofed, that Malachi was an angel incarnate, and not a man. The ancient Hebrews, the Chaldee paraphraft, and St Jerome, are of opinion .he was the fame perfon with Ezra : but if this w-as t ie cafe, they ought to have affigned fome reafon for gi¬ ving twro different names to the fame perfon. As it appears from the concurring teftimony of all the ancieni Jewifh and Chriftian writers, that the light of prophecy expired in Malachi, we may iuppofe that the termination ofhisminiftry coincided with the ac- complifhment of the firft feven wrecks of Daniel s pro- phecy, which was the period appointed for baling the vilion and prophecy. This, according to Pndeaux s account, took place in A. M. 3595 ; but, according to the calculations of Bifhop Lloyd, to A. M. 3607, twelve years later. Whatever reckoning we prefer, it mult be allowed that Malachi completed the canon ot the ] SCR (hould fuddenly come to his temple preceded by the meffenger of the covenant, who was to prepare his w'ay j that- the Lm-d when he appeared {hould purify the fons of Levi from their unrighteoufnefs, and refine them as metal from the drofs ; and that then the offering of Judah, the fpiritual facrifice of the heart, {hould be plea- fan t to the Lord. The prophet, like one who was de. livering a laft meffage, denounces deftruftion agamft the impenitent in emphatic and alarming words. He en¬ courages thofe who feared the name of the Lord with the animating promife, that the “ Sun of nghteoufnefs {hould arife with falvation in his rays,” and render them, triumphant over the wicked. And now that prophecy was to ceafe, and miracles were no more to be perform¬ ed till the coming of the Mefiiah ; mw that the Jews were to be left to the guidance of them own realon, and the written inftruaions of their prophets-Malachi exhorts them to remember the law of Moles, which t ie Lord had revealed from Horeb for the fake of all Ii- rael. At length he feals up the prophecies of the Old Teftament, by predifting the commencement of the new difpenfation, which fhould be ufhered in by John the Baptift with the power and fpint of Elijah ; wlm {hould turn the hearts of fathers and children to repen¬ tance ; but if his admonitions {hould be rejected, that the Lord would finite the land with a cuiie. Old Teftament about 400 years before the birth of It appears certain that Malachi prophefted under Nehemiah, and after Haggai and Zechariah, at a time when great .diforders reigned among the pnelts and people of Judah, which are reproved by Malachi. He 'inveighs againft the priefts (i. 6, &c. n. I, 2, See.) ; he reproaches the people with having taken ftrange wives (ii. 11.); he reproves them for their inhumanity to¬ wards their brethren (ii. 10. iii. 5.) ; their too fre¬ quently divorcing their wives ; their negleft of paying their tithes and firft-fruits (Mai. iii. 13.) He feems to allude to the covenant that Nehemiah renewed with the Lnrd (iii. 10. and ii. 4, 5, Stc.), affilled by the priefts and the chief of the nation. He fpeaks of the facrifice of the new law, and of the abolition of thole of the old, in thefe words (i. 10, u, 12, 13.) : “ I have no pleafure in you, faith the Lord of liofts, neither will I accept an offering at your hand. For from the rifing of the fun, even unto the going down of the fame, my name fhall be great among the Gentiles, and in every "place incenfe {hall be offered unto my name, and a pure offering : for my name {hall be great among the Heathen, faith the Lord of hofts.” _ He declares that the Lord was weary with the impiety cl lirael; and allures them, that the Lord whom they fought St The collection of writings compofed after the a^en-NEw Tbs fion of Chrift, and acknowledged by his followers to be divine, is known in general by the name of This title, though neither given by divine command, nor applied to thefe writings by the apoftles, was adopt¬ ed in a very early age, though the precife time of its introduftion is uncertain, it being juftified by ieveral. paffages in Scripture t> and warranted by the authon-f Matfh. * Jp« • . • L^ t-Virt Tor'i'prl Kook: 83 Title- [y oTst M in particular, who calls the facmed books-i. ,8. before the time of Chrift t* Even long Heb> viii ' before that period, either the whole of the Old Leita-^, ix> I3_^ ,, ment, or the five books of Mofes, were entitled ... , or book of the covenant $. ^ ’ m' As tlie word admits ot a two-fold mterpretation,.^ i Mac -u We may tranflate this title either the New Covenant or the57. Nttu Ttjlament. The former tranflation mull be adopt¬ ed if refpedt be had to the texts of Scripture, from which the name is borrowed, iince thole paffages evi¬ dently convey the idea of a covenant; and, belides, a being incapable of death can neither have made an old nor make a new teftament. It is like wife probable*, that the earliert Greek difeipks, who made ufe of this, expreffion, had no other notion in view than that of covenant. We, on the contrary, are accuftomed to give this facred colleftion the name of Tejlament; and fince it would be not only improper, but even abfurd, to fpeak of the Teftament of God, we commonly nn- derftand the Teftament pf Chrift ; an explanation which removes but half the difficulty, fince the new only, and not the old, had Chtift for its teftator. . 84 In {fating the evidence for the truth of Chnftiamty, importance there is nothing more worthy of confideration than the authenticity of the books H the New Teftament. Thi&the ilUljlen. is the foundation on which all other arguments reft and books. (a) '3^9 Ma/acbi fignifies properly my angel* SCR [ i Scripture, sncl if it is folid, the Chriflian religion is fully eftablifli- v cd. 1 he proofs for the authenticity of the New Te¬ ed. The proofs for the authenticity ^ x^.- flament have this peculiar advantage, that they are plain and lirnple, and involve no metaphyfical fubtilties.— Every man who can diftinguilh truth from falfehood muft fee their force ; and if there are any fo blinded by pre¬ judice, or corrupted by licentioufnefs, as to attempt by fop hi ilry to elude them, their fophiftry will be eafily detetted by every man of common underltanding, who has read the hillorical evidence with candour and at¬ tention. Inftead, therefore, of declaiming againft the infdel, we folicit his attention to this fubjeft, convin- •ced, that where truth refides, it will fhine with fo con- ftant and clear a light, that the combined ingenuity of all the delfts ft nee the beginning of the world will ne¬ ver he able to extinguifh or to obfeure it. If the books °‘. tlie New ^ eftament are really genuine, oppofition ■\vill incite the Chnftian to bring forward the evidence; and thus by the united efforts of the deift: and the Chri¬ flian, the arguments will be Hated with all the clear- nefs and accuracy of which they are fufceptible in fo I’emarkable a degree. It is furprifmg that the adverfarles of Chriftiani- t) have not always made their firfl attacks in this quar¬ ter ; for if they admit that the writings of the New Te- itament are as ancient as we affirm, and compofed by the perfons to whom they are aferibed, they mull al¬ low, if they reafon fairly, that the Chrillian religion is true. 0 _ The apoftks allude frequently in their epiflles to the £':t miracles, which they had communicated to the Chr .an courts by the impofition of hands, in con¬ firmation of the do&rine delivered in their fpeeches and writings, and fometimes to miracles which they them- MMaelh', fdvea.11 ad performed. Now if thefe epiftles are ready X»ir*duS}ion getiUine, it is hardly poffible to eleny thofe miracles to totheW^ be true. The cafe is here entirely different from that of an hiftorian, who relates extraordinary' events in the course of his narrative, fihee either credulity or an ac¬ tual intention to deceive may induce him to deferibe as true a fenes of falfehood? refpecting a foreign land or dil.ant period. Even to the Evangelifts might an ad- vei fary of the Chrillian religion make this objection: but to write to perfons with whom we Hand in the reared connedlion, « I have not only performed mira¬ cles in your prefence, but have like wife communicated to you the fame extraordinary endowments,’’ to write ia this manner, if nothing of the kind had ever hap¬ pened, would require Inch an incredible degree of ef- Irontery, that he who pofTefTed it would not only ex- pme hrmfelf to the utmoll ridicule, but by giving his ad- verfanes the fa-rell opportunity to deleft his impof- .'iH, would rum the caule which he attempted to fup- port. * St Paul’s Firft Epiflle to the ThefTalonians is addref- ku to a community to which he had preached the gof- pcl only three Sabbath days, when he was forced to S/' 'by t“e Ptr{ccu*on tbe populace. In this tp.ltk ue appeals to the miracles which he had per- foimed, and to the gifts of the Holy Spirit which he fdfi.mT11111^'/-1 N0W’ IS !t P°ffible’ without for¬ feiting all pretenhons to common fenfe, that, in writing 4ak°TUn'ty 1 CH br Hatl latdy efeblifhed, he could peak of miracles performed, and gifts of die Holy 34- ] SCR Ghofl communicated, if no member of the fociety had ScnW feen the one, or received the other ? * — l o fuppofe that an impoflor could write to the con- verts or adverfaries of the new religion fuch epiftles as thefe, with^ a degree of triumph over his opponents, and yet maintain his authority, implies ignorance and ftupidity hardly to be believed. Credulous as the Chri. iliaus have been in later ages, and even fo early as the third century, no lefs fevere were they in their inqui- nes, and guarded againft deception, at the introduftion of Chnftianity. This charafter is given them even by Lucian, a writer of the fecond century, who vented his fatire not only againft certain Chriftians *, who* had fupplied Peregnnus with the means of fubfift- ence, but p.lfo againft heathen oracles and pretended ^'2'’'l'1* wonders. He relates of his impoftor (Pfeudomantis), nnt'Timrr fntvnwi-v*.1 r * P* ^Tcjiament, that he attempted nothing fupernatmal in the prefence of the Chriihans and Epicureans. 1’his Pfeudomantis341. ’ exemims before the whole affembly, “ Away with the Chriftians, away with the Epicureans, and let thofe on¬ ly remain who believe, in the. Deity!” (snrn^rtf r» G'?) uPon wbiob the populace took up ftones to drive away the fufpicious ; while the other philofophers, Py. t lagoreans, Platonifts, and Stoics, as credulous friends aud proteftors of the caufe, were permitted to re¬ main 0. - It is readily acknowledgecf, that the arguments!^™? drawn from the authenticity of the New Teftament’”'M1‘">§JJ* only eftablifti the truth of the miracles performed by38-Tcm-iil the apofiles, and are not applicable to the miracles ofl^3^33’ our Saviour ; yet, if we admit the three firft gofpels to be genuine, the truth of the Chriftian religion will be proved from the prophecies of Jefus. For if thefe go- fpels were compofed by Matthew, Mark, and Luke, at the time in which all the primitive Chriitians affirm, that is, previous to the deftruftion of Jerufalem, they mult be infpired ; for they contain a circumftantial pro¬ phecy of the deftruftion of Jerufalem, and determine . Pf.1-10*! at which it was accomplifhed. Now it was impoffible that human fagacity could forefee that event' for when it was predifted nothing was more impra! bable. 1 he Jews were refolved to avoid an open re¬ bellion, well knowing the greatnefsof their danger, and ftibmitted to the oppreffions of their governors in the hope of obtaining redrefs from the court of Rome .1 hre Clreumftance which gave birth to thefe misfortunes is fo trifling in itfclf, that, independent of its confe- quences, it would not deferve to be recorded. In the narrow entrance to a lynagogue in Cicfarea, fome per- iou bed made an offering of birds merely with a view to irritate the Jews. The infult excited their indig¬ nation, and occahoned the ftiedding of blood With out this trifling accident, which no human wifdom could forefee even the day before it happened, it is pof- fible that the prophecy of Jefus would never have been fulfilled. But Florus, who was then procurator of Tu- dea, converted this private quarrel into public hoftili- ties, and compelled the Jewiffi nation to rebel contrary to its wifti and refolution, in order to avoid what the Jews had thieatened, an impeachment before the Ro¬ man emperor for his exceffive cruelties. But even af¬ ter this rebellion had broken out, the deftruftion of the temple was a very improbable event. It was not the praftice of die Romans to deftroy the magnificent edifices fkr tk tovt 85 T? r au- th'tinty pr ed. s c r ; t i edifices of the nations which they fubdued ; and of all the Roman generals, none was more unlikely to de- molifh fo ancient and auguft a building as Titus Vef- pafian. So important then is the quellion, Whether the books of the New Te.i ament be genuine ? that the arguments which prove their authenticity, prove alfo the truth of the ChrHian religion. Let us now confider the evi¬ dence which proves the authenticity of the New Te- ilament. We receive the books of the New Teflament as the genuine works of Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, and Paul, for the fame reafon that we receive the writings of Xenophon, of Polybius, of Plutarch, of Caefar, and of Livy. Wc have the uninterrupted teftimony of all ages, and we have no reafon to fufpeft impofition. This argument is much (Longer when applied to the books of the New Teftament than when applied to any other writings ; for they were addreffed to large focie- ties, were often read in their prefence, and acknow¬ ledged by them to be the writings of the apoftles.— Whereas, the moil eminent profane writings which (fill remain were addreffed only to individuals, or to no per- fons at all : and we have no authority to affirm that they were read in public ; on the contrary, we know that a liberal education was uncommon ; books were fcarce, and the knowledge of them was confined to a few individuals in every nation. The New Teftament was read over three quarters of the world, while profane writers were limited to one nation or to one country. An uninterrupted fuccef- iion of writers from the apoftolic ages to the prefent time quote the facred writings, or make ailufrons to them : and thde quotations and allufions are made not only by f riends but by enemies. This cannot be afferted of even the beft claffic authors. And it is highly probable, that the tranflations of the New Teftament were made fo early as the fecond century ; and in a century or two after, they became very numerous. Alter this period, it was impoffible to forge new writings, or to corrupt the facred text, unlefs we can fuppofe that men of dif¬ ferent nations, of different fentiments and different lan¬ guages, and often exceedingly hoftile to one another, ihnuld all agree in one forgery. This argument is fo jirong, that if we deny the authenticity of the New Teftament, we may with a tboufand times more pro¬ priety rejedi all the oilier writings in the world: we may even throw alrde human teftimony itfelf. But as this liibjedt is of great impor tance, we ffiall confukr it at more length ; and to enable our readers to judge with the greater accuracy, we ffiall ftate, from the valuable work of Michaelis, as tranflated by the judicious and learned Mr Marffi, the reafons which may induoe a cri- * tic to fufpe& a work to be fpurious. 7‘ve y i. When doubts have been made from ka fir ft appear- 'faforrsariCC ^ world, whether it proceeded from the au- would thor to whom it is aferibed. 2. When the immediate friends of the pretended author, who were able to de¬ cide upon tire fubjed, have denied it to be bis produc¬ tion. 3. When a long feries of years has elapfed af¬ ter his death, in which the book was unknown, and in which it muft unavoidably have been mentioned and quoted, had it really exifted. 4. When the ftyle is dif¬ ferent from that ot his other writings, or, in cafe no ®ther remain, different from that which might reafon- 6 Nej Th tha pro bcii to be *pu. )U3 35 ] SCR ably be expe&ed. 5. When events are recorded Scrfptorev •which happen later than the time of the pretended author. 6. WThen opinions are advanced which con- tradid thofe he is known to maintain in his other writings. Though tins latter argument alone leads to no pofitive conclufion, fince every man is liable to change his opinion, or through forgetfuintL to vary in the circumftances of the fame relation, of which Jofephus, in his Antiquities and War of the Jews, af¬ fords a ftriking example. gg 1. But it cannot be fhown that any one doubted ofOonotaP* its authenticity in the period in which it firft appeared.J)ly 2. No ancient accounts are on record whence we may conclude it to be fpurious. 3. No conftderable period elapfed after the death of the apoftles, in width the New Teftament was unknown; but, on the contrary, it is mentioned by their very contemporaries, and the ac¬ counts of it in the fccond century are ftill more nume¬ rous. 4. No argument can be brought in its disfavour from the nature of the ftyle, it being exadtly fuch as might be expe&ed from the apoftles, not Attic but Jewiih Greek. 5 No fads are recorded which hap¬ pened after their death. 6. No dodrines are main- taiued which contradid the known tenets of the au¬ thors, fince, befide the New Teftament, no writings of the apoftles exift. But, to rite honour of the New Te-- ftament be it fpoken, it contains numerous contradic¬ tions to the tenets and dodrines of the fathers in the fe¬ cond and third century, whole morality was different from, that of the goljpel, which recommends fortitude and fubmiffion to unavoidable evils, but not that enthufiaftic ardour for martyrdom for which thofe centuries are di- ftinguifhed ; it alludes to ceremonies which in the fol¬ lowing ages were either in difufe or totally unknown : all which circumftances infallibly demonftrate that the New Tellament is not a produdion of either of thofe centuries. ■* We lhall now confider the pofitive evidence for the p £t^ciy authenticity of the New Teftament. Thefe may be ar- ° 1VC ** ranged under the three following heads ; 1 The impoffibility of a forgery, arifmg from the nature of the thing itfelf. 2. The ancient Chriftlan, Jewiih, and Heathen teftimony m its favour. 3. Its own internal evidence. I. The impoffibility of a forgery arifing from the na-, ture of the thing itfelf is evident. It is impoffible toryofafor- eftablilh forged writings as authentic in any place where KcrY arifing there are perfons ftumgly inclined and well qualified tofrom the deted the fraud. Now the Jews were the moft violent "v v enemies of Chriliianity. They put tlae founder of it to " C ^ ^ death; they periecuted his diftiples with implacable fury ; and they were anxious to itiiie the new religion in its birth. If the writings of the New Telia meat had been forged, would not the Jews have deteded the impofture ? Is there a lingle inllance on record where a few individuals have impofed a hiftory upon the world againft the teftimony of a whole nation ? Would the inhabitants of Palelline have received the gofpels, if they had not had fufficient evidence that j'efus Chrift really appeared among them, and performed the mira¬ cles aferibed to him ? Or would the churches of Rome or of Corinth have acknowledged the epiftles addrefied to them as the genuine works of Paul, if Paul had never preached among them ? We might as well think to prove,, that the hiftory of the Reformation is the in¬ vention SCR Scripture 9* From tefti- taoiiy. SCR C 13S ] vention of Kiflorians; and that no revolution happened in Great Britain during the Jail century. 2. The fecend kind of evidence which we produce to prove the authenticity of the New Tellament, is the teftimony of ancieht wntersf Chdftians, Jews, and Hea- 'The times in ^Tht Karnes of' which the IVliters. they lived. 'The v/>riatien or agree-' merit of their cata- 'The boohs :n nvhich lugues with ours noiuthefe catalogues are. received. Scripture, ^ens* In reviewing the evidence of teftimony, tt win not be expe&ed that we fhould begin at the prefent age, and trace backwards the authors who have written on this fubjeff to the firft ages of Chriftianity. This in¬ deed, though a laborious talk, could be performed in the moft complete manner ; the whole feries of authors, numerous in every age, who have quoted from the books of the New Teftament, written commentaries upon them, tranftated them into different languages, or who have drawn up a lift of them, could be exhibited fo as to form fuch a perfect body of evidence, that we imagine even a jury of deifts would find it impafiible, upon a de¬ liberate and candid examination, to rejedt or difbelieve it. We do not, however, fuppofe that rcepticifm has yet arrived at fo great a height as to render fuch a tedi¬ ous and circumftantial evidence neceffary. Palling over the intermediate ipace, therefore, we fhall afeend at once to the fourth century, when the evidence for the authenticity of the New Teftament was fully eftabliih- ed, and' trace it back from that period to the age of the apoftles. We hope that this method of Hating the evidence will appear more natural, and will afford more fatisfadtion, than that which has been ufually adopted. It is furely more natural, when we inveftigate the truth of any faft which depends on a feries of teftimo¬ ny, to begin with thofe witneffes who lived neareft the prefent age, and whofe characters are heft eftablilhed. In this way we fhall learn from themfelves the founda¬ tion of their belief, and the characters of thofe from whom they derived it; and thus we afeend till we ar¬ rive at its origin. This mode of inveftigation will give more fatisfadtion to the deifl than the ufual way ; and we believe no Chriftian, who is confident of the goodnefs of his caufe, will be unwilling to grant any proper conceffions. The delft will thus have an oppor¬ tunity of examining, feparately, what he will confider as the weakeft parts of the evidence, thofe which are exhibited by the earlieft Chriftian writers, confiding of exprefiions, and not quotations, taken from the New Teftament. The Chriftian, on the other hand, ought to wifh, that thefe apparently weak parts of the evi¬ dence were diftindtly examined, for they will afford an irrefragable proof that the New Teftament was not for¬ ged : and fhould the deift rejedt the evidence of thofe early writers, it will be incumbent on him to account for the origin of the Chriftian religion, which he will find more difficult than to admit the common hypo- thefis. In the fourth century we could produce the tefti- monies of numerous witneffes to prove that the books of the New Teftament exifted at that time ; but it will be fufticient to mention their names, the time in which they wrote, and the fubftance of their evidence. This we fhall prefent in a concife form in the following table, which is taken from Jones’s New and Full Me¬ thod of ellablifhing the canon of the New Teftament. I. Athanafios bifhopof A- lexandria. II. Cyril bifhop ofjerufalem. III. The bifhops aftembled in the council of Laodicea.' IV. Epiphanius bifhop of Sa- lamis in Cy prus. V. Gregory Na- zianzen bi- fhopofCon- ftantinople. VI. Philaftrius bifhop of Brixia in Venice. A. C. 34°- 364- 37°* 375- 380. VII. Jerome. 3^2* VIII. Ruffin pref- byter of A- quilegium. 39°- The fame perfedb ly with ours now received. The fame with ours, only the Revelation is omitted. The Revelation is omitted. The fame with ours now re¬ ceived. Fragment. Epifi. Tejlal. tom. 2. o’ in Synopf, tom. I. Catech. IV. § ult. p. (01. Canon. LIX. \. Id. The Ca¬ nons of rhiscoun- cit were not long after-wards recei¬ ved into the body ol the canons of the ui iverfal church. Hceref. 76. cont. Anom. p. 399. Omits the Reve¬ lation. Fhe fame with ours now received; ex¬ cept that he men¬ tions only it, of >St Paul's epiftles (0- mitting very pro¬ bably the Eyiftle to the Hebrews), and leaves out the Revelations. The fame with curs; exceptthat hefpeaks dubioufly of the E piftle to the He brews; tho’ in other parts of his writings he receives it as ta- nonfcal. It perfedlly agrees with ours. Carm. de verts iff genuin. Scripiur. Lib. de HeergJ. Numb. 87. Ep. ad Paulin. 83. Trad. 6. p. 2. Alfocom- monly prefixed to the Latin vulgar. Expo/, in Symb. Apqftol. § 3-6. int.Ep.Hieron. ' Par. I. Trac. 3. p. 110. iff inter Op. Cypr. IX. Auftin bi¬ fhopof Hip¬ po in A- frica. X. TheXLIV bifhops af- fembled in the third council of Carthage. 394- It perfe&ly agrees with ours. StAu- It perfedfly agrees ftin was with ours, prefent at it. P- 575- De Dodrin. Chriji. 1. 2. C- 8. Tom. Op. 3. p. 25. Fid. Canon. XL VII. & eap.ult. 4 Wc Tefrimo- nies <>f the ancient Chriftians. Palsy's E- •viienccs of Cbrijlianity Of Eufe- biu?. SCR f i Scripture. We now go back to Eufebius, who wrote about the year 315, and whofe catalogue of the books of the New Teftament we (hall mention at more length. “ Let us obferve (fays he) the writings of the apoftle John, which are uncontradided; and, firft of all, mufi. be men¬ tioned, as acknowledged of all, the gofpel, according to Kim, well known to all the churches under heaven.” The author then proceeds to relate the occafions of writing the gofpels, and the reafons for placing St John’s the lalt, manifeftly fpeaking of all the four as equal in their authority, and in the certainty of their ■ original. The fecond paffage is taken from a chap¬ ter, the title of which is, “ Of the Scriptures univer- fally acknowledged, and of thofe that are not fuch.” Eufebius begins his enumeration in the following man¬ ner : “ In the firit place, are to be ranked the facred four Gofpels, then the book of the Afts of the Apoftles; after that are to be reckoned the Epiftles of Paul: in the next place, that called the firft Epiftle of John and the Epiftle of Peter are to be efteemed authentic : after this is to be placed, if it be thought fit, the Re¬ velation of John; about which we fiiall obferve the dif¬ ferent opinions at proper feafons. Of the controvert¬ ed, but yet well known or approved by the moft, are that called the Epiftle of James and that of Jude, the fecond of Peter, and the fecond and third of John, whe¬ ther they were written by the evangelift or by another of the fame name.” He then proceeds to reckon up five others, not in our canon, which he calls in one place fpurious) in another controverted; evidently mean¬ ing the fame thing by thefe two words (s). A. D. 290, Vi&orin bifhop of Pettaw in Germany, in a commentary upon this text of the Revelation, “ The firft was like a lion, the fecond was like a calf, the third like a man, and the fourth like a flying eagle,” makes out, that by the four creatures are intended the four gofpels ; and to ^fhow the propriety of the fymbols, he recites the fubjeft with which each evange¬ lift opens his hiftory. The explication is fanciful, but the teftimony pofitiv’e. He alfo exprefsly cites the Adis of the Apoftles. A. D. 230, Cyprian bifhop of Carthage gives the following teftimony : “ The church (fays this father) is watered like Patadife by four rivers, that is, by four gofpels.” The Adis of the Apoftles are alfo frequently quoted by Cyprian under that name, and under the name of the Divine ScripturesIn his various wri¬ tings are fuch frequent and copious citations of Scrip¬ ture, as to place this part of the teftimony beyond con- troverfy. Nor is there, in the works of this eminent African bifhop, one quotation of a fpurious or apocry¬ phal Chriftian writing. A. D. 210, Origen is a moft important evidence. Nothing can be more peremptory upon the fubjedl now under confideration, and, from a writer of his learning and information, nothing more fatisfadfory, than the de¬ claration of Origen, preierved in an extradl of his works by Eulebius : “ That the four gofpels alone are received without difpute by the whole church of God under heaven:” to which declaration is immediately fubjoined Vol. XVII. Part. I. 94 Of Vicfto- rtn. 95 Of Cypri- , 96 Of Origen. 37 J SCR a brief hiftory of the refpedlive authors, to whom they Scripture, were then, as they are now, afcribed. The fentiments - expreffed concerning the gofpels in all the works of Origen which remain, entirely correfpond with the teftimony here cited. His atteftation to the Adis of the Apoftles is no lefs pofitive : “ And Luke alfo once more founds the trumpet relating the Adis of the A- poftles.” That the Scriptures were then univerfally read, is plainly affirmed by this writer in a pafiage in which he is repelling the objedlions of Celfus, “ That it is not in private books, or fuch as are read by few only, and thofe ftudious perfons, -but in books read by every body, that it is written, the invifible things of God from the creation of the world are clear¬ ly feen, being underftood by things that are made.” It is to no purpofe to Angle out quotations of Scripture from fuch a wrriter as this. We might as well make a feledlion of the quotations of Scripture in Dr Clarke’s fermons. They are fo thickly fown in the works of Origen, that Dr Mill fays, “ If we had all his works remaining, we ffiould have before us almoft the whole text of the Bible.” A. D. 194, Tertullian exhibits the number of the Of Tertuk gofpels then received, the names of the evangelifts, and^40* their proper defignations, in one ffiort fentence.— “ Among the apoftles, John and Matthew teach us the faith ; among apoftolical men, Luke and Mark refrefh it.” The next pafiage to be taken from Tertullian af¬ fords as complete an atteftation to the authenticity of the gofpcls as can be well imagined. After enumerating the churches which had been founded by Paul at Corinth, in Galatia, at Philippi, Theflalonica, and Ephefus, the church of Rome eftablifiied by Peter and Paul, and other churches derived from John, he proceeds thus : “ I fay then, that with them, but not with them only which are apoftolical, but with all who have fellowfhip with them in the fame faith, is that gofpel of Luke received from its firft publication, which we fo zealoufly maintain and prefently afterwards adds, “ The fame authority of the apoftolical churches will fupport the other gofpels, which we have from them, and according to them, I mean John’s and Matthew’s, although that likewife which Mark publifhed may be faid to be Peter’s, whofe interpreter Mark was.” In another place Tertullian affirms, that the three other gofptls, as well as St Luke’s, were in the hands of the churches from the beginning. This noble teftimony proves inconteftably the antiquity of the goipels, and that they were univerfally received; that they were in the hands of all, and had been fo from the firft. And this evidence appears not more than 150 years after the publication of the books. Dr Lardner ob- ferves, “ that there are more and larger quotations of the fmall volume of the New Teftament in this one Chriftian author, than there are of all the works of Ci¬ cero, in writers of all chara&ers, for feveral ages.” 8 ■A.. D. 178, Irenaeus was bifhop of Lyons, and is Of Ircnasus* mentioned by Tertullian, Eufebius, Jerome, and Pho- tius. In his youth he had been a difciple of Poly- carp, who was a difciple of John. He aflerts of him- felf and his contemporaries, that they were able to rec- S kon (s) I hat Eufebius could not intend, by the word rendered fpurious, what v/e at prefent mean by it, is evident from a claule in this very -chapter, where, fpeaking of the Gofpels of Peter and Thomas, and Matthias and iome others, he fays, « They are not fo much as to be reckoned among the fpurious, but are to be reieaed as altogether abfurd and impious.” Lard. Cred, vol. viii. p. 98. SCR [ I Scripture. Jt0n np in all the principal churches the fucceflion of bi- fhops to their firft inftitution. His teftimony to the four gofpels and A 9’ mitteth adultery $ the lingular expreflion, “ having 9.^att' received all power from his Father,” is probably an allu- ^ke' 0r fionto Matthew xxviii. 18. and Chrift being the “gate,” viii. 5. or only way of coming “ to God,” is a plain alhifion to§ Luk<: John xiv. 6. x. 7, 9. There is alio a probable allufion*'7^ to Adis v. 32. The Shepherd of Hermas has been confidered as a fanciful performance. This, however, is of no impor¬ tance in the prefent cafe. We only adduce it as evi¬ dence that the books to which it frequently alludes ex- ifted in the firft century ; and for this purpoie it is fatis- S a r- fadtory, SCR Scripture, fa&oty, as its authenticity has never been queftioned. v i jjowever abfurd opinions a man may entertain while he retains his urtderftanding, his teftimony to a matter of 105 fa£l will Hill be received in any court of juftice. mem Ro 9^’ we are ’n P0^^*100 an cP^^e wr‘tten manus. ° by Clement bifhop of Rome, whom ancient writers, without any doubt or fcruple, affert to have been the Clement whom St Paul mentions Phihppians iv. 3. “ with Clement alfo, and other my fellow labourers, whofe names are in the book of life.” 1 his epiftle is fpoken of by the ancients as an epiftle acknowledged by all ; and, as Irenaeus well reprefents its value, “ writ¬ ten by Clement, who had feen the bleffed apoftles and converfed with them, who had the preaching of the apoftles ftill founding in his ears, and their_traditions before his eyes.” It is addrefled to the church of Co¬ rinth ; and what alone may feem a decilive proof of its authenticity, Dionyftus bifhop of Corinth, about the year 170, i. e. about 80 or 90'years after the epiftle was written, bears witnefs, “ that it had been ufually read in that church from ancient times.” This epiftle affords, amongft others, the following valuable paf- fages : “ Efpecially remembering the words of the Lord Jefus, which he fpake, teaching gentlenefs and long fuffering ; for thus he laid (t), Be ye merciful, that ye may obtain mercy ; forgive, that it may be forgiven unto you ; as you do, fo (hall it be done unto you ; as you give, fo ftvall it be given unto you; as ye judge, fo (hall ye be judged ; as ye fhew kindnefs, fo fhall kind- nefs be fhewn unto you ; with what meafure ye mete, with the fame it fhall be meafured to you. By this command, and by thefe rules, let us eftabhfti ourfelves, that we may always walk obediently to his holy words.” Again, “ Remember the words of the Lord Jefus, for he faid, Wo to that man by whom offences come ; it were better for him that he had not been born, than that he fhould offend one of my eleft ; it were better for him that a millftone fhould be tied about his neck, and that he fhould be drowned in the fea, than that he (hould offend one of my little ones (u).” He afcrxbes the firft epiftle to the (Corinthians to Paul, and makes fuch alluftons to the following books as is fufficient to fliew that he had feen and read them : Atfs, Romans, 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Ephefians, Philippians, Coloffians, 1 Theffalonians, 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, Titus, 1 Peter, 2 Peter. It may be faid, as Clement has not mentioned the books by name from which we affert thefe allufions or references are made, it is uncertain whether he refers to any books, or whether he received thefe expreiftons from the difcourfes and converfation of the apoftles. Mr Paley has given a very fatisfaflory anfwer to this objec¬ tion: ift, That Clement, in the very fame manner, name¬ ly, without any mark of reference, ufes a paffage now * Chap, found in the epiftle to the Romans * ; which paffage, h from the peculiarity of the words that compofe it, and from their order, it is manifeft that he mull have taken SCR from the epiftle. The fame remark may be applied to Scripnjrr, fome very fingular fentiments in the epiftle to the He- v— brews. Secondly, That there are many fentences of St Paul’s firft epiftle to the Corinthians to be found in Clement’s epiftle, without any fign of quotation, which yet certainly are quotations ; becaufe it appears that Clement had St Paul’s epiftle before him ; !or in one place he mentions it in terms too exprefs to leave us in any doubt. “ Take into your hands the epiftle of the bleffed apoftle Paul.” Thirdly, That this me¬ thod of adopting words of feripture, without reference or acknowledgment, was a method in general ufe amongft the moft ancient Chriftian writers. Thefe analogies not only repel the objection, but caft the prefumption on the other fide ; and afford a conliderable degree of poiitive proof, that the words in queftion have been borrowed from the places of feripture in which we now find them. But take it, if you will, the other way, that Clement had heard thefe words from the apoftles or firft teachers of Chriftianity ; with reipedt to the precife point of our argument, viz. that the feriptures contain what the apoftles taught, this fuppofition may ferve al- moft as well. We have now traced the evidence to the times of the apoftles ; but we have not been anxious to draw it out to a great length, by introducing every thing. On the contrary, we have been careful to render it as concile as poffible, that its force might be difeerned at a glance. The evidence which has been ftated is of two kinds. Till the time of Juftin Martyr and Irenasus it conlifls chiefly of allufions, references, and expreffions, borrow¬ ed from the books of the New Teftament, without men¬ tioning them by name. After the time of Irenaeus it became ufual to cite the facred books, and mention the ^ authors from whom the citations were taken. loS * The firft fpecies of evidence will perhaps appear to The al!u* ' fome exceptionable ; but it muft be remembered that funs and it was ufual among the ancient Chriftians as well ^reference? Jews to adopt the expreffions of Scripture without na*Tefjan,4ent ming the authors. Why they did fo it is not neceffarybv the firft to inquire. The only point of importance to be deter-Chriftian mined is, whether thole references are a fufficient proof w'lt';rs of the exiftence of the books to which they allude i f/^ffted** : This, we prefume, will not be denied ; efpecially in the m their prefent age, when it is fo common to charge an author time, with plagiarifm if he happen to fall upon the fame train of ideas, or exprefs himfelf in a (imilar manner wuth au¬ thors who have written before him. We may farther affirm, that thefe tacit references afford a complete oof that thofe ancient writers had no intention of impofrng a forgery upon the world. They prove the exiftence of the Chriftian religion and of the apoftolical writings, without (flowing any fufpicious earneftnefs that men (hould believe them. Had thefe books been forged, thofe who wilhed to pals them upon the world would have been at more pains than the firft Chriftians were to prove their authenticity. They a&ed the part of hone ft [ ho 3 (t) “ Bleffed are the merciful, for they (hall obtain mercy,” Matt. v. 7. “ Forgive, and ye (ball be forgiven ; give, and it (hall be given unto you,” Luke vi. 37, 38*.“ Judge npt, that ye be not judged ; for with what judge' ment ye judge, ye (ball be judged, and with what meafure ye mete, it fhall be meafured to you again,” Mat. vii. 2. (u) Matt, xviii. 6. “ But whofo (hall offend one of thefe little ones which believe in me, it were better for him that a millftone were hanged about his neck, and that he were caft; into the fea.” The latter part of the paf¬ fage in Clement agrees more exaflly with Luke xvii. 2. “ It were better for him that a millftone were hanged about his neck, and he caft into the fea, than that he fhould offend one of thefe little ones.” SCR [ 141 1 SCR Scripture, hcneft men 5 they believed them themfelves, and they y—~ never imagined that others would fufpeft their truth. It is a conjideration of great importance, in review¬ ing the evidence which has been now dated, that the witnefl'es lived in different countries ; Clemens flourifh- ed at Rome, Polycarp at Smyrna, Juftin Martyr in Sy¬ ria, Irenseus in France, Tertullian at Carthage, Origen at Alexandria, and Eufebius at Crefarea. This proves that the books of the New Tfcffament were equally well known in diftant countries by men who had no inter- icy courfe with one another. Teftimo- Xhe fame thing is proved by teftimonies if pofiible xues of He-exceptionable. The ancient heretics, whofe opi¬ nions were fometimes groffer and more impious than thofe which any modern fedlary has ventured to broach, and whofe zeal in the propagation of them equalled that of the molt flaming enthufraft of the laft century, never called in queftion the authenticity of the books of the New Teftament. When they met with any paffage in the gofpels or epiftles which they could not reconcile to their own heretical notions, they either erafed it, or denied that the author was infpired ; but they nowhere contend that the book in which it flood was not writ¬ ten by the apoftle or evangelift whofe name it bore. Eufebius relates, that the Ebionites rejedled all the epiftles of Paul, and called him an apoftate, becaufe he departed from the Levitical law ; and they adopted as their rule of faith the gofpel of St Matthew, though in¬ deed they greatly corrupted it. This proves therefore that the gofpel according to Matthew was then pub- lifhed, and that St Paul’s epiftles were then known. Of the heretics who erafed or altered paffages to- make the Scriptures agree with their dodtrines, we may- produce Marcion as an inftance, who lived in the be¬ ginning of the 2d century. He lived in an age when he could have eaiily dilcovered if the writings of the New Teftament had been forged ; and as he was much incenfed againft the orthodox party, if fuch a forgery had been committed, unqueftionably he would not have failed to make the difcovery, as it would have afforded the moft ample means of revenge and triumph, and en¬ abled him to eftabliftr his own opinions with lefs diffi¬ culty. But his whole condudt (hows clearly, that he believed the writings of the New Teftament to be au¬ thentic. He faid that the gofpel according to St Mat¬ thew, the epiftle to the Hebrews, with thofe of St Pe¬ ter and St James, as well as the Old Teftament in ge¬ neral, were writings not for Chrittians but for Jews. He publiihed a new edition of the gofpel according to Luke, and the firft ten epiftles of Paul; in which it has been affirmed by Epiphanius, that he altered every paf¬ fage that contradicted his own opinions : but as many of thefe alterations are what modern critics call various readings, though we receive the teftimony of Epipha¬ nius, we mult not rely upon his opinion (x). Hence it is evident that the books of the New Teftament above-mentioned did then exift, and were acknowledged to be the works of the authors whofe names they bear. Hr Lardner, in his General Review, fums ^p this head of evidence in the following words : “ Noetus, Paul of Samofata, Sabellius, Marcellus, Photinus, the Novatians, Donatifts, Manicheans (v), Prifeillianifts, befide Artemon, the Audians, the Arians, and divers Str'pt are* others, all received moft or all the fame books of the v""—' New Teftament w-hich the Catholics received; and agreed in a like refpeCt for them as writ by apoftles or their difciples and companions.” 10S Celfus and Porphyry, both enemies of the Chriftian Teftimo- religion, are powerful witneffes for the antiquity of the' *es New Teftament. Celfus, who lived towards the end of the fecond century, not only mentions by name, but quotes paffages from the books of the New Teftaraent: and that the books to which he refers were no other than our prefent gofpels, is evident from the allufions 109 to various paffages ftill found in them. Celfus takes Ceifus, notice of the genealogies, which fixes two of thefe gof¬ pels ; of the precepts, Refill not him that injures you, and, If a man ftrike thee on the one cheek, offer to him the other alfo; of the woes denounced by Chrift: ; of his predi&ions ; of his faying that it is impoffible to lerve two mailers ; of the purple robe, the crowm of thorns, and the reed which was put into the hand of Jefus ; of the blood that flowed from his body upon the crofs, a circumftance which is recorded only by John ; and (what is injiar omnium for the purpofe lor which we produce it) of the difference in the accounts given of the refurre£lion by the evangelifts* fome men¬ tioning two angels at the fepulchre, others only one. It is extremely material to remark, that Celfus not only perpetually referred to the accounts of Chrift: con¬ tained in the four gofpels, but that he referred to no other accounts ; that he founded none of his objetlions to Chriftianity upon any thing delivered in fpurious gofpels. 110 The teftimony of Porphyry is ftill more important 01 Porphyv than that of Celfus. He was born in the year 213, ofT’ Tyrian origin. Unfortunately for the prefent age, fays Michaelis, the miftaken zeal of the Chriftian em¬ perors has banilhed his writings from the world; and every real friend of our religion would gladly give the works of one ol the pious fathers to refcue thofe of Porphyry from the flames. But Mr Marlh, the learn¬ ed and judicious tranftator of Michaelis, relates, that, according to the accounts of Ifaac Voffius, a manu- fcript oi the works of Porphyry is preferved in the Me- dicean library at Florence, but kept fo fecret that no one is permitted to fee it. It is univerfally allowed, that Porphyry is the moll fenfible, as well as the molt fevere, adverfary of the Chriftian religion that antiqui¬ ty can produce. He wras verfed not only in hillory, but alio in philofophy and politics. His acquaintance with the Chriilians was not confined to a Angle coun¬ try ; lor he had con verfed with them in Tyre, in Si¬ cily, and in Rome. Enabled by his birth to ftudy the Syriac as well as the Greek authors, he was of all the adverfaries to the Chriftian religion the bell qualified to inquire into the authenticity of the facred writings. He poffelfed therefore every advantage which natural abilities or a Icientific education could afford to difcover whether the New Teftament was a genuine work of the apoilles and evangelifts, or whether it was impofed up¬ on the world after the deceafe of its pretended authors. But no trace of this fufpicion is anywhere to be found in his writings^ In the fragments which ftill remain, mention (x) Hr Loeffer has written a learned differtation to prove that Marcion did not corrupt the facred w-ritinrrs, (y) This muft be with an exception, however, of Fauftus, who lived fo late as the year 3S4. SCR Scnpfure JJT Authenti¬ city of the New Te- ffament proved from inter- sal evi¬ dence, i ia From the flyle. mention is made of the grifpcls of St Matthew, St Mark, and St John, the Afts of the Apoilles, and the epiftle to the Galatians; and it clearly appears from the very objeftions of Porphyry, that the books to which he al* ludes were the fame which we poffefs at prefent. Thus he objects to the repetition of a generation in St Mat¬ thew’s genealogy ; to Matthew’s call ; to the quota¬ tion of a text from Ifaiah, which is found in a pfalm afcribed to Afaph ; to the calling of the lake of Tibe¬ rias a fea ; to the exprefiion in St Matthew, “ the abo¬ mination of defolationto the variation in Matthew and Mark upon the text “ the voice of one crying in the wildernefs,” Matthew citing it from Ifaias, Mark from the prophets; to John’s application of the term Word; to Chrilt’s change of intention about going up to the feaft of tabernacles (John vii. 8.) ; to the judge¬ ment denounced by St Peter upon Ananias and Sap- phira, which he calls an imprecation of death. The inftances here alleged ferve in feme meafure to fhow the nature of Porphyry’s obje&ions, and prove that Porphyry had read the gofpels with that fort of attention which a writer would employ who regarded them as the depofitaries of the religion which he at¬ tacked. Befide thefe fpeeifications, there exifts in the writings of ancient Chriltians general evidence, that the places of Scripture, upon which Porphyry had made re¬ marks, were very numerous. The internal evidence to prove the authenticity of the New Teftament confrfts of two parts r The nature of the ftyle, and the coincidence of tire New Teftament with the hiftory of the times. The ftyle of the New Teftament is lingular, and differs very widely from the ftyle of clafficai authors. It is full of Hebraifms and Syriafms ; a circumllance which pious ignorance has coniidered as a fault, and which, even fo late as the prefent century, it has attempted to remove; not knowing that fhefe very deviations from Grecian purity afford the ftrongeft prefumption in its favour : for they prove, that the New Tejlament was written by men of Hebrew origin, and is therefore a pro¬ duction of the firjl cenrury. After the death of the fir ft Jewifh converts, few of the Jews turned preachers of the gofpel; the Chriftians were generally ignorant of Hebrew, and confequently could not write in the ftyle of the New Teftament. After the deftru&ion of Jerufalem and the difperlxon of the Jews, their lan¬ guage mult have been blended with that of other na¬ tions, and their vernacular phrafeology almoft entirely loft. The language of the early fathers, though not always the pureft claflic Greek, has no refemblance to that of the New Teftament, not even excepting the works of the few who had a knowledge of the Hebrew; as Origen, Epiphanius, and Juftin Martyr, who being a native of Paleftine, might have written in a ftyle limi- lar to that of the New Teftament, had fuch a ftyle then prevailed. He that lufpefts the New Teftament to be the forgery of a more recent period, ought to produce fome perfon who has employed a limilar di&ion ; but thole who are converfant with eaftern writings know well that a foreigner, who has not been enured to eaft- [ 142 1 SCR ern manners and modes of thinking from his infancy, Seri can never imitate with fuccefa the oriental ftyle, much lefs forge a hiftory or an epiftle which contains a thou- fand incidental allufions, which nothing but truth could fuggeft. To imitate clofely tbedbyle of the New Tefta¬ ment is even more difficult than to imitate that of any other oriental book; for there is not a fingle author, ' among the Jews themfelves, fmee the deflrudtion ot Jerufalem, that has compofed in a ftyle in the leait degree like it (zj. But though the books of the New Teftament bear fo clofe a refemblance in idiom, there is a diverfity of ftyle which fhows them to be the work of different perfons. Whoever reads with attention the epiftles of Paul, mufl be convinced that they were all written by the fame author. An equal degree of fimilarity is to be found between the gofpel and 1 ft epiftle of John. The wri¬ tings of St John and St Paul exhibit marks of an ori¬ ginal genius which no imitation can ever attain. The character of Paul as a writer is drawn with great judge¬ ment by Michaelis 5 “ His mind overflows with fenti- ment, yet he never lofes fight of his principal object, but hurried on by the rapidity of thought, difclofes fre¬ quently in the middle a concluiion to be made only at the end. To a profound knowledge of the Old Tefta¬ ment he joins the acutenefs of philoibphical wifdom, which he difplays in applying and expounding the fa- cred writings; and his explanations are therefore fome- times fo new and unexpected, that fuperficial obfervers might be tempted to fuppofe them erroneous. The fire of his genius, and his inattention to ftyle, occafion fre¬ quently a twofold obfeurity, he being often too concife to be underftood except by thofe to whom he immedi¬ ately wrote, and not 1'eldom on the other hand fo full of his fubje£t, as to produce long and difficult parenthe- fes, and a repetition of the fame word even in different fenfes. With a talent for irony and fatire, he unites the moft refined fenlibility, and tempers the feverity of his cenfures by expreffions of tendernefs and affecbion } nor does he ever forget in the vehemence of his zeal the rules of modefty and decorum. He is a writer, in fhort, of fo Angular and wonderful a compofition, that it would be difficult to find a rival. That truly fenii- ble and fagacious philofopher Locke was of the fame opinion, and contended that St Paul was without an equal.” Poems have been forged and afcribed to former ages with fome fuccefs. Philofophical treatifes might be in¬ vented which it would be difficult to detedf ; but there is not a fingle inftance on record where an attempt has been made to forge a hiftory or a long epiftle, where the fraud has not been either fully proved, or rendered fo fufpicious that few are weak enough to believe it. Whoever attempts to forge a hiftory or an epiftle in the name of an ancient author, will be in great danger of contradidfing the hiftory or the manners of that age, efpecially if he relate events which are not mentioned in general hiftory, but fuch as refer to a fingle city, fed, religk—■ or fchool. The difficulty of forging fuch hiftories as the gofpels, and (z) Hie ftyle of Clemens Romanus may perhaps be an exception. By many eminent critics it has been thought io like to that of the epiftle to the Hebrews, as to give room for the opinion that Clement either was r ?p,1Ue» w was th€ Perioa trail fluted it from the Syro-Chaidaic language, in which it was ■'Originally compofed. Scripture. ,T3 i.nd from emarkable aftances of I oincidence etwetn ;ofephus md the lew Te- ament. Antiq, b. jS. 5- d. 1,2 hap. ii. XI. 1 A fccm3 applicable to ordinary gifts or the ufual endowments of Scripture, rational creatures, rather than to the extraordinary gifts —“'V "L * of tne Holy Spirit, which were beftowed on the a- pol!les» Thofe who maintain that every faft or circum¬ ftance was fuggefted by divine infpiration, will find it no eafy matter to prove their pofition. The opinion of Warburton and Law, with proper explanations, feems moft probable. The opinion of Grotius, that onlyHie epilUes were infpired, may be eafily refuted. The proof of the authenticity of the .New Teftament depends on human teftimony : The proof of its infpi¬ ration is derived from the declaration of infpired per- fons. , r I n proving that the New Teftament is infpired, we The proof prefuppofe its authenticity that the facred books wereof h eft- written by the apoftles whofe names they bear, andpuerK-6 ?n that they have been conveyed to us pure and uncor-tton?of^ rupted. This we have already attempted to prove, andchnft and we hope with fuccels. The evidence of infpiration ishisa‘ the teftimony of Chrift and his apoftles, which we re.PGale8- ceive as credible, becaufe they confirmed their doftrines by miracles. From the important miffion of Chrift and his apoftles, we infer that every.power was beftowed which divine wifdom thought expedient; and from their conduft we conclude, that it is morally impofiible that they could lay claim to any powers which they did not poffefs. It is proper therefore to inquire into the de- c aiations of Chrift and his apoftles concerning the na¬ ture, degree, and extent, of the infpiration beftowed upon the writers of the facred books. . B confider Lhrift’s more immediate promifes ofThe dec!a«* in pnation the apoftles, we fliall find that he hasrations°f given them, in the moft proper fenfe of the word, atchrift* three feveral periods, ift, When he fent the apoftles to preach the gofpel f; ?dly, In holding a public difeourfe fMatt x. relating to the gofpel, at which were prefent a confi-1?’ ao- durable multitude ; 3dly, In his prophecy of the de- ftruction of Jerufalem J. When he fent the apoftles to \ Mark xiii. preach the gofpel, he thus addreffed them: “ When11’ Luke they deliver you up, take no thought how or what ye™’ fhall fpeak, for it fliall be given you in that fame hour what ye fhall fpeak ; for it is not you that fpeak, but the fpint of your Father that fpeaketh in you.” The fame promife was made almoft in the fame words in the prefence ot an immenfe multitude (Luke xii. u, i2.) From thefe paffages it has been urged, that if the a- poftks were to be infpired in the prefence of magiftrates in delivering fpeeches, which were foon to be forgotten, it is furely reafonable to conclude that they would be infpired when they were to compofe a ftandard of faith for the ufe of all future generations of Chriftians. If this conclufion be fairly deduced, it would follow that the writings of the New Teftament are the didates of inlpiration, not only in the doctrines and precepts, but m the very words. But it is a conclufion to which iincere Chriftians have made objections ; for, fay they though Chrift promifes to affift his apoftles in cafes of great emergency, where their own prudence and forti¬ tude could not be fufficient, it does not follow that he would duftate to them thofe faCts which they knew al¬ ready, or thofe reafonings which their own calm reflec¬ tion might fupply. Befides, fay they, if the New Tef¬ tament was dictated by the Holy Spirit, and only pen¬ ned by the apoftles, what reafon can be given for the care with which Chrift inftruCted them both during his ^ miniftry SCR [ 146 1 SCR Scripture, rraniflry and after his crucifixion in thofe things per- v taining to the kin gdom of God ? Proper idea anfwer to this, we may obferve, that though it be of infpira. difficult to prove that the identical words of the New tioii. Teftament were dictated by the Holy Spirit, or the train of ideas iofufed into the minds of the facred writers, there is one fpecies of infpiration to which the New Teftament lias an undoubted claim. It is this, that the memories of the apoftles were ftrengthened and their underftandings preferved from falling into eftential errors. 'This we prove from thefe words otf our Saviour, “ and I will pray the Father, and he will give you another comforter, that he may abide with you for ever. He fhall teach you all things, and bring all things to your • Tohniiv.rememberance- whatfoever I have laid unto you*.” 16,,26. This promife was furely not reftrained to the day of Pentecoft: it muft have been a permanent gift enabling the apoftles at all times to remember with accuracy the difcourfes of our Saviour. When the apoftles' there, fore (Matthew and John) relate thofe precepts of Chriit which they themfelves had heard, they write indeed from memory, but under the prote&ion of the fpirit who fecures them from the danger of miftake : and we muft of courfe conclude that their gofpels are infpired. Were we called upon more particularly to declare what parts of the New Teftament we believe to be in¬ fpired, we would anfwer, The doctrines, the precepts, and the prophefies, every thing eflential to the Chi iftian religion. From thefe the idea of infpj’ration is infepa- table. As to the events, the memory of the apoftles was fufficient to retain them. If this opinion be juft, it would enable us to account for the difcrepancies be¬ tween the facred writers, which are chiefly confined to 142 jlLangusge in which the New Teftament was com¬ peted. Why the greateft part of V is written in Greek. jM’ich lelis, voi. i. chap. 4 fed, x, j>, 101. the relation of fails and events. All the books of the New Teftament were originally written in Greek, except the gofpel according to Mat¬ thew and the epiitle to the Hebrews, which there is reafon to believe were compofed in the Syro-Chaldaic language, which in the New Teftament is called Hebrew. Various reafons have been affigned why the greateft part of the New Teftament was written in Greek ; but the true reafon is this, It was the language heft under- ftood both by writers and readers. Had St Paul written to a community in the Roman province of Africa, he might have written perhaps in Latin ; but epiftles to the inhabitants of Corinth, Galatia, Ephefus, Philippi, and Theffalonica, to Timothy, Titus, and Philemon, from a native of Tarfus, could hardly be ex- pe£led in any other language than Greek. The fame may be faid of the epiftles of St Peter, which are ad- drefledto the Chriftians of diffeient countries, who had no other language in common than the Greek ; and likewife of the epiflles of St James, who wrote to Jews, that lived at a diftance from Paleftine, and were igno¬ rant of Hebrew. The native language of St Luke, as well as of Theophilus, to whom he addreffed his gofpel, and A6ls of the apoftles, appears to have been Greek ; and that St John wrote his gofpel in that language, and not in Hebrew, is by no means a matter of furprife, ftnee he wrote at Ephefus. With refpeft to the epiftle to the Romans, it may be alked indeed why St Paul did not write in Latin ? Now, whoever propofes this queftion, muft prefuppofe that St Paul was mafter of the Latin language in fuch a degree as to find no difficulty in writing it 5 a matter which remains to be proved. It is very probable that Scriptu-*ft St Paul was acquainted with the Latin ; but between v ** underftanding a language, and being able to write it, there is a very material difltrenee. As St Paul was a native of Tarfus, his native language was Greek ; he had travelled during feveral years through countries in which no other language was fpoken, and when he ad¬ dreffed the Roman centurion at Jerufalem, he fpoke not Latin, but Greek. Is it extraordinary, then, that in writing to the inhabitants of Rome he fhould have ufed a language which was there fo generally under- ftood ? It has been long remarked, that Greek was at that time as well known in Rome as French in any court of modern Europe : that according to Juvenal even the female fex made ufe of Greek as the language of familiarity and paffion ; and that in letters of friend- fhip Greek words and phrafes were introduced with greater freedom than French expreffions in German letters, as appears from Cicero’s epiftles to Atticus, and from thofe of Auguftus preferved in the works of Suetonius. To this muft be added a material circum- ftance, that a great part of the Roman Chriftians con- fifted of native Jews, who were better acquainted with Greek than with Latin, as either they themfelyes or their anceftors had come from Greece, Afia Minor, or Egypt, in which Greek was the language of the coun¬ try. At leaft they read the bible in that language, as no Latin tranfiation of the Old Teftament at that time exifted ; and the Chriftian church at that period con- lifting chiefly of Jews, the heathen converts in Rome were of courfe under the neceffity of accuftoming them- felves to the Greek language. In (hort, St Paul in his epillle to the Romans made ufe of a language in which alone thofe who were ig-norant of Hebrew could read the bible. What has been here advanced refpe£ling the epillle to the Romans is equally applicable to the Greek of St Mark, on the fuppofition that it was writtea at Rome. To the above arguments may be added the example of Jofephus, who, as well as the Apoftles, was by birth a Jew. He even lived in Rome, which is more than can be faid of St Paul and St Mark, who refided there only a certain time: he was likewife younger than either ; he came to Italy at an age which is highly fuitable to the learning of a language, and previous to that period had fpent feveral years in the Roman camp. The Jewifh antiquities, the hiftory of the Jewifh war, and the account of his own life, he wrote undoubtedly with a view of their being read by the Romans; and yet he compofed all thefe writings in Greek. He ex- prefles his motive for writing his Greek account of the Jewilh war in the following terms : “ That having writ¬ ten in his native language (/. e. the Hebrew dialetl at that time fpoken) a hiftory of the war, in -order that Parthians, Babylonians, Arabians, Adiabenes, and the Jews beyond the Euphrates, might be informed of thofe events, he was now refolved to write for the Greeks and Romans, who had not been engaged in the cam¬ paigns, a more certain account than had hitherto been given.” The motives which induced Jofephus to write in Greek are fully as applicable to St Paul and St Mark. Michaelis has thus characterized the ftyle of the New MklaelUx Teftament. “ The New Teftament (fays he) was^p’^. written in a language at that time common among the ^.3,. Jews, j>. hi. -X SCR r 147 T SCR Scripture, Jews, which may be named Hebraic Greek ; the fird traces of which we find in the tranllation of the LXX. Is full of “ -Every man acquainted with the Greek language, flctraifms who had never heard of the New Teftament, muft im¬ mediately perceive, on reading only a few lines, that the ftyle is widely dhTerent from that of the claffic au¬ thors. We find this charader in all the books of the New Teftament in a greater or lefs degree, but we muft not therefore conclude that they poffefs an uni¬ formity of ftyle. The harflieil Hebraifms, which ex¬ tend even to grammatical errors in the government of cafes, are the dtilinguilhing marks of the bo@k of Re¬ velation 5 but they are accompanied with tokens of genius and poetical enthufiafm, of which every reader muft be lenfible who has tafte and feeling. There is no tranflation of it which is not read with pleafure even in the days of childhood ; and the very faults of gram¬ mar are fo happily placed as to produce an agreeable effeft. The gofpels of St Matthew and St Mark have ftrong marks of this Hebraic ftyle 5 the former has harfker Hebraifms than the latter, the fault of which may be afcribed to the Greek tranflator, who has made too literal a verfion, and yet the gofpel of St Mark is written in worfe language, and in a manner that is lefs agreeable. The epiftles of St James and St Jude are fomewhat better; but even thefe are full of Hebraifms, and betray in other refpe&s a certain Hebrew tone. St Luke has in feveral paffages written pure and claflic Greek, of which the four firft verfes of his gofpel may be given as an inftance : in the fequel, where he de- fcribes the aftions of Chrift, he has very harfh He- brarfms, yet the ftyle is more agreeable than that of St Matthew or St Mark. In the Ads of the apoftles he is not free from Hebraifms, which he feems to have never ftudioufly avoided; but his periods are more claf- fically turned, and fometimes pofTefs beauty devoid of art- St John has numerous, though not uncouth, He¬ braifms both in his gofpel and epiftles; but he has writ¬ ten in a fmooth and flowing language, and furpafles all the Jewifh writers in the excellence of narrative. St Paul again is entirely different from them all ; his ftyle is indeed negleded and full of Hebraifms, but he has avoided the concife and verfe-like conftrudion of the Hebiew language, and has upon the whole a confider- able fhare of the roundnefs of Grecian compofition. It is evident that he was as perfedly acquainted with the Greek manner of expreffion as with the Hebrew, and he has introduced them alternately, as either the one or the other fuggefted itfelf the firft, or vvas the belt ii- approved.’' bid fo- Michaelis has fhown that the New Teftament not ei^nidi- only contains Hebraifms but Rabbinifms, Syriafms, Chaldaifms, Arabifms, Latinifms, and Perfian woids, of which he has exhibited many fpecimens. To theo¬ logians, whofe duty it certainly is to ftudy the language cf the New Teftament with attention, we would ftre- noufly recommend the perufal of this work, which in the Englifh tranflation is one of the moft valuable ac- ceflions to fcriptural criticifm that has yet appeared. Wc fpeak of the Englifh tranflation, which the large and judicious notes of Mr Marfh has rendered infinitely fuperior to the original. eculLri- ^ 0 the obfervations which have been made refpefling :s in the the language of the New Teftament, a few remarks ™p0fi- may be added concerning the peculiarities of the ftyle and manner of the facred writers, particularly the hr- Scn’pf&re, florians. Thefe remarks extend to the Old Teftament ' as well as to the New.— i he/fry? quality for which the^.^^l facred hiliory is remarkable is implicity in the ftru&ure,,„w^ of the fentences. The firft five verfes of Gentfis furnlfh Oijcrtntioni an example, which coniift of eleven ftntences. g he^'1 s^ranf- fubftantives are not attended by adjeclives, nor the verbs ,[t by adveibs, no fynonymas, no fuperlatives, no effort at *’ exprefling things in a bold, emphatical, or uncommon manner. 2. The fecond quality is fimplicity of fentiment, par¬ ticularly in the Pentateuch, arifing from the very nature or the early and uncultivated ftate of fociety about which that book is converfant. 3- Simplicity of defign. The fubjecl of the narra¬ tive fo engroffes the attention of the writer, that he himfelf is as nobody. He introduces nothing as from himfelf, no remarks, doubts, conje&ures, or reafonings. Our Lord’s biographers particularly excel in this qua¬ lity. This quality of ftyle we meet with in Xenophon and C as far. The Evangelifts may be ranked next to Genefis for fimplicity of compofition in the fentences. John and Matthew are diftinguifhed for it more than Mark and Luke. But the fentiment is not fo remarkable for fimplicity in the Evangelill as the Pentateuch. The realbns of this difference are, the ftate of the Jews was totally changed ; their manners, cuftoms, &c. iplit into factions both in religion and politics. 2. Theobjedt of our Lord’s miniftry, which rs the great fubjedt of the gofpels, was to inculcate a dcdrine and morality with which none of their fyftems perfedfly coincided : befides, being conftantly oppoied by all the great men, the greater part of his hiftory confifts of inllrudlions and difputes. 3. As it is occupied with what our Saviour laid and what he did, this makes two diftindfions of ftyle and manner; that of our Saviour, and the facred penman’s. In their own character, they neither explain nor command, pro- mife nor threaten, praife nor blame. They generally omit the names of our Lord’s enemies ; thus diredting our hatred at the vices they committed, not at the per- fons. They never mention fuch perions without ne ceffity ; which is the cafe with the high-prieft, Pilate, Herod, and Judas : the three firft for the chronology, the fourth to do juftice to the eleven. . Heredias is indeed mentioned with difhonour but her crime was a public one. On the other hand, all5 perfons diftinguifhed for any thing virtuous are carefully men¬ tioned, Jofeph of Atimathea, Nicodvnus, Zaccheus, Bartimeus, Jairus, Lazarus, Mary, and Martha. I hey record their own faults (Peter’s, i homas’s), nor do they make any merit of their confefiion. In one uni- form ftrain they relate the moft lignal miracles and moft ordinary facts. krom the narrative is excluded that quality of ftyle which is called animation. Nothing that difeovers paf- fion in the writer or is calculated to excite the pafiiuns of the reader. Every thing is directed to mend the heart. But in the difeourfes and dialogues of our Saviour the expreffion, without lofing any thing of its fimplicity, is often remarkable for Ipirit and energy. Rclpedting harmony and fmcothnels, qualities which only add an external polifh to language, they had not the leaft ioli* citud T? As Scripture' 127 Proptr me- thod of iludyirg the New Teftament by analyfis @.nd induc¬ tion. I28 Dr Camp¬ bell’s me¬ thod. Prel, T>if to tie Kj ofp els. SCR '[> As to elegance, there is an elegance which refults from the ufe of fuch words as are rnoft in me with thofe who are accounted fine writers, and from fuch arrangements in the words and clauies as have generally obtained their approbation. This is declaimed by toe facred authors. But there is an elegance of a fuperior order more nearly connected with the fentiment ; and in this fort of elegance they are not deficient. In all the oriental languages great ufe is made of tropes, efpecially meta¬ phors. When the metaphors employed bear a ftrong refemblance, they confer vivacity : if they be borrowed from objebls which are naturally agreeable, beautiful, or attradlive, they add alfo elegance- I he Bvangelifts furnifh us with many examples of this kind of vivacity and elegance. Our Lord borrows tropes from* corn¬ fields, vineyards, gardens, &c. As a valuable appendage to this part of our fubjedl, we fhall fubjoin Dr Campbell’s method of ftudying the books of the New Teftament. This we offer to our readers as a beautiful inftance of the judicious applica¬ tion of philofophy to facred ftudies. It is the fame method of difcovering truth by analyfis and indudfion, which was purlued by Sir Ifaac Newton with Inch afto- nifhing fuccefs, which fince his time has been uniform¬ ly pradfifed in natural pliilofophy, and has been alfo applied to chemiftiy, to medicine, to natural hiftory, and to the philofophy of mind, by the ingenious Dr Reid. This is the path of found philofophy, which can alone lead to the difcovery of truth. In following it, our progrefs may be flow, but it will be fure. If all theolo¬ gians would fteadily adhere to it, we might then enter¬ tain the pleafant hope of difcarding for ever thofe abfurd fyllems of religion which are founded on lingle pafiages and detached fragments of fcripture, and of eftabliftung opinions and dodirines on a folid foundation. “ 1. To get acquainted with each writer’s ftyle ; to ob- ferve his manner of compofition, both in fentences and paragraphs ; to remark the words and phrafes peculiar to him, and the peculiar application that he may iome- times make of ordinary words ; for there are few of thofe writers who have not their peculiarities in all the re- fpedls now mentioned. I his acquaintance with each can be attained only by the frequent and attentive read¬ ing of his works in his own language. “ 2. To inquire into the charadler, the lituation, ::nd the office of the writer, the time, the place, and the occafion of his writing, and the people for whole im¬ mediate ufe he originally intended his work. Every¬ one of thefe particulars will fometimes ferve to eluci¬ date expreffions otherwife obfeure or doubtful. 'I his know ledge may in part be learned from a diligent and reiterated perufal of the book itfelf, and in part be ga¬ thered from what authentic, or at leaft probable, ac¬ counts have been tranfmitted to us concerning thecom- pilement of the canon. “ 3.The laft general dire&ion is, to confider the princi¬ pal fcope of the book, and the particulars chiefly obferv- able in the method by which the writer has purpofed to execute his defign. This dire&ion is particularly appli¬ cable to the epiftolary writings, efpecially thofe of Paul. “ 4. If a paiticular word or phrafe occur, which ap¬ pears obfeure, perhaps unintelligible, the firft thing we ought to do, if fatisfied that the reading is genuine, is 48 ] SCR to confult the context, to attend to the manner where- Scripture in the term is introduced, whether in a chain of reafon- v——^ ing or in a hiftorical narration, in a defeription or in¬ cluded in an exhortation or command. As the conclu- fion is inferred from the premiffes, or as from two or more known truths a third unknown or unobferved be¬ fore may fairly be deduced ; fo from fuch attention to the fentence in connection, the import of an expreffiion, hi itfelf obfeure or ambiguous, will fometimes with mo¬ ral certainty be difeovered. This, however,, will not always anfwer. “5. If it do not, let the fecond confideration he, whe¬ ther the term or phrafe be one of the writer’s peculia¬ rities. If fo, it comes naturally to be inquired, what is the acceptation in which he employs it in other places l If the fenfe cannot be precifely the fame in the paflage under review, perhaps, by an eafy and natural metaphor or other trope, the common acceptation may give rife to one which perfedlly fuits the paffage in queftion.— Recourfe to the other places wherein the word or phrafe occurs in the fame author is of confiderable ufe, though the term fliould not be peculiar to him. “ 6. But thirdly, if there fhould be nothing in the fame writer that can enlighten the place, let recourfe be had to the parallel paflages, if there be any fuch, in the other facred writers. By parallel paflages, I mean thofe places, if the difficulty occur in hiftory, wherein the fame or a fimilar ftory, miracle, or event, is related ; if in teaching or reafoning, thofe parts wherein the fame argument or doftrine is treated, or the fame pa¬ rable propounded ; and in moral leflbns, thofe wherein the fame clafs of duties is recommended ; or, if the dif¬ ficulty be found in a quotation from the Old Teftament, let the parallel paflage in the book referred to, both in the original Hebrew, and in the Greek veriion, be con- fulted, “ 7. But if in thefe there be found nothing that can throw light on the expieffion of which we are in doubt, the fourth recourfe is to all the places wherein the word or phrafe occurs in the New Teftament, and in the Sep- tuagint verfion of the Old, adding to thefe the confider¬ ation of the import of the Hebrew or Chaldaic word, whole place it occupies, and the extent of fignification, of which in different occurrences fuch Hebrew or Chal¬ daic term is lufceptible. “ 8. Perhaps the term in queftton is one of thofe which very rarely occur in the New Teftament, or thofe call¬ ed ettfai; Myo/u-ncc, only once read in Scripture, and not found at all in the tranflation of the Seventy. Several fuch words there are. There is then a neceffity, in the fifth place, for recurring to the ordinary acceptation of the term in claffical authors. This is one ot thofe cafis wherein the interpretation given by the earlieft Greek fathers deferves particular notice. In this, however, I limit myfelf to thofe comments wherein they give a li¬ teral expofition of the facied text, and do not run into vifion and allegory.” The manuferipts of the New Teftament are the na- .vTanufcript tural fource from which the genuine readings of the of the New Greek Teftament are to be drawn. The printed edi-Teftament. tions are either copies of more ancient editions, or of manuferipts ; and they have no further authority than as they correfpond to the manuferipts from which they were originally taken. By manuferipts of the New Tef¬ tament, we mean thofe only which were written before the SCR [ 149 ] SCR Scripture, the invention of printing. The molt ancient of thefe —~V“— are loft, and there is no manufcript now extant older than the iixth century. Few contain the whole New Tefta- ment ; fome contain the four gofpels ; fome the Adis of the Apoftles and Epiftles ; and others the book of Revelation. The greateft number are thofe which con¬ tain the firft part ; thofe which have the fecond, or the firft and fecond together, are likewife numerous ; but thofe of the third are extremely few. It muft be added alfo, that in many manufcripts thofe epiftles are omitted whole divine authority was formerly doubted. There are many manufcripts which have been exa¬ mined only for a (ingle text, inch as 1 John v. 7. or at leaft for a very fmall number. Others have been exa¬ mined from the beginning to the end, but not com¬ pletely, and in refpedt of all the readings. A third clafs confifts of Inch as either have been, or are faid to have been, completely and accurately collated. But this re¬ quires fuch phlegmatic patience, that we can hardly ex- pedt to find in critical catalogues all the various read¬ ings which have been only once collated. Wetftein, in collating many manufcripts anew, made ,difcoveries which had entirely efcaped the notice of his predeceflbrs. The fourth clafs conlifts of fuch as have been com¬ pletely and accurately collated more than once ; but here alfo we are in danger of being led into error When various readings are transferred from one critical edition to another, as from that of Gregory to Mill’s edition, and from the latter to thofe of Bengel and Wetftein, the manufcripts muft fometimes be falfely named, and various readings muft frequently be omit¬ ted. And as Wetftein has marked by ciphers mam}- fcripts that in former editions had been denoted by their initial letters, he could hardly avoid fubftituting, in fome cafes, one figure inftead of another. The fifth clafs, which is by far the moft valuable, confifts of fuch as have been printed word for word, and therefore form an original edition of the Greek Teftament. We can boaft but of a very few manufcripts of this kind. Hearne printed at Oxford, in 1715, the Arits of the Apoftles in Greek and Latin from the Codex Laudia- irus 3. ; Knittel has annexed to his edition of Ulphilas, p- 53—I 1 8, a copy of two very ancient fragments pre- ferved in the library of Wolfembuttle ; the one of the four Gofpels in general, the other of St Luke and St John. Woide printed in 1786 the Codex Alexandri- nus, a manufcript of great antiquity, which fhall af¬ terwards be more fully defcribed ; and the Univerfi- ty of Cambridge has refolved to publifh, in a limi- lar manner, the Cod. Cant. I. or, as it is fometimes called, the Codex Bezae, the care of, which is intrufted to Dr Kipling, a publication which will be thankfully received by every friend to facred critfcifm. It was the intention of the Abbe Spoletti, a few years ago, to publifh the whole of the celebrated Codex Vaticanus; which would likewife have been a moft valuable accef- fion, fince a more important manufcript is hardly to be found in all Europe. He delivered for this purpofe a memorial to the Pope ; but the defign was not put into execution, either becaufe the Pope refufed his aflent, or the Abbe abandoned it himfelf. See the Oriental Bible, vol. xxii. nQ 333. and vol. xxiii. n^ 348. “ A very valuable library,” fays Michaelis, “ might Be compofed of the irnpreffions of ancient manufcripts, which, though too expenfive for a private perfon, fhould Scripture, be admitted into every univerlity colledlion, efpecially “ the Alexandrine and Cambridge manufcripts, to which Michaelis’s I would add, if it were now pofiible to procure it, [ ropofal Hearne’s edition of the Codex Laudianus 3. A plan faking an of this fort could be executed only in England, by a^’P^|||on private' fubfcription, where a zeal is frequently difplay-n!ar,u. ed in literary undertakings that is unknown in otherfcripts, countries ; and it were to be wiftied that the proje£tv°i- were begun before length of time has rendered the ma-P' nuferipts illegible, and the attempt therefore fruitlefs. Ten thoufand pounds would go a great way toward the fulfilling of this requeft, if the learned themfelves did not augment the difficulty of the undertaking, by adding their own critical remarks, and endeavouring thereby to recommend their publications, rather than by prefenting to the public a faithful copy of the original. Should pofterity be put in poffeffion of faithful imprefi* fions of important marmferipts, an acquifition which would render the highelt fervice to facred criticifrn, all thefe editions of the New Teftament fhould be regulated on the fame plan as Hearne’s edition of the Adis of the Apoftles.” It muft be highly flattering to the pa¬ triotic fpirit of an Englifhman to hear tire encomiums which learned foreigners have fo profufely beftowed on our liberality in fupporting works of genius and learn¬ ing and public utility. The plan which Michaelis pro- pofes to us, in preference to all the other nations in Eu¬ rope, is noble and magnificent, and would certainly confer immortality on thofe men who would give it their patronage and afliftance. There are many ancient manufcripts, efpecially in Italy, which have never been collated, but lie ftill un¬ explored. Here is a field where much remains to be done. See Marfh’s Notes to Michaelis, vol. ii. p. 643. Michaelis has given a catalogue of ancient nranu- feripts, amounting in number to 292, to which he has added a fhort account of each. In this place we fhall confine our obfervations to the moft celebrated, the A- lexandrian and Vatican manufcripts, which we have chiefly extradled from Michaelis. T, f I he Alexandrine manufcript confifts of four vo- Account of lumes ; the three firft of which contain the Old Telia-Aiexan* ment, the fourth the New Teftament, together with'11 rne ma* the firft Epiftle of Clement to the Corinthians, and a' U CU^t* fragment of the fecond. In the New Teftament, which alone is the objedl of our prefent inquiry, is wanting the beginning as far as Matthew xxv. 6. 0 Tai, likewife from John vi. 50. to viii. 52. and from 2 Cor. iv. 13. to xii. 7. It muft likewile be obferved, that the Pfahns are preceded by the epiftle of Athana- fius to Marcellinus, and followed by a catalogue, con. taming thofe which are to be ufed in prayer for each hour, both of the day and of the night ; alio by 14 hymns, partly apocryphal, partly biblical, the nth of which is an hymn in praife of the Virgin Mary, entit¬ led ■ng'HTivx1' ^fOTOx* : further, the Hypothejes Eufebii are annexed to the Pfalms, and his Canones to the Gofpels. It is true, that this has no immediate reference to the New Teftament, but may have influ¬ ence in determining the antiquity of the manufcript it- felf. It has neither accents nor marks of afpiration ; it is written with capital, or, as they are called, uncial letters., 7 and SCR [ *5° j SCR and has veiy few abbreviations. There are no inter¬ vals between the words ; but the fenl'e of a paflame is fometiraes terminated by a point, and fometirnes by a vacant (pace. Here arifes a fttfpicion that the copyid did not underftand Greek, becaufe thefe marks are fometimes found even in the middle of a word, for in- llance Levit. v. 4. n for ^y.oary and Numb, xiii. 29. ^ To-»c. This manufcript was prefented to Charles I. in 1628, by Cyrillus Lucaris patriarch of Conftantinople. Cyrillus himfelf has given the following account : “ We know fo much of this manufcript of the holy writings of the Old and New Teftament, that Thecla an Egyptian lady ol diilhifticn (nobil'isfamina JEgyptia) wrote it with her own hand 1300 years ago (a). She lived foon after the council of Nicsea. Her name was formerly at the end of the hook ; but when Chriftianity was fubverted in Egypt by the errors of Mahomet, the books ot the Chriltians fuffered the fame fate, and the name of The¬ cla was expunged. But oral tradition of no very an¬ cient date (memoria et traditlo recens) has preferved the remembrance of it.,, But the reader will fee that this account Is merely traditional. Dr Semlcr very properly obferves, that there is no more realon to rely on a tradition refpefting the tranfcriber of an ancient manufcript, than on a tra¬ dition which relates to an ancient relic. The argu¬ ments which have been urged by Wetllein, Semler, Oudin, and Woide, to fix the date of this manufcript, are fo many, that it would be tedious to repeat them. But, after all, its antiquity cannot be determined with certainty, though it appears from the formation of the letters, which refemble thofe of the fourth and fifth -centuries, and the want of accents, that it was not writ¬ ten fo late as the tenth century. In this century it was placed by Oudin, while Grabe and Schulze have referred it to the fourth, which is the very utmoit pe¬ riod that can be allowed, becaufe it contains the epillles of Athanafius. Wetftein, with more probability, has chofen a mean between thefe two extremes, and referred it to the fifth century : but we are not jollified in draw¬ ing this inference from the formation of the letters alone, for it is well known that the fame mode of form¬ ing the letters was retained longer in feme countries and in fome monafteries than in others. We are now in poll'dlion of a peifcdt imprefiion of this manufcript, which is accompanied with lo complete and fo critical a colleblion of various readings, as is hardly to be expedled from the edition of any other manufcript. Dr Woide publifhed it in 1786, with types call for that purpofe, line for line, without in¬ ternals between the words, as in the manufcript itfelf; the copy is fo perfeft a refirmblance of the original, SetqfnMr,- that it may fupply its place Its title is Novum Tejla- v— mentum G rtf cum e codice A1S. Alexandrine) qul Londm'i in Bibliotheca Mufei Britannici affervatur deferiptum- It is a very Iplendid folio ; and the preface of the learned edi¬ tor contains an accurate defeription of the manufeript, with an exact lift of all its various readings, that takes up no Ids than 89 pages ; and each reading is accom¬ panied with a remark, in which is given an account of what his predeceffors Juninus, Walton, Fell, Mill, Grabe, and Wetftein, had performed or negletted. 131 The Vatican manufcript contained originally the‘^ccourt whole Greek Bible, including both the Old and New'^M^^3" Teftament; and in this refpeCl, as well as in regard to nufcri- t. its antiquity, it refembles none fo much as the Codex Alexandrians, but no two mariuferipts are more dilfi- milar in their readings, in the New Teftament as well as in the Old. After the Gofpels, which are placed in the ufual order, come the Adis of the Apoftles, which are immediately followed by the feven catholic epiftles. This muft be particularly noted, becaufe fome have con¬ tended that the fecond Epiiile of St Peter, with the fecond and third of St jehn, were wanting. Profefior Hwiid, in a letter dated Rome, April 12. 178!, allu¬ red Michaeiis that he had feen them with his own eyes, that the fecond Epiftle of St Peter is placed folio 14 Hr the fecond of St John fol. 1442, the third folio 1443 : then follow the Epiftles of St Paul, but not in the ufual order ; for the Epiftle to the Hebrews is pla¬ ced immediately after thofe to the Theftalonians: and it is not improbable, that in the more ancient manu¬ fcript, from which the Codex Vatic anus was copied, this Epiiile was even placed before that to the Ephefians, and immediately after the Epiftle to the Galatians (b) } for the Epiftles of St Paul are divided into 93 fec- tions by figures written in the margin with red ink; but the Epiftle to the Galatians ends with 59, and that to the Ephefians begins with 70 ; the Epiitle to the Hebrews, on the contrary, begins with 60, and ends with 69. With the words r? Heb. ix. t4. the manufcript ceafes, the remaining leaves being loft. There is wanting, therefore, not only the latter part of this Epiftle, but the Epiftles to Timothy, Titus, and Philemon, with the Revelation of St John : but this laft book, as well as the latter part of the Epiftle to the Hebrews, has been fupplied by a modern hand in the 13th century. In many places the faded letters have been alio retouched by a modern, but careful hand ; and when the perfon who made thefe amendments, who appears to have been a man of learning, found a read¬ ing in his own manufcript which differed from that of the Codex Vaticanus, he has noted it in the margin, and (a) He wrote this in the year 1628. According to this account, then, the manufcript muff have been writ¬ ten in 328; a date to which fo many weighty objedlions may be made, that its moft ffrenuous advocates will hardly undertake to defend it. But this error has furnifhed Oudin with an opportunity of producing many arguments againft the antiquity of the Codex Alexandnnus, which feem to imply, that Grabe and otheis, who have referred it to the fourth century, fuppofe it to have been written in the above-mentioned year. Now it is probable, that the inference which has been deduced from the account of Cyrillus is mote than he himfelf intended to exprefs, as he relates that Thecla lived after the council of Nicsea. (b) Probably becaufe the Epiiile to the Hebrews, as well as the Eptftle to the Galatians, relates to the abet' lition of the Mofaic law. *33 he beft litions ci ie G^eek ew Tefla ent are ofe of lill, SCR [ i Scripture, and has generally left the text itiUf untouched, though in fome few examples he has ventured to erafe it. It is certain, that this manufcript is of very high an¬ tiquity, though it has been difputed which of the two in this refpedh is entitled to the preference, the Vatic a- nus or Alexandrinui. The editors of the Roman edi¬ tion of the Septuagint, in 1587, referred the date of the Vatican manufeript to the fourth century, the pe¬ riod to which the advocates for its great rival refer the Coa'ex Alexandrinus. More moderate, and perhaps more accurate, are the fentiments of that great judge of an¬ tiquity Montfaucon, who, in his Bibliotheca Bibliathc- ctrurv, p. 3. refers it to the fifth or fixth century ; and adds, that though Ire had feen other manufcripts of equal antiquity, he had found none at the fame time id complete. 'i he Codex Vaticanvs has a great refemblancc to the manufcripts noted by Wetftein, C. D. L. 1. 12. 33. 69. 102. and. to the Latin, Coptic, and Ethiopic ver- fions ; but it is preferable to moft of them, in being al- mofl; entirely free from thofe undeniable interpolations and arbitrary correcftions which are very frequently found in the above-mentioned manufcripts, efpecially in D. 1. and 69. It may be applied, therefore, as a mean not only of confirming their genuine readings, but of delefting and correfting thofe that are fpurious. It is written with great accuracy, and is evidently a faithful copy of the more ancient manufcript from which it was tranicribed. Peculiar readings, or fuch as are found neither in other manufcripts nor ancient verfions, are feldom difeovered in the Codex Vaticanus ; and of the few which have been aftually found, the greateit part are of little importance. But in proportion as the number of fuch readings is fmall, the number of thofe is great;, in fupport of which few only, though ancient authorities, have been hitherto produced. " But this manufcript has not throughout the whole New Tefta- meut the fame uniform text. As we. have now a beautiful printed edition of the Alexandrine manufcript by Dr Woide, it is much to be wifhed that we had alfo an exaft impreffion of the Vatican manufcript. From the fuperftitious fears and intolerant fpirit of the inquifition at Rome, all accefs to tins manufcript was refufed to the Abbe Spoletti, who prefented a. memorial for that purpofe. Unlefs the pope interpofe his authority, we mult therefore defpair of having our wifhes gratified ; but from the liberality of fentiment which the prefect pontiff has fhown on fevt- ral occafions, we hope that the period is not far diftant when the Vatican library will be open to the learned ; and when the pope will think it his greateft honour to encourage their refearches. The moft valuable editions of the Greek New' Tefta- ment are thofe of Mill, Bengel, and Wetftein. The edition of Mill, which was only finifted 14 days before his death, occupied the attention of the au¬ thor for 30 years. The colleftions of various readings which had been made before the time of Mill, the Velefian, the Baibe- nm, thofe of Stephens, the London Polyglot, and Fell’s edition, with thofe which the Biftiop had left in manu- icnpt, and whatever he w>as able to procure elfewhere, he brought together into one large colleftion. He made hkewife very ccnfiderable additions to it. He 51] SCR collated feveral original editions more accurately than Scripture,- had been done before : he procured extrafts from Greek * manufcripts, which had never been collated ; and of fuch as had been before collated, but not with Efficient attention, he obtained more complete extrafts. It is faid that he has collefted from manufcripts, fathers, and verfions, not lefs. than 30,000 various readings. This colleftion, notwithftandmg its many imperfeftions, and the iupenonty of that of Wetftein, is ftill abfolutely ne- ceffary to every critic : for Wetftein has omitted a great numoer of readings which are to be found in Mill, ef¬ pecially tho.fe which are either taken from the Vulgate or confirm its readings. Mill was indeed too much at- tached to this verlion ; yet he cannot be accufed of par¬ tiality in producing its evidence, becaufe it is the duty of a enne to examine the witneffes on both fides of the qUtftion : and Wetttem, by too frequently negleft- mg the evidence in favour of the Vulgate, has rendered his collection leis perfeft than it would otherwfife have been# tic Iikewrfp ^ ^^ . . ^ Yriic aD lai eis fir wr.5 TiDie, mgs From the ancient verfions ; and is much to be com¬ mended for the great attention which he paid to the quotations of the fathers ; the importance of which he had iagacity enough to difeern. It cannot, however, be denied, that Mill’s Greek Te¬ ll ament has many imperfeftions, and fome of real im. poitance. His extrafts from manufcripts often are not only incomplete, but erroneous ; and it is frequently ne- ceffary to correft his miftakes from the edition of Wet- •LUn‘ r extrra^s from the omental verfions are alfo impel feft, becaufe he was unacquainted with thefe lan¬ guages ; and in feleftmg readings from the Syriac, the Arabic and Ethiopic, he was obliged to have recourfe 0 he Iratll11 tranfiations, which are annexed to thofe veifions in the London Polyglot. The great diligence which Mill had fhown in collec- tlw-K many Va,n°US reafmgs> alarmed the clergy as if he Chnftian religion had been in danger of fubverfion. U gave occahon for a time to the triumphs of the deift, d expofed the author to many attacks. But it is now umverfahy known that not a fmgle article of the Ch.iftian religion would be altered though a deift were e if vt °f f n’S 3°,oco readings what- caufe. fll°U d tkmk m°ft lnimical to the Chriftian In 1734, Bengel abbot of Alpirfpach, in the dtichvnf v of W urtemburg publifhed a new edition of the Greek f I eftament. I he fears which Mill had excited began to fublide upon this new publication ; for Bengel was univerfalJy efteemed a man of piety. Bengel was not only diligent in the examination of various reaAna-s but the ftnaeft fenfe of the word coofeieotiou, “|r e confidered it as an offence againft the Deity if hrough h,s own fault, that is, through levity orcare- Sr 3 fad,'n8 -tothefacred text. His objeft was not merely to make a colleftion of readings, and leave the choice of them to the iudl ment of the reader, but to examine the evidence on both fides, and draw the inference : yet he has not given his own opinion fo frequently as Mill, whom he rffembled in Ins reverence for the Latin verfion, and in the pre¬ ference winch he gave to harfh and difficult readings before thofe which were fmooth and flowing It nSy be cbferved m general, that he was a man of profound learning j,. I?? And of Wetftcin- SCR [ Jj gef'ptura, loapnin^, and had a cool and Immd judgment, though it did not prevent him from thinking too highly of the Imtin readings, and of the Codex Alexandrinus7 with other Latinizing manufcripts. The imperfections of Bengel’s edition arife chiefly from his diffidence and caution. He did not venture to infert into the text any reading which had not al¬ ready appeared in fome printed edition, even though he believed it to be tire genuine reading. In the book of Revelation indeed he took the liberty to infert read¬ ings which had never been printed ; becaufe tew mavm- fevipts had been ufed in the printing of that. book. The celebrated edition of John James Wetflein, which is the molt important of all, and the moft necef- fary'to thofe engaged in facred critieifm, was publifhed at Am Herd am in 1751 and 1752, in two volumes folio. No man will deny that Wetftein’s Prolegomena mfcover profound erudition, critical penetration, and an intimate acquaintance with the Greek manufcripts. It is a work which in many rcfpedts has given a new turn to lacred criticifm, and no man engaged in that Itudy can cbf- penfe with it. Wherever Wetftein has delivered his fentiments reipefting a Greek manufcript,. which he has done lefs frequently than Mill, and indeed lefs frequently than we could have wifhed, he (hows himfelt an experienced and fagacious critic. He is likewife more concile than Mill in delivering his opinion, and does not fupport it by producing fo great a number of readings from the manufcript in queftion. This concifenefs is the confequence of that warmth and hade which were peculiar to Wetftein’s character, and which have fometimes given birth to miftakes. The fire, of his difpofition was likewife the caufe of his advancing conjectures, in regard to the hiftory of his manufcripts, which exceed the bounds of probability. But the cri¬ tical rules which he has delivered are perfectly juft; and in this refpeCt there is a remarkable agreement between him and his eminent predeceflbrs Mill and Bengel. In regard to the Latin verfion alone they appear to differ: in Mill and Bengel it has powerful, and per¬ haps partial, advocates; but in Wetftein a fevere and fa¬ gacious judge, who fometimes condemns it without a caufe. The Greek manufcripts which confirm the read¬ ings of the Vulgate, and which he fuppofed had been corrupted from it, he of courfe condemned with equal feverity : and fome colle&ions of various readings which had been made by Catholics, he made no fcruple to pronounce a forgery, faying, “ Timeo Danaos, et dona ferentes.” But in confequence of his antipathy to the Vulgate, his colledion of various readings is lefs perfeCt than it might have been. It has been afked, 1. Whether he has quoted his manufcripts either falfely or imperfectly, in order to eftablifli his own religious opinions ? or, 2. Whether his diligence and accuracy has been fuch that we may at all times depend upon them ? To the firft of thefe que- ftions there can be no other anfwer, than that Wetftein, in his charafter of a critic, is perfeftly honeft. With refpeft to the fecond, his diligence and accuracy, Mi- chaelis thinks there is lefs reafon to pronounce him faultlefs. But Mr Marfh has examined the examples on which Michaelis founds his affertion, and declares ihat Michaelis is miftaken in every one ef them. The diligence of Wetftein can fcarcely be queftioned ^3 SCR by any who are acquainted with his hiftory, Re tm? Seiiptme, veiled into different countries, and examined with his v--* own eyes a much greater number of manufcripts than any of his predeceffors. His colleftion of various read¬ ings amount to above a million ; and he has not only produced a much greater quantity of matter than his predeceffors, but has likewife correfted their miftakes. The extracts from manufcripts, verlions, and printed editions of the Greek Teftament, which had been quoted by Mill, are generally quoted by Wetftein. Whenever Wetftein had no new extra&s from the ma¬ nufcripts quoted by Mill, or had no opportunity of ex¬ amining them himfelf, he copied literally from Mill | but wherever Mill has quoted from printed editions, as from the margin of Robert Stephens’s for inftance, or from the London Polyglot, Wetftein did not copy from Mill, but went to the original fource, as appears from his having Corrected many miftakes in Mill’s quo¬ tations. In the opinion of Michaelis, there are many defefts in the edition of Wetftein, which require to be fup- plied, and many errors to be corrected. Yet ftill it muft be allowed to be a work of immenfe labour, and moft valuable to thofe engaged in facred criticifm ; and it is furprifing, when we confider the difficulties and la- boar which Wetftein had to encounter, that his errors and imperfeftions are fo few. The propofal of Michaelis, however, of a new col¬ lation of manufcripts, in order to form a complete coi- ledtion of various readings, is worthy the attention of the learned. In mentioning this propofal, Michaelis turns a wifhful eye towards Britain, the only country, he fays, which poffeffes the will and the means to. exe¬ cute the talk. Should a refolution, he adds, be form¬ ed in this ifland, fo happily fituated for promoting the purpofes of general knowledge, to make the underta¬ king a public concern, to enter into a fubfcription, and to employ men of abilities in collating manufcripts both at home and abroad, they would be able to do-more in ten years than could otherwife be done in a century. And could this nation direft its attention to any objed more glorious or more ufeful than in afcertaining the text of the facred Sciptures, and giving to pofterity an accurate edition ? p As the fenfe of Scripture, as well as all other books, is affefted by the punduation, it is of importance to jvjew determine whether the flops or points which we. find tameut. in the facred books were ufed by the facred writers, or have been inferted by modern tranfcribers. We are told by Montfaucon, in his Palaographia Graca, p. 31. that the perfon who firft diftinguifhed the feveral parts of a period in Greek writing, by the introdudion of a point, was Ariftophanes of Byzan¬ tium, who lived under Ptolemaeus Epiphanes, in the 145th Olympiad. But though points were not ufed in books before this period, they were employed in in- fcriptions above 400 years before the birth of Chrilft. See Mont. Pal. Grac. p. 135. Under the article Punctuation we mentioned, on authority which we reckoned unqueftionable, that the ancient manufcripts were written without any points. We have now, however, difcovered, from Woide’s edi¬ tion of the Codex Alexandrinus, that points are ufed in that manufcript, though omitted in the facjmile given SCR [ T.n 3 SCR grripturg, ^TontfaUCpiv That they are fopod too in the Co- Jex Vaticanus, though not frequently, is related by Birch in his Prolegomena, p. 14. As the fa£t has not been generally known, that the ancients pointed their manufcripts, and as it is an im¬ portant and interefting faft, we fhall prefent our read¬ ers with the firfl fix lines of St John’s Gofpel, as they are pointed in the Alexandrine manufcript: ENAPXHHNOAOrOSKAIOAOrOSHN nrosTONerT kaioThnoaotos* OTTO2 H NENAPXH nPOYTON©N TIANTAAIATTOTErENETO'KAIXn PEI2ATTOTE^ENETOOTAEEN• OrErONENENATTXlZXTHHN" m Divifion into chaj,« ter*. Whether any points for marking the fenfe were ufed by the apoftles, cannot be determined ; but the points now in ufe have been invented fince. In the fourth century, Jerome began to add the com¬ ma and colon to the Latin verfion ; and they were then inferted in many more ancient manufcripts. In the fifth century, Euthalius a deacon of Alexandria divided the New Teftament into lines. This divifion was re¬ gulated by the fenfe, fo that each line ended where fome paufe was to be made in fpeaking. And when a co- pyilt was difpofed to contradl his fpace, and therefore crowded the lines into each other, he then placed a point where Euthalius had terminated the line. In the eighth century, the ftroke was invented which we call a comma. In the Latin manufcripts, Jerome’s points were introduced by Paul Warnfried and Alcuin, at the command of Charlemagne. In the ninth cen¬ tury, the Greek note of interrogation (;) was firft ufed. At the invention of printing the editors placed the points arbitrarily, probably without bellowing the ne- ceffary attention ; and Stephens, in particular, varied his points in every edition (d). The meaning of many palfages in the Scripture has been altered by falfe pointing. We lhall produce one inffance of this : Mat. v. 34. is commonly pointed in this manner, ryu^fi \tyo ftt ofiotrat oxuc /uhtc iv to v^xxo, and confequently tranllated, “ But I fay unto you, fwear not at all.” But if, inllead of the colon placed after we fubffitute a comma, the tranflation will be, “ But I fay to you that you ought by no means to fwear, either by heaven, for it is his throne, or by earth, for it is his footftool.” The command of Chrill therefore applies particularly to the abufe of oaths a- mong the Pharifees, who on every trivial occafion fwore by the heaven, the earth, the temple, the head, See. but it implies no prohibition to take an oath in the name of the Deity on folemn and important occa- fions. The ancients divided the New Teflament into two kinds of chapters, fome longer and fome fliorter. This method appears to be more ancient than St Jerome, for he expunged a paffage from the New Teftament which makes an entire chapter. The longer kind of chap¬ ters were called hr eves, the Ihorter capitula. St Mat- Voi.. XVII. Part I. thew contained, according to Jerome, 68 breves; Mark Scripture, contained 48 5 Luke 83 ; and John 1 8. All the evan- —— gelifts together confifted of 217 breves and 1126 capi¬ tula. The inventor of our modern divifion into chap¬ ters was Hugo de S. Caro, a French Dominican friar who lived in the 13th century. The ancients had two kinds of verfes, one of which they called and the other p^y-ara. The remain were lines which contained a certain number of letters, like our printed books, and therefore often broke off in the middle of a word. Jofephus’s 20 books of Antiqui¬ ties contained 60,000 of them, though in Ittiquis’s edition there are only 40,000 broken lines. Stichi were lines meafured by the fenfe: according t« an ancient written lift mentioned by Father Simin, there were in the New Teftament 18,612 of thefe. The verfes into which the New Teftament is now Divifion divided are more modern, and an imitation of the di- into vef- vifion of the Old Teftament. Robert Stephens, the fe** firft inventor, introduced them in his edition in the year 1551. He made this divifion on a journey from Ly¬ ons to Paris ; and, as his fen Henry tells us in the pre¬ face to the Concordance of the New Teftament, he made it inter equitandum. This phrafe probably means, that when he was weary of riding, he amufed himfelf with this work at his inn. This invention, of the learned printer was foon intro- fts hifad- duced into all the editions of the New Teftament; and vantages, it muft be confefted, that in confulting and quoting the Scriptures, and in framing concordances for them, a fub- divifion into minute parts is of the greateft utility. But all the purpofes of utility could furely have been gain- ed, without adopting the hafty and indigefted divifion of Stephens, which often breaks the fenfe in pieces, renders plain paffages obfeure, and difficult paflages un¬ intelligible. To the injudicious divifion of Stephens we may aferibe a great part of the difficulties which at¬ tend the interpretation of the New Teftament, and a great many of thofe abfurd opinions which have dif- graced the ages of the Reformation. For as feparatc verfes appear to the eyes of the learned, and to the minds of the unlearned, as fo many detached fentences, they have been fuppofed to contain complete fenfe, and they have accordingly been explained without any re¬ gard to the context, and often in direA oppofition to it; _ Were any modern hiftory or continued difeourfe divided into fragments with as little regard to the fenfe, we fhould foon find, that as many oppofite meanings could be forced upon them as have been forced upon the books of the New Teftament. The divifion into verfes has been ftill more injurious to the Epiftles than to the Gofpels, for there is a clofe conneAion between the different parts of the Epiftles, which the verfes en¬ tirely diffolve. It is therefore to be wifhed that this divifion into verfes were laid afide. The Scriptures ought to be divided into paragraphs, according to the fenie ; and the figures ought to be thrown into the mar¬ gin. In this way, the figures will retain their utility U without (d) The reader will perceive that the account of the origin of points is different from that given under Punc- tuation. But the heft authors differ upon this fubjeA. We ftiall perhaps reconcile the difference, by fuppo- fmg that points were invented at the time here mentioned, but were not in general ufe till the time mentioned sunder the article Punctuation. S C, R [ I Scrjjture. without their difadvantages. Dr Campbell, in his y"" beautiful tranflation of the Gofpels, has adopted this method with great judgment and fuccefs ; and he who will read that translation, will perceive that this finale alteration renders the Gofpels much more intelligible, !40 and, we may add, more entertaining (e). Meaning The word ETArrFAtov fignifies any joyful tidings, of the word ar)(j exa<^]y correfponds to our Englifh word Gospel. ’ In the New Teftamert this term is confined to “ I he glad tidings of the coming of the Mefilah.” I hus, iu Mat. xi. 5. our Lord fays, “ The poor have the Go- fpel preached that is, The coming of the Meffiah is preached to the poor. Hence the name of Gofpei was given to the hiftories of Chrift, in which the cfood news of the coming of the Meffiah, with all its joyful circutn- r fiances, are recorded. Goft4ei ac- That the.Gofpei according to Matthew was compo- cordirg to fed, fays Dr Campbell, by one born a Jew, familiarly St Mat- acquainted with the opinions, ceremonies, and cuftoms * CW' of his countrymen ; that it was compofed by one con- verfant m the facred writing*, and habituated to their idiom ; a man of plain fenfe, but of little or no learning, except what he derived from the Scriptures of the Old Teftament; and finally, that it was the produ&ion of a man who wrote from convi&ion, and had attended clofely to the fads and fpeeches which he related, but who in writing entertained not the molt diftant view of fetting off himfelf—we have as ftrong internal evi¬ dence as the nature of the thing will admit, and much ftronger than that wherein the mind ninety-nine cafe& out of a hundred acquiefces. 54. 1 SCR That tbs author of this hiftory of our blefied Savi. Scr’p'ure# our was Matthew, appears from, the teflimony of the —vr—^ early Chriftians. It is attefted by Jerome, Augufttn,Its ^!en- Epipha iius, and Chryfoftom, and in fuch a manner as idcy. (hews that they knew the fa£l to be uncontroverted, and judged it to be incontrovertible. Origen, who flourifhed in the former part of the 3d rentury, is alfo rcfpeftable authority. He is quoted by Eufebius in a chapter * wherein he fpecially treats of Origen’s account * Hijf, of the facred canon. “ As I have learned (fays Ori-1^ £>• cap, gen) by tradition concerning the four gofpels, which alone are received without difpute by the whole church of God under heaven ; the firil was written by Mat¬ thew, once a publican, afterwards an apoftle of Jefus Chnft, who delivered it to the Jewi/h believers, compofed in the Helreiv language” In another place he fays, “ Matthew writing for the Hebrews who expedted him who was to defcend from Abraham and David, fays the lineage of Jefus Chriif, fon of David, fon of Abra¬ ham.” It muft be obferved, that the Greek word TrapaSoe ( does not exadlly correfpond to the Englifh word tradition, which, fignifies any thing delivered orally from age to age. n*p*,JWic properly implies any thing tranfmitted from former ages, whether by oral or writ¬ ten tcftimony. la this acceptation we find it ufed in fcripturef: “ Hold the traditions (r“f rafaWtic) which f Theff.il, ye have been taught, whether by word or cur tpflle.” I5* The next authority to which we fhall have recourfe is that of Irenaeus bifhop of Lyons, who had been a difciple of Polycarp. He fay's in the only book of his extant, that “ Matthew, among the Hebrews, wrote a Eufeb. WJl. gofpei Bed. lib cap 8, (tj We fhall here fubjoin, as a curiofity, what the anonymous author terms the Old and New Tejlament d'ffeded.. It contains an enumeration of all the books, chapters, verfes, words, and letters, which occur in the Englifh Bible and Apocrypha. It isfaidto have occupied three years of the author’s life, and is a lingular inftanct oi the trifling employments to winch fuperftition has led mankind. The Old and New Testament difledled. Books in the Old Chapters Verfes Words Letters - 39 in the New - 27 Total - 66 929 - - - 260 1189 23,214 - - - 7959 3 r»T 7 3 592,439 - - - 18',25.3 773>692 2,728,100 - - - 838,380 3,566,480 The middle Chapter and the leaft in the Bible is Pfalm 117. The middle Verfe is the 8th of the Ji8th Pfalm. The middle time is the 2d of Chronicles, 4th Chap. 16th Verfe. The word And occurs in the Old Teflament 35*543 times. 'i'lie fame in the New Teftament occurs 10,684 times. The word Jehovah occurs 6855 times. Apocrypha. Chapters 183 Verfes - 6081 Words 152,185 Old Testament. The middle Book is- Proverbs. The middle Chapter is Job 29th. The middle Verfe is 2d Chron. 20th Chap, between 17th and i 8th. Verfes. The leaft Verfe is 1 Chron. ift Chap, and ift Verfe. New Testament. The middle Book is Theffalonians 2d. The middle Chapter is between the 13th and 14th Romans. The middle Verfe is 17th Chap. 17th Verfe. The leaft Verfe is 1 ith Chap. John, Verfe 35. The 2ift Verfe of the 7th Chapter of Ezra has all the letters of the alphabet: The 19th Chapter of 2d of Kings and 37th of Ifaiah are alike. Scripture § Euftb. tiijl, Eccl. lib cap, 39* 143 I-anguage in which it was written. SCR. [ 1 gofpel in their own language, whilft Peter and Paul were preaching the gofpel at Rome and founding the church there.,, To the teftimony of thefe writers it may be objedled, that, except Irenaeus, they all lived in the third and fourth centuries, and confequently their evidence is of little importance. But there is fitch unanimity in the teftimony, that it mult have been derived from fome authentic fource. And is it fair to quetlion the veraci¬ ty of refpeAable men merely becaufe we knew not from what writings they received their information ? Many books which were then extant are now loll; and how do we know but thefe might have contained luf- ficient evidence ? Irenaeus at leafl had the beft opportu¬ nities of information, having been well acquainted in his youth with Polycarp, the difciple of John ; no objec¬ tion can therefore be made to his evidence. But we can quote an authority flill nearer the times of the apoltles. Papias bifhop of Hierapolis, in Cafarea, who flourilhed about A. D. 116, affirms that Matthew wrote his gofpel in the Hebrew tongue, which every one in¬ terpreted as he was able §. Papias was the companion of Polycarp, and befides mull have been acquainted with many perfon's who lived in the time of the apollles. The fadf therefore is fully eltablilhed, that Matthew, the apollle of our Saviour, was the author of that gof¬ pel which is placed firll in our editions of the New Tef- tament. The next fubjeft of inquiry rcfpefts the language in which it was written. This we are allured by Papias, by Irenteus, and Origen, was the Hebrew; but the truth of this fact has been difputed by Erafmus, Whit- b7» and others. Whitby urges the improbability that Providence would have fuffered the original of this gofpel to be loll, and nothing to remain but a tranfla- tion. This is an argument of no force againlt written teftimeny ; indeed we are always in danger of drawing falfe conclufions when we argue from our own opinions of the conduft of Providence. For Hit •ways are not as our and Full Method of Jett ting the Canon, with the parallel paffitges in the goipei according to Matthew. . _ T4, 1 hat Mark was the author or the gofpel which bears Gofpfi sc- his name, and that it was the fecond m the order of turning to time, is proved by the unanimous tefiimony of the au-’',t !Viark- cient ChrDians. Many authorities are therefore ua- avtf-r. neceffary ; we (hall only mention thofe of Papias and tidty, Irenseus. Eufebius has preferved the following paflage of Papias: “ This is what was related by the elder (that H!fl. Eccl. is, John, not the apoiiie, but a difciple of Jefus) ; Mark!ill> 5* cai'* II 2 being D SCR Scr'pUire. *49 And date. Adv. Hner lib. 3 cap. X. jPrtfdte to lAurk. n I Pet. V. *3- •5® .Language in which i was writ- iea. >51 Deftgn ol being Peter’s interpreter wrote exa£ly whatever he remembered, not indeed in the order wherein things were fpoken and done by the Lord; for he was not himfelt a hearer or follower of our Lord ; but he after¬ wards, as I faid, followed Peter who gave inftruftions as fuited the occafions, but not as a regular hiftory of our Lord’s teaching. Mark, however, committed no miftake in writing fuch things as occurred to his me¬ mory : for of th,s one thing he was careful, to omit nothing which he had heard, and to infert no falfehood into his narrative.” Such is the teftimony of Papias, which is the more to be regarded as he afligns his au¬ thority. He fpake not from hearfay, but from the in¬ formation which he had received from a moit credible witnefs, John the elder, orprefbyter, a difciple of Jefus, and a companion of the apoilles. Irenseus, after telling us that Matthew publilhed his gofpel whilft Peter and Paul were preaching at Rome, ‘adds: “ After their departure OloJ'o*), Mark alfo, the difciple and interpreter of Peter, delivered to us in writing the things which had been preached by Peter.” The Greek like the Enghlh word departure, may either denote death, which is a departure out of the world, or mean a departure out of the city. It is probably in the former of thefe fenfes it is here ufed. Yet by the accounts given by fome others, Mark’s gofpel was publifhed in Peter’s lifetime, and had his approbation. The gofpel of Mark is fuppofed to be but two years poiterior in date to that of Matthew. The precife year, however, cannot be determined with certainty ; and it is a matter ol no importance, fmee we have afeertained the author and the time in which he lived. Mark has generally been fuppofed to be the fame perfon who is mentioned in the ads and fome of Paul’s epiftles, who is called John, and was the nephew of Bar¬ nabas. But as this perfon was the attendant of Paul and Barnabas, and is nowhere in feripture faid to have accompanied Peter in his apoftolical million, which ancient writers inform us the author of the gofpel did, Dr Campbell has juflly concluded that thefe were dif¬ ferent perfons. The author of the gofpel is certainly meant by Peter when he fays Marcus my Jon Jalutetb you II.. That Mark wrote his gofpel in Greek, is as evident¬ ly conformable to the teflimony of antiquity, as that Matthew wrote his in Hebrew or Syro-Chaldaic. The cardinals Baronins, and Bellarmine, anxious to exalt the language in which the vulgate was written, have main¬ tained that this Evangelifl publifhed his work in Latin. T he only appearance of teftimony which has been pro¬ duced in fupport of this opinion is the infeription fub- joined to this gofpel in Syriac, and in fome other ori¬ ental verfions. But thefe poftferipts are not the tefti- monies of the tranflators : they proceed from the con- jedure of fome tranferiber ; but when written, or by whom, is equally unknown. Againft pofitive teftimony therefore they are entitled to no credit. From the Hebraifms in the flyle, we fhould readily conclude that the author was by biith and education a jew. ’I here are alfo expreflions which fhow that he had lived for fome time among the Latins, as *!VTverav, “ centurion,” and “• fentinel;” words which do not occur in the other gofpels. There ate other internal evidences that this gofpel was written be- [ 156 1 s c R firft time the Jor« Scripture* 13 added to the yond the confines of Judea. The dan is mentioned, « river," 13 added to tne —" —■» name for explanation ; for though no perfon in Judea needed to be informed that Jordan was>a river, the cafey^ was different in diflant countries. The word Gehenna, Mark’t which is tranflated Hell in the New Teflament, origi- nally flgnified the Valley of Hlnnom, where infants had been facrificed by fire to Moloch, and where a conti. nual fire was afterwards kept up to confume the filth of Jerufalem. As this word could not have been under- ftood by a foreigner, the Evangelifl adds, by way of explanation, “ the unquenchable fire.” Inftead of the word Mammon, he ufes the common term xpw?tcc “ riches.” When he employs the oriental word Corhon, he fubjoins the interpretation ® £fJ that is, “ a gift.” Thefe peculiarities will corroborate the hiftorical evidence that has been already mentioned, that Mark intended his gofpel for the ufe of the Gen¬ tiles. rys It has been affirmed that this evangelifl is the abridger Mark not of Matthew. It is true that Mark fometimes copies^ a^r^* the expreffions ufed by Matthew ; but he is not to be|^r.°^ew, conlidered as a mere abridger, for he omits altogether * feveral things related by Matthew, viz. our Lord’s pe¬ digree, his birth, the viftt of the Magians, Jofeph’s flight into Egypt, and the cruelty of Herod. Dr Lardner has given a lift; of thirty-three paffages, where¬ in circumftances are related which are omitted by the other evangelifts. There is one parable, and an account of two miracles peculiar to Mark. The parable or fi» militude is mentioned in chap. iv. 26. One of thefe mi¬ racles was the curing of a deaf and dumb man, chap. v“- S1* 37* The other was the giving fight to a blind- man at Bethfaida, chap. viii. 22, 26. The flyle of Mark, inflead of being more concife than that of Mat¬ thew, is more diffufe. That he had read Matthew’s gofpel cannot be dofibted, but that he abridged it, is a miltake. According to the teflimony which has been already gu^eri- produced, Mark derived his information from the a-vedhism- pottle Beter. It would be improper, therefore, not to re formation mark, that this evangelifl has omitted many thingsfrom i>e‘ tending to Peter’s honour, which are related in the other gofpels, and has given the moll particular account of Peter’s fall. This gofpel is feven times cited by Ire- naeus, and nine times by Tertullian. IS4 That the author of the gofpel which is. the third in Gofpel ac- order was Luke, the companion of the apoftle Paul, is cording to evident from the teftimonies of Irenams, Clemens ofSt Luke‘ Alexandria,, Origen, Tertullian, and many fucceeding writers. But it has been difputed whether he was a Jew or a Gentile. That Luke was a Jew by biith, or at leafl by religion, may be argued from his being a conftant companion of Paul. If he had been an un- circumcifed Gentile, exceptions would have been made to him, efpecially at Jerufalem; but nothing of that kind appears. It is alio rendered highly probable, from his mode of computing time by the Jewifh feflivals, and from his- frequent ufe of the Hebrew idiom. It has been fuppofed that Luke, was one of the 70 difciples ; but he does not pretend to have been a witnefs of our Lord’s miracles and teaching ; on the contrary, he tells us in h:s.introduction, that he received his information from others. Tire defign of Luke in writing his gofpel was to fu-Dellg?* of peiiedek, Scripture. 156 From what fotirc# of informa¬ tion it was derived. 157 Has fup- piied ma¬ ny omif- fions of the two former gofpels. T)r Camp- bell s Pri¬ nce to Luke's Co/pel. 153 Style and conif ofi- tion of it. SCR [ 1 perfede fome Impcrfeft and inaccurate hiflories of our Saviour, which had then been publifhed. What theie were, it is impoffible now to determine, as they are not mentioned by any contemporary writer, and probab¬ ly did not furvive the age in which they were com- pofed. It has been fuppofed that Luke chiefly derived his information from the apoftle Paul, whom he faithfully attended m his travels ; but, from Luke’s own words, we are led ta conclude, that the principal fource of his intelligence, as to the fafts related in the gofpel, was from thofe who had been eye and ear witnefles of what our Lord both did and taught. Now Paul evidently was not of this number. It was from converfing with fome of the twelve apoftles or dilciples of our Lord, who heard his difcourfes and faw his miracles, that he obtained his information. As to the time when this gofpel was written, we have hardly any thing but conje&ure to guide us. But as Origen, Eufebius, and Jerome, have ranged it after thofe of Matthew and Mark, we have no reafon to doubt but they were written in the fame order. The gofpel by Luke has fupplied us with many inte- refting particulars which had been omitted both by Matthew and Mark. It has given a diftindl narration of the circumftances attending the birth of John the Baptiil and the nativity of our Saviour. It has given an account of feveral memorable incidents and cures which had been overlooked by the reil; the conver* fion of Zaccheus the publican ; the cure of the woman who had been bowed down for 18 years ; the cure of the dropfical man ; the cleanflng of the ten lepers ; the inhofpitable treatment of our Saviour by the Samari¬ tans, and the inilrudtive rebuke which he gave on that occafon to two of his difciples for their intemperate zeal; alfo the affecting interview which he had after his refurre&ion with two of his difciples. Luke has alfo added many edifying parables to thofe which the other evangelifts had recorded. Moll of thefe are fpeciSed by Irenasus as particularly belonging to this gofpel, and has thereby (hown to us, without intending it, that the gofpel of Luke was the fame in his time that it is at prefent. The ftyle of this evangelift abounds as much with Hebraifm? as any of the facred writings, but it contains more of the Grecian idiom than any of them It is alfo diftinguilhed by greater variety and copioufnefs-; qualities which may be juftly afcribed to the fuperior learning of the author. His occupation as a phyfician would naturally induce him to employ fome time in reading, and give him eafier accefs to the company of the great than any of the other evangelifts. As an inflance of Luke’s copioufnefs, Dr Campbell has re¬ marked that each of the evangelilts has a number of words which are ufed by none of the reft ; but in Luke’s gofpel the number of fuch peculiarities or words, tifed in none of the other gofpels, is greater than that of the peculiar words found in all the three other gofpels put together; and that the terms peculiar to Luke are lor the moft part long and compound words. The lame judicious writer has alfo obfeived, that there is more of compofition in Luke’s fentences than is found in the other three, and confequently lefs fimplicity. Of this the very fir ft fentence is an example, which occupies no lei’s than four verfes. Luke, too, has a greater re- 57 r s c ,R femblance to other hiftorians, in giving what may be Scripture,^ called his own verdift in the narrative part of this work; v • a freedom which the other evangelifts have feldom or never ventured to ufe. He calls the Pharifees lovers Chap, xvi, of money; in diftinguiihing Judas Ifcariot from the14' other Judas, he ufes the phrafe, he who proved a traitor, y.ou i-ywiTO TtpoSoT*;). Matthew and Mark exprefs the fame fentiment in milder language, “ he who delivered him up.” In recording the moral inftru&ions of our Lord, efpecially his parables, this evangelift has united an affecting fweetnefs of manner with genuine fimpli- eity. t 159 This gofpel is frequently cited by Clemens Romanus, cited by the contemporary of the Apoftles, by Ignatius, and ancient Juftin Martyr. Irenaeus has made above a hundred citations from it. In his lib. 3. adv. Heeref. c. 14. he vindicates the authority and perfedtion of Luke’s gof¬ pel, and has produced a collection of thofe fadts which are only recorded by this evangelift. 160 That the gofpel which is placed laft in our editions Gofpel aci of the New Teftament was written by John, one 0^T°[^ir,Sta our Saviour’s apoftles, is confirmed by the unanimous-* teftimony of the ancient Chriftians. He was the fon of Zebedee, a filherman of Bethfaida in Galilee, by his wife Salome, and the brother of James, furnamed the elder or greater. He was the beloved difciple of our Saviour, and was honoured, along with Peter and James, with many marks of diftindtion which were not conferred on the other difciples. He poffeffed a high degree of intrepidity and zeal, a warm and affedlionate heart, and was ftrongly attached to his mafter. His > brother James and he were honoured with the title of Boanerges, or Sons of Thunder. He was anxious to7 reftrain whatever he confidered as a mark of difrefpedt againft his mafter, and to punifti his enemies with feve- rity. He was incenfed againft fome perfons for at¬ tempting to caft out demons in the name of Jefus ; and required them to defift becaufe they were not his dif¬ ciples. James and he propofed to our Saviour to call down fire from heaven to punifti the inhofpitable Sama¬ ritans. Nor was the courage of John lefs ardent than his zeal. When Peter had difowned his Lord, and all the other difciples had fled,. John continued to attei.rd his mafter. tie was prefent at his trial, and followed him to the crofs, where he was a fpeftator of his fuf- ferings and death. The interview between Jefus and this difciple at Calvary, though concifely related, is an event which will ftrongly affedt every man of feeling, while it convinces him of the unalterable- affection of Jefus to his beloved difciple, as well as difeovers his refpeftful tendernefs for his mothers See John. - ^ The ancients inform us, that there were two- motives M itive;}^ which induced John to write his gofpel : the one, that for wri.- he might refute the herefies of Cerinthus and the Nico-c‘“g laitans, who had attempted to corrupt the Chriftian doctrine ; the.other motive was, that he might fupply thofe important events in the life of our Saviour which the other evangelifts had omitted. Of the foamer of thefe motives Iremeus gives us the following account-: John, defirous to extirpate the errors fow-n in tire minds of men by Gerinthus, and fbme time before by thofe called Nicolaitans, publifn'ed his gpfptl; ,v herein he acquaints us that there is one God, who made all things by his word, and not, as they fay, one who is the Creator of the world, and another who is the father off SCR [ 158 ] SCR Script’ire Gf t^e Lord ; one t.tie fon 0f the Creator, and another 4. The Jewifit Scriptures. Indeed the conclufion that Scrpnmr. ‘ the Chrift, from the fuperceleftial abodes who defcend- Jefus was the Meffiah the Son of God, naturally arifes ed upon Jefus, the fon of the Creator, but remained from almoft every miracle which our Saviour is faid ta impaflible, and afterwards fled back into his own pie- have performed and ftom every dilcourfe that he de¬ livered. Tins declaration is very often made by our Saviour himfelf; particularly to the woman of Sama¬ ria, to Nicodeimis, and to the blind man whom be had eared. 161 Hot to xonAue tieietict; roma or fulnefs.” As Iren a? us is the medt ancient au¬ thor who has written upon this fubjedt, many appeals have been made to his authority. The authority of Irenteus is certainly refpedtable, and we have often re¬ ferred to his teftimony with confidence ; but we think it neceflary to make a dillindtion between receiving his 164 It mu'l be evident to every reader, that John ftudi-Is afu( } Ie_ oufly paffes over thole padages in our Lord’s hiftory n;ent to • • • • the o'htr ree gef- 163 But to prove that Jeftis was rhe Mef- fiah the •Non of Cod, * John xv, teftimony to a matter of faft, and implicitly adopting and teaching which had been treated at large by the'!^ his opinion. He does not tell us, that he derived his other evangelifts, or if he mentions them at all he men-'J! information from any preceding writer, or indeed from tions them (lightly. This confirms the teftimpnv of' any perfon at all. Nay, he items to have believed that ancient writers, that the firlt three gofpels were writ- John wrote againft theie heretics by a prophetic fpirit; ten and published before John compofed his gofpel. Except the relation of our Saviour’s trial, death, and refurreftion, almolt every thing which occurs in this book is new. The account of our Saviour’s nativity, of his baptifm, and of his temptation in the wildernefs, bell's Prt is omitted ; nor is any notice taken of the calling of/'" *» notions that divide the Lord, fo far as it is tn their the twelve apoftles, or of their million during our Sa- 7ol'n t power.” ' viour’s life. It is remarkable, too, that not one pa- (Jo'^eL Indeed it feems very improbable that an apollle rable is mentioned, nor any of the preditlions relating to the deliru&ion of Jerufalem. All the miracles re¬ corded by the other evangelifts are palled over, except the miraculous fupply of provilion, by wkich five thou- fand were led : and it is probable that this miracle was related for the lake of the difeourfe to which it gave birth. The other miracles w'hieh are mentioned are few in number, but in general they are minutely de¬ tailed. They confift of thefe : the turning of water into wfine at Cana ; the cure of the difeafed man at the pool of Bethefda ; the cure of the man that had been blind from his birth ; the reftoring of Lazarus to life ; and the healing of the fervant’s ear vyhich Peter had cut off. But valuable would this gofpel be, though it had only recorded the confolation of Jefus to his diici- ples previous to his departure ; which exhibits a moil admirable view of our Saviour’s character, of his care- and tender regard for his diljiples. Having opened every fource of comfort to their defponding minds; exhorted them to mutual love, and to the obedience of bis Father’s precepts ; having warned them of the im¬ pending dangers and farrows—our Saviour concludes with a prayer, in the true fpirit of piety and benevo¬ lence ; ardent without enthufiafm, ibbtr and rational without lukewarmnefs. ^ The time in which this gofpel was written has not Time at been fixed with any precifion. Irenteus informs us, that which it it was written at Ephefus, but leaves us to conjedure ^ writ- whether it was written before or after John’s returnten‘ Irom Patinos. He was basilhed to Patmos by Domi- tian, who reigned 15 years, and according to the bell till, and leledts feme of the greateft miracles of Jefus computation died A. I). 96. The perfecution which to prove bis divine million. In the filth chapter he occaliooed the exile of John commenced in the 14th prelents us with a difeourfe which our Saviour deliver- year of Domitian’s reign, if John wrote his gotpel ed in the temple in the prefence of the Jews, wherein alter his return to Ephefus, which is affirmed by Epi- he Hates in a very diftinft manner the proofs of bis phanius to have been the cafe, we may fix the date of million from, x. 1 he telltmony ol John; 2. Plisown mi- it about the year 97 (f). l6(y racks; 3. The declaration of the Father at his baptilin ; This gofpel is evidently the production of an illite-Styie of it. " rate for he fays in another place, chap. xx. 30. “ As John the difciple of our Lord allures us, faying. But thefe are written, that y* might believe that Jeius is the Chrift, the Son of God, and that believing ye might have ife through his name ; FonR$f.i-.i\G tbefe biajphemuus Ihould write a hiftory of our Lord on purpofe to con¬ fute the wild opinions of Cerinthus or any other here¬ tic. Had John confidered fuch a confutation necef- fary, it is more likely that he would introduce it into an epiftle than blend it with the aftions of his vene¬ rable Mailer. But were .the opinion of Irenjsus well- founded, we Ihould furcly dilcover fome traces of it in the gofpel of John ; yet except in the iutrodu&ion, there is nothing that can with the leaft lhadow of pro¬ bability be applied to the opinions of Cerinthus ; and few, we prefume, will affirm, that the gofpel of John was compofed merely for the fake of the firft eighteen verfes. The intention of John in w’riting his gofpel wras far more extenfive and important than to refute the opi¬ nions of a few men who were to fink Into oblivion in the courfe of a few centuries. It was evidently (according to the opinion of Clemens of Alexandria) to fupply the omilfions of the other evanaeliits : It was to exhibit the evidences of the Chriftian religion in a diftintl and per- fpicuous manner : It w^as, as he himfelf in the conclu¬ fion of his gofpel affures us, to convince his readers, that fefus is the Mejfioh, the Son of God, and that be¬ lieving they might have life through his name *. Now it wall appear to any perfon who reads this gofpel with attention, that he lias executed his plan with aftonilh- ing ability, and has given the moll circumftantial and fatisfaefory evidence that Jefus was the Melfiah the Son of God. After declaring the pre-exiftence of Jefus, he proceeds to deliver the teftimony of John the Bap- (t It has been argued from a paffage in this gofpel, that it muft have been written before the deftruclion of j erulalem. In (peaking of the pool of Bethfaida, John ufes the prefent tenfe ; His words are, “ There is at Jerufakin.” SCR ■ [ Scri^ure. rate Jew, and its Ityle is remarkable for fimplicity. W"1 w"*”" abounds more with Hebraifm# than any of the other gofpels; and contains fome llrong oriental figures which 6 are not readily underftood by an European. Oftenquo This gol'pel is cited once by Clemens Romanus, by tei by *n- Barnabas three times, by Ignatius five times, by Judin an(J feven times by Clemens Alexandrimis. All the eflential doArines and precepts of the Chri- flian religion were certainly taught by our Saviour him- felf, and are contained in the gofpels. The epiftles may be eonfidered as commentaries on the doArines of the gofpel, addrefled to particular focieties, accommodated to their refpeAivc fttuations; intended to refute the which they were compofed, .v—. —- —r pofed precedence of the focieties or perfons to whom they were addrefled. It will be proper therefore to exhibit here their chronological order according to Dr Lardner. /I Tabtr of St Paul's EprsTiss, with the Places where, ami times when, written, according to Dr Lardner. F.p’Ve*. Places. A.fl). 1 ThefTalonians Corinth 5* 2 Theffalonians Corinth . 52 f Corinth or \ near the end of 5 2 169 Contents of that book. Galatians 1 Corinthians 1 Timothy Titus 2 Corinthians Romans Ephefians 2 Timothy philippians Coloffiarts Philemon Hebrews Ephefus Ephefus Macedonia C Macedonia or near it Macedonia Corinth Rome Rome Rome Rome Rome f Rome or 1 Italy } y or beginning of 53 the beginning of5 3 56 ^ bef. the end of 56 about OAober 57 about February 58 about April 61 about May 61 bef. the end of 62 bef. the end of 62 bef. the end of 62 in Spring of 63 A Tj9cs of the Catholic Epistles and the Reff.la~ tion, according to Dr Lardner. Epiflle. Place. James Judea The two Eprftles ] Rom(. { of Peter 1 John 2d and 3d of John Jude Revelation Ephefus ^ Ephefus Unknown C Patmoa or Ephefus A. I>. 61 [.■or beg. of 62 64 80 80 9© about [ between \ and 64 or 65 95 or 96 174 17* The epif- -ties. It is more difficult to underftand the epiftafety wri- Caufe» of tings than the gofpels ; the caufe of which is evident, their obiau Many things are omitted in a letter, or flightly mentioned1"11?- becaufe fuppofed to be known by the perfon to whom it is addrdfecL To a fkranger this will create much difficulty. Jerufalem.” Now if thefe words had been written after the deftruAion of Jerufalem, it is urged the paft tenfe would have been ufed, and not the prefent. This argument is mote fpecious than forcible. Though Jerufalem was demoliihed, docs it follow that the pool of ikthhuda was dried up ? SCR t « Scripture,^ eJJfUculty, The bufinefs ^boxit which St Paul wrote ■ *was certainly well known to his correfpondents ; but at this diftance of time we can obtain no information con¬ cerning the occcafion of his writing, of the charafter and circumftances of thofe perfons for whom his letters were intended, except what can be gleaned from the writings themfelves. It is no wonder, therefore, tho* many allufions (hould be obfctire. Befides, it is evi¬ dent from many paflages that he anfwers letters and queftions which his correfpondents had fent him. If thefe had been preferved, they would have thrown more light upon many things than all the notes and T7S conje&ures of the commentators. Caufes of The caufes of obfcurity which have been now men- obfcurity tioned are common to all the writers of the epiftles; St'paulV0 kut are fome peculiar to St Paul. I. As he had •epiftles. an acute an^ fertile mind, he feems to have written with great rapidity, and without attending much to the common rules of method and arrangement. To this caufe we may afcribe his numerous a*nd long parenthe- fes. In the heat of argument he fometimes breaks off abruptly to follow out fome na*v thought; and when he has exhaufted it, he returns from his digreffion with¬ out informing his readers ; fo that it requires great at¬ tention to retain the conneftion. 2. His frequent change of perfon, too, creates ambiguity : by the pronoun / he fometimes means himfelf; fometimes any Chriftian ; fometimes a Jew, and fometimes any man. In tiling the pronoun we he fometimes intends himfelf, fome¬ times comprehends his companions, fometimes the apof. ties ; at one time he alludes to the converted Jews, at another time to the converted Gentiles. 3. There is a third caufe of obfcurity; he frequently propofes ob- jeftions, and aufwers them without giving any formal intimation. There are other difficulties which arife from our uncertainty who are the perfons he is addref- fing, and what are the particular opinions and praftices to whieh he refers. To thefe we may add two exter¬ nal caufes, which have increafed the difficulty of under- fianding the epiftles. 1. The dividing them into chap¬ ters and verfes, which diftblves the connexion of the parts, and breaks them into fragments. If Cicero’s epiftles had been fo disjointed, the reading of them would be attended with lefs pleafure and advantage, and with a great deal more labbur. 2. We are accuf- * .tomed to the phrafeology of the epiftles from our in¬ fancy ; but we have either no idea at all when we ufe it, or our idea of it is derived from the articles or fyftetn which we have efpoufed. But as different fedts have arbitrary definitions for St Paul’s phrafes, we fhall ne¬ ver by following them diicover the meaning of St Paul, who certainly did not adjuft his phrafeolpgy to any snan’s fyftem. The beft plan of ftudying the epiftles is that which was propofed and executed by Mr Locke. This we (hall prefent to our readers in the words of that acute and judicious author. Mr Locke’s “ After I had found by long experience, that the ° th*1" readinS anc^ comments in the ordinary way epiftLs. C Prove<^ n°t ft> fuccefsful as I wifhed to the end propo¬ fed, I began to fufpeft that in reading a chapter as was ufual, and thereupon fometimes confulting expofitors upon fome hard places of it, which at that time moft affe&ed me, as relating to points then under confidera- tion in my own mind, or in debate amongft others, was 60 ] SCR not a right method Jo get into the true fenfe of thefe epiftles. I faw plainly, after I began once to refleft —*v—J on it, that if any one ffiould write me a letter as long as St Paul’s to the Romans, concerning fuch a matter as that is, in a ftyle as foreign, and expreffions as du¬ bious as his feem to be, if I ffiould divide it into fifteen or fixteen chapters, and read one of them to-day, and another to-morrow, &c. it is ten to one I ffiould ne¬ ver come to a full and clear comprehenfion of it. The way to underftand the mind of him that writ it, every¬ one would agree, was to read the whole letter through from one end to the other all at once, to fee what was the main fubjeA and tendency of it: or if it had feve- ral views and purpofes in it, not dependent one of an¬ other, nor in a fubordination to one chief aim and end, to difcover what thofe different matters were, and where the author concluded one, and began another ; and if there were any neceffity of dividing the epiftle into parts, to make the boundaries of them. “In the profecution of this thought, I concluded it ne- ceffary, for the underftanding of any one of St Paul’s epiftles, to read it all thro’ at one fitting, and to obfeive as well as I could the drift and defign of his writing it. If the fir ft reading gave me fome light, the fecond gave me more ; and fo I perfifted on reading conftantly the whole epiftle over at once till I came to have a good general view of the apoftle’s main purpofe in writing the epiftle, the chief branches of his difcourfe wherein he profecnted it, the arguments he ufed, and the difpo- fition of the whole. “ This, I confefs, is not to be obtained by one or two hafty readings ; it muft be repeated again and again with a clofe attention to the tenor of the difcourfe, and a perfedl negledt of the divifions into chapters and ver¬ fes. On the contrary, the fafeft way is to fuppofe that the epiftle has but one bufinefs and one aim, till by a frequent perufal of it you are forced to fee there are diftindl independent matters in it, which will for¬ wardly enough ffiow themfelves. “ It requires fo much more pains, judgment, and ap¬ plication, to find the coherence of oblcure and abftrufe writings, and makes them fo much the more unfit to fcrve prejudice and preoccupation when found ; that it is not to be wondered that St Paul’s epiftles have with many paffed rather for disjointed, loofe, pious difcourfes, full ot warmth and zeal, and overflows of light, rather than for calm, ftrong, coherent reafonings, that carried a thread, of argument and confiftency all through them.” Mr Locke tells us he continued to read the fame epiftle over and over again till he difcovered the fcope of the whole, and the different fteps and arguments by which the writer accompliffies his purpofe. For he was convinced before reading his epiftles, that Paul was a man of learning, of found fenfe, and knew all the doc¬ trines of the gofpel by revelation. The fpeeches record¬ ed in the A6ts of the Apoftles convinced this judicious critic that Paul was a clofe and accurate reafoner: and therefore he concluded that his epiftles would not be written in a loofe, confufed, incoherent ftyle. Mr Locke accordinglyjfollowed the chain of the apoftle’s difcourfe, obferved his inferences, and carefully examined from what premifes they were drawn, till he obtained a general out¬ line of any particular epiftle. If every divine would follow this method, he would foon acquire fuch a know* I ledge SCR [ 16 Scripture 177 tpiftle to j-'cRomans 178 t? date. ; *79 feneral de $n 180 nd analy- of it. ledge of Paul’s ftyle and manner, that he would perufe his other Epiftles with much greater eafe. That the Epiftle to the Romans was written at Co- rinth by St Paul, is alcertained by the teftimony of the ancient Chriftians. It was compofed in the year 58, in the 24th year after Paul’s converfion, and is the feventh epiftle which he wrote. From the Atts of the Apoftles we learn that it muft have been written with¬ in the fpace of three months; for that was the whole period of Paul’s relidence in Greece, (Aits xx. 1, 2, 3.) The following analyfis of this epiftle we have taken from a valuable little treatife, intitlcd A Key to the New Teftament, which was written by Dr Percy bi- fhop of Dromore. It exhibits the intention of the apoftle, and the arguments which he ufes to prove his different propolitions, in the moil concife, diftinct, and eonneited manner, and affords the belt view of this Epiftle that we have ever feen. ‘‘ The Chriftian church at Rome appears not to have been planted by any apoftle ; wherefore St Paul, left it ffiould be corrupted by the Jews, who then fwarmed in Rome, and of whom many were converted to Chriftianity, fends them an abftrait of the principal truths of the gofpel, and endeavours to guard them againft thofe erroneous notions which the Jews had of juftification, and of the eleih’on of their own nation. “ Now the Jews affigned three grounds for juftifica¬ tion. Firft, ‘ The extraordinary piety and merits of their anceftors, and the covenant made by God with thefe holy meu., They thought God could not hate the children of fuch meritorious parents : and as he had made a covenant with the patriarchs to blefs their po- fterity, he was obliged thereby to pardon their fins. Secondly, ‘ A perfect knowledge and diligent ftudy of the law of Mofes.’ They made this a plea for the re- miffion of all their fins and vices. Thirdly, ‘ The works of the Levitical law,’ which were to expiate fin, efpe- cially circumcifion and lacrifices. Hence they inferred that the Gentiles muft receive the whole law of Mofes, in order to be jullified and faved. “ Phe do&rine of the Jews concerning eleftion was, ‘ That as God had promifed to Abraham to blefs his feed, to give him not only fpiritual bleffings, but alfo the land of Canaan, to fuffer him to dwell there in prolperity, and to confider him as his church upon earth That there¬ fore this bleffing extended to their whole nation, and that God was bound to fulfil thefe promifes to them, whether they were righteous or wicked, faithful or un-‘ believing. They even believed that a prophet ought not to pronounce againft their nation the prophecies with which he was ini'pired ; but was rather to beg of God to expunge his name out of the book of the living. “ Thefe previous remarks will ferve as a key to un¬ lock this difficult Epiftle, of which we fhall now give a fhort analyfis. See MicbaelWs Lectures on the New Tejla- ment. “ K The Epiftle begins with the ufualfalutatioh with which the Greeks began their letters, (chap.i. 1—7.) “ II. bt Paul profeffes his joy at the fiourifhing ftate of the church at Rome, and his defire to come and preach the gofpel (vet. 8—19.); then he infenfibly introduces the capital point he intended to prove, viz. “ 111. 1 he fubjeft of the gofpel (ver. 16, 17.), that it reveals a righteoufnefs unknown before, which is de- Vot. XVII. Part I. (1 SCR rived folcly from falth^and to which Jews and Gentiles Scripture, have an equal claim, v—— “ IV. in order to prove this, he ffiows (chap.i. 18.— iti. 20.) that both Jews and Gentiles are * under fin,’ i. e. that God will impute their fins to Jews as well as to Gentiles. “ Plis arguments may be reduced to thefe fyllogifms (ch. ii. 1. 17 — 24.) 1. ‘ The wrath of God is reveal¬ ed againft thofe who hold the truth in unrighteouf- nels ; i. e. who acknowledge the truth, and yet fin againft it. 2. The Gentiles acknowledged truths; but, partly by their idolatry, and partly by their other deteftable vices, they finned againft the truth they ac¬ knowledged. 3. Therefore the wrath of God is re¬ vealed againft the Gentiles, and punifheth them. 4. The Jews have acknowledged more truths than the Gen¬ tiles, and yet they fin. 5. Confequently the Jewiffi fm- ners are yet more expofed to the wrath of God (ch. xi. 1 — 12.) Having thus proved his point, he anfwers certain obje&ions to it. Obj. 1. ‘ The Jews were well grounded in their knowledge, and ftudied the law.* He anfwers, If the knowdedge of the law, without ob- ferving it, could juftify them, then God could not have condemned the Gentiles, who knew the law by nature, (ch. ii. 13 —16.) Obj. 2. ‘ The Jews were circumci- fed.’ Jnf. That is, ye are admitted by an outward fign into the covenant with God. This fign will not avail you when ye violate that covenant (ch. ii. 29. to the end). Olj. 3. ‘ According to this do&rine of St Paul, the Jews have no advantage before others.’ Anf. Yes, they ftill have advantages ; for unto them are com¬ mitted the oracles of God. But their privileges do not extend to this, that God ffiould overlook their fins, which, on the contrary, Scripture condemns even ia the Jews (ch. iii. 1 —19.) Obj. 4. ‘ They had the Le¬ vitical law and facrifices.’ Anf. From hence is no re- miffion, but only the knowledge of fin, (ch. iii. 20.) “ V. From all this St Paul concludes, that Jews and Gentiles may be juftified by the fame means, namely, without the Levitical law, through faith in Chrift: And in oppofition to the imaginary advantages of the Jews, he ftates the declaration of Zechariah, that God ia the God of the Gentiles as well as of the Jews, (ch. iii. 21. to the end.) “ VI. As the wdiole bleffing was promifed to the faithful defendants of Abraham, whom both Scripture and the Jews call his children, he proves his former af- fertion from the example of Abraham ; who was an idolater before his call, but was declared juft, by God, on account of his faith, long before his circumcifion. Plence he takes occafion to explain the nature and fruits of faith, (ch. iv. 1. v. 1 r.) “VII. He goes on to prove from God’s juftice, that the Jews had no advantages over the Gentiles with relpcdl to juftification. Both Jews and Gentiles had forfeited life and immortality, by the means of one common father of theirVace, whom they themfelves had not chofen. Now as God was whiling to reftore im¬ mortality by a new fpiritual head of a covenant, viz. Chrift, it was juft that both Jews and Gentiles fhould ffiare in this new reprefentative of the whole race (ch. v. 12. to the end).—Chap. v. ver. 15, 16. amounts to this negative queftion, ‘ Is it not fitting that the free gift ffiould extend as far as the offence V x VIII. SCR StH*e, would meet with their proper recompeufe, and the —“^r***^ righteous be delivered out of all their affliftions. He allures them of hia conftant prayers for their farther im¬ provement, in order to attain the felicity that was pro- mi fed, (chap, i.) From mi funder Handing a paftage in his former letter, ft appears that the Theffalonians believed the day of judgment was at hand. To rectify this miftake, ho informs them that the day of the Lord will not come till a great apoftacy has overfpread the Chriftlan world, the nature of which he deferibes (g). Symptoms of this my fiery of iniquity had then appeared ; but the apoftle exprefles his thankfulnefs to God that the Theffalo- mans had efcaped this corruption. He exhorts them to ftedhHnefs, and prays that God would comfort and Wrengthen them, (chap, ii.) He requeils the prayers of the ThefTalonians for him and his two afiiftants, at the fame time expreffing his confidence that they would pay due regard to the in¬ ti ructions which he had given them. He then pro¬ ceeds to correct fome irregularities. Many of *he Theflaloniaus ftem to have led an idle diforderly life ; thefe he fevereiy reproves, and commands the faithful to fliun their company ft' they ftiil remained incorri- Sible- aoc, VV hen the firft Epiftle to Timothy was written, it is FifftEpiftfe difficult to alce’-tain. Lardner dates ft in 56; Mill,to l'in,othv» Whitby, and Macknight, place it in 64 ; but the ar- ^cu wriN gmnents on which each party founds their opinion are C too long to infert here. I imothy was the intimate friend and companion ofjntenuon Paul, and is always mentioned by that apoftle with and con- much afte&ion and efteem. Having appointed him totclKS ot »t* fuperintend the church of Ephefus during a journey which he made to Macedonia, he wrote this letter, in order to direft him how to drfeharge the important trull which was committed to him. This was the more neceflary, as I imothy was young and unexperi¬ enced, (1 I im. iv. 12.) In the beginningof the EpiftI* he reminds him of the charge with which he had in- trufted him, to wit, to preferve the purity of the gof¬ pel againft the pernicious dodtrines of the Judaixing teachers, whofe opinions led to frivolous controverfies, and not to a good life. He ffiows the ufe of the law ol Mofes, of which thefe teachers were ignorant. This account of the law, he allures 1 imothy, was agreeable to the reprdentation of it in the gofpel, with the preach¬ ing of which he was intrufted. He then makes a dr- greflion, in the fulnefs of his heart, to exprefs the feme which he felt of the gpodnefs of God towards him. In the fecoud chapter the apoftle preferibes the manner in which the worlhip of God was to be per¬ formed in the church of Ephefus ; and in the third ex¬ plains the qualifications of the perfons whom he was to ordain as bifhops and deacons. In the fourth chapter he foretels the great corruptions of the church which were to prevail in future times, and tnftru&s him how to fupport the facred charadter. In the fifth chapter he (g) For an explanation of this prophecy, Dr Hurd’s Sennons may be confulted. power, to which it correfponds with aftonilhing exaclnefs. He applies it to the papat SCR [ i68 ] SCR an Second E- piltle to Timothy. an Scripnire, he teaches Timothy howto admonifJi the old and young of both fexes ; mentions the age and charadler of fiich widows as were to be employed by the fociety in feme peculiar office ; and fubjoins feme things concerning the refpcA due to elders. In the fxxth chapter he deferibes the duties which Timothy was to inculcate on flaves ; condemns trifling controverfies and pernicious difputes; cenfures the exceffive love of money, and charges the rich to be rich in good works. That the fecond Epiftle to Timothy was written from Rome is univerfally agreed ; but whether it was during his firit or fecond imprifonment has been much difputed. That Timothy was at Ephefus or in Afia Minor when this Epillle was fent to him, appears from the frequent mention in it of perfons reliding at Ephe- Defign and fus. The apoftle feemsto have intended to prepare Ti- contents of mothy for thofe fufferings which he forefaw he would be expofed to. He exhorts him to couflancy and per- feverance, and to perform with a good confcience the duties of the facrcd funftion. The falfe teachers, who had before thrown this church into confuflon, grew every day worfe : infomuch that not only Hymenaus, but Philetus, another Ephe* fian heretic, now denied the refurredtion of the dead. They were led into this error by a difputc about words. At flrft they only annexed various improper fignifica- tions to the word refurreSion, but at laft they denied it altogether ( h) ; pretending that the refurre&ion of the dead was only a refurredfion from the death of fin, and fo was already paft. This error was probably deri¬ ved from the eaftern philofophy, which placed the origin of fin in the body, .(chapter ii.) He then forewarns him of the fatal apoflacy and declenfion that was beginning to appear in the church ; and at the fame time animates him, from his own example and the great motives of Chriflianity, to the moft vigorous and refolute difeharge of every part of the minifterial office. This Epiftle is addreffed to Titus, whom Paul had appointed to prefide over the church of Crete. It is difficult to determine either its date or the place from which it was fent. The apoftle begins with reminding Titus of the reafons for which he had left him at Defign and Crete ; and direfts him on what principles he was to contents of a6t in ordaining Chriftian paftors : the qualifications of at- whom he particularly deferibes. To fhow him how cautious he ought to be in fele&ing men for the facred office, he reminds him of the arts of the Judaizing teachers, and the bad chara&er of the Cretans, (chap¬ ter i). He advifes him to accommodate his exhortations to the refpe&ive ages, fexes, and circumftances, of thofe whom it was his duty to inftrutft; and to give the greater weight to his inftruftions, he admonifhes him to be an example of what he taught, (chap. ii). He exhorts him alfo to teach obedience to the civil magi- ftrate, becaufe the judaizing Chriftians affirmed that no obedience was due from the worfhippers of the true God to magiftrates who were idolaters. He cautions ai3 Epiftle to Titus. againft eenforioufnefs and contention, and recommends Scripture, meeknefs ; for even the beft Chriftians had formerly been wicked, and all the bleffings wliich they enjoyed they derived from the goodnefs of God. pie then en¬ joins Titus ftrenuoufly to inculcate good works, and to avoid ufelefs controverfies ; and concludes with direct¬ ing him how to proceed with thofe heretics who at¬ tempted to fow diffenfion in the church. * The Epiftle to Philemon was written from Rome at F.piftle-to the fame time with the Epiftles to the Coloffians and Philemon. Philippians, about A. D. 62 or 63. The occafien it the letter was this : Onefimus, Philemon’s flave, had ^ robbed his mafter and fled to Rome ; where, happily for him, he met with the apoftle, who was at that time a prifoner at large, and by his inftrudtions and admoni¬ tions was converted to Chriftianity, and reclaimed to a feufe of his duty. St Paul feems to have kept him for Dojjr!Jg!^ fome confiderable time under his eye, that he might be pamiiy fatisfied of the reality of the change ; and, when he hadpoorer, made a fufficient trial of him, and found that his beha¬ viour was entirely agreeable to his profeffion, he would not detain him any longer for his own private conveni¬ ence, though in a fitwation that rendered fuch an affift* ant peculiarly defirable (compare ver. 13, 14.), but lent him back to his mafter ; and, as a mark of his efteem, entrufted him, together with Tychicus, with the charge of delivering his Epiftle to the church at Colofle, and giving them a particular account of the ftate of things at Rome, recommending him to them, at the fame time, as a faithful and beloved brother, (Col. iv. 9). And as Philemon might well be fuppofed to be ftrong- ly prejudiced againft one who had left his fervice in fo infamous a manner, he fends him this letter, iii which lie employs all his influence to remove his fufpicions,- and reconcile him to the thoughts of taking Onefimus into his family again. And whereas St Paul might have exerted that authority which his character as an apoftle, and the relation in which he flood to Philemon as a fpiritual father, would naturally give him, he choo- fes to intreat him as a friend ; and with the fofteft and moft; infinuating addrefs urges his fuit, conjuring him by all the ties of Chriftian fiiendftiip that he would not deny him his requeft : and the more effedlually to pre¬ vail upon him, he reprefents his own peace and happi- nefs as deeply interelled in the event ; and fpeaks of O- nefimus in fuch terms as were beft adapted to foften his prejudices, and diipofe him to receive one who was fo dear to himfelf, not merely as a fervant, but as a fellow Chriftian and a friend. _ _ ai6 It is impoffible to read over this admirable Epiftle, with- The ftcil! out being touched with the delicacy of fentiment, and the and add ref* mafterly addrefs that appear in every part of it. W e fee here, in a moft flriking light, how perfectly confiftent c),ver, in true politenefs is, not only with all the warmth and fin- this Epiftle. cerity of the friend, but even with the dignity of the Chriftian and the apoftle. And if this letter were to be confidered in no other view than as a mere human compofition, it muft be allowed a mafter-pieee in its kind. As an illuftration of this remark, it may not be improper (h) This is by no means uncommon amongft men ; to begin to difpute about the fignification of words, and to be led gradually to deny the thing fignified. This appears to have been the came of moft^duputes, and t re general beginnings of fcepticifm and infidelity. SCR f t tfripture. imprclp«r to Compare ir with an eptiik of riirry, that —-v feems to'have been wrktch; upon a hmilar occaficn, {lib. tx. let. 2 1.) ; which, though penned by one that was reckoned to excel in the epiftolary ftyle, and though it has undoubtedly many beauties* yet mult he acknow¬ ledged, by every impartial reader, vaaly interior to this .4I? animated compofjtion of the apoftle. Efimeto The Epiltte to the Hebrew? has been genemliy a- brews wa* feribed to Paul; but the truth of this opinion has been lompofed fufpe<5ted by others, for three reafens : t. The name of fey i'aul. writer is nowhere mentioned, neither in the begin¬ ning ner in any other part of the Epiftle. 2 The ftyle is faid to be more elegant than Paul’s- 3. There are expreffions in the Epiule w’hich have been thought un- fuitable to an apoftle’s charafter. r. In anfwer to the firft objedlion, Clemens Alexandrinus has afligfted a Jflvcknigbt very good reafon : “ Writing to the Hebrews ffaYs he)» *€U>‘ who had conceived a prejudice again0 him, and were fufpicious of him, he wifely declined fetting his name at the beginning, left he {hould offend them.,, 2. Ori- gen and Jerome admired the elegance of the ftyle, and reckoned it fuperior to that which Paul has exhibited in his Epiftles: but as ancient teftimony had afiigned it to Paul, they endeavoured to anfwer the objection, by fuppofing that the fentiments were the apoftle’s, but the language and compofttion the work, of feme other perfon. If the Epilfle, however, be a tranflation, which we believe it to be, the elegance of the language may belong to the tranllator. As to the compolition and arrangement, it cannot be denied that there are many fpecimcns in the writings of this apoftle not in¬ ferior in thefe qualities to the Epiftle to the Hebrews. It is objefted that in Heb. ii. 3. the writer of this Epiftle joins himftlf with thofe who had received the gofpel frdm Chrift’s apoftles. Now Paul had it from Chritl himfelf. But Paul often appeals to the teftimo- -ny of the apoftles in fupport of thofe truths which he had received from Revelation : We may inftance 1 Cor. -9 xv. 5, 6, 7, 8. ; 2 Tim if. 2. ted as This Eptftle is hot quoted till the end of the fecond his by an- century, and even then dees not feem to have been uni wtntvm- ^ felly reCet*ed. This ftlence might be owing to the Hebrews thetnfdces, who Suppofing this letter had no relatu to the Gentiles, might be at no pains to diffufe topics o The authors, however, on whofe teftimo- ny we receive it as authentic, are entitled to credit; for they lived fo near the age of the apoftles, that they were in no danger1 of being impofed on ; and from the numerous Kft of books which they rejetted as fpuriou?, we are ttfiured that they were very careful to giiard •gainIt impofition. It is often quoted as Paul’s by Cle¬ mens Alexandrinus, about the year 194. It is recei¬ ved and quoted as Paul’s by Origin, about 2304 by Dionyfius biftiop of Alexandria'in 247 4 and by a nu- merous lift of fuceeeding writers. Written in The Epiftle to the Hebrews was originally written 'ChalXk ^ Hebrew, or rather Syro-Chaldaic ; a fatt which we Lmgusge. believe on the tetlimony of Oentens Alexandrimis, Je- vome, and Eufebius To this it has been •objetted, that as thefe writers'have not referred to any authority, ■we ought to confider what they fay on this fubjett mere¬ ly as an opinion But a< they State no reaforts for adopting this opinion, but only mention as a tatt that Paul wrote to the Hebrews in their native language, we muft allow that it is their tellimony which they VOL, XVII. Parti. 69 1 s ~ . produce, and not their opinion. Bufebius informs us, Seryttuv, that feme fuppofed Luke the Evangelift, and others v— Clemens Romanus, to have been the tranflator. According to the opinion of ancient writers, parti- cularly Clemens Alexandrinus, Jerome, and Euthaliu#, this Epiffle was addrefied to the Jews in Paldline The fcope of the Epiftle confirms this opinion. aio Having now given fufficient evidence that this E-Date of ft. piile was written by Paul, the time when it was writ¬ ten may be eafily determined : For the falutation from the faints of Italy (chap. iv. 24.\ together with the apoftle’s promife to fee the Hebrews i ver. 23.), plain¬ ly intimate, that his confinement was then either ended or on the eve of being ended. It muft therefore have been written foon after the Epifties to the Coloffians, Epheftans, and Philemon, and not long before Paul left Italy, that is, in the year 61 or 62. As the zealous defenders of the Mofaic law Would Argrb Jr# naturally infill on the divine authority of Mofes, on the^j'^"u majefty and glory attending its promulgation by the cJ " miniftry of angels, and the great privileges it afforded thofe who adhered to it 5 the apoftle Ihows, I. That in all thefe fevtral articles Chriftianity had an infinite fnperiority to the law. „ „ 111 This tonic he purfues from chap. i. to xi. wherein Defign of he reminds*the believing Hebrews of the extraordinary favour (hown them by God, in fending them a reveia-rhe truth tion by his own fon, whofe glory was far fuperior to of the that of angels (chap. i. throughout) ; very naturally inferring from hence the danger of defpiling Chrift account of his humiliation, which, in perfett confift- ^diority ence with his dominion over the world to come, was « the law voluntarily fubmitted to by him ror wife-and important0! M0fe*i reafon« : .particularly to deliver us from the fear of death, and to encourage the freedom of our aecefs to God (chap. ii. throughout). With the fame view he magnifies Chrift as fuperior to Mofes, their great legif- lator ; and from the punilhment inflitted on thofe who rebelled againft the authority of Mofes, infers the dan¬ ger of contemning the promifes of the gofpel (chap. iii. 2 - 1.3). And as it was an eafy tranfition to call to mind on this occafion that reft in Canaan to which the authority invefted in Mofes was intended to lead them; the apoftle hence cautions them againft vnbdic', as what would prevent their entering into a fuperior ftatc of reft to what the Jews ever enjoyed (chap. iii. 14. iv. 11). This caution is ftill farther enforced by aw. ful views of God’s omnifcience, and a lively reprefenta- tion of the high priefthood of Chrift (chap. iv. to the end ; and Chap. v. throughout). In the next place, he intimates the very hopeleis fit nation of thofe who apo- ftatife from Chriftianity (chap vi. 1—9 ) ; and then, for the comfort and confirmation of fincere believers, displays to them the goodnefs of God, and his faithful adherence to his holy engagements/; the‘performance of which is-foaled by the entrance of Chrift into heaven as our-forerunner (chap. vi. 9. to the end). Still far¬ ther to ilkifirate the character o! our Lord, he enters into a .parallel between him and Melchizedec as to their title and defeent ; and, from inftances wherein the priefthood of Melchizedec excelled the Levitical, infers, that the glory of the .priefthood ot Chrift lurpaffed that under the law (chap. vii. 1 — 1 7) From thefe premifes the apoiil'e argues, that the Aaronical priefthood was not only excelled, but confummated by that of Chrift, Y to Scripture ma And to a. nimate them to bear per- fecution with forti. tude. til The feven Catholic cpilUes, SCR [ i to which it was only introductory and fubfbvient} and of courfe, that the obligation of the law was henceforth diflblved (chap. vii. iB. to the end). Then recapitu* lating what he had already demondrated concerning the fuperior dignity of Chrift’s prieffhood, he thence illu- ftrates the diltinguifned excellence of the new cove¬ nant, as not only foretold by Jeremiah, but evidently enriched with much better promifes than the old (ch. viii. throughout) : Explaining farther the dodtrine of the priefthood and interceflion of Chrifl, by comparing it with what the Jewifh high-priefts did on the great day of atonement 'chap. ix. i-~ 14). Afterwards he enlarges on the neceffity of fliedding Chrift’s blood, and the fufficiency of the atonement made by it (chap. ix. 15* to the end) : and proves that the legal ceremonies could not by any means purify the confcience : whence he infers the iniufficiency of the Mofaic law, and the neceffity of look in beyond it chap. x. 1 —15.1 He then urges the Hebrews to improve the privileges which iuch an high-prieft and covenant conferred on them, to the purpefes ®f approaching God with confidence, to a con n ant attendance on his worfhip, and moft benevo¬ lent regards to each other (chap x 15—25). The apo le having thus obviated the infinaations and objeftions of the Jews, for the fatisfa£Hon and eitablifh- ment of the believing Hebrews, proceeds, II. To prepare and foitify their minds againft the ftorm of perfecution which in part had already befallen them, which was likely to continue and be often renewed, he reminds them of thofe extremities they had endu¬ red, and of the fatal effedts wrhich would attend their apoftacy (chap x. 26. to the end) ; calling to their remembrance the eminent examples of faith and forti¬ tude exhibited by holy men, and recorded in the Old Teftament (chap. xi. 1—29). He concludes his dif- courfe with glancing at many other illuftrious wor¬ thies ; and, befides thofe recorded in Scripture, refers to the cafe of feveral who fuffered under the perfecu¬ tion of Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Maccab. chap. viii. See. chap. xi. 30. xii. 2). Having thus finifhed the argumentative part of the Epiftle, the apoftle proceeds to a general application ; in which he exhorts the Hebrew Chriftians to patience, peace, and holinefs (Chap. xii. 3—14.) ; cautions them againft fecular view's and fenfual gratifications, by lay¬ ing before them the incomparable excellence of the bleffings introduced by the gofpel, which even the Jew¬ ifh economy, glorious and magnificent as it was, did by no means equal; exhorts them to brotherly affedtion, purity, compafiion, dependence on the divine care, fted- faftnefs in the profefiion of truth, a life of thankfulnefs to God, and benevolence to man : and concludes the whole with recommending their pious minifters to their particular regaid, intreating their prayers, faluting and granting them his ufual benedidfion. The feven following Epiftles, one of James, two of Peter, three of John, and one of Jude, have been di- ftinguifhed by the appellation of catholic or general epif¬ tles, becaufe moft: of them are inferibed, not to parti¬ cular churches or perfons, but to the body of Jewifh or Gentile converts over the world. The authenticity of fome of thefe has been frequently queftioned, viz. the Epiftle of James, the fecond of Peter, the Epiftle of Jude, and tire fecond and third of John. The ancient 7° 1 SCR Chriftinns were very cautious in admitting any books Scripture into their canon whofe authenticity they had any reafon —-v-'—^ to fufpedf. They rejedled all the writings forged by Macknigbt heretics in tbe name of the apoftles, and certainly, there-on the fore, would not receive any without firft fubjeding them^"‘ to a fevere ferutiny. Now', though thefe five epiftles were not immediately acknowledged as the writings of the apoftles, this only fhows that the perfons who doubted had not received complete and inconteftable evidence of their authenticity. But as they were af¬ terwards univerfally received, we have every reafon to- conclude, that upon a ftrid examination they were found to be the genuine piodudions of the apoftles. i he truth is, fo good an opportunity had the ancient Chriftians of examining this matter, fo careful were they to guard againft impofition, and fo well founded was their judgment concerning the books of the New i eftament, that, as E)r Lardner obferves, no w'riting which they pronounced genuine has yet been proved fpurious, nor have w'e at this day the leaft reafon to believe any book genuine which they rejeded. M4 That the Epiftle of James was written in the apofto-Epi-ftle of iical age is proved by the quotations of ancient authors. James the Clemens Romanus and Ignatius feem to have made LefSl references to it. Origen quotes it once or twice.— There are feveral reafons why it was not more generally quoted by the firft Chriltian writers. ®eing written to corred the errors and vices which prevailed among the Jews, the Gentiles might think it of lefs importance to them, and therefore take no pains to procure copies of it. As the author was fometimes denominated James the Juft, and often called bifhop of Jerufalem, it might be doubted whether he was one of the apoftles. But its authenticity does not feem to have been fufpeded on account of the dodrines which it contains. Ih modern times, indeed, Luther called it a ftrawy epiftle (epijlola JlramineaJy and excluded it from the facred writings, on account of its apparent oppofition to the apoftle Paul concerning juftification by faith. This Epiftle could not be written by James the Elder, the fon of Zebedee, and brother of John, who was be¬ headed by Herod in the yeat 44, for it contains paifages which refer to a later period. It mud, therefore, ’.lave been the compofition of James the Lefs, the tm of Alpheus, who was called the LorcPs broth , becaufe he was the fon of Mary, the fifter of our Lord’s mo¬ ther. As to the date of this Epiftle, Lardner fixes it t he /ate in the year 61 or 62. James the Lefs ftatedly refided at Jerufalem, whence he hath been ftyled by fome ancient fathers biftiop of that city, though without fufficient foundation. Now Doddridge't James being one of the apoftles of the circumcihon, Family Ex- while he confined his perfonal labours to the inhabitants ^er* of Judea, it was very natural for him to endeavour by his writings to extend his fervices to the Jewiih Chrif¬ tians who were difperfed abroad in more diftant re- gions. For this purpofe, there are two points which And defign the apoftle feems to have principally aimed at, though of it. he hath not purfued them in an orderly and logical me¬ thod, but in the free epiftolary manner, handling them jointly or diftindtly as occafions naturally offered. And thefe were, “ to correA thofe errors both in doftrine and pradice into which the Jewifti Chriftians had fallen, which might otherwife have produced fatal confequen- ces s aa? Firfl Epi- ftle of Ecter. SCR [17 Scripture, ces; and then to eftabllfh the faith and animate the ■—v hope of fincere believers, both under their prefent and their approaching fufftrings.” The opinions which he is moft anxious to refute are thefe, that God is the author of fin, (ch 1. 13.) ; that the belief of the do&rines of the gofpel was fufficient to procure the favour of God for them, however defi¬ cient they were in good works, (ch. ii.) He difluades the Jews from afpiring to the office of teachers in the third chapter, becaufe their prejudices in favour of the law of Mofes might induce them to pervert the dodtrines of the gofpel. He therefore guards them againft the fins of the tongue, by representing their pernicious ef* fedts ; and as they thought themfelves wife and intelli¬ gent, and were ambitious of becoming teachers, he ad- vifes them to make good their pretenfions, by fhowing themfelves poffeffed of that wifdom which is from above, (ch. iii.) The deftruddion of Jerufalem was now approaching ; the Jews were fplit into fadtions, and often flaughtered one another; the apoftle, therefore, in the fourth chap¬ ter, admonifhes them to purify themfelves from thofe vices which produced tumults and bloodfhed. To roufe them to repentance, he foretels the miferies that were coming upon them. JLaftly, he checks an irreligious fpirit that feems to have prevailed, and concludes the Epiftle with feveral exhortations. The authenticity of the firft Epiflle of Peter has never been denied. It. is referred to by Clemens Romanus, by Polycarp, and is quoted by Papias, Ire- nseus, Clemens Alexandrinus, and Tertullian. It is addreffed to the ftrangers fcattered through Pontus, &c. who are evidently Chriftians in general, as appears from chap. it. 10. “ In time pad they were not a people, but are now the people of God.” From Peter’s lend¬ ing the falutation of the church at Babylon to the Chriftians in Pontus, &c. it is generally believed that he wrote it in Babylon. There was a Babylon in Egypt and another in Aflyria. It could not be the former, for it w as an obfeure place, which feems to have had no church for the four firft centuries. We have no authority to affirm that Peter ever was in Af fyria. The moft probable opinion is that of Grotius, Whitby, Lardner, as well as of Eufebius, Jerome, and others, that by Babylon Peter figuratively means Rome. Lardner dates it in 63 or 64, or at the lateft 65. And d f Peter’s chief defign is to confirm the do&rine of of >t e ^ Paul, wdiich the falfe teachers pretended he was op- pofing ; and to affure the pr« felytes that they flood in the true grace of God, (ch. v. 12.) With this view he calls them ele£t; and mentions, that they had been declared fuch by the effufion of the Holy Gholt upon them, (ch. i. r, 2.) He affures them that they were re¬ generate without circumcifion, merely through the gof¬ pel and refurreftion of Chrift, (ver. 3,4. 21— 25.) ; and that their fufferings were no argument of their be¬ ing under the difpleafure of God, as the Jew's imagined, (ver. 6—12 ) He recommends it to them to hope for grace to the end, (ver. 13.) He teflifes, that they were not redeemed by the Pafchal lamb, but through Chrift, w'hom God had preordained for this purpofe before the foundation of the world, (ver. 18 20.) The feeond Epiftle of Peter is not mentioned by any ancient writer extant till the fourth century', from which aa8 The cate 129 t ] S G R time it has been received by all Chriftians except the Sy- Scripture.^ rians. Jerome acquaints us, that its authenticity was difputed, on account of a remarkable difference be- ^eCond tween the ftyle of it and the former Epiftle. But this gp ftfe of remarkable difference in ftyle is confined to the 2d chap- Peter-. The ter of the 2d Epiftle. No objeftion, however, can be aut^fc|1tuc‘" drawn from this circumftanee ; for the fubje& of that proyed chapter is different from the reft of Peter’s writings, and nothing is fo w’ell known than that different fubjerifs fuggefl different ftyles. Peter, in deferibing the cha- rafter of fome flagitious impoftors, feels an indignation which he cannot fupprefs: it breaks out, therefore, in the bold and animated figures of an oriental writer. Such a diverfity of ftyle is not uncommon in the belt writers, efpecially wdren warmed with their fubjeft. 431 This obje&ion being removed, we contend that this Prom in- Epiftle was written by Peter, from the infeription, Si- evic man Peter a fervant and an apojile of jferus Chrijl, It appears from chap. i. 16, 17, ) 8, that the writer was one of the difciples who faw the transfiguration of our Saviour. Since it has never been aferibed to James or John, it muft therefore have been Peter. It is evident, from chap. iii. I. that the author had written an Epiftle before to the fame perfons, which is another circum- ftance that proves Peter to be the author. It is acknowledged, however, that all this evidence is merely internal ; for we have not been able to find any external evidence upon the fubjeft. If, therefore, the credit which we give to any fadf is to be in proportion to the degree of evidence with which it is accompaniedj, we ftrall allow more authority due to the gofpels than to the epiltles ; more to thofe epiftles which have been generally acknowledged than to thofe which have been controverted ; and therefore no d'.&rine of Chriilianity ought to be founded folely upon them. It may alfo be added, that perlaos the beft way of determining what are the effential do&rines of Chriftianity would be to examine .'hat are the dodbines which occur ofteneft in the gofpels ; for the gofpels are the plainefl parts of the New Teftament; and their authenticity is moft completely proved. They are therefore beft tnted for common readers Nor will it be denied, we prefume, that our Saviour taunht all the dodbines of the Chrif- tian religion himfelf; that he repeated them on different occafions, and inculcated them with an earneftnefs pro¬ portionable to their importance. The Epiftlcs are to be confrdered as a commentary' on the effential dodtrines of the gofpel, adapted to the fituation and circumftances of particular churches, and perhaps fometrmes explaining dodtrines of inferior importance. 1. The effential doc¬ trines are therefore firft to be fought for in the gofpels, and to be determined by the number of times they occur. 2.They are to be fought for, in the next place, in the un¬ controverted Epiftles, in the fame manner. 3.No effential dodlrine ought to be lounded on a fingle paffage, nor on the authority of a controverted Epiftle. That Peter was old, and near his end, when he wrote this Epiftle, may be inferred from chap. i. 14. “ Knowing that ihortly I muft put off this tabernacle, even as our Lord Jefus has (hewn me.” Lardner thinks it was written foon after the former. Others, perhaps with more accuracy, date it in ^7. The general defign of this Epiftle is, to confirm the DTitu of dodfrines and inftrudbons delivered in the former; “ to it, excite the Chriftian converts to adorn, and fledfaftly ad- Y 7. here SCR r i 4.V3 Firft Epi- ftle of John Us authen¬ ticity apd. Ityle. *34 Defign of ^Scripture, here to their holy religion, as a religion proceeding ~'r from God, notwithftanding the artifices of falfe teach¬ ers, whofe charafter is at large deferibed; or the per* fecution of their bitter and inveterate enemies.’' The firft. Epiille of John is aferibed by the unanimous fuffrage of the ancients to the beloved difciple of our Lord. It is referred to by Polycarp, is quoted by Papias, by Irenasus, and was received as genuine by Clemens Alexandrines, by Dionyfius of Alexandria, by Cyprian, by Origen, and Eufebius. There is inch a refemblance between the ftyle and fentiments of this Epiftle and thofe of the gofpel according to John, as to afford the higheft degree of internal evidence that they are the compofition of the fame author. In the ftyle of this apoille there is. a remarkable peculiarity, and efpecially in this Epiftle. Plis fentences, confidered feparately, are exceeding clear and intelligible ; but when we fearch for their connexion, we frequently meet with greater difficulties than we do even in the Epiftles of St Paul. The principal ftgnature and cha- racteriftic of his manner is. an artlefs and amiable fim- plicity, and a fingular modefty and candour, in conjunc¬ tion with a wonderful fublimity of fentiment. His con¬ ceptions are apparently delivered to us in the order in which they arole to his own mind, and are not the pro- dinft of artificial reafoning or laboured inveftigation. It is impoffible to fix with any precifion the date of tliis Epiftle, nor can we determine to what perfons it was addrtffed. The leading defign of the apoftle is to ffiow the in. fufficiency of faith, and the external profeffion of reli¬ gion, feparate from morality ; to guard the Chriftians to whom he writes againft the delufive arts of the cor¬ rupters of Chriftianity, whom he calls Antichrift ; and to inculcate univerfal benevolence. His admonitions concerning the neceffity of good morals, 'and the inef¬ ficacy of external piofeffions, are fcattered over the Epiftle, but are moft frequent in the lit, ad, and 3d chapters. The enemies or corrupters of Chriftianity, againft whom he contends, feem to have denied that Jefus was the Meffiah, the Son of God (chap. ii. 22. v. i.), and had actually come into the world in a human form, (chap. iy. 2, 3.) The earneftnefs and frequency with which this., apoitle recommends the duty of bene¬ volence is remarkable. Pie makes it the diftinguiffiing ehara&eriltic of the difciples of Jefus, the only fare pledge of our love to God, and the only affurance of eternal life, (chap. ill. 14, 15.) Benevolence was his favourite theme, which he affeftionately preffed upon others, and conftantly pra&ifed himfelf. It was con- fpicuous in his condiuft to his great Mafter, and in the reciprocal affeftion which it infpired in his facred breaft. He continued to recommend it in hislaft words. When In's extreme age and infirmities had fo wafted his ftrength that he was incapable to exercife the duties of his of- fyce, the venerable old man, anxious to exert in tire fer- vice of his Mafter the little ftrength which ftffi remain¬ ed, caufed himfelf to be carried to church, and, in the midft of the congregation, he repeated thefe words, Little children, love one another.” It has been obierved by Dr Mill that the fecond and third Epiftles of John are lo Ihort, and refemble the firft fo much in fentiment and ftyle, that it is not worth while to contend about them. The fecond Epiftle con- Second and third Epi ftie of John.* 436 72 1 SCR, fifb only, of 13, verfes ; and of thefe eight may be found Scriptu in the ift Epiftle, in which the fenfe or language is pre- cifely the fame. Idic fecond Epiftle is quoted by, Iremeus, and was received by Clemens Alexandrtnus, Both were ad¬ mitted by Athanafius, by Cyril of Jerufolem, and by Jerome. The fecond is addrefftd to a woman of di- ftin&ion whofe name is by fome fnppoied to be Cvria (taking for a proper name), by others TcAA. The third is iaftribed to Gaius, or Cains according to the Latin orthography, who, in the opinion of Lardner, was an eminent Chriftian, that lived in fome city of Afia not far from Ephefus, where St John chiefly refided after his leaving Judea. The time of writing thefe two Epiftles cannot be determined with any certainty- They are fo fhort that an analyfis of them is not necei- fary. The Epiftle of Jude is cited by no ancient Chriftian Epiffie of writer extant before Clemens Alexandrians about the Dde. It# year 194 ; but this author has transcribed eight or ten.autfunt*i’ verfes in his Stromata and Pedagogue. It is quoted.01^ once by Tertullian about the year 200 ; by Origen fre¬ quently about 230. It was not however received by , many of the ancient Chriftians, on account of a.fuppo- fed quotation from a hook of Enoch. But it is not certain that Jude quotes any book. He only fays that Enochprophefiedy Joying, The Lord cometh t is it he receive the principal and deliver up the bond; for being entrufted with the fecurity itfelf, it muft be prefumed that he is trufted with power to receive inte¬ rest or principal; and the giving up the bond on pay- ment of the money fhall be a difeharge thereof. But if a ferivener fhall be entrufted with a mortgage-deed, he hath only authority t© receive the intereff, not the principal; the giving up the deed in this cafe not being fuffiuent to ref!ore the eftate, but there muft be a re¬ conveyance, &c. It is held, where a ferivener puts out his clients money on a bad fecurity, wLich upon in- SuiL'bebVb^6^™ earfi,y IOURd f°’ >’et he c?Pnnot In equity be charged to anfwer for the money; for it is ncrupfe. here faid, no one would venture to put out money of Scrobieu. another vipon a fecurity, it he were obliged to warrant *u* and make it good in cafe a lofs fhould happen, without any fraud in him. SCROBICULUS cordis, the fame as Anticar- dium. SCROFANELLO, in ichthyology, a name by which feme have called a fmall fifh of the Mediterra¬ nean, more ufually known by the name of the fcor- panel. SCROLL, in Heraldry. See that article, chap. iv. fed. 9. When the motto relates to the creft, the fcroll is properly placed above the atchievement; otherwife it fhuuld be annexed to the efcutcheon. Thole of the order of knighthood are generally placed round fhields. SCROPHULA, the king’s evil. See Medicine. n° 349- SCROPHULARIA, Figwort, in botany : A ge¬ nus of the angiofpermia order, belonging to the didy- namia clafs of plants ; and in the natural method rank¬ ing under the 40th otder, Perjonat*. The calyx is quinquefid ; the corolla almoft globofe, and refupinated; the capfule bilocular. There are feveral fpecies, of which the moft remarkable are, 1. Nodo/a, or the com¬ mon figwort, which grows in woods and hedges. The root is tuberous ; the ftalks are four or five feet high, and branched towards the top; the leaves are heart- ftiaped, ferrated, and acute. The flowers are of a dark red colour, ftraped like a cap or helmet; the low'er lip greemfh : they grow in loofe dichotomous fpikes or ra~ cemi at the top of the branches. The leaves have a fe¬ tid fmell and bitter tafte. A decoaion of them is faid to cure hogs of the meafles. An ointment made of the root was formerly ufed to cure the piles and ferophu- lous fores, but is at prefent out of praaice. 2. Hqua- tlca, water-figwort, or betony. The root is fibrous; ftem erea, fquare, about four feet high. The leaves are oppofite, elliptical, pointed, flightly fcalloped, on decurrent footftalks. Flowers purple, in loefe naked fpikes. It grows on the Tides of rivulets and other wet places, and has a fetid fmell, though not lo ftrong as the preceding. The leaves are ufed in medicine as a correaor of fena, and in powder to promote fneezing. 3. Scorodonia, or balm-leaved figwort. The ftem is erea, fquare, about two feet high. The leaves are oppofite, doubly ferrated. The flowers are dufky pur¬ ple, in compofite bunches. It grows on the banks of rivulets, &c. in Cornwall. 4* Hernaiu, or yellow fig- wort. . The ftalks are fquare, hairy, brown, about two feet high. The leaves are heart fhaped, roundifh, hai¬ ry, indented, oppofite. The flowers are yellow, on fingle forked footftalks from the ala; of the leaves. It grows in hedges in Surry. SCROTUM. See Anatomy, n° 107. SCRUPI, in natural hiftory, the name of a clafs of foflils, formed in detached mafles, without any crufts ; of no determinate figure or regular ftrurfture ; and com- pofed of a cryftall.ne or fparry matter, debafed by an admixture of earth in various proportions. Under this clafs are comprehended, •. The teiaugia. 2. j he petri- dia. 3. 1 he Uthczvgia. 4- Che jajpides or jafpers. SCRUPLE, Scrupulus, or ScruPutum, the leaft of the weights ufed by the ancients, which amongft the Romans was the 24th part of an ounce, or the 3d part of a dram. T he fcruple is ftili a weight among SCR [ Scrapie, «g, eontRmtnpf the 3d part of a dram, or JO grain*. Scrutiny Among goldfmUhs it is 24 grains, Scruple, in Chaldean chronology, is part of an hour, called by the Hebrews' helakin. Thefe fcruples are much ufed by the Jews, Arabs, and other eaitem people, in computations of time. Scuvplf.s of half Duration, an arch of the moon’s or¬ bit, which the moon’s centre defcribes from the begin¬ ning of an eclrpfe to its middle. Scruples of Immrrjion or Incidence, an arch of the moon’s orbit, which her centre deferibes from the be¬ ginning of the eclipie to the time when its centre falls into the ihadow. Scruples of Emefion, an arch of the moon’s orbit, which her centre defcribes in the time from the firtt emerfion of the moon’s limb to the end of the eclipfe. SCRUTINY, (Scrutitmm)y in the primitive church, an examination or probation praftiled in the lad. week, ©f Lent, on the catechumens, who were to receive bap- tifm on the Eafter-day. The fcrutiny was performed with a great many ceremonies. Exorcifms and prayers were made over the heads of the catechumens; and on Palm Sunday, the Lord’s Prayer and Creed were given them, which they were afterwards made to rehearfe. This cuftom was more in ufe in the church o! Rome than anywhere elfe ; though it appears, by fome miflals, to have been likewife ufed, though much later, in the Gallican church. It is fuppofed to have ceafed about the year 860. Some traces of this pra&ice ftill re¬ main at Vienne, in Danphine, and at Liege. Scrutiny is alfo ufed, in the canon law, for a tick' et or little paper billet, wherein at eleClions the electors write their votes privately, fo as it may not be known for whom they vote. Among us the term fcrutiny is chiefly ufed for a drift perufal and examination of the feveral votes haftily taken at an eleftion ; in order to find out any irregularities committed, therein, by un¬ qualified voters, &c» »7S 1 S C U SCRUTORK, or ScRuroiit (from the French ef* ScrxU'»re eritoire), a kind of cabinet, with a door or lid opening i! downwards, for conveniency of writing on, &c. ocB pom.g, SCRY, in falconry, denotes a large flock of fowl. SCUDDING, the movement by which a ftiip is car¬ ried precipitately before a tempeft. As a Chip flies with amazing rapidity through the water whenever this ex¬ pedient is put in praftice, it is never attempted in a contrary wind, unlefs when her condition renders her incapable of fuftaining the mutual effort of the wind and waves any longer on her fide, without being ex- pofed to the moil imminent danger of being overfet. A fhip either feuds with a fail extended on her fore- maft, or, if the ftorm is exceffive, without any fail which, in the fea-phrafe, is called feudding under bare poles. In Hoops and fchooners, and other fmall veffels* the fail employed for this purpofe is called the fquare- fail. In large fhips, it is either the forefail at large, reefed, or with its goofe-wings extended, according to the degree of the tempeff ; or it is the fore-top failj clofe reefed, and lowered on the cap; which laft is particularly ufed when the fea runs io high as to be¬ calm the forefail occafionally, a circumftance which ex- pofes the fhip to the danger of broaching-to. The prin¬ cipal hazards incident to feudding are generally, a poop¬ ing fea; the difficulty of fleering, which expofes the veffel perpetually to the rifle of broaching-to ; and the want of fufficient fea-room. A fea ftriking the fhip violently on the flern may dafh it inwards, by which fhe muff inevitably founder. In broaching-to (that is, inclining fuddenly to windward), fhe is threatened with being immediately overturned ; and, for want of fea- room, fhe is endangered by ffiipwreck on a lee-fhore, a circumftance too dreadful to require explanation. SCULPONEJE, among the Romans, a kind of fhoes worn by Haves of both fexes. Thefe fhoes were only blocks of wood made hollow, like the French fa- bots. Definition Y ^ the art of carving wood or hewing ftone into ima. of feufp- X ges- ft is an art of the moft remote antiquity, ture. being praftifed, as there is rtafon to believe, before the Origin of general1 deluge. We are induced to affign to it this early origin, by confidering the expedients by which, in the firft ftages of fociety, men have everywhere lup- plied the place of alphabetic charafters. Thefe, it is univerfally known, have been pifture-writiug, fuch. as that of the Mexicans, which, in the progrefs of refine¬ ment and knowledge, was gradually improved into the hieroglyphics of the Egyptians and other ancient na¬ tions. See Hieroglyphics. That mankind fhould have lived near 1700 yearsj from the creation, of the world to the flood of Noah, without falling upon any method to make their concep¬ tions permanent, or to communicate them to a diftance, is extremely improbable ; efpecially when we call to mind that fuch methods of writing have been found, in modem times, among people much lets enlightened than thofe mult have been who were capable of building T U R E, fuch a veffel as the ark. But if the antediluvians were acquainted with any kind of writing, there can be little doubt of its being hieroglyphical writing. Mr Bryant has proved’that the Chaldeans were poffeffed of that art before the Egyptians ; and Berofus * informs us, that * ApuJ a delineation of all the monftrous forms which inhabit- ed the chaos, when this earth was in that ftate, was toR 37* be feen in the temple of Bel us in Babylon. This deli¬ neation, as he deferibes it* mult have been a hiitory in hieroglyphical characters ; for it confifted of human fi¬ gures with wings, with two heads, and fome with the horns and legs of goats. This is exactly limilar to the hieroglyphical writing of the Egyptians ; and it was preferved, our author fays, both in drawings and engra. vings in the temple of the god of Babylon. As Chal¬ dee was the. firft peopled region of the earth after the flood, and as it appears from Pliny f, as well as from (. Berofus, that the art of engraving upon bricks baked lib. 7, in the fun was there carried to a confiderable degree of cap- perfection at a very eaily period, the probability cer- 6 tninly iy6 Not i’olely from «elites having: hven the devotion or idolatrous worfmppers. The py- ' gained their favourite god, which was an ox (not a calf Vahuds and obehfks of Egypt, which were probably as it is rendered in the book of Exodus), next pro- Though it pro! ably coi.tribu ted to car. ry the art to perfec- < feiou. temples, dr rather altars, dedicated to the fun (fee Py¬ ramid), Were covered from top to bottom with hiero- glyphical emblems of men, beafts, birds, fifhes, and rep¬ tiles, at a period prior to that in which there is any un exceptionable evidence that mere fiatue-worfhip pre¬ vailed even in that nurfery of idolatry. Tut though it appears thus evident that pi&ure ceeded to hold a feftival, which was to be accompa¬ nied with dancing ; a fpecies of gaiety common in the feftivals which were held in adoration of the emblematic (/r-ota/ or ox in that very part of Arabia near Mourft Sinai where this event took place. It is mentioned too as a curious and important fad, that the ox which was Tevered in Arabia was called Adona\. According. - - . r , r ... vy SJ uvnai. AiCCOrOing- wnting was the firft employment of the fculptor, we ly Aaron announcing the feaft to the ox or golden calf, are far from imagining that idolatrous worfhin cKH nnr ... , j b , . , . ,3 ■are far from imagining that idolatrous worfhip did not Contribute to carry his art to that perfedtion which it attained in fome of the nations of antiquity. Even in The dark ages of Europe, when the other fine arts were alrr.oft txtinguifhed, the mummery of the church of tRome, and the veneration which file taught tor her faints and martyrs, preferved among the Italians fome fpeaks thus, to-morrow is a feaft to Adona:, which is in our tranflation rendered /a /A Lord. In the time of Jeroboam we read of the golden calves fet up as obje&s of worfhip at Bethel and Dan. Nor was the reverence paid to the ox confined to Scythia, to Egypt, and to Afia ; it extended much farther. The ancient Cimbri, as the Scythians did, carried an ox of bronze before *’eftiges of the filler-arts of iculpture and painting ; and them on all their expedit ons. Mr Bromley alfo in uq Hninan nature io T .t . A r . u a l ir-, y — therefore, as human nature is everywhere the fame, it is rcafonable to believe that a fimilar veneration for he roes and demigods would, among the ancient nations, have a fimilar efreft. But if this be fo, the prefump- tion is, that the Chaldeans were the firft who invented the art of hewing blocks of wood and ftone into the fi¬ gures of men and other animals; for the Chaldeans were forms us, that as great refpe<£l was paid to the living ox among the Greeks as was offered to its fymbol among other nations. The emblem of the ferpent, continues Mr Bromley, was marked yet more decidedly by the exprefs direc¬ tion of the Almighty. That animal had ever been confidefed as emblematic of the fupreme generating unqueftionably the firft idolaters, and their eaily pro- power of intelligent life : And was that idea fays he ereism fculoture is confirmed bv the united tt-ftimmiiVc iv. r- V < , Mr otom- ley’s theo¬ ry, that fculpture wra< iiivent- -ed by the acyihians. grefs in fculpture is confirmed by the united teftimonies of Berofus, Alexander Polyhiftor, Apollodorus, and Pliny ; not to mention the eaftern tradition, that the father of Abraham was a ftatuary. Againft this conclulion Mr Bromley, in his late Hi- ftory of the Fine Arts, has urged fome plaufible argu¬ ments. In ftating thefe he profeffes-not to be original, or to derive his information from the fountain-head of antiquity. l ie adopts, as he tells us, the theory of a French writer, who maintains, that in the year of the world 1949, about 300 years after the deluge, the Scythians under Brourna, a defeendant of Magog the fon of Japhet, extended their comjudls over the greater part of Afia. According to this iyftem, Brouina was not only the civilizer of India, and the anthot of the braminical do&rines, but alfo d/ffuied the principles of defs difeouraged, I'o far as it went to be a fign or fymbol of life, when C-od laid to Mofes, “ Make thee a brazen ferpent, and fet it upon a pole, and it {hall come to pafa that every one who is bitten, when he looketh upon it, firall live.’5 In Egypt the lerpent furrounded their Ifia and Ollris, the diadems of their princes, and the bon¬ nets of their priefts. 'The ferpent made a diftingutfhed figure in Grecian fculpture. The fable of Echidite, the mother ofthe Scythians, gave her figure termina¬ ting as a ferpent to all the founders of ftates in Greece; from which their earlieft fculptors reprdented in that form the Titan princes, Cecrops, Draco, and even Eric- -thonius- Befides the fpear ot the image of Minerva, which Phidias made for the citadel ot Athens, he pla-. ced a fel-|>eat, which was luppofed to guard that god- the Scythian mythology over Egypt, Phoenicia, Greece, and the continent of Alia. Ol thefc principles Mr Bromley has given us ’no-di- ftindf enumeration : the account which he gives of them i« not to be found in one place, but to be collefted from > variety cf diftant pafiages. -In Attempting therefore The ferpent was combined with many other figure;. It foinetimes was coiled round an egg as an emblem of the creation; fometimes round a trident, to fibow it# power over the fea ; fometimes it encircled a flambeau, to reprefent life and death. In Egypt, as well as in Scythia and India, the di¬ vinity SCULP vinity was repreferi'ted on the leaves of the tamara or ■ lotus. Pan was worfhippecl as a god in that country, as well as over the eaft. Their fphinxes, and all their combined figures of animal creation, took their origin from the mother of the Scythians, who brought forth an offspring that was half a woman and half a ferpent. Their pyramids and obeliilcs arofe from the idea of flame ; the firft emblem of the fupreme principle, in¬ troduced by the Scythians, and which even the influ¬ ence of Zoroafter and the Magi could not remove. We are told that the Bacchus of the Greeks is de¬ rived from the Brouma of the Indians ; that both are reprefented as feated on'a iwan fwimming over the waves, to indicate that each was the god of humid na¬ ture, not the god of wine, but the god of waters. The mitre of Bacchus was fhaped like half an egg ; an em¬ blem taken from this circumflance, that at the creation the egg from which all things fprung was divided in the middle. Pan alfo was revered among the Scythians; and from that people were derived all the emblems by which the Greeks reprefented this divinity. It would be tedious to follow our author through the whole of this fubject ; and were we to fubmit to the labour of collefting and arranging his fcattered ma¬ terials, ■we Ihould iiill view his fyftem with fome degree of fufpicion. It is drawn, as he informs us, from the work of M. D’Ancarville, iutitled, Recherches fur i’Ori- gine, PRfprit, et les Progres, des Arts de la Grece. IU founded r^'° f°rm conclufions concerning the origin of nations, the rife and prcgrefs of the arts and fciences, without the aid of hiftorical evidence, by analogies which are fometimes accidental, and often fanciful, is a mode of reafoning which cannot readily be admitted. There may indeed, we acknowledge, be resemblances in the re¬ ligion, language, manners, and cuftoms, of different na¬ tions, fo ftriking and fo numerous, that to doubt of their being defcended from the fame flock would favour of fcepticifm. But hiflorical theories muft not be a- dopted rafhly. We mull be certain that the evidence r is credible and fatisfaftory before, we proceed to deduce any conclufions. We mull firft know whether the Scythian hiflory itfelf be authentic, before we make any comparifon with the hiflory of other nations. But what is called the Scythian hiftory, every man of learn¬ ing knows to be a colle&ion of fables. Herodotus and J uflin are the two ancient writers from whom we have the fulleft account of that warlike nation; but thefe two hiftorians contradidl each other, and both write what cannot be believed of the fame people at the fame pe¬ riod of their progrefs. Juftin tells ns, that there was a « long and violent conteft between the Scythians and E- gyptians about the antiquity of their refpedlive nations; and after Hating the arguments on each fide of the que- ftion, which, as he gives them*, are nothing to the pur- pofe, he decides in favour of the claim of, the Scy¬ thians. Herodotus was too partial to the Egyptians, not to give them the palm of antiquity : and he was probably in the right ; for Juftin defcribes his moft ancient of nations, even in the time of Darius Hyf- tafpes, as ignorant of all the arts of civil life. “ They occupied their land in common (fays he), and cultiva¬ ted none of it. They had no houfes nor fettled habi¬ tations, but wandered with their cattle from defevt to defert. In thele rambles they carried their wives and children in tumbrels covered with the ikins of beafts, Vol. XVII. Part I. * Lib. a. cap. x. TURK. 177 which ferved as houfes to protefl them from the ftorms of winter. They were without laws, governed by the diilates of natural equity. They coveted not gold or filver like the reft of mankind, and lived upon milk and honey. Though they were expofed to extreme cold, and had abundance of flocks, they knew not how to make garments of wool, but clothed themfelves in the Ikins of wild beafts J.” This is the moft favourable l Db. a. account which any ancient writer gives of the Scythi- ans. By Strabo^ and Plerodotus || they are reprefented § 7* as the moft favage of mortals, delighting in war and bloodfhed, cutting the throats of all (Dangers who came among them, eating their flelh, and making cups and pots of their Ikulls. Is it conceivable that fuch fava- ges could be fculptors ; or that, even fuppofing their manners to have been fuch as Juftin reprefents them, a people fo Ample and ignorant could have impofed their mythology upon the Chaldeans, Phenicians, and Egyp¬ tians, whom we know by the moll incontrovertible evi¬ dence to have been great and poll (Tied nations fo early as in the days of Abraham ? No ! We could as foon admit other novelties of more importance, with which the French of the prefent age pretend to enlighten the world, as this origin afligned by Mr Bromley to the art of fculpture, unlefs fupported by better authority than that of D’Ancarville. The inference of our author from the name of the facred ox in Arabia, and from the dancing and gaiety which were common in the religious fellivals of the Arabians, appears to us to be very haflily drawn. At the early period of the departure of the Ifraelites from Egypt, the language of the Hebrews, Egyptians, and Arabians, differed not more from each other than do the different dialefts of the Greek tongue which are found in the poems of Homer (fee Philology, Sett. TIL) ; and it is certain, that for many years after the formation of the golden-calf, the Hebrews were flran- gers to every fpecies of idolatry but that which they had brought with them from their houfe of bondage. See Remphan. Taking for granted therefore that the Scythians did not impofe their mythology upon the eailern nations, and that the art of fculpture, as well as hieroglyphic writing and idolatrous worihip, prevailed firfl among the Chaldeans, we fhall endeavour to trace the progrefs of this art through fome other nations of antiquity, till we bring it to Greece, where it was carried to the high- eft perfection to which it has yet attained. The firft intimation that we have of the art of fculp- ture is in the book of Genefis, where we are informed, that when Jacob, by the divine command, was return¬ ing to Canaan, his wife Rachel carried along with her the teraphim or idols of her father. Thefe we are al¬ lured wete fmall, fince Rachel found it fo ealy to con¬ ceal them from her father, notwithftanding his anxious fearch. We are ignorant, however, how thefe images were made, or of what materials they were compofed. The firft perfon mentioned as an artill of eminence is Bezaleel, who formed the cherubims which covered the mercy-feat. The Egyptians alfo cultivated the art of fculpture ; - r ,6. but there were two circumftances that obftruCled its progrefs, i. The perfons of the Egyptians were not ^ poffeffed of the graces of form, of elegance, or of fym- metry; and of confequence they had no perftft Itandard Z to 178 S C U L 1 to model their tafte. They refembled the Chinefe in the cad of their face, in their great bellies, and in the clumfy roundinor of their contours. 2. They were re¬ trained by their laws to the principles and practices of their anceftors, and were not permitted to introduce any innovations. Their ftatues were always formed in the fame iliff attitude, with the arms hanging perpendicular¬ ly down the lides. What perfection were they capable of who knew no other attitude than that of chairmen ? So far were they from attempting any improvements, that in the time of Adrian the art continued in the lame rude Hate as at firfl:; and when their flavilh adu¬ lation for that emperor induced them to place the fta- tue of his favourite Antinous among the objecls of their worfhip, the fame inanimate ftiffnefs 'in the atti¬ tude of the body and polition of the arms was obferved. We believe it will fcarcely be neceflary to inform our readers that the Egyptian llatue juft now mentioned is very different from the celebrated ftatue of Antinous, of which fo many moulds have been taken that imita¬ tions of it are now to be met with almoft in every cabi¬ net in Europe. Notwithftanding the attachment of the Egyptians to ancient ufages, Winkelman thinks he has difeovered two different ftyles of fculpture which prevailed at different periods. The firft of thefe ends with the cor.queft of Egypt by Cambyfes. 'I he fecond begins at that time, 7 and extends beyond the reign of Alexander the Great. jcirft fty’e. In -the firft ftyle, the lines which form the contour are ftraight and projecting a little ; the pofition is ftiff and unnatural: In fitting figures the legs are parallel, the feet fqueezed together, and the arms fixed to the (ides; but in the figures of women the left arm is folded a- crofs the breaft ; the bones and mufcles are faintly dif- cernible ; the eyes are flat and looking obliquely, and the eyebrows funk; features which deftroy entirely the beauty of the head ; the cheek-bones are high, the chin fmall and piked ; the ears are generally placed higher than in nature, and the feet are too large and flat. In fhort, if we are to look for any model in the ftatues of Egypt, it is not for the model of beauty but of defor¬ mity. The ftatues of men are naked, only they have a fhort apron, and a few folds of drapery furrounding their waift : The veftments of women are only diftin- guiflrable by the border, which rifes a little above the furface of the ftatue. In this age it is evident the E- 3 gyptians knew little of drapery. Second Of tl)e fecond ftyle of fculpture praeftifed among the Egyptians, Winkelman thinks he has found fpecimens in the two figures of bafaltes in the Capitol, and in an¬ other figure at Villa Albani, the head of which has been renewed. The two firft of thefe, he remarks, bear vifible traces of the former ftyle, which appear efpecially in the form of the mouth and Ihortnefs of the chin. The hands poffefs more elegance ; - and the feet are placed at a greater diftance from one another, than was cuftomary in more ancient times. In the firft and third figures the arms hang down clofe to the Tides. In the fecond they hang more freely. Winkelman fufpefts that thefe three ftatues have been made after the con- queft of Egypt by the Greeks. They are clothed with a tunic, a robe, and a mantle. The tunic, which is puckered into many folds, defeends from the neck to the ground. The robe in the firft and third ftatues feems clofe to the body, and is only perceptible by > t u it E. fome little folds. It is tied under the breaft, and co¬ vered by the mantle, the two buttons of* which are placed under the epaulet. _ The Antinous of the Capitol is compofed of two pieces, which are joined under the haunches. But as all the Egyptian ftatues which now remain have been hewn out of one block, we muft believe that Diodorus, in faying the ftone was divided, and each half finiftied by a feparate artizan, fpoke only of a coloffus. The fame author informs us, that the Egyptians divided the human body into 2^ parts; but it is to be regretted that he has not given a more minute detail of that di- vifion. The Egyptian ftatucs were not only formed by the chifel, they were alfo polifhed with great care. Even thofe on the fummit of an obelifk, which could only be viewed at a diftance, were finifhed with as much labour and care as if they had admitted a clofe infpe&ion. As they are generally executed in granite or bafaltes, Hones of a very hard texture, it is impoflible not to admire the indefatigable patience of the artifts. The eye was often of different materials from the reft of the ftatue ; fometimes it was compofed of a precious ftone or metal. We are affured that the valuable dia¬ mond of the emprefs of Ruflia, the largeft and moft beautiful hitherto known, formed one of the eyes of the famous ftatue of Scheringham in the temple of Bra- ma. Thofe Egyptian ftatues which ftill remain are com¬ pofed of wood or baked earth : and the ftatues of earth are covered with green enamel. The Phenicians poffeffed both a charadler and fitua- Pheniciau tion highly favourable to the cultivation of ftatuary. fculpture, - They had beautiful models in their own perfons, and their induftrious ehara&er qualified them to attain per- fe&ion in every art for which they had a tafte. Their fituation raifed a fpirit of commerce, and commerce in¬ duced them to cultivate the arts. Their temples fhone with ftatues and columns of gold, and a profufion of emeralds was everywhere fcattered. All the great works of the Phenicians have been unfortunately deftroyed; but many of the Carthaginian medals are ftill preferved, ten of which are depofited in the cabinet of the grand duke of Florence. But though the Carthaginians were a colony of Phenicians, we cannot from their works judge of the merit of their anceftors. ro The Perfians made no diftinguifhed figure in the arts This art not: of defign. They were indeed fenfible to the charms ofcultivat«l beauty, but they did not ftudy to imitate them. Their ^°pgr drefs, which confided of long flowing robes conceal-fian. ing the whole perfon, prevented them from attending to the beauties of form. Their religion, too, which taught them to worfliip the divinity in the emblem of fire, and that it was impious to reprefent him under a human form, feemed almoft to prohibit the exercife of this art, by taking away thofe motives which alone could give it dignity and value ; and as it was not cuftomary among them to raife ftatues to great men, it was impoffible that ftatuary could flourifli in Perfia. ,r The Etrurians or ancient Tufcans, in the opinion of Etrurian Winkelman, carried this art to fome degree of perfec-^ulpturs. tion at an earlier period than the Greeks. It is faid to have been introduced before the fiege of Troy by De- dalus, who, in order to efcape the refentment of Minos king of Crete, took refuge in Sicily, from whence he palled« S C U L ia yirfl: ftyle. *3 Second paffed into Italy, where he left many monuments of his art. Paufanias and Diodorus Siculus inform us, that fome works afcribed to him were to be feen when they wrote, and that thefe pofleffed that character of majef* ty which afterwards diitinguifhed the labours of Etru¬ ria. A character ftrongly marked forms the chief diitine- tion in thofe productions of Etruria which have defcend- ed to us. Their ftyle was indeed harrti and overchar¬ ged ; a fault alfo committed by Michael Angelo the ce¬ lebrated painter of modern Etruria ; for it is not to be fuppofed that a people of fuch rude manners as the E- trurians could communicate to their works that vivid- nefs and beauty which the elegance of Grecian manners infpired. On the other hand, there are many of the Tufcan ftatues which bear fo clofe a refemblance to thofe of Greece, that antiquarians have thought it pro¬ bable that they were conveyed from that country or Magna Grsecia into Etruria about the time of the Ro¬ man conqueft, when Italy was adorned with the fpoils of Greece. Among the monuments of Etrurian art two different ftyles have been obferved. In the firfl the lines are ftraight, the attitude ftiff, and no idea of^ beauty ap¬ pears in the formation of the head. The contour is not well rounded, and the figure is too {lender. The head is oval, the chin piked, the eyes flat, and looking afquint. Thefe are the defcCts of an art in a ftate of infancy, which an accomplilhed mailer could never fall into, and are equally confpicuous in Gothic ftatues as in the pro¬ ductions of the ancient natives of Florence. They re- femble the ftyle of the Egyptians fo much, that one is almoft induced to fuppofe that there had once been a communication between thefe two nations; but others think that this ftyle was introduced by Dedalus. Winkelman fuppofes that the fecond epoch of this art commenced in Etruria, about the time at which it had reached its greateft pertedlion in Greece, in the age of Phidias 5 but this conjecture is not fupported by any proofs. To deferIbe the fecond ftyle of fculpture among the Etrurians, is almoft the fame as to delcribe the ftyle of Michael Angelo and his numerous imita* tors. The joints are ftrongly marked, the mufcles railed, the bones diftinguifhable; but the whole mien harfti. In defigning the bone of the leg, and the repa¬ ration of the mufcles of the calf, there is an elevation and ftrength above life. The ftatues of the gods are de- figned with more delicacy. In forming them, the artifts were anxious td ftiow that they could exercife their power without that violent diftenfion of the mufcles which is neceflary in the exertions of beings merely human ; but in general their attitudes are unnatural, and the adfions drained. If a ftatue, for inftance, hold any thing with its fore-fingers, the reft are ftretched out in a ftift pofition. According to ancient hiftory, the Greeks did not emerge from the favage ftate till a long time after the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Indians, had arrived at a confiderable degree of civilization. The original rude inhabitants of Greece were civilized by colonies which arrived among them, at different times, from Egypt and Phenicia. Thefe brought along with them the re. ligion, the letters, and the arts of their parent cpun_ P T U R E, tries : and if fculpture had its otigin from the worihip ©f idols, there is reafon to believe that it was one of the arts which were thus imported ; for that the gods of Greece were of Egyptian and Phenician extraction is a faCl incontrovertible ; (fee Mysteries, Mytho- loqy, Philology, feft. 7. Philosophy, n9 19, and Titan.) The original ftatues of the gods, however, were very rude. The earlieft objeCts of idolatrous wor- fliip have everywhere been the heavenly bodies ; and the fymbols confecrated to them were generally pillars of a conical or pyramidal figure. It was not till here-wor- ihip was engrafted on the planetary, that the fculptor thought of giving to the facred ftatue any part of the human form (fee Polytheism, n9 19, 23) ; and it appears to have been about the era of their revolution in idolatry that the art of fculpture was introduced among the Greeks. The firft reprefentations of their gods were round ftones placed upon cubes or pillars ; and thefe ftones they afterwards formed roughly, fo as to give them fomething of the appearance of a head. Agreeable to this defeription was a Jupiter, which Pau* fanias faw in Tegeum, in Arcadia. Thefe reprefenta¬ tions were called Hermes ; not that they reprefented Mercury, but from the word herma> which fignified a rough ftone. It is the name which Homer gives to the ftones which were ufed to fix veffels to the ftiore. Paufanias faw at Pheres 30 deities made of unformed blocks or cubical ftones. The Lacedemonians repre- fer.ted Caftor and Pollux by two parallel polls ; and a tranfverfe beam was added, to exprefs their mutual af- feCtion. If the Greeks derived from foreign nations the rudi¬ ments of the arts, it muft redound much to their ho¬ nour, that in a few centuries they carried them to fuch wonderful perfeClion as entirely to eclipfe the fame of their mailers. It is by tracing the progrefs of fculpture among them that we are to ftudy the hiftory oi this art; and we fliall fee its origin and fuccefiive improve¬ ments correfpond with nature, which always operates {lowly and gradually. View of Grecian Sculpture. The great {uperiority of the Greeks in the art of Caufet fculpture may be afcribed to a variety of caufes. The which pro- influence of climate over the human body is fo ftriking, mote(l that it muft have fixed the attention of every thinking man who has refk&ed on the fubjecl. 1 he violent Greece, heats of the tonid zone, and the excefiive cold of the polar regions, are unfavourable to beauty. It is only in the mild climates of the temperate regions that it appears in its moft attractive charms. Perhaps no country in the world enjoys a more ferene air, lefs taint¬ ed with mills and vapours, or poffefies in a higher de¬ gree that mild and genial warmth which can unfold and expand the human body into all the fymmetry of muf- cular ftrength, and all the delicacies of female beauty in greater perfeClion, than the happy climate of Greece ; and never was there any people that had a greater tafte for beauty, or were more anxious to improve it. Of the four willies of Simonides, the fecond was to have a handfome figure. The love of beauty was fo great among the Lacedemonian women, that they kept in their chambers the ftatues of Nereus, of Narciffus, of Z z Hya- SCULPTURE. Hyadnthus, and of Caftor and Pollux ; hoping that by often contemplating them they might have beautiful children. There was a variety of eircumftances in the noble and virtuous freedom of the Grecian manners that rendered thefe models of beauty peculiarly fubfervient to the cultivation of the fine arts. There were no tyrannical Jaws, as among the Egyptians, to check their progrefs. They had the belt opportunities to ftudy them in the public places, where the youth, who needed no other vail than chaftity and purity of manners, performed their various exercifes quite naked. '1 hey had the ftrongell motives to cultivate fculpture, for a ftatue was the jhigheft honour which public merit could attain. It was an honour ambitioufly fought, and granted only to thofe who had diking uifhed themfelves in the eyes of their fellow citizens. As the Greeks preferred natural qualities to acquired accomplilhments, they decreed the firft rewards to thofe who excelled in agility and ftrength of body. Statues were often raifed to wreftlers. Even the moft eminent men of Greece, in their youth, fought renown in gymnaftic exercifes. Chryfippus and Cle- anthes diftinguifiied themfelves in the public games before they were known as philofophers. Plato appear¬ ed as a wreftler both at the Ilthmian and Pythian games; and Pythagoras carried off the prize at Elis, (lee Py¬ thagoras.) The paffion by which they were infpired was the ambition of having their ftatues erefted in the moft facred place of Greece, to be feen and admired by the whole people. The number of ftatues erected on different occafions was immenfe; of courfe the number of artifts muft have been gteat, their emulation ardent, and their progrefs rapid As moft of their ttatues were decreed for thofe who vanquifhed in the public games, the artifts had the op¬ portunity of feeing excellent models ; for thofe who furpaffed in running, boxing, and wreftling, muft in ge¬ neral have been well formed, yet would exhibit different kinds of beauty. The high eftimation in which fculptors were held was very favourable to their art. Socrates declared the artifts the only wife men. An artift could be a legifla- tor, a commander of armies, and might hope to have his ftatue placed befide thofe of Miltiades and Themif- tocles, or thofe of the gods themfelves. Befides, the honour and fuccefs of an artift did not depend on the caprice of pride or of ignorance. The produftions of art were eftimated and rewarded by the greateft fages in the general affembly of Greece, and the fculptor who had executed his work with ability and tafte was con¬ fident of obtaining immortality. It was the opinion of Winkelman, that liberty was highly favourable to this art; but, though liberty is abfolutely neceffary to the advancement of fcience, it may be doubted whether the fine arts owe their im¬ provement to it. Sculpture fiourifhed moft in Greece, when Pericles exercifed the power of a king ; and in the reign of Alexander, when Greece was conquered. It attained no perfedtion in Rome till Auguftus had en- Ilaved the Romans. It revived in Italy under the pa¬ tronage of the family of Medici, and in France under the defpotic rule of Louis XIV. It is the love of beauty, luxury, wealth, or the patronage of a powerful individual, that promotes the progrefs of this art. It will now be proper tp give a particular account of the ideas which the Greeks entertained concerning the 1.5 ftandard of beauty in the different parts of the human fJreciari body. And with rcfpedi to the head, the profile which they chiefly admired is peculiar to dignified t aU beauty. It confiits in a line almoft ftraight, or marked . by fuch flight and gentle inflections as are fcarcely di- 1 lePr°fita ftinguiihable from a ftraight line. In the figures of wo¬ men and young perfons, the forehead and nofe form a line approaching to a perpendicular. Ancient writers, as well as artifts, affure us that the Greeks reckoned a fmall forehead a mark of beauty, and a high forehead a deformity. From the fame idea, the Circaflians wore their hair hanging down over their foreheads almoft to their eyebrows. To give an oval form to the countenance, it is neceffary that, the hair fhould cover the forehead, and thus make a curve about the temples; otherwife the face, which terminates in an oval form in the infei'ior part, will be angular in the Iiigher part, and the proportton will be deftroyed. This rounding of the forehead may be feen in all handfome perfons, in all the heads of ideal beauty in ancient fta¬ tues, and efpecially in thofe of youth. It has been overlooked, however, by modern ftatuaries. Bernini, who modelled a ftatue of Louis XIV. in his youth, turned back the hair from the forehead. It is generally agreed that large eyes are beautiful; The eye», but their fize is of lefs importance in fculpture than their form, and the manner in which they are enchafed. In ideal beauty, the eyes are always funk deeper than they are in nature, and confequently the eyebrows have a greater projedlion. But in large ttatues, placed at a certain diftance, the eyes, which are of the fame colour with the reft of the head, would have little effeft if they were not funk. By deepening the cavity of the eye, the ftatuary increafes the light and fhade, and thus gives the head more life and expreffion. The fame prac¬ tice is ufed in imall itatues. The eye is a charadferif- tic feature in the heads of the different deities. In the ftatues of Apollo, Jupiter, and Juno, the eye is large and round. In thofe of Pallas they are alfo large ; but by lowering the eyelids, the virgin air and expreffion of mo- defty are delicately marked. Venus has fmall eyes, and the lower eyrelid being raifed a little, gives them a lan- guifhing look and an enchanting fweetnefs. It is only neceffary to fee the Venus de Medicis to be convinced that large eyes are not effential to beauty, efpecially if we compare her fmall eyes with thofe which refemble them in nature. The beauty of the eyebrows confifls in the finenefs of the hair, and in the fharpnefs of the bone which covers them ; and matters of the art con- fidered the joining of the eyebrows as a deformity, though it is fometimes to be met with in ancient fta¬ tues. The beauty of the mouth is peculiarly neceffary to ^ conftrtute a fine face. The lower lip muft be fuller e 01011 than the upper, in order to give an elegant rounding to the chin. 'The teeth feldom appear, except in laugh¬ ing fatyrs. In human figures the lips are generally clofe, and a little opened in- the figures of the gods. The lips of Venus are half open. In figures of ideal beauty, the Grecian artifts never interrupted the rounding of the chin by introducing a dimple : for this they confidered not as a mark of beau¬ ty, and only to be admitted to diftinguilh individuals. 'I he dimple indeed appears in fome ancient ftatues, but to The cars. n 5*he hair. tt The hands, »3 The legs and feet. SCULPTURE. i8t antiquaries fufpeft it to be the work of a modern hand. It is fufpe&ed alfo> that the dimple which is feme- times found on the cheeks of ancient ftatues is a mo¬ dern innovation. No part of the head was executed by the ancients with mere care than the ears, though little attention has been given to them by modern artifts. This cha¬ racter is fo decifive, that if we obferve in any ftatue that the ears are not highly finiihed, but only roughly marked, we may conclude with certainty that we are examining a modern production. i he ancients were very attentive to copy tne precife form of the ear in taking likeneffes. Thus, where we meet with a head the ears of which have a very large interior opening, we know it to be the head of Marcus Aurelius. The manner in which the ancient artifts formed the hair alfo enables us to diftinguifh their works from thofe of the moderns. On hard and coarfe {tones the hair was fhort, and appeared as if it had been combed with a wide comb ; for that kind of ftone was difficult to work, and could not without immenfe labour be formed into curled and flowing hair. But the figures executed in marble in the moft flourifhing period of the art have the hair curled and flowing ; at leaft where the head was not intended to be an exaCt refemblance, for then the artift conformed to his model. In the heads, of women, the hair was thrown back, and tied behind in a waving manner, leaving confiderable intervals; which gives the agreeable variety of light and fhade, and pro¬ duces the effefts of the claro-obfcuro. The hair of the Amazons is difpofed in tnis manner. Apollo and Bac¬ chus have their hair falling down their fhoulders ; and young perfons, till they arrived at manhood, wore their hair long. The colour of the hair which was reckon¬ ed moft beautiful, was fair ; and this they gave without diftindion to the moft beautiful of their gods,.Apollo and Bacchus, and likewife to their moft illuftrious he¬ roes. Although the ravages of time have preferved but few of the hands or feet of ancient ftatues, it is evident from what remains how anxious the Grecian artifts were to give every perfedion to thefe parts. i he hands of young perfons were moderately plump, with little cavities or dimples at the joints of tne fingers. The fingers tapered very gently from the root to the point, like well-proportioned columns, and the joints were fcarcely perceptible. The terminating joint was not bent, as it commonly appears in modern ftatues. In the figures of young men the joints of the knee are faintly marked. The knee unites the leg to the thigh without making any remarkable projedions or cavities. The moft beautiful legs and beft-turned knees, according to Winkelman, are preferved in the Apollo Saurodhones, in the Villa Borghefe ; in the Apollo which has a fwan at its feet; and in the Bacchus of Villa Medicis. The fame able connoifleur remarks, it is rare to meet with beautiful knees in young per¬ fons, or in the elegant reprefentations of art. As the ancients did not cover the feet as we do, they gave to them the moft beautiful turning, and ftudied the form of them with the moft fcrupulous attention. The breafts of men were large and elevated. The ^ breafts of women did not poffels much amplitude. T. he an(j*jower figures of the deities have always the breafts of a virgin, part 0{- tj^e the beauty of which the ancients made to confift in a body, gentle elevation. So anxious were the women to re- femble this ftandard, that they ufed feveral arts to re- ftiain the growth of their breafts. 1 he breafts of the nymphs and goddeffes were never reprefented fwelling, becaufe that is peculiar to thofe women who fuckle. The paps of Venus contrad and end in a point, this being confidered as an effential charaderiftic of perfed beauty. Some of the moderns have tranfgreflfed thefe rules, and have fallen into great improprieties. The lower part of the body in the ftatues of men was formed like that of the living body after a profound lleep and good digeftion. The navel was coniiderably funk, efpecially in female ftataes. ay As beauty never appears in equal perfedion in every Meal beau- part of the fame individual, perled or ideal beauty can only be produced by feleding the moft beautiful parts from different models; but this muft be done with fuch judgment and care, that thefe detached beauties when united may form the moft exad fymmetry. Yet the ancients fometimes confined themfelves to one indivi¬ dual, even in the moft flouriffiing age. Theodoras, whom Socrates and his difciples vifited, ferved as a mo- Ad to the artifts erf his time. Phryne alfo appears to have been a model to the painters and fculptors. But Socrates, in his converfation with Parrhafius, fays, that when a perfed beauty was to be produced, the artifts joined together the moft ftriking beauties which could be colleded from the fineft figures. We know that Zeuxis, when he was going to paint Helen, united in one pidure all the beauties of the moft handfome women of Crotona. 26 The Grecian fculptors, who reprefented with fuchjj^^3^ fuccefs the moft perfed beauty of the human form, were not regardlefs of the drapery of their ftatues. They clothed their figures in the moft proper fluff, which they wrought into that fhape which was heft • calculated to give effed to their defign. The veflments of women in Greece generally con- fifted of linen cloth, or fome other light ftuff, and in latter times of filk and fometimes of woollen cloth. They had alfo garments embroidered with gold. In the works of fculpture, as well as in thofe of paintiag,. one may diftinguifh the linen by its tranfparency and f'mall united folds. The other light fluffs which were worn by the women (a) were generally of cotton pro¬ duced in the ifle of Cos ; and thefe the art of ftatuary was able to diftinguifh from the linen veftments. The cotton cloth was fometimes ftriped, and fometimes em- bellifhed with a profufton of flowers. Silk was alfo employed ; but whether it was known in Greece before the time of the Roman emperors cannot eafily be deter¬ mined. In paintings, it is diftinguifhable by changing its colour in different lights to red, violet, and fky-blue. There were two forts of purple; that which the Greeks called the co/our of the Jea, and Tyrian purple, which refembled lac. Woollen garments are eaiily known by the (a) Men fometimes wore cotton, but all who did fo were reckoned effeminate. tiie amplitude of their folds. Befides thefe, cloth of gold fometimes compofed their drapery: but it was not like the modern fabric, confiding of a thread of gold or of diver fpun with a thread of filk ; it was com- pol'ed of gold or filver alone, without any mixture. 1 he veftments of the Greeks, which deferve particu- *7 Jar attention, are the tunic, the robe, and the mantle. The tunic. I he tunic was that part of the drefs which was next to the body. It may be feen in lleeping figures, or in thofe in difhabdle ; as in the Flora Farnele, and in the ftatues of the Amazons in the Capitol. The youngeft of the daughters of Niobc, who throws herfelf at lier mother’s iide, is clothed only with a tunic. It was of linen, or fome other light duff, without fleeves, fixed to the fhoulders by a button, io as to cover the whole bread.^ None but the tunics af the goddefs Ceres and comedians have long draight fieeves. The robe. > J he robes of women commonly confided of two long pieces of woollen cloth, without any pai titular form, at¬ tached to the fhoulders by a great many buttons, and fometimes by a clafp. They had draight fleeves which came down to the wrifts. I fie young girls, as well as the women, fadencd their robe to their fide by a cinc¬ ture, in the fame way as the high-pried of the Jews fa- iiened his, as it is (till done in many parts of Greece. The cinflure formed on the fide a knot of ribbons fometimes refembling a rofe in fhape, which has been particularly remarked in the two beautiful daughters of Niobe. In the younger of thefe the cin&ure is feen palling over the fhoulders and the back. Venus has two cinaures, the one palling over the fhoulder, and the other furrounding the waift. The latter is called 19 ce-r?s ky the poets. The man- -^he mantle was called peplon by the Greeks, which ■tk. fignifies propei ly the mantle of Pallas. The name was afterwards applied to the mantles of the other gods, as well as to thofe of men. This part of the drefs was not iquare, as fome have imagined, but of a roundifh form, i he ancients indeed fpeak in general of fquare mantles, but they received this fliape from four taflels which were affixed to them ; two of thefe were vifible, and two were concealed under the mantle. The mantle was brought under the right arm, and over the left moulder ; fometimes it was attached to the fhoulder by two buttons, as may be feen in the beautiful ftatue of 3o .Leucothoe at Villa Albani. ?tehC0lT. co^our of veftments peculiar to certain ftatues Scms 18 t0° C“nous to be To begin with the fi¬ gures of the gods.—rJ he drapery of Jupiter was red, that of Neptmie is fuppofed by Winkelman to have been fea-gieen. i he fame colour alfo belonged to the Ne¬ reids and Nymphs. The mantle of Apolio was blue or violet. Bacchus was drefted in white. Martianus Capella affigns green to Cybele. Juno’s veftments were fky-blue, but fhe fometimes had a white veil. Pallas w as robed m a flame-coloured mantle. In a paintino- of Herculaneum, Venus is in flowing drapery of a gol¬ den yellow. Kings were arrayed in purple ; priefts in white ; and conquerors fometimes in feq-green. C U L P T u R E. iV ith refpe& to the head, women generally wore no covering but their hair ; when they wifhed to cover their head, they ufed the corner of their mantle. .sometimes we meet with veils of a fine tranfparent tex- ture. Old women wore a kind of bonnet upon their head, an example of which may be feen in a ftatue in the Capitol, called the frjjica , but Winkelman thinks it is a ftatue of Hecuba. The covering of the-feet confifted of fnoes or fan- dais. The fandals were generally an inch thick, and compofed of more than one foie of cork. Thofe of Pallas in Villa Albani has two foies, and other ftatues had no lefs than five. V ink Elman has affigned four different ftyles to this 3* a^t* Abe anctent ftyle, which continued until the time frT of I hidias ; the grand ftyle, formed by that celebrated among thc Itatuary ; the beautiful, introduced by Praxiteles, A- Greeks, pellcs, and Lyfippus ; and the imitative ftyle, pradlifed by thofe artifts who copied the works of the ancient mafters. i he moft authentic monuments of the ancient ftyle p*. . are medals, containing an infeription, which leads uscicntflyle. back to very diftant times. The writing is from right to left in the Hebrew manner ; a ufage which was aban¬ doned before the time «f Flerodotus. The ftatue of Agamemnon at Elis, which was made by Ornatas, has A an infeription from right to left. This artifar. flourifh- ed 50 years before Phidias ; it is in the intervening pe¬ riod therefore between thefe two artifts, that wc are to look for the cefl'ation of this pra&ice. The ftatues formed in the ancient ftyle were neither diftinguifhed by beauty of fhape nor by proportion, but bore a cloie refemblance to thofe of the Egyptians and Etrurians (b) ; the -yes were long and flat; the fe&ion of the mouth not horizontal; the chin was pointed ; the curls of the hair were ranged in little rings, and refembled grains mclofed in a heap of raifins. What was ftill worfe, it was impoffible by inlpeding the head to di- ftinguifh the iex The characters of this ancient ftyle were thefe : The defigning was energetic, but harffi ; it was animated, but without gracefulnefs ; and the violence of the ex- preffion deprived the whole figure of beauty. The grand ftyle was brought te perfection by Phi-pheiL,? dias, Polycletus, Scopas, Alcamenes, Myron, and other ftylef illuftnous artifts. It is probable, from fome pafiases of ancient writers, that in this ftyle were preferved fome charadters of the ancient manner, fuch as the ftraight lines, the fquares and angles. The ancient mafters, fuch as Polycletus, being the legiflators of propor¬ tions, fays Winkelman, and of confequence thinking they had a right to diftribute the meafures and di- menfions of the parts of the human body, have un¬ doubtedly facrificed fome degree of the form of beauty to a grandeur which is harfh, in comparifon of the flow¬ ing contours and graceful forms of their fucccffor? ; J he moft confiderable monuments of the grand ftyle are the ftatues of Niobe and her daughters, and a fi¬ gure the Greeks received the rudiments ^f^h^ art ml ^ tLe ®rtlcles to.yhl’ch we liave referred, that debted for the elements of fciencc, ' t h'ure ^iom tbe nations to winch they were confefledly in. S C U L P g'ure of Pallas, to be feen in Villa Alban! ; which, how¬ ever, mud not be confounded with the ftatue which is modeHed according to the fir ft ftyle, and is alfo found in the fame place. The head poffefTes all the chatac* ters of dignified beauty, at the fame time exhibiting the rigidnefs of the ancient ftyle. The face is defe&ive in gracefulnefs ; yet it Ts evident how eafy it would have been to give the features more roundnefs and grace. The figures of Niobe and her daughters have not, in the opinion of Winkelman, that aufterity of appear¬ ance which marks the age ot the ftatue of Pallas. They are charafterized by grandeur and fimplicity : fo limple are the forms, that they do not appear to be the tedious productions of art, but to have been created by an in- ftantaneous effort of nature. The grace. The third ftyle was the graceful or beautiful. Lyfip- ful ftyle. pus was perhaps the artift who introduced this ftyle. Being more converfant than his predeceffors with the fweet, the pure, the flowing, and the beaut’ful lines of nature, he avoided the fquare forms which the mafters of the fecond ftyle had too much employed. He was of opinion that the ufe of the art was rather to pleafe than to aftonilh, and that the aim of the artift Ihould be to raife admiration by giving delight. The artifts who cultivated this ftyle did not, however, negleft to ftudy the fublime works of their predeeeffors. They knew that grace is confiftent with the moft dignified beauty, and that it poffeffes charms which mull ever pleafe : they knew alfo that thefe charms are enhanced by dignity. Grace is infuled into all the movements and attitudes of their ftatues, and it appears in the de¬ licate turns of the hair, and even in the adjufting of the drapery. Every fort of grace was well known to the ancients ; and great as the ravages of time have been amongft the works of art, fpeeimens are Hill preferved, in which can be diftinguilhed dignified beauty, attrnaive beauty, and a beauty peculiar to infants. A fpecimen of dignified beauty may be feen in the ftatue of one of the mufes in the palace of Barberini at Rome ; and in the garden of the pope, on the Quirinal is a ftatue of an¬ other mufe, which affords a fine inftance of attractive beauty. Winkelman fays that the moft excellent mo¬ del of infant beauty which antiquity has tranfmitted to us is a fatyr of a year old, which is preferved, though 1 a little mutilated, in Villa Albani. Tie imita- The great reputation of Praxiteles and Apelles raifed Jive ftyle. an ardent emulation in their fuccefibrs, who defpairing to furpafs fuch illuftrious mafters, were fatisfied with imitating their works. But it is well known that a mere imitator is always inferior to the matter whom he attempts to copy . When no original genius appears, the art mult therefore decline. . Materials Clay was the firft material which was employed in ftatues.C'an ftatuai7- '^'n ^n^ance tk’8 may be ^een in a figure ‘ of Alcamenes in bas-relief in Villa Albani. The an¬ cients ufed their fingers, and efpecially their nails, to ren- -y der certain parts more delicate and lively: hence arofe the r £'ay and phrafe ad unguem fattus homo., “ an accomplilhed man.,, plafter. It was the. opinion of count Caylus that the ancients did not ufe models in forming their ftatues. But to dif- prove this, it is only neceffary to mention an engraving on a ftone in the cabinet of Stofch, which reprefents Prometheus engraving the figure of a man, with a plummet in his hand, to meafure the proportions of his t u R E. ■ ,83 model. The ancients as well as the moderns made works in platter ; but no fpecimens remain except fome figures in bas-relief, of which the moft beautiful were found at Baia. ^3 The works made of Ivory and filver were generally Ivory, ftf. of a fmall fize. Sometimes, however, ftatues of a pro-ve.r' anc* digious fize were formed of gold and ivory. The co-8”1”’ loffal Minerva of Phidias, which was compofed of thefe materials, was 26 cubits high. It is indeed fcarcely poflible to believe that ftatues of fuch a fize could en¬ tirely confift of gold and ivory. The quantity of ivory neceffary to a coloffal ftatue is beyond conception. M. de Pauw calculates that the ftatue of Jupiter Olympus, which was 54 feet high, would confume the teeth of 300 elephants. ^ The Greeks generally hewed their marble ftatues out Marbles of one block, though they after worked the heads fepa- rately, and fometimes the arms. The heads of the famous group of Niobe and her daughters have been adapted to their bodies after being feparately f niftied. It is proved by a large figure reprefenting a river, which is preferved in Villa Albani, that the ancients firft hewed their ftatues roughly before they attempted to finifh any part. When the ftatue had received "its per- fedt figure, they next proceeded to polifti it with pumice- ftone, and again carefully retouched every part with the child. The ancients, when they employed porphyry, ufually Porphyry* made the head and extremities of marble. It is true, that at Venice there are four figures entirely compofed of porphyry; but thefe are the produdtions of the Greeks of the middle age. They alfo made ftatues of bafaltes and alabafter. Without expreffion, gefture, and attitude, no fi-ExprYlficw gure can be beautiful, becaufe in thefe the graces al-anii al¬ ways rdide. It was for this reafon that the graces aretude’ always reprefented as the companions of Venus. The expreffion of tranquillity was frequent in Gre¬ cian ftatues, becaufe, according to Plato, that was con- fidered as the middle ftate of the foul between pleafure and pain. Experience too ftiows that in general the moft beautiful perfons are endowed with the fweeteft and moft engaging manner. Without a fedatel tran¬ quillity dignified beauty could not exift. It is in this tranquillity, therefore, that we muft look for the com¬ plete difplay of genius. The moft elevated fpecies of tranquillity and repofein thefts- was Itudied in the figures of the gods. The father oftues of tbs- the gods, and even inferior divinities, are reprefentedS0^* without emotion or refentment. It is thus that Homer paints Jupiter fhaking Olympus by the motion of his hair and his eyebrows. Shakes his ambrohal curls, and gives the nod, The ftamp of fate and fan&ion of the god. Jupiter is not always exhibited in this tranquil ftate. In a bas-relief belonging to the Marquis Rondini he ap¬ pears feated on an arm-chair with a melancholy afpedt. The Apollo of the Vatican reprefents the god in a fit of rage againlt the ferpent Python, which he kills at a blow. The artift, adopting the opinion of the poets, has made the nofe the feat of anger, and the lips the feat of difdain. 45 Toexprefsthe aaionof a hero, the Grecian fculptors!" 0 ' delmeatedhsrwfev i84 S C U L delineated the countenance of a noble virtuous character n preffing his groans, and allowing no exprefiion of pain to appear. In deferibing the aftions of a hero the poet has much more liberty than thtf artift. 1 he poet can paint them Inch as they were before, men were taught to fubdue their paffions by the reftraints of law, or the refined cuftoms of focial life. But the artift, obliged to leledt the mod beautiful forms, is reduced to the neceffity of giving fuch an expreflion o*7 the patlions as may not fhock our feelings and difgufl us with his production. The truth of thefe remarks will be ac¬ knowledged by thofe who have feen two of the molt beau¬ tiful monuments of antiquity ; one of which reprefents the fear of death, the other the mod violent pains and fufferings. The daughters of Niobe, againft whom Diana has difeharged her fatal arrows, are exhibited in that date of dupefaCtion which we imagine mud take place when the certain profpeft of death deprives the foul of all fendbility. '1 he fable prefer.ts us an image of that itupor which Efchylus deferibes as feizing the Niobe when they wrere transformed into a rock. The other monument referred to is the image of Laocoon, which exhibits the mod agonizing pain that can affeCt the mufcles, the nerves, and the veins. The fuflerings of the body and the elevation of the foul are expred'ed in every member with equal energy, and form the mod fublime contrad imaginable. Laocoon appears to fuf- fer with fuch fortitude, that, wTilft his lamentable dur¬ ation pierces the heart, the whole figure fills us with an ambitious defire of imitating his condancy and magna¬ nimity in the pains and iufferings that may fall to our lot. Philoftetes is introduced by the poets fhedding tears, uttering complaints, and rending the air wuth his groans and cries ; but the artid exhibits him filent and bear¬ ing his pains with dignity. The Ajax of the celebra¬ ted painter Timomachus is not drawn in the aft of de- droying the fiieep which he took for the Grecian chiefs, but in the moments of refleftion which fucceeded that frenzy. So far did the Greeks carry their love of ealmnefs and flow movements, that they thought a quick dep always announced rudicity of manners. De- ir.odhenes reproaches Nicobulus for this very thing ; and from the words he makes ufe of, it appears, that to fpeak with iniblence and to walk hadily were reckoned 44 lynonymous. fn the fta- In the figures of women, the artids have conformed tues of t0 the principle obferved in all the ancient tragedies, and women. recommended by Aridotle, never to make women fhow too much intrepidity or exceffive cruelty. Conforma¬ ble to this maxim, Clytemnedra is reprefented at a little didance from the fatal fpot, watching the murderer, but wuthout taking any part with him. In a painting of Timomachus reprefenting Medea and her children, when Medea lifts up the dagger they fmile in her face, and her fury is immediately melted into compaffion for the innocent viftims. In another reprefentation of the fame fubjeft, Medea appears heiitating and indecifive. Guided by the fame maxims, the artids of mod refined tade were careful to avoid all deformity, choofing rather to recede from truth than from their accuftomed refpeft for beauty, as may be feen in feveral figures of Hecuba. Sometimes, however, die appears in the decrepitude of age, her face furrowed with wrinkles, and her breads hanging down. p T u R E. Illuftrious men, and thofe invefted with offices of 45 dignity, are reprefented with a noble adurance and firm,n t,!l' ftp- afpeft. The datues of the Roman emperors refemble thofe of heroes, and are far removed from every fpecies {,crors. of flattery, in the gedure, in the attitude, and aftion. They never gppear with haughty looks, or with the fplendor of royalty ; no figure is ever feen prefenting any thing to them with bended knee, except captives ; and none addred’es them with an inclination of the head. In modern works too little attention has been paid to the ancient cojiume. Winkelman mentions a bas-relief, which was lately executed at Rome for the fountain of Trevi, reprefenting an architeft in the aft of prefenting the plan of an aqueduft to Marcus Agrippa. The modern fcnlptor, not content writh giving a long beard to that illuftrious Roman, contrary to all the ancient marble ftatues as well as medals which remain, exhibits the architeft on his knees. In general, it was an eftablifhed principle to banifh all violent paffions from public monuments. This will ferve as a decifive mark to diftinguifh the true antique from fuppofititious works. A medal has been found exhibiting two Aftyrians, a man and woman tearing their hair, with this infeription, Assyria, f.t. palaes- tina. in. potest, p. r. redac. s. c. The forgery of this medal is manifeft from the word Pa/aejiir.a, which is not to be found in any ancient Roman medal with a Latin infeription. Befides, the violent aftion of tearing the hair does not fuit any fymbolical figure. This ex¬ travagant ftyle, which was called by the ancientsparen- thyrjis, has been imitated by moll of the modern artifts. Their-figures refemble comedians on the ancient theatres, who, in order to fuit the dillant fpeftators, put on paint¬ ed malks, employed exaggerated geftures, and far over¬ leaped the bounds of nature. This ftyle has been re¬ duced into a theory in a treatife on the palfions compo- fed by Le Brun. The defigns which accompany that work exhibit the paffions in the very highell degree, approaching even to frenzy: but thefe are calculated to vitiate the taile, efpecially of the young ; for the ardour of youth prompts them rather to feize the extremity than the middle ; and it will be difficult for that artilt who has formed his tafle from fuch empaffioned models ever to acquire that noble fimplicity and fedate gran¬ deur which diftinguilhed the works of ancient tafte. Proportion is the bafis of beauty, and there can beOfpropor- no beauty without it; on the contrary, proportion may d013*- exift where there is little beauty. Experience every day teaches us that knowledge is diftinft from tafte ; and proportion, therefore, which is founded on knowledge, may be ftriftly obferved in any figure, and yet the figure have no pretenlions to beauty. The ancients confider- ing ideal beauty as the moft perfeft, have frequently- employed it in preference to the beauty of nature. The body confifts of three parts as well as the mem¬ bers. The three parts of the body are the trunk, the thighs, and the legs. The inferior part of the body are the thighs, the legs, and the feet. The arms alfo confift of three parts. Thefe three parts muft bear a certain proportion to the whole as well as to one an¬ other. In a well formed man the head and body muft be proportioned to the thighs, the legs, and the feet, in the fame manner as the thighs are proportioned to the legs and the feet, or the arms to the hands. The face 7 Ay'' SCULP part?, that js, three times the length of the nofe ; but the head is not four times the length of the nofe, as fome writers have afferted. From the place where the hair begins to the crown of the head are only three-fourths of the length of the nofe, or that part Is to the nofe as 9 to 12. It Is probable that the Grecian, as well as Egyptian artifts, have determined the great and fmall proportions by fixed rules; that they have eftabllfhed a pofidve meafure for the dlmenfions of length, breadth, and cir¬ cumference. This fuppofition alone can enable us to account for the great conformity which we meet with in ancient ftatues. Winkelman thinks that the foot was the meafure which the ancients ufed in all their great dimenfions, and that it was by the length of it that they regulated the meafure of their figures, by giving to them fix times that length. This in fa& is the length which Vitruvius afiigns, Pes vero aftitudinis cor¬ poris fexta, 1. 3. cap. r. That celebrated antiquary thinks the foot is a more determinate meafure than the head or the face, the parts from which modern painters and fculptors too often take their proportions. This proportion of the foot to the body, which has ap¬ peared ftrange and incomprehenfible to the learned Huetius, and has been entirely teje&ed by Ferrault, is however founded upon experience. After meafuring with great care a vail number ol figures, Winkelman found this proportion obferved not only in Egyptian ftatues, but alfo in thofe of Greece. This fad may be determined by an infpe&ion of thofe ftatues the feet of which are perfed. One may be fully convinced of it by examining fome divine figures, in which the artifts have made fome parts beyond their natural di¬ menfions. In the Apollo Belvidere, which is a little more than feven heads high, the foot is three Roman inches longer than the head. The head of the Venus de Medicis is very fmall, and the height of the ftatue is feven heads and a half: the foot is three inches and a half longer than the head, or precifely the fixth part of the length of the whole ftatue. Practice of Sculpture. 47 Ctredan We have been thus minute in our account of the fculpture Grecian fculpture, becaufe it is the opinion of the ablelt diedV^he critics that modern artifts have been more or lefs emi- nlodern ar- nent as they have ftudied with the greater or lefs atten- tiils. tion the models left us by that ingenious people : Winkelman goes fo far as to contend that the moft fi- niftied works of the Grecian mafters ought to be ftudied in preference even to the works of nature. This ap¬ pears to be paradoxical; but the reafon affigned by the Abbe for his opinion is, that the faireft lines of beauty are more eafily difeovered, and make a more ftriking and powerful imprefiion, by their reunion in thefe fub- lime copies, than when they are fcattered far and wide in the original. Allowing, therefore, the ftudy of na¬ ture the high degree of merit it fo juftly claims, it muft neverthelefs be granted, that it leads to true beauty by a much more tedious, laborious, and difficult path, than the ftudy of the antique, which prefents immediately to tiie artift’s view the objeft of his refearches, and com¬ bines in a clear and ftrong point of light the various rays of beauty that are difperfed through the wide do¬ main of nature. As foon as the artift has laid this excellent founda- Vol. XVII. Part I. TURK. 18s tion, acquired an intimate degree of familiarity with the beauties of the Grecian ftatues, and formed his tafte after the admirable models they exhibit, he may then proceed with advantage and affurance to the imitation of nature. The ideas he has already formed of the per- feftion of nature, by obferving her difperfed beauties combined and collected in the compofitions of the mi. cient artifts, will enable him to acquire with facility, and to employ with advantage, the detached and partial ideas of beauty which will be exhibited to his view in a furvey of nature in her actual ftate. When he difeovers thefe partial beauties, he will be capable of combining them with thofe perfeft forms of beauty with which he is already acquainted. In a word, by having always prefent to his mind the noble models already mention¬ ed, he will be in fome meafure his own oracle, and will draw rules from his own mind. 4g There are, however, two ways of imitating nature. Two way* In the one a {ingle object occupies the artift, who en-gfimiu- deavours to reprefent it with precifion and truth ; in tin£ na" the other, certain lines and features are taken from a variety of objedls, and combined and blended into one regular whole. All kinds of copies belong to the firft kind of imitation ; and productions of this kind muft be executed neceflarily in the Dutch manner, that is to fay, with high finiftting, and little or no invention. But the fecond kind of imitation leads diredtly to the invefti- gation and difeovery of true beauty, of that beauty whofe idea is connate with the human mind, and is only to be found there in its higheft perfection. This is the kind of imitation in which the Greeks excelled, and in which men of genius excite the young artifts to ex¬ cel after their example, viz. by ftudying nature as they did. After having ftudied in the productions of the Gre¬ cian mafters their choice and exprefiion of feleCt na~ ture, their fublime and graceful contours, their noble draperies, together with that fedate grandeur and ad¬ mirable fimplicity that conftitute their chief merit, the curious artifts will do well to ftudy the manual and me¬ chanical part of their operations, as this is abfolutely neceflary to the fuccefsful imitation of their excellent manner. '' v 49 It is certain that the ancients almoft always formed Models o£ their firft models in wax: to this modern artifts have ftatues. fubftituted clay, or fome fuch compofition : they prefer clay before wax in the carnations, on account of the yielding nature of the latter, and its {ticking in fome meafure to every thing it touches. We muft not, how¬ ever, imagine irom hence that the method of forming models of wet clay was either unknown or neglefted among the Greeks ; on the contrary, it was in Greece that models of this kind were invented. Their author was Dibutades of Sicyon ; and it is well known that Arcelilas, the friend of Lucullus, obtained a higher de¬ gree of reputation by his clay models than by all his other productions. Indeed, if clay could be made to preferve its original moifture, it would undoubtedly be the fitteft fubftance for the models ol the fculptor; but when it is placed either in the fire or left to dry im¬ perceptibly in the air, its folid parts grow more com¬ pact, and the figure lofing thus a part of its dimenfions, is neceffarily reduced to a fmaller volume. This dimi¬ nution would be of no confequencc did it equcdly affeCt the whole figure, fo as to preferve its proportions en- A a tire„ SCULPTURE. tire. But this is not the cafe : for the fmaller parts of the figure dry fooner than the larger ; and thus lofing more of their dimenfions in the fame fpace of time than the htter do, the fymmetry and proportions of the figure inevitably fuffer. This inconveniency does not take place in thofe models that are made in wax. It is In¬ deed extremely difficult, in the ordinary method of working the wax, to give it that degree of fmoothnefs that is neceffary to reprefent the loftnefs of the carna¬ tions or flefiiy parts of the body. This-inconvenience may, however, be remedied, by forming the model firll ' in clay, then moulding it in plailer, and lafily calling it in wax. And, indeed, clay is feldom ufed but as,a mould in which to call a figure of plafter, ftucco, or wax, to ferve henceforth for a model by which the meafures and proportions of the ftatue are to be adjufted. In ma¬ king waxen models, it is common to put half a pound of colophony to a pound of wax ; and fome add turpen- tine, melting the whole with oil of olives. Mer’in d of So much for the firft or preparatory fteps in this wo.kirg procedure. It remains to confider the manner of work- tie and" t^ie mar^^e after the model fo prepared ; and the me- ‘ thod here followed by the Greeks feems to have been extremely different from that which is generally obler- ved by modern artifts. In the ancient ftatues we find the mod ftriking proofs of the freedom and bold- nefs that accompanied each ftroke of the child, and which refulted from the artilt’s being perfectly fure of the accuracy of his idea, and the precifion and lleadi- nefs of his. hand : the mod minute parts of the figure carry thefe marks of affurance and freedom; no indica¬ tion of timoroufnefs or diffidence appear ; nothing that can induce us to fancy that the artid had occafion to correid any of his drokes. It is difficult to find, even in the fecond-rate produftions of the Grecian artids, any mark of a falfe droke or a random touch. This firmnefs and precifion of the Grecian chifel were cer¬ tainly derived from a more determined and perfect fet of rules than thofe which are obferved in modern times. The method generally obferved by the modern fculp- tor is as follows : Firlf, out of a great block of marble he faws another of the fize required, which is perform¬ ed with a fmooth deel faw, without teeth, calling water , and fand thereon from time to time; then he fafhions it, by taking off what is fuperduous with a deel point and a heavy hammer of foft iron ; after this, bringing it near the rrreafure required, he reduces it dill nearer with another finer point; he then ufes a flat cutting inflrument, having notches in its edge; and then a chifel to take off the fcratches which the former has left ; till, at length, taking rafps of different degrees of finenefs. by degrees he brings his work into a condition for polifhing. After this, having dudied his model with all poffible attention, he draws upon this model horizontal and per¬ pendicular lines which interfeft each other at right angles. He afterwards copies thefe lines upon his marble, as the painter makes ufe of fuch tranfverfal lines to copy a pifture, or to reduce it to a fmaller fize. Thefe traniverial lines or fquares, drawn in an equal number upon the marble and upon the model, in a man¬ ner proportioned to their refpehtive dimenfions, exhibit accurate meafures of the furfaces upon which the artid is to work ; but cannot determine, with equal precifion, 2he depths that are proportioned to thefe furfaces.—■ The fculptor, indeed, may determine thefe depths by obferving the relation they bear to his model; but as his eye is the only guide he has to follow in this edi- mate, he is always more or lefs expofed to error, or at lead to doubt. He is never fure that the cavities made by his chifel are exaft; a degree of uncertainty accom¬ panies each droke; nor can he be affured that it has carried away neither too much nor too little of his mar¬ ble. It is equally difficult to determine, by fuch lines as have already been mentioned, the external and inter¬ nal contours of the figure, or to transfer them from the model to the marble. By the internal contour is un- derdood that which is deferibed by the parts which ap¬ proach towards the centre, and which are not marked in a driking manner. It is farther to be noticed, that in a complicated and laborious work, which an artid cannot execute without affidance, he is often obliged to make ufe of foreign hands, that have not the talents or dexterity that are neceffary to finiffi his plan. A fingle droke of the chifel that goes too deep is a defect not to be repaired ; and fuch a droke may eafily happen, where the depths are fo imperfectly determined. Defeats of this kind are in¬ evitable, if the fculptor, in chipping his marble, begins by forming the depths that are requifite in the figure he deligns to reprefent. Nothing is more liable to error than this manner of proceeding. The cautious artid ought, on the contrary, to form thefe depths gradually, by little and little, with the utmod circumfpecfion and care ; and the determining of them with precifion ought to be confidered as the lad part of his work, and as the finifhing touches of his chifel. ^ The various inconveniences attending this method of copy- determined feveral eminent artids to look out for one ing ancient that would be liable to lefs uncertainty, and produCliveltatue5* of fewer errors. The French academy of painting at Rome hit upon a method of copying the ancient fta¬ tues, which fome fculptors have employed with fuccefs, even in the figures which they finifhed after models in clay or wax. This method is as follows. The datue that is to be copied is inclofed in a frame that fits it exadtly. The upper part of this frame is divided into a certain number of equal parts, and to each of thefe parts a thread is fixed with a piece of lead at the end of it. Thefe threads, which hang freely, (how what parts of the datue are mod removed from the centre with much more perfpicuity and precifion than the lines which are drawn upon its furface, and which pafs equally over the higher and hollow parts of the block : they alfo give the artid a tolerable rule to meafure the more ftriking variations of height and depth, and thus render him. more bold and determined in the execution of his plan. But even this method is not without its defeats : for as it is impoffible, by the means of a draight line, to determine with preciiion the procedure of a curve, the artid has, in this method, no certain rule to guide him in his contours; and as often as the line which he is to deferibe deviates from the direction of the plumb line,, which is his main guide, he mud neceffarily find himfelf at a lofs, and be obliged to have recourfe to conjecture. It is alfo evident, that this method affords no certain rule to determine exadtly the proportion which the va¬ rious pants of the figure ought to bear to each other, confidered in their mutual relation and connections* The artid, indeed, endeavours to fupply this defect by 2 inter- SCULPTUR E. 187 interfetting the plumb-lines by horizontal ones. This recourfe has, ntverthelefs, its inconveniences, lince the fquares formed by tranfverfal lines, that are at a diftance from the figure (though they be exactly equal), yet reprefent the parts of the figure as greater or fmaller, according as they are more or lefs removed from our poiition or point of view. But, notwithfianding thefe inconveniences, the method now under confideration is certainly the bell that has hitherto been employed : it is more pradlicable and iure than any other we know, though it appears, from the remarks we have now been making, that it does not exhibit a lure and univerfal cri¬ terion to a fculptor who executes alter a model. 51 To poliih the ftatue, or make the parts of it fmoothp£" P!>h& and lleek, they ufe pumice-ftone and fmelt; then tripoli; and when a Hill greater luftre is required, they ufe burnt draw. Forthe Cajting of Statuesy lee Foundery, and Plastez of Paris. s c u SCUM, properly denotes the impurities which a li¬ quor, by boiling, calls up to the furface. The term feum is alfo ufed for what is more properly called the fcoria of metals. SCUPPERS, in a {hip, are certain channels cut through the water-ways and fides of a firip, at proper diltances, and lined with plated lead, in order to carry the water off from the deck into the fea. The (cup¬ pers of the lower deck of a firip of war are ufually fur- nifired with a leathern pipe, called the fcvpper-hofe, which hangs downward from the mouth or opening of the feupper. The intent of this is to prevent the water from entering when the firip inclines under a weight of fail. SCURVY, in medicine, fee that article, n3 351, where we have given an account of the fymptoms, caufes, and modes of prevention and cure, according to fome of the moll eminent writers in medicine. We have here only to add, that, in the opinion of Dr Beddoes, the mineral acids, elpecially the nitric and vitriolic, may be employed in the prevention or cure of this dreadful difeafe with as much fuccefs as the vegetable acids.— But of all- the fubllances that can at once be cheaply procured and long preierved, he thinks the concrete acid of tartar by far the moil promifing. It is very grateful, and comes near to the citric acid. In tropi¬ cal countries the feurvy is feldom known. Scvkvr grafs, in botany. See Cochlearea. The officinalis, or common officinal feurvy-grafs, grows upon rocks on the fea coalt, and on the High¬ land mountains, abundantly. It has an acrid, bitter, and acid talle, and is highly recommended for the feur¬ vy. There are inftances oi a whole firip’s crew having been cured of that diltemper by it ; and as it abounds with acid falts, there can be no doubt but that it is a great refiller-of putrefadlion. The bell way of taking it is raw in a falad. It is alfo diuretic, and ufeful in dropfies. 'I he Highlanders elteem it as a good lio- machic. The coronopus, another fpecies, was fome years ago rendered lamous, the allies of it being an ingredient in Mrs Joanna Stephens’s celebrated medicine tor the Hone and gravel ; but, unfortunately for thole affii&ed witli that excruciating complaint, it has not been able to fupport its credit. It is acrid, and talles like garden crefs. SCUTAGE (feutagium, Sax. fcildpening), was a tax or contribution railed by thofe that held lands by knights fervice, towards furnilhing the king’s army, at one, two, or three merks for every knight’s fee. Hen¬ ry III. for his voyage to the Holy Land, had a tenth granted by the clergy, andfeutage three merks of every S C Y knight’s fee by the laity. This was alfo levied by Henry II. Richard I. and King John. See Knight* Service. SCUTE [feutum), a French gold coin of 3 s. qd. in the reign of king Henry V. Catharine queen of England had an affurance made her of fundty caHks, manors, lands, &c. valued at the fum of 40,000 fcutest every two whereof were worth a noble. Rot. Pari. 1. Hen. VI. SCUTELLARIA, Sku^l-cap, in botany : A ge¬ nus of the gymnofpermia order, belonging to the didy- namia clafs of plants ; and in the natural method rank¬ ing under the 40th order, Perfonatce. The calyx is fiiort, tubulated, has the mouth entire, and dole after flower¬ ing. There are two fpecies in Britain, thegalericulata and minor. 1. The Galcriculata, Blue Skull-cat), or Hooded Willow-herb. The Hems are weak, branched, and above a foot high ; the leaves are heart-lhaped, narrow-point¬ ed, on fiiort toot-fialks, and fcalloped ; the flowers are blue, in pairs, on pedicles from the ?.ke of" the leaves, and pendulous. It grou's on the banks of rivers and laKes, is bitter, and has a garlic fmell. 2. Minor, little red Skull-cap, or Willow-herb. The fialks are about eight inches high; the leaves are heart-fhaped, oval; the flow’ers are purple. It grows in fens, and on the fides of lakes. SCUTTLES, in a fiup, fquare holes cut in the deck, big enough to let down the body of a man, and which ferve upon fome occafions to let the people down into any room below, or from one deck to ano¬ ther. SCYLAX, a celebrated mathematician and gcof grapher ol Caria, flourifhed under the reign of Darius Flyflafpes, about 558 B. C. Some have attributed to him the invention ot geographical tables. We have under his name a geographical wrork publilhed by Hoef- chelius ; but it is written by a much later author, and is perhaps only an abridgment of Scylax’s Ancient Geo- graphy. SCYLLA (anc. geog.), a rock in the Fretum Si- culum, near the coalt of Italy, dangerous to (hipping, oppofrte to Charybdis, a whirlpool on the coalt ol Si¬ cily ; both of them famous in mythology. Scylla and Charybdis have been almofi fubdued by Fhdhcrland't the repeated convulfions of this part of the earth, and 7W up the by the violence of the current, which is continually in- ^trait^ .. creating the breadth of tire Straits. If proper allow- Le’tcr XU* ance be made for thefe circumftances, we fhall acquit the ancients of any exaggeration, notwitlutandiog the very dreadful colours in which they have painted this pafiage. It is formed by a low peniiifula, called Capf Pelorus, ftretching to the eaflward on the Sicilian fide, A a z mime- S C Y [ 188 ] S C Y Scyl’a immediately within which lies the famous whirlpool of II . Charybdis, and by the rocks of Scylla, which a few cyt ia’ miles'below on tlie Calabrian (hore projeft towards the weft. The current runs with furprifing force from one to the other alternately in the direction of the tide, and the tides themfelves are very irregular. Thus veftels, by fhunning the one, were in the utmoft danger of be¬ ing fwallowed up by the other At prefent, in moderate weather, when the tide is either at ebb or flood, boats pals all over the whirl¬ pool: but, in general, it is like the meeting of two con¬ tending currents, with a number of eddies all around; and, even now, there is fcarcely a winter in which there are not fome wrecks. “ At the time when we palled the Straits (fays Cap¬ tain Sutherland, from whom we have obtained this ac¬ curate information) the weather was as favourable as • we could wilh $ and yet, in fpite of a ftrong breeze and the current, which hurried us on with furprifing velo¬ city, the fhip’s head was fuddenly whirled round near three points ; but the wind blowing frefh, in a few fe- conds fhe dafhed through the eddy that had caught her; for, to avoid Scylla, and fecure Mdfina, we had kept pretty clofe to Charybdis.” SCYROS, an ifland in the JEgean fea, at the diftance of about 28 miles north-call from Eubcna. It is 60 miles in circumference. It was originally in the pofief- fion of the Pelafgians and Carians. Achilles retired there to avoid going to the Trojan war, and became father of Neoptolemus by Deidamia the daughter of king Lyeomedes. Scyros was conquered by the Athe¬ nians under Cimbn. It was very rocky and barren. bJow Sciro. E. Long. 25. o. N. Eat. 38. 15. SCYTALA laconica, in antiquity, a ftratagem or device of the Lacedemonians, for the feeret writing of letters to their correfpondents, fo that if they ftould chance t© be intercepted, nobody might be able to read them.—To this end they had two wooden rollers or cylinders, perfedlly alike and equal; one whereof was kept in the city, the other by the perfon to whom the letter was direfted. For the letter, a fldn of very thin parchment was wrapped round the roller, and thereon was the matter written ; which done, it was taken off, and fent away to the party, who, upon put¬ ting it in the fame manner upon his roller, found the lines and words in the very fame difpofitiom as when they were fii ft written. This expedient they fet a very high value on ; though, in truth, artlefs and grofs enough: the moderns have improved vaftly on this me¬ thod of writing. See Cipher. SCYTAL1A, in botany : A genus of the monogy- nia order, belonging to the oclandria clafs of plants ; and in the natural method ranking with thofe that are doubtful. The calyx is very fhort, monophyllous, and fomewhat quinquedentated ; the corolla pentapetalous ; the filaments hairy at the bafe ; the berry unilocular, with one feed of a foft pulpy confiftence. There is on¬ ly one fpecies, viz. the Simnjis, a native of the Eaft In¬ dies. SCYTHIA, an ancient name for the northern parts ©f Afia, now known by the name of Tartary ; alfa for fome of the north-eaftern parts of Europe. This vaft territory, which extends itfelf from the Ifter or Danubej the boundary of tire Celts, that is, from about the 25th to almoft the noth degree of eaft Ion- 6cvtMa„ gitude, was divided into Scythia in Europe and Scy- thia in Afia; including, however, the two Sarmatias; or, as they are called by the Greeks, Sauromatias, now the Circaffian Tartary, which lay between and fevered the two Scythias from each other. Sauromatia was alio diftinguiftied into European and Afiatic ; and was divided from the European Scythia by the river Lon or Tanais, which falls into the Pains Mentis ; and from the Afiatic by the Rdia, now Volga, which empties it¬ felf into the Cafpian fea. 1. The Afiatic Scythia comprehended, in gene¬ ral, great Tartary, and Ruffia in Afia ; and, in par¬ ticular, tire Scythia beyond or without Iroaus, contain¬ ed the regions of Bogdoi or Oftiacoi, and Tanguti. That within, or on this fide Imaus, had Turkeftan and Mongal, the Ufbeck or Zagatai, Kalmuc and Nagaian Tartars ; befides Siberia, the land of the Samoiedes, and Nova Zembla. Thefe three laft not being fo foon in¬ habited as the former, as may be reafonably fuppofed* were wholly unknown to the ancients ; and the former were peopled by' the Ba£trians, Sogdians, Gandari, Sacks, and Maffagetes. As for Sarmatia, it contained Albania, Iberia, and Colchis ; which makes now the Circaffian Tartary, and the province of Georgia. 2. Scythia in Europe reached (towards the fouth- vveft) to the Po and the Alps, by which it was divided from Celto-Gallia. It was bounded on the fouth by the Tfter or Danube and the Euxine fea. Its northern li¬ mits have been fuppofed to ftretch to the fpring-heads of the Borifthenes or Nieper, and the Rha or Volga, and fo to that of the Tanais The ancients divided this country into Scythia Arimafpaea, which lay eaftward, joining to Scythia in Afia; and Sarmatia Europeana on the weft. In Scythia, properly fo called, were the Arimafpaei on the north ; the Getae or Dacians along the Danube, on the fouth; and the Neuri between thefe two. So that it contained the European Ruffia or Mufcovy, and the Lefler Crim Tartary eaftward; and, on the weft, Lithuania, Poland, part of Hungary^ Tranfilvania, Walachia, Bulgaria, and Moldavia. Sar¬ matia is fuppofed to have reached northward to that’ part of Swfcdeland called Fentngia, now Finland; in which they placed the Ocenes, Fanoti, and Hippopodes. This part they divided from northern Germany, now the weft part of Sweden atxl Norway, by the Mare Sarmaticum or Scytbicumy which they fuppofed ran up into the northern ocean; and, dividing Lapland into two parts, formed the weftern part of Sweden, with Norway, into one ifland, and Finland into another j fuppofing this alio to be cut off from the continent by the gulph of that name. Although the ancient Scythians were celebrated as a warlike people, yet their hiftory is- too uncertain ami obfeure to enable us to give any detail which would not prove equally tirefome and uninterefting to the reader. Mr Pinkerton, in a differtationon their origin, endeavours to prove that they were the moft ancient of nations j and he affigns for the place of their firft habitation the country known by the name of Perfia. From Perfia, he thinks, they proceeded in numerous hordes weftward; fm rounded the Euxine, peopled. Germany, Italy, Gaul, the countries bordering on the Baltic, with part of Britain and Ireland, 'i hat the, Scythians were of Afi- SEA [ *89 1 SEA origin ennno,. we think, he queHioned ijnd as tn^n^ unprobabfy ^hate^ee^i their* parenl count,; l bu, when fekin,. it fometimes rifes into lofty mountains. If the our author contends that their empire had fubfifted for more than 1500 years before Ninus the founder of the Aflyrian monarchy, and that it extended from Egypt to the Ganges, and from the Perfian gulf and Indian lea to the Cafpian, we cannot help thinking that his preju¬ dices againft the Celts, and his defire to do honour to Ee*, depth of the fea be in proportion to the elevation of the land, as has generally been fuppofed, its greateft depth will not exceed five or fix miles, for there is no mountain fix miles perpendicular above the level 0* the fea. The fea has never been a&ually founded to a hisefavouHte Goths'^have made him advance Tparadox ^nTthat^tWwe refts entirely upon coijeaure and r 7? Fr,:inby Jkh . variety of ^ ^ Scythian Lamb, in natur y ; depth ot the fea is in general well known, it has always ^rYTHROPS agenerical name given by Mr La- been found proportioned to the height of the Ihore ; ^^S^bithertobut^^ t K obferved. 11^ ThTbiinXge convex, fur- low, the water fs (hallow. Whether this analogy holds lowrdTn ihe fides.’aud ben, at the tip f the noftril. arc at a diftance from the (here, experiments alone can de¬ flated at the bafe of it. and the tongue is cloven at the te . . t ^ quantity of water contained in the Quairir, ^ feafwlt tdepth l nnk/own, is impoffible But if Sw tail’, is black. The^l has each feather banded with we fuppde w,th ^contain. Ss o'fthe'feathe" are marked with black and white 128,235,759 miles, will contain 32,058,939.75 iv-amrlo TIip toes are placed two forwards and two cubic miles or water. . f bands. 1 he toes are piace ; d Let us now endeavour to compute the quantity of £So^hE: ag„™:; belike hX pait wa^Zich is conftant.y difehajd into the fea. For What pro- I onion the furface of the fea bears to that of the land. S^n^tbutitis^uen^d^thatvaf! the^ b°Wh1t mopo^n iheTp^ficies of the fea bears to into the fea. Let us now fuppofe, what is perhaps not tha^of the'land cannot eafily be afetrtained. Bnffon has ^ Depth of the fea. fuppofed that the furface of our globe is equally divided between land and water, and has accordingly calculated the fuperficies of the fea to be 85,490,506 (quare miles. But it is now' well known that the ocean covers much more than the half of the earth’s furface. _ Bu(fon be¬ lieved the exiftence of a vaft fouthern continent, which Captain Cook has (hown to be vifionary. It was this circumttance which mifled him. According to the moll accurate obfervations hitherto made, the iunaee 01 tire fea is to the land as three to one; the ocean therefore extends over 128,235,759 f(luare miles, fuppofing the fuperficies of the whole globe to be 170,9 1,012 fquare miles. To afeertain the depth of the fea is (till more difficult than its fuperficies, both on account of the numerous experiments which it would be nectfiary to make, and the want of proper inftiuments for that pur- pofe. Beyond a certain depth the fea has hitherto been found unfathomable ; and though feveial methods have been contrived to obviate this difficulty, none of them has completely anfwered the purpole. We know proportioned to the extent of that country. The Po< from its origin to its mouth traverfes a country 380 miles long, and the rivers which fall into it on every fide rife from fources about fixty miles diftant from it- The Po, therefore, and the rivers which it receives, wa¬ ter a country of 45,600 fquare miles. Now fince the whole fuperficies of the dry land is about 42,745>253' fquare miles,, it follow*,- from our fuppofition, that the quantity of water difeharged by all the rivers in the world, in one day, is 36 cubic miles, and in a year 13,140. If therefore the fea contains 32,058,939 cubic miles of water, it would take all the rivers in the w'orld 2439 years to difeharge an equal quantity. _ _ It may feem furprifing that the fea, fince it is con- ;t tinually receiving fuch animmenle fupply of water, does a e% not not vifibly increafe, and at laft cover the whole earth, increafe- But our furpiife will oeafe, if we confkkr that the ri¬ vers thcmfclves are fupplied from the fea, and that tliey do nothing more than carry back thofe waters w Inch them has completely an w^re P T ^ „radually the ocean is continually lavifhing upon the earth. Dr “ Zt eft, t HhiV^ Mley h»s dvmonftZd ,hat the vapoqts raifcd from ce^in diftance, the depth in the middle of the ocean the fea and ttanfpoited upon and are inffic.enhto matn- Zm be prodigious. Indeed the numerous iflands tarn al! the nversu. the world f he fnr.phcty of this everywhere featured in the fea demonlUate the eon- great proeefe » aflomftung: the fea not only cormete Sea. SEA [ , diflant countries, and renders it eafy to tranfport the commodities of one nation to another, but its v/aters rihn<{ in the air ddeend in fhowers to fertilife the earth and nourifh the vegetable kingdom, and colledting into rivers flow onwards, bringing fertility and wealth and commerce along with them, and again return to the fea to repeat the fame round. 3hil ^ "i he knowledge of this procefs of nature might, one yheWon * 'v0>dd think, have convinced philofophers that the pro- thisfub- portion between fea and land continued always nearly the fame. Philofophers however have formed different theories about this as well as moft other fubjefis, main¬ taining on the one hand that the fea is continually encroaching on the land, and on the other that the land is conftantly gaming on the fea. Both fides have fup- ported their theories by arguments, demonftrations, and uncontrovertible fadls! The height of the mountains, fay the philofophers Theories ject land. Arguments who affirm who. f“PP®.rt the encroachments of the fea, is continual- that the featy dimimfhing ; expofed to the violence of every ftorm, is encroach-the hardeft rocks mult at laft give way and tumble on the down. The rivers are continually fweeping- along with them particles of earth which they depofite in the bot¬ tom ot the fea. Both the depth of the ocean then and the height of the dry kmd muft be always decreafing ; the waters therefore muft, unlcfs a part of them were annihilated, fpread owm a greater extent of furface in proportion as thefe caufes operate. This reafoning, convincing as it is, might be confirmed by a great number of fadts : it will be fufficient however to men¬ tion one or two. In the reign of Auguftus the ifle of Wight made a part of Britain, fo that the Englifh croffed over to it at low water with cart loads of tin ; yet that illand is at prefent feparated from Britain by a channel half a mile wide. Tire Godwin fands on the eaftern fhore of England were formerly the fertile eflate of earl Godwin. Nor are the encroachments of the fca confined to Britain. In the bay of Bais near Na¬ ples there are remains of houfes and ftreets flill vifible below the prefent level of the fea. The fea therefore is making continued encroachments upon the land ; and the time will come, fay they, when the waters will again cover the furface of the earth. Such are the arguments of thofe philofophers who maintain the continual encroachments of the fea. Thofe who maintain the oppofite theory, that the land is gra¬ dually gaining on the fea, though they pretend not to on deny the fafts advanced by their opponents, affirm that the ica. t}ley ar£ altogether infufficient to eflablifli the hypo- thefis which they were brought forward to lupport. Though the rivers cairy down particles of earth into the fea, thefe, fay they, are either accumulated on other fhores, or, collefting in the bottom of the ocean, harden into Hone, which being pofiefTed of a vegetative power rifes by degrees above the furface of the fea and form rocks, and mountains, and iflands. The vegetative na¬ ture of ftone indeed is f'ufficient, of itfelf, to convince us that the quantity of earth muft be daily accumula¬ ting, and confequently that the furface of the fea is di- minifhing in extent. Cellms, a Swedifh philofopher (for tins difpute has been catried on in Sweden with the greateft keennefs), has endeavoured to build this Argument cf thofe who affirm that the lard is 90 H SEA theory with more folid materials than vegetable ftone. Sea^ « In a curious memoir, publiilred in 1743, lie afterts that —v—^ the Baltic and the Atlantic, at leaf! that part of it which wafhes Norway, is conftantly diminifhing; and he proves this by the teftimony of a great many aged pilots and fifhermen, who affirmed that the fea was become much Shallower in many places than it had been during their youth : that many rocks formerly covered with water were now feveral feet above the furface of the fea : that loaded veffels ufed formerly to ride in many places where pinnaces and barks could now with difficulty fwim. He produces inftances of ancient lea port towns now feveral leagues from the fhore, and of anchors and wrecks of vefiels found far within the country. He mentions a particular rock which 168 years before was at the bottom of the fea, but was then railed eight feet above its furface. In another place where the water 50 years before had reached to the knee there was then none. Several rocks, too, which during the infancy of fome old pilots had been two feet under water, were then three feet above it. From all thefe obfervations M. Celfius concludes, that the water of the Baltic do- creafes in height 4! lines in a year, 4 inches 5 lines in 18 years, 4 feet 5 inches in a hundred years, and in a thoufand years 45 feet. Confcious, however, that thefe fails, how conclufive foever as far as relates to the Bal¬ tic, can never determine the general queftion, M. Celfius advances another aigument in fupport of his theory. All that quantity of moifture, fays he, which is imbibed by plants is loft to the general mats of water, being converted into earth by the putrefaction of vegetables. This notion had been mentioned by Newton, and was adopted by Van Helmont: if granted, it follows as a confequence that the earth is continually increafin*’- and the water diminifiiing in a very raoid degree. 3 Suqh are the arguments advanced in lupport of both Thefe ar- theories ; for it is needlefs to mention a notion of Lin-Sclents, naeus that the whole earth was formerly covered withexamillcd* water except a fingle mountain. When fairly weighed, they amount to nothing more than this, that the fea has encroached upon the land in feme places, and reti¬ red in others ; a conclufion which we are very willimr to allow. What was advanced by thofe philofophers^ who maintain that the fea is continually encroaching on the land, about the depth of the fea conftantly di¬ minifhing, muft remain a mere affertion till they prove by experiment's, either that this is really the cafe, or that nature has no way of reftoring thofe particles cf earth which are walked down by the rivers. Nor have they any good reafen to affirm that the height of the mountains is decreafing. Can a fingle uncontrovertible in fiance be produced of this? Are the Alps or the Apen¬ nines, or Taurus, or Caucafus, lets lofty now than they were a thoufand years ago ? We mean not to deny that the rain actually walhes down particles of earth from the mountains, nor to affirm that the hardeft rocks are able to refift continual {forms, nor that many mountains have fnffered, and continue to iuffer daily, from a thou¬ fand accidents. But the effedts produced by all thefe caufes are fe trifling as to be altogether impercepti¬ ble (a). Nature has affiduoufly guarded again A fuch ac¬ cidents ; flie has formed the mmmtains of the moll dura¬ ble (a) M. Geniannc pretends that the Pyrenean mountains become an inch lower every ten years. But even ac¬ cording- SEA Sea. 9 Bottom of the fca. ble materials; and where they are covered with earth, fhe has bound it together by a thick and firm matting of grads, and thus fecured it from the rains ; andfhould ac¬ cident deprive it of this covering, fhe takes care imme¬ diately to fupply the defeft. Even fnuuld the earth be fwept away together with its covering, nature has Hill f'uch rcfources left as frequently reftore things to their f ormer Hate. Many kinds of mofs, one would be tempted to think, have been created for this very purpofe : they take root and fiourifh almofl upon the bare rock, and furnifh as they decay a fufficient bed for feveral of the hardy Alpine plants. Thefe perifh in their turn, and others fucceed them. The roots of the plants bind fait the earth as it accumulates, more plants fpring up and fpread wider, till by degrees the whole lurface is covered with a firm coat of grafs. Even the rain, which always contains in it a good deal of earth, con¬ tributes fomething to ha (ten the procefs. As the vegetation of itone, an argument advanced by the philofophers who fupport the oppofite theory, is now, we believe, given up by all parties, it is need- lefs to take any farther notice of it here, (fee Stone). The hypotheiis of M. Celfius, that water is converted into earth, has alfo (hared the fame fate, becauie it w'as unfupported by experiment, and contrary to every thing that we know either about earth or water. It is a little extraordinary that philofophers have been fo lavifh of water as to convert it in this manner into itone and earth, when they had given it, one would think, fuffi¬ cient employment before in making new worlds and in confuting Mofes. As the fea covers fo great a portion of the globe, we fhould, no doubt, by exploring its bottom, difeover a va(t number of interelting particulars. Unfortunately in the greater part of the ocean this has hitherto been impoffible. Part, however, has been examined ; and the difeoveries which this examination has produced may enable us to form fome idea at lead of the whole. The bottom of the fea, as might have been conjeftured in¬ deed beforehand, bears a great refemblance to the iur- face of the dry land, being, like it, full of plains, rocks, caverns, and mountains ; fome of which are abrupt and aimed perpendicular, while others rife with a gentle de¬ clivity, and fometimes tower above the water and form iflands. Neither do the materials differ which compote the bottom of the fea and the bafis of the dry land. If we dig to a condderable depth in any part of the earth., we uniformly meet with rock; the fame thing holds in the fea. The drata, too, are of the fame kind, difpo- fed in the fame manner, and form indeed but one whole. Hie fame kind of mineral and bituminous fubdances are alfo found interfperfed with thefe drata ; and it is to them probably that the fea is indebted for its bitter tade. Over thefe natural and original drata an artifi¬ cial bed has pretty generally been formed, compofed of different materials in different places. It conlida fre¬ quently of muddy tartareous fubitances firmly cemented t 19* J SEA together, fometimes of (hells or coral reduced to pow- Sea, dcr, and near the mouths of rivers it is generally com- pofed of fine fand or gravel. The bottom of the fea refembles the land likewife in another particular: many frefh fprings and even rivers rife out of it, which, dif- placing the fait water, render the lower part of the fea wherever they abound quite frefh. An indance of this kind occurs near Goa on the wedern coad of Indo- dan *, and another § in the Mediterranean fea not far * * from Marfeilles. Thefe facts occafioned a notion, which Ma" later experiments have exploded, that the fea beyond a ^'Marft li certain depth was always frefh. Hijloire * Subdances of a very beautiful appearance are fre- Pi>yfi?ue quently brought up by the founding line from the bot-/a tom or the fea. The plummet is hollowed below, and 'farlie r" this cavity filled with tallow, to which fome of the fub¬ dances adhere which form the bed of the ocean. Thefe are generally fand, gravel, or mud; but they are fome- times of the brighted fcarlet, vermilion, purple, and yellow ; and fometimes, though lefs frequently, they are blue, green, or white. Thefe colours are owing to a kind of jelly which envelopes the fubdances, and va- nifh entirely as foon as this jelly dries. At times, how¬ ever, they affume the appearance of tartareous cruds, and are then fo permanent, that they can be received into white wax melted and poured round them, and perhaps by proper care might be converted into valu¬ able paints. Sea-water is really, as any one may convince himfelf by Colour o£ pouring it into a glafs, as clear and tranfparent as river the da. water. The various appearances therefore which it af- fumes are owing to accidental caufes, and not to any change in the water itfelf. The depth, or the materials which compofe the bottom of the fea, occafions it to affume different colours in different places. The Ara¬ bian gulph, for inftance, is faid to be red from the co¬ lour of the fands which form its bed. The appearance of the fea is affecled too by the winds and the fun, while the clouds that pafs over it communicate all their various and fleeting colours. When the fun fhines it is green ; when the fun gleams through a fog it is yel¬ low ; near the north pole it appears black; while in the torrid zone its colour is often brown. Sometimes the fea affumes-a luminous appearance. See Eight, ri° a, 7. / ' • * IT The fea contains the greateft quantity of fait in theSaltrefsc.!' torrid zone, where otherwife from the exceffive heatchefca- it would he in danger of putrefaction : as we advance northward this quantity diminifiies, till at the pole it nearly vanifhes altogether. Under the line Lucas found that the fea contained a feventh part of folid contents, confiding, chiefly of fea falt. At Harwich he found k yielded VTth of fea-falt. At Carlfcroon in Sweden it contains TVth part (n), and on the coad of Greenland a great deal leis. This deficiency of fait near the poles probably contributes a good deal towards the prodigi¬ ous quantities of ice which are met with in thefe leas ; for cording to his own calculation, it would require a million of years to level thefe mountains with the plain, though they continued to decreafe at the fame rate j and philofophers tell us that this rate is condantly di- minifhing ! (b) This gradual diminution of faltnefs from the equator to the pole is not, however, without particular ex¬ ceptions- The Mediterranean fea contains T’Tth of ka-falt, which is lefs than, the German fca contains.- SEA. [ tQ2 1 SEA fiei, fait water requires a much greater degree of cold '*■" ' vto freeze it than frefh water. It was this.circumftance* probably, together with its conftant motion, which in¬ duced the ancients to believe that the fea never froze. Even among the moderns it has been a generally re¬ ceived opinion, that fea-ice is originally formed in ri¬ sers. Buffon has made the great quantities of ice ■with which the South fea abounds an argument for the exiltence of a continent near the Antarctic pole. But it is now well known that great quantities of ice are formed at a diftance from land. Sea-ice is of two kinds; field ice, which extends along the Ihore, and is only two or three feet thick ; and mountain ice, which abounds in the middle of the ocean. The fize of thefe moun¬ tains is fometimes prodigious. The fea-ice is always frefh, and has been often of great ufe to navigators. The weight of fea-water is to that of river-water as 73 to 70 ; that is, a cubic foot of fea-water weighs 73 lb. while the fame quantity of river-water weighs only 701b.; but this proportion varies in different places. It is worthy of our attention, too, that the water at the fur- face of the fea contains lefs fait than near the bottom; the difference indeed is inconfiderable, but ftill it is fomething. The Compte de Marfigli found the fame quantity of water, when taken from the bottom of the Mediterranean, to weigh one ounce three pennyweights 51 grains; whereas from the furface it weighed only one ounce three pennyweights 49 grains. He repeated Ia the experiment frequently with nearly the fame refult. Tempera- The fea, with refpe& to temperature, may be divided ture of the ;nto two regions : The firfl begins at the furface of the water, and defeends as far as the influence of the fun’s rays ; the fecond reaches from thence to the bottom of Ihyle de the fea. In fummer the lower region is confiderably fTcmpcrie cojder than ^ upper . but it is probable that during Sufmarina- winter the very reverfe takes place ; at leaft the Compte rum. de Marfigli found it fo repeatedly in the Mediterranean. This naturally refults from the fituation of the water near the bottom of the fea. Uninfluenced by the chan¬ ges in the atmofphere, it retains always nearly the fame degree of temperature : and this is confiderably above congelation ; for the lowet region of the fea, at leaft in the temperate parts of the world, was never known to T,anf. freeze. Captain Ellis let down a fea-gage (fee Gage) for in latitude 250 13' north, and longitude 250 12' weft, P’-2I3- to take the degrees of temperature and faltnefs of the fea at different depths. It defeended 5346 feet, which is a mile and eleven fathoms. He found the fea falter and colder in proportion to its depth till the gage had defeended 3900 feet, when the mercury in the thermo, meter came up at 53; but the water never grew colder, though he let down the gage 2446 feet lower. At the j, furface the thermometer ftood at 84. The fea The fea has three kinds of motion : I. The firft is has three that undulation which is occafioned by the wind. This motions. motion is entirely confined to the furface ; the bottom cccafloned even ^urIng tiie mofl; v»oJent remains perfe&ly by the calm. Mr Boyle has remarked, from the teftimony of *viad feveral divers, that the fea is affefted by the winds only to the depth of fix feet. It would follow from this, that the height of the waves above the furface does not exceed fix feet ; and that this holds in the Mediter¬ ranean at leaft, we are informed by the Compte de Mar¬ figli, though he alfo fometimes obferved them, during 3 very violent tempeft, rife two feet higher. It is af¬ firmed by Pliny, and feveral other ancient writer, that oil calms the waves of the fea; and that divers were ac. * cuftorned to carry fome of it for that purpofe in their , mouths. This account was always confidered by the oil, r moderns as a fable, and treated with fuch contempt, that they did not even deign to put it to the teft of experi- riment, till Dr Franklin accidentally difeovered its truth. Happening in 1757 to be in the middle of a large fleet, he obferved that the water round one or two veffels was quite calm and imooth, while everywhere elfe it was very much agitated by the winds. He ap¬ plied to the captain for an explanation of this phenome¬ non, who replied, that the cooks, he fuppofed, had thrown their greafy water out at the fcupper-holes, and by that means oiled the fides of the veffels in queftion. This anfwer did not fatisfy the Dodftor at firft ; but re- collefting what Pliny had faid on the fubjetft, he refol- ved at leaft to try the experiment. He did fo accord¬ ingly in 1762, and found that oil aftually calmed the waves of the fea. He repeated the experiment upon lake Clapham : the oil fpread itfelf with great rauidity upon the furface, but did not produce the defired ef- feeft, becaufe, having been thrown in upon the fide op- pofite to the wind, it was immediately driven to the edge of the water. But upon throwing in a like quan¬ tity upon the other fide of the lake, it calmed in an in- ftant feveral yards of the furface; and gradually fpread- ing, rendered all that part of the lake, to the extent of at leaft half an acre, as fmooth as glafs. The curious effecl produced by this liquid may be accounted for by the repulfion which exifts between oil and water, and between oil and air, which prevents all immediate con- taft, all rubbing of the one upon the other. » 2. The fecond kind of motion is that continual ten- i\4ot;on ta. I dency which the whole water in the fea has towards the wards the weft. It is greater near the equator than about the we'd—Cur« poles; and indeed cannot be faid to take place at all in reius. the northern hemifphere beyond the tropic. It begins on the weft fide of America, where it is moderate: hence that part of the ocean has been called Pacific. As the waters advance weftward their motion is accele¬ rated ; fo that, after having traverfed the globe, they ftrike' with great violence on the eaftern fhore of Ame¬ rica. Being flopped by that continent, they turn north¬ ward, and run with conliderable impetuofity into the gulph of Mexico; from thence they proceed along the coaft of North America, till they come to the fouth fide of the great bank at Newfoundland, when they turn off, and run down through the Weftern Hies. This current is called the Gulph Stream. It was firft accurately deferibed by Dr Franklin, who remarked alfo, that the water in it having been originally heated in the torrid zone, cools fo gradually in its paffage northward, that even the latitude might be found in any part of the ftream by means of a thermometer.—- This motion of the fea weftward has never been ex¬ plained: it feems to have fome connexion with the trade-winds and the diurnal revolution of the earth on its axis. 16 3. The third and moft remarkable motion of the fea Motion oe- is the tide, which is a regular fwell of the ocean once^ every 12 hours, owing, as Newton has demonftrated,the tl e' to the attraction of the moon. In the middle of the fea the tide feldom rifes higher than one or two feet, but on the coaft it frequently reaches the height of 45 1 feet. SEA *nd.ia fome places even more. [ 193 The tide gene¬ rally life* higher in the evening than in the morning : on the coaft of Britain this holds in winter, but in fum- mer the morning tides are higheft. In fame feas it is faid that there are no tides. This cannot be owing to Jtheir being furrounded by land, becaufe there is a tide in the lakes of North America. For an explanation of thefe and other phenomena we refer to the article Tide. SEA-Air, that part of the atmofphere which is above the fea. Sea-air has been found falubrious and remarkably heneiicial in fome dillempers. This may be owing to its containing a greater portion of oxigenous gas or vi¬ tal-air, and being lefs impregnated with noxious vapours than the land. Dr Ingenhoufz made feveral experi¬ ments to afcertain the falubrity of fea-air. By mixing equal meafures of common air and nitrous air, he found, that at Gravefend, they occupied about 104, or one mealure, and of a mealure: whereas on fea, about three miles from the mouth of the Thames, two meafures of air (one of common and one of nitrous air) occupied from 0.91 to 0.94. He attempted a li- milar experiment on the middle of the channel between the Englifh coaft and Oftend ; but the motion of the Ihip rendered it impra£ticable. He found that in rainy and windy weather the fea-air contained a fmaller quan¬ tity of vital air than when the weather was calm. On the fea-lhore at Oftend it occupied from 944- to 97 ; at Bruges he found it at 105 ; and at Antwerp 1094-. Dr Ingenhoufz thus concludes his paper : prt!. Tr.-rnf. It appears, from thefe experiments, that the air at 783,p.3J4. fea and clofe to it is in general purer and fitter for ani¬ mal life than the air on the land, though it feems to be fubjedf to the fame inconftancy in its degree of purity with that of the land ; fo that we may now with more confidence fend our patients, labouring under confmnp- tive diforders, to the fea, or at leaft to places fitu&ted clofe to the fea, which have no marfhes in their neigh¬ bourhood. It feems alfo probable, that the air will be found in general much purer far from the land than near the fhore, the former being never fubject to be mixed with land air. Dr Damman, an eminent phyfician and profefTor royal of midwifery at Ghent, told Dr Ingenhoufz, that when he was formerly a practitioner at Ofiend, daring feven years, he found the people there remarkably heal¬ thy ; that nothing was rarer there than to fee a patient labouring under a confumption or afthma, a malignant, putrid, or fpotted fever; that the difeafe to which they are the moll fubjedl, is a regular intermittent fever in autumn, when fudden tranfitions from hot to cold Weather happen. .People are in general very healthy at Gibraltar, though there are very few trees near that place ; which Dr Ingenhoufz thinks is owing to the purity of the air, arifing from the neighbourhood of the fea. Moft fmall Hands are very healthy. At Malta people are little fubjed to difqafes, and live to a very advanced age. SsA-Anemony. See AmuAL-Fh'wer. SKA-Bear. ? o T, SEA-Calf. 5 See 1 HOCA- Sea-Cow. See Trichecus. Sea-Cvow, MiRE-Crow, or Peiuit, See Larvs* Vol. XVII. Part L 4 S E. A SsA-Dead. See Asphaltites. » SsA-Devil. SeeLoPHius. SEA-Dragon, a monitor of a very fmgular nature. In the Gentleman’s Magazine for the year 1749, we have the account of a fea-dragon which was faid to be taken' between Orford and South would, on the coall of Suf¬ folk, and afterwards carried round the country as a cu~ riofity by the fifherman who caught it. “ Its head and tail (fays the writer) refemble thofe of an alligator ; it has two large fins, which ferve it'both to fwim and to fly ; and though they were fo dried that I could not extend them, yet they appear, by the folds, to be fiiaped like thofe which painters have given to dragons and other winged monfters that ferve as fup- porters to coats of arms. Its body is covered with im¬ penetrable fcalcs ; its legs have two joints, and its feet are hoofed like thofe of an afs : it has five rows of very- white and fharp teeth in each jaw, and is in length about four feet, though it was longer when alive, it having fhrunk as it became dry. “ It was caught in a net with mackerel ; and being drap;ged on fhore, was knocked .down with a ftretcher or boat-hook. The net being opened, it fuddenly fprung up, and flew above 50 yards: the man who firfl leized it had feveral of his fingers bitten off; and the wound mortifying, he died. It afterwards faftened on the man’s arm who (hows it, and lacerated it fo much, that the mufcles are fhrunk, and the hand and fingers diftorted ; the wound is not yet healed, and is thought to be incurable. It is faid by fome to have been deferibed by naturalifis under the name of the Sea- dragon.” See Plate CCCCXL1X. SsA-Gage. See Sea-GAos. Sea Hare. See I.aplysia. SsA-Horfe, in ichthyology, the Englifh name of the Hippocamus. See Syngnathus. SEA-Lemon. See Doris. Sea-Lwti. See Phoca. Sea-Mo1!, or Sea-Mcw. See Larus. SsA-Maa. See Mermaid. SsA-Marh. The erection of beacons, light-houfes, and fea-marks, is a branch of the royal prerogative. By 8 Eliz. 13. the corporation of the Trinity-houfe are empowered to fet up any beacons or fea-marks wherever they fhall think them neceflary ; and if the owner of the land or any other perfon fhall defiroy them, or take down any lleeple, tree, or other known fea-mark, he fhall forfeit icol. Sterling; or, in cafe of inability to pay it, he fhall be ipfo faSo outlawed. Sea-Needle, Gar-JiJh. See Esox. SEA-Nettle. See Animal-Flower. SsA-Pie, or Oyjler-Catcher. See H^matopus. Sea- Plant], are thofe vegetables that grow in falt-wa- ter within the fhores of the fea. The old botanifts dir vided thefe into three clafles. 1. The firft clafs, accord¬ ing to their arrangement, contained the Algec, the fu¬ el, the Jea-moJJes or confervas, and the different fpe* cies of fponges. 2; The fecond contained fubftances of a hard texture, like Hone or horn, which feem to have been of the fame nature with what we call ■z.oophyta, with this difference, that we refer fponges to this clafs and not to the firft. The third clafs was the fame with our lithophyta,. comprehending corals, mandrepora. See. It is now well known that the genera belonging to the B b fecond SEA t »94 1 SEA feconc! and third of - thefe clafles, and even fome refer¬ red to the firft, are not vegetables, but animals, or the produ&kms of anXnals. See Corallina, Madrepora, Spongia. Sea-plants, then, properly fpeaking, belong to the clafs of cryptogamia, and the order of algae ; and, according to Bomare, are all comprehended under the genuf! of fucus. We may alfo add feveral fpecies of the tdva and conferva and the fargazo. The hici and marine uivae are immerfed in the lea, are feffile, and without root. -The marine confervse are either feffile or floating. The fargazo grows beyond foundings. As tome fpecies of the fucus, when dried and pre¬ ferred, are extermeiy beautiful, the curious, and efpeci- ally thofe who profecute the ftudy of botany, muft be anxious to know the beft method of preferving them, •without deftroying their colour and beauty. The fol¬ lowing method is recommended by M. Mauduyt. Take a ffieet of paper, or rather of palteboard, and cover it with varnifh on both fldes ; and having rowed in a boat to the rock where the fucus abounds, plunge your var- niffied paper into the water, and, detaching the fucus, receive it upon the paper. Agitate the paper gently in the water, that the plant may be properly fpread over it; and lift them up together foftly out of the water : then fix down with pins the ftrong flalks, that they may not be difplaced, and leave the plant lying upon the varniffied paper- to dry in the open air. When it is fully dry, the different parts will retain their pofition, and the plant may be preferved within the leaves of a book. If you wiffi to free it from the flime and fait which adheres to it, it may be waffied gently in frefn wa¬ ter, after being removed from the rock on which it grew. SsA-Serpent, a monftrous creature, faid to inhabit the northern Teas about Greenland and the coafts of Norway. The following marvellous account of this monfter is given by Guthrie. “ In 1756, one of them was ffiot by a mafter of a fliip: its head refembled that of a horfc ; the mouth was large and black, as were the eyes, a white mane hanging from its neck; it floated on the furface of the water, and held its head at leaft two feet out of the fea : between the head and neck were fe- ven or eight folds, which were very thick ; and the length of this fnake was more than 100 yards, fome fay fathoms. They have a remarkable averfion to the ifnell of cailor ; for which reafon, (hip, boat, and bark mafters provide themfelves with quantities of that drag, to pre¬ vent being overfet, the ferpent’s olfadtory nerves being remarkably exquifrte. The particularities related of this animal would be incredible, were they not attefted upon oath. Egede, a yery reputable author, fays, that on the 6th day of July 1734, a large and frightful fea-monuer railed itftlf fo high out of the water, that its head reached above the main-top-maft of the ffiip; that it had a long fharp fnout, broad paws, and fpouted water Sea. like a whale ; that the body feemed to be covered with fcales ; the fkin was uneven and wrinkled, and the lower part was formed like a fnake. The body of this monfler is fatd to be as thick as a hogffiead; his fkin is varie¬ gated like a tortoife (hell; and his excrement, which floats upon the furface of the water, is corrofive.” Not- withftanding the belief of Guthrie, and the teflimony which he produces, We cannot help doubting of the ex- illence of the fea-ferpent. Its bulk is faid to be fo dif* proportionate to all the known animals of our globe, that it requires more than ordinary evidence to render it credible ; but the evidence which is offered is fo very feeble and unfatisfadtory, that no man of found judge¬ ment would think it fufficient to eftablifh the truth of an extraordinary f?£t. SEA-Sicktiefs, a diforder incident to moft perfons on their firft going to fea, occafioned by the agitation of the veffel. In voyages, fea-ficknefs, though it continues in general only tor the firft day or two, is extremely Mo/cfey't haraffing to fome people at intervals, efpecially on m\'T,0Piial increafed motion of the veffel. Sometimes, by long con- D‘Jc,lJei‘ tinuance, it caufes fever, headach, quick pulfe, thirft, white tongue, and a total deprivation of the retention of the ftomach ; evils which are always difficult to re¬ move, and frequently terminate only with the voyage. This indiipofition is confiderably alleviated by a fmall tea fpoonful of ether, taken now and then in a glafs of water, and applying fome of it to the temples and nof- trils. The ancient writers recommend acid fruits, bread and vegetables foaked in vinegar, after the ftomach has been cleanfed by vomiting; but not to attempt to fup- prefs the vomiting until that end was obtained. An old remedy for iea-ficknefs, and a very common one among failors, is a draught or two of fea water ; which, though a difgufting medicine at fuch a time, yet where the hi ft paffages are foul and loaded, generally produces the de- fired effedt when the perturbation it occalions ceafes. Sea-Star. SccAsterias. SEA-Urchine. See Echinus. SsA-Water, the fait water of the fea. The principal falts contained in fea-water are, ift, Common marine or culinary fait, compounded of foffil alkali or foda and marine acid ; zdly, A fait formed by the union of the fame acid with magnefian e.arth ; and, laltly, A fma'ft quantity of felenite. The quantity of faline matter con¬ tained in a pint of fea-water, in the Britifh ftas, is, ac¬ cording to Neumann, about one ounce in each pint (a). The faltnels of this water is judged to arife from great multitudes both of mines and mountains of fait difperfed here and there in the depths of the fea. Dr Halley fuppofes that it is probable the greateft part of the fea-falt, and of all fait lakes, as the Cafpian Sea, the Dead Sea, the Lake of Mexico, and the Titicaca (a) In Sir Torbern Bergman’s analyfis of fea-water taken up in the beginning of June 1776, about the lae titude of the Canaries, from the depth of 60 fathoms, the folid contents of a pint of die water were, Grs- 1 Of common fait Salited magnelia Gypfum 253tt 69VT 8A 3* or 5 9. z Grs. to/* Total 33°tt J S E A [ t w Peru, is derived from the water of the rivers which they receive : and fince this fort of lakes has no exit or difcharge but by the exhalation of vapours, and alfo (ince thefe vapours are entirely frelh or devoid of fuch particles, it is certain that the faltnefs of the fea and of fuch lakes mult from time to time increafe; and thereibre the faltnefs at this time muft be greater than at any time heretofore. He further adds, that if, by experiments made in different ages, we could find the different quan¬ tity of fait which the fame quantity of water (taken up in the fame place, and in all other the fame cir- cumftances) would afford, it would be eafy from thence, by rules of proportion, to find the age of the world very nearly, or the time wherein it has been acquiring its prefent faltnefs. This opinion of Dr Halley is fo improbable, that it is furprifing fo acute a philofopher could have adopted it. 'That frefh water rivers fhould in the courfe of many thoufand years produce faltnefs in the fea, is quite incredible. If this were the cafe, every fea or great body of water which receives rivers muft be fait, and muft poffefs a degree of faltnefs in proportion to the quantity of water which the rivers difcharge. But fo far is this from being true, that the Palus Meotis and the great lakes in America do not contain fait but frefh water. It may indeed be objected, that the quan¬ tity of fait which the rivers carry along with them and depofitin the fea, muft depend on the nature of the foil through which they flow, which may in fome places contain no fait at all; and this may be the reafon why the great lakes in America and the Palus Meotis are frtfh. But to this opinion, which is merely hypotheti- 97 i SEA Plate scccxi-vm, f 4 , XiOrgna s method of frefhening ryiag off the vapour.’ 'When the water begins tn boil, the vapour fhould be allowed to pais freely fora minute, which will effedlually clean the tube and upper part of the boiler. The tube is afterwards to be kept con- frantly wet, by palling a mop or fwab, dipped in fea water, along its upper furface. The wafte water run- ping from the mop may be carried off by means of a board made like a fpout, and placed beneath the tube. The diltillation may be continued till three-fourths of the water be drawn off, and no further. This may be afcertained either by a gauge-rod put into the boiler, or by meafuring the water diitilled. The brine is then to be let out. Water may be diitilled in the fame manner while the provifions are boiling. When the tube is made on fhore, the belt fubftance for the purpofe is thin copper well tinned, this being more durable in long voyages than tin-plates. Tnltead of mopping, the tube, if required, may have a cafe made alfo of copper, lo much larger in diameter as to admit a thin fheet of wa¬ ter to circulate between them by means of.a fpiral cop¬ per thread, with a pipe of an inch diameter at each end of the cafe ; the lower for receiving cold water, and the upper for carrying it off when heated. When only a very fmall portion of room can be con¬ veniently allowed for diffillation, the machine (n° 2.), which is only 27 inches long, may be fubftituted, as was done in this voyage. The principal intention of this machine, however, is to diltil rum and other liquors ; for which purpofe it has been employed with extraordinary fuccefs, in preventing an empyreuma, or fiery tafte. Figure 1. reprefents in perfpeftive a fe&ion of the two boilers taken out of the irame. In the back part at Df E, are feen openings for the cocks. On the top is a diftilling tube A, B, C, five inches diameter at A, and decreafing in fize to three inches at C ; the length from B to C is five feet. Near C is a ring to prevent the water which is applied to the furface from mixing with the dillilled water. In the infide of the tube, below B, is a fmall lip or ledging, to hinder the diftilled water from returning into the boiler by the rolling of the fhip. In figure 2. A, B, C, D, reprefent a vertical feftion of a copper box, 27 inches long, feven inches wide, and 11 in height, tinned on the infide. In the bottom F is an aperture about fix inches in diameter, having a ring to fit on the ftill or boiler. The dotted lines which run nearly horizontal, are veffelsof thin copper, tinned on the out- fide, two feet long, feven inches wide, and three quarters of an inch deep. At G is a funnel to receive cold water* which is conveyed into the veflels by communicating pipes, contrived in fuch a manner as to form a complete and quick circulation of the water through their whole extent. When the water is become hot by the aftion of the {team, it is difcharged by the horizontal pipe at A. E is a pipe from which the diftilled water or Ipirits fun, and is bent in fuch a form that the liquor running from it a£ts as a valve, and hinders any (team from efca- ping that way. On the top of the box, at H, is a fafety- valve, which prevents any danger from a great accu¬ mulation of vapour not condenfed for want of a pro¬ per fupply of cold water. We fhall now mention a different method, difcovered by the Chevalier Lorgna, by congelation of fea-water. itby coiige-^ea water reclu‘resa very great degree of cold in order lation. to become ice. Ouf author found that a freezing mix¬ ture, made by mixing three parts of pounded ict’ with two parts of common fait, was quite fufficient to freeze it. The cold produced by this mixture is equal to about 40 below nought of Fahrenheit’s thermometer. • A quantity of fea-vvster is never entirely congealed, a portion of it always remaining fluid ; and, what is very remarkable, this fluid part is incomparably more full of fait and more naufeous than the reft : hence, if this be feparated from the congealed part, the latter on being melted will be found to contain much lefs fait than it did before congelation. This we {hall call the water of the fir/} purification. If the water of the fidl purification be again congeal¬ ed, a part of it will remain fluid as in the firft opera¬ tion. This fluid portion will contain a greater propor¬ tion of fait than the reft, which is of courfe more pure, and, being melted, forms the water of the lecond puri¬ fication. Thus, by repeatedly freezing the fame fea-wa¬ ter, and feparating the fluid from the congealed part in every operation, it is at la ft perfetftly purified, lo as to be entirely diveiled of fait, and as fit for diink and other purpofes as the pure ft water that is ufed. At firft the fea-vvater, in order to be congealed, re¬ quires a very great degree of cold, as mentioned above, the ice formed in it cOnlifts rather of leaks or filaments, than of a compadl body, and the quantity of the fluid parts bears a confiderable proportion to the quantity of ice. But as the water, by undergoing the fueceffive congelations, becomes more and more pure, fo it be¬ comes capable of being congealed by a fmaller and fmaller degree of cold ; the ice is at the fame time more compadft, and in greater quantity ; the fluid part at lull becoming very inconfiderable. Sp.A-lVeec}, or Alga Marina, is commonly ufed as a manure on the fea-coaft, where it can be procured in abundance. The beft fort grows on rocks, and is that from which kelp is made. The next to this is called, the peafy fea-weed \ and the worft is that with a long llalk. In the neighbourhood of Berwick, the farmers mix it with liable-dung and earth, and thus obtain a great quantity of excellent manure. Sea-weed is found alfo to be a very fit manure for gardens, as it not only enriches them, but deltroys the vermin by which they are ufually infefled. Sea-Wo If See Anarxhicas. Saltnefs of the Sea. See Sea-Water. Smith Sea See Pacific Ocean, and’.S’or/TW Sea. SEAL, a puncheon,, piece of metal, or other mat¬ ter, ufually either round or oval; whereon are engra-- ven the arms, device, &c. of Tome prince, Hate, com¬ munity, magiftrate, or private perfon, often with a le¬ gend or infeription ; the impreffion whereof in wax ferves to make a£ls, inftruments, &c. authentic. The ufe of feals, as a mark, of authenticity to letters and other inffruments in writing, is extremely ancient. We read of it among the Jews and Perfians in the ear- lieft and molt facred records of hiflory. And in the book of Jeremiah there is a very remarkable inllance,, not only of an atteftation by feal, but alfo of the other ufual formalities attending a Jewilh purchafe. In the civil law alfo, Teals were the evidence of truth, and were required, on the part of the witneffes at leall, at the atteftation of every tellament; But in the times of our Saxon ancellors, they were not much in ule in. England. For though Sir Edward Coke relies on an inilance' SEA [ 198 ] SEA Sea!. inftance of king Edwyn’a making ufe of a feal about loo years before the conqueit, yet it does not follow that this was the ufage among the whole nation : and perhaps the charter he mentions may be of doubtful authority, from this very circumftance of its being feal- ed ; fince we are alfured by all our ancient hiftorians that fealing was not then in common ufe. The method of the Saxons was, for fuch as could write to fubfcribe their names, and, whether they could write or not, to affix the fign of the crofs; which cuftom our illiterate vulgar do for the mod part to this day keep up, by figning a crofs for their mark when unable to write their names. And indeed this inability to write, and therefore making a crofs in its dead, is honedly avowed by Caedwalla, a Saxon king, at the end of one of his charters. In like manner, and for the fame unfurmount- able reafon, the Normans, a brave but illiterate nation, at their fird fettlement in France ufed the pra£Iice of fealing only, without writing their names ; which cudom continued when learning made its way among them, though the reafon for doing it had ceafed ; and hence the charter of Edward the ConfefTor to Wedminder- abbey, himfelf being brought up in Normandy, was witnefled only by his feal, and is generally thought to be the olded fealed charter of any authenticity in Eng¬ land. At the Conqued, the Norman lords brought over into this kingdom their own faffiions ; and intro¬ duced waxen feals only, indead of the Englifh method of writing their names, and figning with the fign of the crofs. The 'impreffions of thefe feals were fometimes a knight on horfeback, fometimes other devices; but coats of arms were not introduced into feals, nor in¬ deed ufed at all till about the reign of Richard I. who brought them from the croifade in the Holy Land, where they were fird invented and painted on the fiiields of the knights, to difiinguifii the variety of perfons of every Chridian nation who reforted thither, and who could not, when clad in complete dee!, be otherwife known or afcertained. This negle£t of figning, and refting only upon the authenticity ol feals, remained very long among us; for k was held in all our books, that fealing alone was fuf- ficient to authenticate a deed : and fo the common form of atteding deeds, “ fealed and delivered,^ continues to S E A M A Definition. ^ this word we exprefs that noble art, or, more -O purely, the qualifications which enable a man to exercife the noble art of working a fhip. A sea¬ man, in the language of the profeffion, is not mere¬ ly a mariner or labourer -on board a fiiip, but a man who underdands the ftru&ure of this wonderful machine, and every fubordinate part of its mechanifm, fo as to enable him to employ it to the bed advantage for pufh- ing her forward in a particular diredtion, and for avoid¬ ing the numberlefs dangers to which fhe is expofed by the violence of the winds and waves. He alfo knows what courfes can be held by the fhip, according to the wind that blows, and what cannot, and which of thefe is molt conducive to her prog refs in her intended voy- age ; and he mud be able to perform every part of the this day ; notwithdanding the datute 29 Car. II. c. 3. Seat revives the Saxon cuftom, and exprefsly dke&s the fign- II ing in all grants of lands and many other fpecies°of s,eam‘ deeds : in which, therefore, figning feerns to be now as necefTary as fealing, though it hath been fometimes held that the one includes the other. The king’s great feal is that whereby all patents, com- miffions, warrants, &c. coming down from the king arc fealed ; the keeping whereof is in the hands of the lord chancellor. The king’s privy-feat is a feal that is ufually firft fet to grants that are to pafs the great feal. Seal. See Kkrprr of the Privy-Seal. Seal is alfo ufed for the wax or lead, and the im« preffion thereon affixed to the thing fealed. An amalgam of mercury with gold, reduced to the confiftence of butter, by draining off part of the mer¬ cury through leather, has been recommended as a pro¬ per material for taking off the impreffion of feals in wax. In this date, the compound fcarcely contains one part of mercury to two of gold ; yet is of a fiiver whitenefs, as if there was none of the precious metal in it. In this date it grows foft on being warmed or worked be¬ tween the fingers; and is therefore proper for the purpofe above-mentioned, but is not fuperior to fome amalgams made with the inferior metals, as is well known to fome impodors, who have fold for this ufe amalgams of the bafe metals as curious preparations of gold. Seal, in zoology. See Phoca. SEALER, an officer in chancery appointed by the lord chancellor or keeper of the great feal to feal the writs and indruments there made in his prefence. SEALING, in architecture, the fixing a piece of*’ wood or iron in a wall with plader, mortar, cement, lead, or other folid binding. For daples, hinges, and joints, plader is very proper. Sealing-IVux. See Wax. SEAM, or Seme of corn, is a meafure of eight bu- ffiels. Seam of G/afs, the quantity of 120 pounds, or 24. dones, each five pounds weight. The feam of wood is an horfe-load. Seam, in mines, the fame with a vein or dratum cf metal. N S H I P. neceffary operation with his own hands. As the fea- men exprefs it, he mud be able “ to hand, reef, and deer.” ^ We are judified in calling it a nolle art^ not only by Importance its importance, which it is quite needlefs t» amplify oranii embelliffi, but by its immenfe extent and difficulty, and the prodigious number and variety of principles on which it is founded—-all of which mud be polfeffed in fuch a manner that they fit all offer themfelves without refle&ion in an indant, otherwife the pretended feaman is but a lubber, and cannot be traded on his watch. The art is praftifed by perfons without what we call education, and in the humbler walks of life, and there¬ fore it fuffers in the edimation of the carelefs fpe&a- tor. It is thought little of, beeaufe little attention is paid 199 Difficulty of the ai t, Which has been zeal- oufly culri- Vateti hy the French philofo- i>hers. SEAMANSHIP. paid to it. But if multiplicity, variety, and intricacy of principles, and a fyHemat ic knowledge of thefe prin¬ ciples, intitle any art to the appellation of fcienttfic and liberal, feamanfhip claims theie epithets in an eminent degree. We are amufed with the pedantry of the fea- man, which appears in his whole language. Indeed it is the only pedantry that amufes. A fcholar, a foldier, a lawyer, nay, even the elegant courtier, would difguft: us, were he to make the thoufandth part of the alluflons to his profcfhon that is well received from the jolly Tea¬ man ; and we do the feaman no more than juftice. His profefTton mujl engrofs his whole mind, otherwife he can never learn it. He poffefies a prodigious deal of know¬ ledge ; hut the honeft tar cannot tell what he knows, or rather what he feds, for his fcience is really at his fin¬ gers ends. We can fay with confidence, that if a per- fon of education, verfed in mechanics, and acquainted with the llructure of a fhlp, were to obferve with atten¬ tion the movements which are made on board a iirft or fecond rate fnip of war during a {hitting ftorm, under the diredfion of an intelligent officer, he would be rapt in admiration. What a pity it is that an art fo important, fo diffi¬ cult, and fo intimately conne&ed with the invariable laws of mechanical nature, fhoyld be fo held by its pof- feffors, that it cannot improve, but mud die with each individual. Having no advantages of previous educa^ tion, they cannot arrange their thoughts ; they can hardly be faid to think. They can far lefs exprefs or communicate to others the intuitive knowledge which they pofiefs; and their art, acquire4, by habit alone, is little different from an inftinft. We are as little in- titled to expedt improvement here as in the architec¬ ture of the bee or the beaver. The fpecies (pardon the allufion ye generous hearts of oak) cannot improve. Yet a (hip is a machine. We know the forces which add. on it, and we know the refults of its conftrudh'on— all thefe are as fixed as the laws of motion. What hin¬ ders this to be reduced to a fet oi praddical maxims, as well founded and as logically deduced as the working o! a tdeam engine or a cotton mill. The ftoker or the fpinner adds only with his hands, and may “ whittle as he works for want of thoughtbut the rnechanift, the engineer, thinks for him, improves his machine, and di- redds him to a better praddice. May not the rough fea¬ man look for the fame affiftance; and may not the inge¬ nious fpeculatift in his clofet unravel the intricate thread of mechanifm which connedds all the manual operations with the unchangeable laws of nature, and both iurniffi the feaman with a better machine and diredd him to a more dexterous ufe of it ? We cannot help thinking that much may he done ; nay, we may fay that much has been done. We think highly of the progreffive labours of Renaud, Pitot, Bou- guer, Du Hamel, Groignard, Bernoulli, Euler, Romme, and others; and are both furprifed and forry that Bri¬ tain has contributed fo little in thefe attempts. Gor¬ don is the only one of our countrymen who has given a profefledly fcientific treatife on a fmall branch of the fubjedd. . The government of France has always, been ftrongly impreffed with the notion of great improve¬ ments being, attainable by fyftematic ftudy of this art ; and. we are indebted to the endeavours of that ingenious nation for any thing of pradtical importance that has been obtained. M.*Bouguer was proftflbr of hydro- logy at one of the marine academies of France, and was enjoined, as part of his duty, to compofe differta- tions both on the conftruddion and the working of fhipo. His Traits du Na-vire, and his Manoeuvre des Vaiffeaux, are undoubtedly very valuable performances: So are thofe of Euler and Bernoulli, confidered as mathemati¬ cal dittertations, and they are-wonderful works of ge¬ nius, conlidered as the ptodnddions of perfonswho hard¬ ly ever faw a {hip, and were totally unacquainted with the profeffion of a feaman. In this refpedt Bouguer had great fuperiority, having always lived at a fea-port, and having made many very long voyages. His trea- tifes therefore are infinitely better accommod'ated to the demands of the feaman, and more direftly inttruftive ; but {fill the author is more a mathematician than an ar- tift, and his performance is intelligible only to mathe¬ maticians. It is true, the academical education of the young gentlemen of the French navy is fuch, that a great number of them may acquire the preparatory knowledge that is necettary ; and we are well informed that, in this refpedk, the officers of the Britiih navy are greatly inferior to them. But this veiy circumftance has furniffied to many Argument perfons an argument againit the utility of thofe per- againft the formances. It is faid that, “ rtOtwithftanding this fu-lltiiity of perior mathematical education, and the poffeffion 0ftheirPfffor“ thofe boatted performances of M. Bouguer, the French inaacei:' are gieatly inferior, in point of feantanlhip, to our coun¬ trymen, who have not a page in their language to in- ftruft them, and who could not perufe it if they*had it.4/ Nay, fo little do the French themfelves feem fenfible of the advantage of thefe publications, that no perfon a- mong them has attempted to make a familiar abridge¬ ment oi them, written in a way fitted to attradf atten¬ tion ; and they ftdl remain negledted in their original abttrufe and uninterefting form. We wifh that we could give a fatisfa&ory anfwer to this obfervation. It is juft, and it is important. Thefe very ingenious and learned diflertations are by no means fo ufetul as we fnould e^peft. They are large books, and appear to contain much; and as their plan is logical, it feems to occupy the whole fubjeft, and therefore to have done almoft all that can be done. But, alas! they have only opened the fubjea, and the ftudy is yet in its infancy. The whole fcience of the art mutt" proceed on the knowledge of the impulfions of the wind and water. Thefe are the forces which aft on the machine ; and its motions, which are the ultimatum of our re- fearch, whether as an end to be obtained or as a thing to be prevented, mutt depend on thefe forces. Now it is with refpeft to this fundamental point that we are as 5 yet almoft totally in the dark.. And, in the perform- Which are ances or M. Bouguer, as alfo in thofe of the other an- C01|iefitdly thors we have named, the theory of thefe forces byerro,leous which their quantity and the direftion of their action are afcertained, is altogether erroneous ; and its refults tai princi- deviate fo enormoufly from what is obferved in the mo- Plesi tions of a ftip, that the perfon who ftiould direft the operations on Ihipboard, in conformity to the maxims deducible from M. Bouguer’s propofitions, would be baffled in moll of his attempts, and be in danger of lo- fing the {hip. The whole proceeds on the fuppofed truth of that theory which Hates the impulfe of a fluid 200 S E A M A tc be in tbe proportion of the ffjUfire of the fine of the angle of incidence ; and that ita aftion on any fmall portion, fuch as a fquare foot of the fails or hull, is the lame as if that portion were detached from the reft, and were expofed, fingle and alone, to the wind or water in the fame angle. But we have fliown, in the article Resistance of Fluids, both from theory and expei ience, that both of thefe principles are erroneous, and this to a very great degree, in cafes which occur moft fre¬ quently in pratlice, that is, in the fmall angles ot in¬ clination. When the wind falls nearly perpendicular on the fails, theory is not very erroneous ; but in thefe cafes, the circumftances of the flap’s fituatiou are gene¬ rally fuch that the praaice is eafy, occurring almoft without thought; and in this cafe, too, even confider- able deviations from the very heft praaice are of no great moment. The interefting cafes, where the in¬ tended movement requires or depends upon very .ob¬ lique aaions of the wind on the fails, and its praaica- bility^&r impraaicabiiity depends on a very fmall varia¬ tion of this obliquity ; a miftake of the.force, either as to intenfity or direaion, produces a mighty cffe.a on the refulting motion. This is the cafe in failing to windward \ the moft important of all the general pro¬ blems of feamanfhip. The trim of the fails, and the courfe of the fliip, fo as to gain moft on .the wind, are very nice things ; that is, they are confined within very narrow limits, and a fmall miftake produces a very con- ftderable effeft. The fame thing obtains in many of the nice problems of tacking, box-hauling, wearing af¬ ter lynig-to in a ftorm, &c. The error in the fecond affertion of the theory is.ftill greater, and the adlion on one part of the fail or hull is fo greatly modified by its aftion on another adjoining part, that a ftay-fail is often feen hanging like a.loofe rag, al- tho’ there is nothing between it and the wind ; and this inertly becaufe a great fail in its neighbourhood fends off a lateral ftream of wind, which completely hinders the wind from getting -at it. Till the theory of the aftion of fluids be eftabliflied, therefore, we cannot tell what are the forces which are afting on every' point of the fail and hull: Therefore we cannot tell either the mean intenfity or direftion of the whole force which afts on any particular fail, nor the intenfity and mean direftion of the refiftance to the hull; circumftances abfolutely neceflary for enabling us to fay what will be their energy in producing a rotation round any particu¬ lar axis. In like fanner, we cannot, by fuch a com¬ putation, find the fpontaneous axis of converfion (fee Rotation), or the velocity of fuch converfion. In Ihort, we cannot pronounce with tolerable confidence 4 priori what will be the motions in any cafe, or what difpofitions of the fails will produce the movement we wifh to perform. The experienced feaman learns by habit the general effefts of every difpofition of the lails; and though his knowledge is far from being accurate, it feluom leads him into any very blundering operation. Perhaps he feldom makes the beft adjuftment poflible, but feldomer ttill does he deviate very far from it; and in the moft general and important problems, fuch as working to windward, the refult of much experience and many correftions has fettled a trim of the fails, which is certainly not far from the truth, but (it muft be acknowledged) deviates widely and uniformly ftom N S H I P, the theories of the mathematician’s clofet. The honeft tar, therefore, muft be indulged in his joke on the ufe- lefs labours of the mathematician, who can neither hand, reef, nor fteer. After this account of the theoretical performances in the art of fcamanfhip, and what we have faid in an • other place on the fmall hopes we entertain of feeing a perfeft theory of the impulle of fluids, it will not be ex- pefted that we enter very minutely on the fubjeft in this place ; nor is it our intention. But. let it be ob- ferved, that the theory is defeftive in one point only ;7 , r and although this is a moft important point, and the er- may ^ e rors in it deftroy the conclufions of the chief propolx- mad,: uf tions, the reafonings remain in full force, and the modus them. operandi is precifely fuch as is ftated in the theory. The principles of the art are therefore to be found irt thefe treatifes ; but falfe inferences have been drawn, by com¬ puting from erroneous quantities. The rules and tli? praftice of the computation, however, are ftill beyond controverfy : Nay, fince the procefs of inveftigation is legitimate, we may make ule of it in order to difeover the very circumftance in which we are at prefent mif- taken ; for by converting the propofition, inftead of finding the motions by means of the fuppofed forces, combined with the known mechanifm, we may difeover the forces by means of this mechanifm and the obferved motions g We (hall therefore in this place give a very general Ddign of view of the movements of a (hip under fail, (bowing this article.' how they are produced and modified by the aftion of the wind on her fails, the water on her rudder and on her bows. We (hall not attempt a precife determina¬ tion of any of thefe movements ; but we (hall fay enough to enable the curious landfman to underftand how this mighty machine is managed amidft the fury of the winds and waves : and, what is more to our wifli, we hope to enable the uninftrufted hut thinking feaman to genera- life that knowledge wfiich he pofieffes; to clafs his ideas, and give them a fort of rational fyftem ; and even to improve his praftiee, by making him fenfible of the im¬ mediate operation of every thing he does, and in what manner it contributes to produce the movement which he has in view. A (hip may be confidered at prefent as a mafs of in- ^ Cor- ert matter in free fpace, at liberty to move in every di- tideml ann reft ion, according to the forces which impel or refift her ; and when (he is in aftual motion, in the direftion of her courfe, we may ftill confider her as at reft in ab- ky oppofits folute fpace, but expofed to the impulfe of a current of forces, water moving equally fall in the oppofite direftion : for in both cafes the preffure of the water on her bows is the fame ; and we know that it is pofiible, and fre¬ quently happens in currents, that the impulfe of the wind on her fails, and that of the water on her bows, balance each other fo precifely, that (he not only does , not ftir from the place, but alfo remains fteadily in the fame pofition, with her head direfted to the fame point of the compafs. This ftate of things is eafily conceived by any perfon accuftomed to confider mechanical fub- jefts, and every feaman of experience has obferved it. It is of importance to confider it in this point of view, becaufe it gives us the moft familiar notion of the man¬ ner in which thefe forces of the wind and water are fet in oppofition, nnd made to balaace or »ot to balance each other by the intervention of the {hip, in the fame manner as the goods and the weights balance each other in the fcales by the intervention of a beam or fteel- ^ yard. thevv^d0 When a fhip proceeds tleadily in her courfe, without on the fails changing her rate of failing, or varying the direftion of opposite to her head, we mull in the lirft place conceive the accu- that of the j^uiated impulfes of the wind on all her fails as precife- she bows, h equal an^ direfkly oppofite to the impulfe of the wa¬ ter on her bows. In tbe next place, becaufe the fhip does not change the dife&ion of her keel, {he refembles the balanced fteelyard, in which the energies of the two weights, which tend to produce rotations in oppofite diredlions, and thus to change the pofition of the beam, mutually balance each other round the fulcrum ; fo the energies ef the a&ions of the wind on the different fails balance the energies of the water on the different parts of the hull. The feaman has two principal talks to perform. The firfl is to keep the fhip fteadily in that courfe which will bring her fartheft on in the line of her intended voyage. This is frequently very different from that jt line, and the choice of the befl courfe is fometimes a Skill of the matter of confiderable difficulty. It is fometimes pof- feaman dif- £]-,]<. to fhape the courfe precifely along the line of the ilha^in "his voya£e * an^ yet tbe intelligent feaman knows that he cauri'ef will arrive fooner, or with greater fafety, at his port, by taking a different courfe ; becaufe he will gain more by xncreafing bis fpeed than he lofes by increafing the diffance. Some principle mutt direft him in the felec- tion of this courfe. This we mutt attempt to lay be¬ fore the reader. Having chofen fuch a courfe as he thinks moft ad¬ vantageous, he mutt fet fuch a quantity of fail as the ftrength of the wind will allow him to carry with fafe¬ ty and effeii, and mutt trim the fails properly, or fo ad- juft their pofitions to the direction of the wind, that they may have the greatett poffible tendency to impel the {hip in the line of her courfe, and to keep her ttea- dily in that direftion. His other taflc is to produce any deviations which he fees proper from the prefent courfe of the {hip ; and to produce thefe in the moft certain, the fafeft, and the moft expeditious manner. It is chiefly in this move¬ ment that the mechanical nature of a fhip comes into view, and it is here that the fuperior addrefs and re- fource of an expert feaman is to be perceived. Under the article Sailing fome notice has been taken of the firft talk of the feaman, and it was there fhown how a fhip, after having taken up her anchor and fitted her fails, accelerates her motion, by degrees which continually diminifh, till the increafing refiitance of the water becomes precifely equal to the diminiftied'impulfe of the wind, and then the motion continues uniformly the fame fo long as the wind continues to blow with the fame force and in the fame direftion. It is perfeftly confonant to experience that the im¬ pulfe of fluids is in the duplicate ratio of the relative ve¬ locity. Let it be fuppofed that when water moves one foot per fecond its perpendicular preffure or impulfe on a fquare foot is m pounds. Then, if it be moving with the velocity V eftimated in feet per fecond, its perpen¬ dicular impulfe on a furface S, containing any number of fquare feet, muft be m S V1. In like manner, the impulfe of air on the fame fur- Vol. XVII. Fart, I. SEAMANSHIP, 201 face may be reprefented by « S V*; and the proportion of the impulfe of thefe two fluids will be that of m to n. We may exprefs this by the ratio of y to 1, making 1 It M. Bouguer’s computations and tables are on the Impulfe of fuppofition that the impulfe of fea-water moving one ^ water foot per fecond is 23 ounces on a fquare foot, and thatcomi’uted the impulfe of the wind is the fame when it blows aton^h^3 the rate of 24 feet per fecond. Thefe meafures are allfquare foot. French. They by no means agree with the experi¬ ments of others ; and what we have already faid, when treating of the Resistance of Fluids, is enough to {how us that nothing like precife meafures can be ex- petted. It was fhown as the refult of a rational invef- tigation, and confirmed by the experiments of Buat and others, that the impulfions and refiftances at the fame furface, with the fame obliquity of incidence and the fame velocity of motion, are different according to the form and fituation of the adjoining parts. Thus the total refiftance of a thin board is greater than that of a long prifm, having this board for its front or bow, &c. We are greatly at a lofs what to give as abfolute mea¬ fures of thefe impulfions. 1. With relpett to water. The experiments of the French academy on a prifm two feet broad and deep and four feet long, indicate a refiftance of 0,973 pounds avoirdupois to a fquare foot, moving with the velocity of one foot per fecond at the furface of ftill water. Mr Boat’s experiments on a fquaie foot wholly im- merfed in a ftream were as follow : A fquare foot as a thin plate - j,8i pounds. Ditto as the front of a box one foot long - - - 1,42 Ditto as the front of a box three feet long - - . Ij29 The refiftance of fca-water is about greater. 2. With refpett to air, the varieties are as great.-— The refiftance of a iquare foot to air moving with the velocity of one foot per fecond appears from Mr Ro¬ bins’s experiments on 16 fquare inches to be on a fquare foot - 0,001596 pounds, Chevalier Borda’s on 16 inches 0,001757 on gi inches 0,002042 Mr Roufe’s on large furfaces 0,002291 Precife meaiures are not to be expetted, nor are they neceffary in this inquiry. Here we are chiefly intereft- ed in their proportions, as they may be varied by their mode of attion in the different circumftances of obliqui¬ ty and velocity. t We begin by recurring to the fundamental propofi- tiqn concerning the impulfe of fluids, viz. that the abfo¬ lute preffure is always in a direttion perperdicular to the impelled furface, whatever may be the direttion of j, the ftream of fluid We muft therefore illuftrate theDireftim. dottrine, by always fuppoiing U fiat furface of {aili,ulfe on ft retched on a yard, which can be braced about in anythe fl11 . direftion, and giving this fail fuch a pofition and fuclV’T.^1' an extent of furface that the impulfe on it may be the the yard, fame both as to direttion and intenfity with that on * the real iails. I bus the confideration is greatly Ampli¬ fied. --The direttion of the impulfe is therefore perpen¬ dicular to the yard. Its intenfity depends on the ve- ^ c locity 402 >4 A ftup compared *o an ob' long box, Makes lee¬ way when not failing diredlly be¬ fore the wind. SEAMANSHIP. locity with which the wind meets the fail, and the obli¬ quity of its ftroke. We {hall adopt the con 'ruftions founded on the common do&rinc, that the impulfe is as the fquare of the fine of the inclination, becaufe they are fimple ; whereas, if we were to introduce the values of the oblique impulfes, fuch as they have been obfer- ved in the excellent experiments of the Academy of Paris, the conflrudtions would be complicated in the extreme, and w'e could hardly draw any confequences which would be intelligible to any hut expert mathe¬ maticians. The conclufions will be erroneous, not in kind but in quantity only ; and we (hall point out the necefiary cor reft ions, fo that the final refults will be found not very different from real obfervation. If a (hip were a round cylindrical body like a flat tub, floating on its bottom, and fitted with a mall and fail in the centre, fhe would always fail in a direftion perpendicular to the yard. This is evident. But (lie is an oblong body, and may be compared to a chef, whofe length greatly exceeds its breadth. She is fo fhaped, that a moderate force wall pufii her through the water with the head or ilern foremofl; ; but it re¬ quires a very great force to pufh her fidewife with the fame velocity. A fine failing (hip of war will require about 12 times as much force to pufh her fidewife as to pu(h her head foremoft. In this refpeft therefore fhe will very much refemble a chefl whofe length is 12 times its breadth; and whatever be the proportion of thefe refiftances in different (hips, we may always fubftitute a box which (hall have the fame reiiftances headwife and fidewife. Let EFGPI (fig. i.) be the horizontal feftion of fuch a box, and AB its middle line, and C its centre. In whatever direftion this box may chance to move, the direftion of the whole refinance on its two fides will pafs through C. For as the whole dream has one incli- nacion to the fide EF, the equivalent of the equal im¬ pulfes on every part will be in a line perpendicular to the middle of EF. For the fame reafon, it will be in a line perpendicular to the middle of FG. Thefe per¬ pendiculars muff crofs in C. Suppofe a mail erefted at C, and YCy to be a yard hoiffed on it carrying a fail. Let the yard be firft conceived as braced right athwart at right angles to the keel, as reprefented by Y'/. Then, whatever be the direftion of the wind ' abaft this fail, it will impel the veffel in the direftion CB. But if the fail has the oblique pofition Yyy the impulfe will be in the direftion CD perpendicular toCY, and will both pufh the veffel ahead and fidewife : For the impulfe CD is equivalent to the two impulfes CK and Cl (the fides of a reftangle of which CD is the diagonal). The force Cl pufhes the veffel ahead, and CK pufhes her fidewife. She muff therefore take fome intermediate direftion a b, fuch that the refiftance of the water to the plane FG is to its refiftance to the plane EF as Cl to CK. The angle CB between the real courfe and the di¬ reftion of the head is called the Leeway ; and in the courfe of this differtation we (hall exprefs it by the fymbol x. It evidently depends on the ftiape of the veffel and on the pofition of the yard. An accurate knowledge of the quantity of leeway, correfponding to different circumffances of obliquity of impulfe, extent of fur face, See. is of the utmoff importance in the praftice of navigation ; and even an approximation is valuable. The fubjeft is fo very difficult that this muff content us for the prefent. ^ Let V be the velocity of the {hip in the direftion How to C b, and let the furfaces FG and FE be called A' and^ud the Bh Then the refiftance to the lateral motion wz V 2 X B' X fine 2, 3 CB, and that to the direft motion eeWi>V is mV* X A' X fine % CK, or m V* X A' X cof.2^CB. Therefore thefe refiftances are in the proportion of B' X fine2, r to A' X cof. 2, x (reprefenting the angle of leeway £CB by the fymbol x). Therefore we have Cl : CK, or Cl : ID = A'" line 2 v cof.2 X :B'-fine2*, = A': F* = A : B • tan¬ gent 1 x. Let the angle YCB, to which the yard is braced up, be called the 1 rim of the fails, and expreffed by the fymbol b. This is the complement of the angle DCI. Now Cl : ID zr rad. : tan. DCI, : tan. DC I, zr i : cotan. b. Therefore we have finally r : co¬ tan. b =z A : B'’ tan. * x, and A'* cotan. b z= B'* tan- gent2 x, and tan. 2 x =z -g- cot. b. This equation evi¬ dently afeertains the mutual relation between the trim of the fails and the leeway in every cafe where we can tell the proportion between the refiftances to the direft and broadfide motions of the fhip, and where this pro¬ portion does not change by the obliquity of the Courfe. Thus, fuppofe the yard braced up to an angle of 30? with the keel. T.hen cotan. 3 ^'0 — 1,732 very nearly. Suppofe alfo that the refiftance fidewife is 1 2 times greater than the refiftance headwife. This gives A'= I and B = 12, Therefore 1,732 = 12 X tan¬ gent2 x, and tangent2 xrz = 0,14434, and tan. * ~ °>3799i ant* * = 23° 4^'> very nearly two points of leeway. This computation,, or rather the equation which gives room for it, fuppofes the refiftances proportional to the fquares of the fines of incidence. The experiments ©f the Academy of Pan's, of which an abftraft is given in the article Resistance of Fluids, (how that this fup- pofition is not far from the truth when the an le of in¬ cidence is great. In this prefent cafe the angle of in¬ cidence on the front FG is about 70°, and the experi¬ ments juft now mentioned {how that the real refiftances exceed the theoretical ones only But the angle of incidence on EF is only ao3 48'. Experiment {hows that in this inclination the refiftarce is almoft quadruple of the theoretical refiftances. Therefore the lateral refiftance is affumed much too fmall in the pre¬ fent inftance. Therefore a much {mailer leeway will fuffice for producing a lateral refiftance which will ba¬ lance the lateral impulfe CK, arifing from the obliquity of the fail, viz. 30". The matter of faft is, that a pret¬ ty good failing {hip, with her fails braced to this angle at a medium, will not make above five or fix degrees leeway in fmooth water and eafy weather ; and yet in this fituation the hull and rigging prefent a very great furface to the wind, in the moft improper pofitions, fo as to have a very great effeft in increafing her leeway. And if we compute the refiftances for this leeway of fix degrees by the aftual experiments of the French A- cademy on that angle, we {hall find the refult not far v from S E A M A frrtm the truth ; that is, the direct and lateral refiftances will be nearly in the proportion of Cl to ID. It refults from this view of the matter, that the lee¬ way is in general much fmaller than what the ufual theo- , ryafTtgns. -Which de- We alfc fee, that according to whatever law the re¬ pends on fiftances change by a change of inclination, the leeway the trim of rerna;n8 the fame while the trim of the fails is the fame, fche *ails- The leeway depends only on the direction of the im- pulfe of the wind; and this depends folely on the pofx tion of the fails with refped to the keel, whatever may be the dire&ion of the wind. This is a very important obfervatien, and will be frequently referred to in the progrefs of the prefent inveftigation. Note, however, that we are here confidering only the aftion on the fails, and on the fame fails We are not confidering the ac¬ tion of the wind on the hull and rigging. This may be very confiderable ; and it is always in a lee direftion, and augments the leeway ; and its influence muft be fo much the more fenfible as it bears a greater proportion to the impulfe on the fails A Ihip under courfes, or clofe-reefed topfails and courfes, muft make more lee¬ way than when under all her canvas trimmed to the fame angle. But to introduce this additional caufe of deviation here would render the inveftigation too com- plicated to be of any ufe, llluftration This do&rine will be confiderably illuftrated by at- @f this doc- tending to the manner in which a lighter is tracked a- «nne by iOTJg a or fwings to its anchor in a ftream. The menu' track rope is made faft to feme ftaple or bolt E on the deck (fig. 2.)j and is pafied between two of the timber- heads of the bow at D, and laid hold of at F on Ihore. The men or cattle walk along the path FG, the rope keeps extended in thedire&ion DF, and the lighter ar¬ ranges itfelf in an oblique pofition AB, and is thus dragged along in the dire&ion a b, parallel to the fide of the canal. Or, if the canal has a current in the op- pofite dire&ion b a, the lighter may be kept fteady in its place by the rope DF made faft to a poft at F. In this cafe, it is always obferved that the lighter fwings in a polition AB, which is oblique to the ftream a b. Now the force which retains it in this pofition, and which precifely balances the aftion of the ilream, is cer¬ tainly exerted in the direftion DF; and the lighter would be held in the fame manner if the rope were made faft at C amidfliip, without any dependence on the timberheads at D ; and it would ftill be held in the fame polition, if, inftead of the iingle rope CF, it were riding by two ropes CG and CH, of which CH is in a direftion right ahead, but oblique to the ftream, and the other CG is perpendicular to CH or AB. And, drawing DI and DK perpendicular to AB and CG, the ftrain on the rope CH is to that on the rope CG as Cl to CK. The aftion of the rope in thefe cafes is precifely analogous to that of the faily Y ; and the obliquity of the keel to the direftion of the mo¬ tion, or to the direftion of the fiream, is analogous to the leeway. All this muft be evident to any perfon ac- cuftomed to mechanical difquifitions. models A moft important ufe may be made of this illuftra- •ud tion. If an accurate model be made of a Ihip, and if *• it be placed in a ftream of water, and ridden in this manner by a rope made faft at any point D of the bow, it will arrange itfelf in feme determined pofition AB. There will be a certain obliquity to the ftream, mea* N S H I P. aoj fured by the angle ¥> ol; and there will be a ccn£- fponding obliquity of the rope, meafured by the angle FCB. Lety CY be perpendicular to CF. Then CY will be the pofition of the yard, or trim of the fails cor- refponding to the leeway £CB. Then, if we fhift the rope to a point of the bow diftant from D by a fmall quantity, we ftuill obtain a new pofition of the fliip, both with refpeft to the ftream and the rope ; and in this way may be obtained the relation between the polition of the tails and the leeway, independent of all theory, and fulceptible of great accuracy; and this may be done with a variety of models fuited to the moft ufual forms ox fliips. 20 In farther thinking on this fubjeft, we are perfuaded On ftups» that thefe experiments, inftead of being made on mo¬ dels, m'ay with equal eafe be made on a fliip of any fize. Let the fhip ride in a ftream at a mooring D (fig. 3.) by means of a Ihort hawfer BCD from her bow, ha¬ ving a fpring AC on it carried out from her quarter. / She will fwing to her moorings, till fine ranges herfelf in a certain polition AB with refpeft to the direftion a b of the ftream ; and the direftion of the hawfer DC will point to fome point E of the line of the keel. Now, it is plain to any perfon acquainted with mechanical dif- quilitions, that the deviation BE b is precifely the lee¬ way that the fhip will make when the average pofition of the fails is that of the line GEH perpendicular to ED ; at leaft this will gi ve the leeway which is produ¬ ced by the fails alone. By heaving on the fpring, the knot Cmay be brought intoany other pofition we pleafe ; and for every new polition of the knot the fliip will take a new pofition with relpeft to the ftream and to the hawfer. And we perfift in faying, that more in¬ formation will be got by this train of experiments than from any mathematical theory : for all theories of the impulfes of fluids muft proceed on phyfical poftulates with refpeft to the motions of the filaments, which are exceedingly conjeftural. ar And it muft now be farther obferved, that the fiib-Th? coni- ftitution which we have made of an oblong parallelopi- P3!1!”0" °* ped lor a fliip, although well fuited to give us clear no- an oV’ong lions of the fubjeft, is of fmall ufe in praftice : for it is body is next to impoflible (even granting the theory of oblique on'y ure* impullions) to make this fubftitution. A ihip is of a^atr°ng0iv® form which is not reducible to equations; and therefore t;nns on the aftion of the water on her bow or broadiide can the fubjes&j only be had by a moft laborious and intricate calcula¬ tion for almolt every fquare foot of its i'urface. (See Bexout's Cours de Mathew. vol. 5. p. 72, &c.) And this muft be different for every Ihip. But, which is more unlucky, when we have got a parallelopiped which will have the fame proportion of direft and lateral re¬ finance for a particular angle of leeway, it will not an- fwer for another leeway of the fame Ihip ; for when the leeway changes, the figure aftually expofed to the ac¬ tion of the water changes alfo. When the leeway is increafed, more of the lee-quarter is afted on by the water, and a part of the weather-bow is now removed from its aftion. Another parallelopiped muft therefore be difeovered, whofe refinances lhall fuit this new pofition of the keel with refpeft to the real courfe of the Ihip. We therefore beg leaveto recommend thistrain ol expe¬ riments to the notice of the Association for th e Im¬ provement of Naval Ap.chitecture as a very pro- mifing method forafeertaining this important-point. And C c 2 wt*. 204 S E A M A wt proceed, in the next place, to afcertain the relation between the velocity of the fliip and that of the wind, modU:ed as they may be by the trim of the fails and the ai obliquity of the impulfe. The rela- Let AB (fig. 4, 5, and 6.) reprefent the horizontal tween6the fe<^on a 1° place of all the drawing fails, that velocity of ^s’ t^ie which are really filled, we can always fubfti- the fit ip tute one fail of equal extent, trimmed to the fame angle ana wind with the keel. This being fuppofed attached to the afcertained. yard DCD, let this yard be firft of all at right angles to the keel, as reprefented in fig. 4. Let the wind blow in the direction WC, and let CE (in the direction WC continued) reprefent the velocity V of the wind. Let CF be the velocity v of the fliip. It mull alfo be in the diredtion of the fhip’s motion, becaule when the fail is at right angles to the keel, the abfolute impulfe on the fail is in the direfti'on of the keel, and there is no lateral impulfe, and confequently no leeway. Draw EF, and complete the parallelogram CFE e, producing eQ through the centre of the yard to iu. Then w C will be the relative or apparent direction of the wind, and C e or FE will be its apparent or relative velocity : For if the line C e be carried along CF, keeping always parallel to its firft pofition, and if a particle of air move uniformly along CE (a fixed line in abfolute fpace) in the fame time, this particle will always be found in that point of CE where it is interfered at thar inftant by the moving line C e; fo that if C e were a tube, the particle of air, which really moves in the line CE, would always be found in the tube Ce. While CE is the real diredion of the wind, C e will be the pofition of the vane at the maft head, which will therefore mark the apparent direftion of the wind, or its motion rela¬ tive to the moving fhip. We may conceive this in another way. Suppofe a cannon-fhot fired in the direction CE at the palling Ihip, and that it pafles through the maft at C with the velocity of the wind. It will not pafs through the off- fide of the fhip at P, in the line CE : for while the fhot moves from C to P, the point P has gone forward, and the point p is now in the place where P was when the fhot paired through the maft. The fhot will there¬ fore pafs through the fhip’s fide in the point />, and a perfon onboard feeing it pafs through C andp will fay 23 that its motion was in the line C p. When a Thus it happens, that when a fhip is in motion the Ihip is in apparent direction of the wind is always ahead of its apparent 6 lea^ ^^re<^;*on‘ line w C is always found within direction of t^ie angle WCB. It is eafy to fee from the conftruc- «he wind tion, that the difference between the real and apparent different5 clireft'olls °f tlie wiuci 18 &> much the more remarkable fromthe as the velocity °f the ^ip is greater: For the angle real direc- WC w or EC e depends on the magnitude of E e or t-on. CF, in proportion to CE. Perfons not much accufi tomed to attend to tlrefe matters are apt to think all attention to this difference to be nothing but affectation of nicety. They have no notion that the velocity of a {hip can have any fenfible proportion to that of the wind. “ Swift as the wind” is a proverbial expref- fron ; yet the velocity of a fhip always bears a very ien- fible proportion to that of the wind, and even very fre¬ quently exceeds it. We may form a pretty exaCt no¬ tion of the velocity of the wind by obferving the fha- dows of the fummer clouds flying along the face of a countiy, and it may be very well meafured by this me. N S H I P. thod. The motion of fnch clouds cannot be very diffi> rent from that of the air below; and when the preffurg or the wind on a flat furface, while blowing with a ve¬ locity meafured in this way, is compared with its pref- fure when its velocity is meafured by more unexcep- tionable methods, they are found to a^ree with all de- firable accuracy. Now obfervations of this kind fre¬ quently repeated, fhow that what we call a pleafant briflc gale blows at tl|e rate of about 10 miles an hour, or about 15 feet in a fecond, and exerts a preffure of half a pound on a fquare foot Mr Smeaton has fre¬ quently obferved the fails of a windmill, driven by fuch a wind, moving fafter, nay much farter,-towards their extremities, fo that the fail, iuftead of being preffed to the frames on the arms, was taken aback, and flutter¬ ing on them. Nay, we know that a good fhip, with all her fails fet and the wind on the beam, will in fuch a fituation fail above 10 knots an hour in fmooth wa¬ ter. There is an obtervation made by every experienced feaman, which fhows this difference between the real and apparent directions of the wind very diftinCUy. When a fhip that is failing brifkly with the wind on the beam tacks about, and then fails equally well on the other tack, the wind always appears to have fhifted and come more ahead. This is familiar to all feamen. The fea¬ man judges of the direction of the wind by the pofition of the fhip’s vanes, feuppofe the fhip failing due weft on the ftarboard tack, with the wind apparently N. N. W. the vane pointing S, S. E. If the fhip puts about, and Hands due eaft on the larboard tack, the vane will be found no longer to point S. S. E. but perhaps S. S.W. the wind appearing N. N.E. and the fhip muft be nearly clofe- hauled in order to make an eaft courfe. The wind ap¬ pears to have fhifted four points. If the fhip tacks again, the wind returns to its old quarter. We have 24 often obferved a greater difference than this. The ce- Obferva. lebrated aftronomer Dr Bradley, taking the amufement t'on,[’f Dr ot failing in a pinnace on the river Thames, obferved this, and was furprifed at it, imagining that the change of wind was owing to the approaching to or retiring from the fhore. The boatmen told him that it always happened at fea, and explained it to him in the beft manner they were able. The explanation ftruck him, and fet him a mufing on an aftronomical phenomenon which he had been puzzled by for feme years, and which he called the aberration of the fixed stars. Every ftar changes its place a fmall matter for half a year, and returns to it at the completion of the year. He compared the ftream of light from the ftar to the wind, and the telefcope of the aftronomer to the fhip’s vane, while the earth was like the fhip, mo- vingfin oppofite diredions when in the oppofite points of its orbit. The telefcope muft always be pointed a- head of the real direction of the ftar, in the fame man¬ ner as the vane is always in a direction ahead of the wind ; and thus he afcertained the progreflive motion of light, and diicovered the proportion of its velocity to the velocity of the earth in its orbit, by obferving the deviation which was neceffarily given to the tele¬ fcope. Obferving that the light fhifted its direClion about 40', he concluded its velocity to be about 11,000 times greater than that of the earth ; juft as the intelli¬ gent feaman would conclude from this apparent fhifting of the wind, that the velocity of the wind is about triple that of the fhip. This is indeed the beft method for SEAMANSHIP. »5 , Velocity of a fliip when its fails are at right , angles to the keel. for difcovenng the velocity of the wind. Let the di- reftion of the vane at the maft-head be very accurately noticed on both tacks, and let the velocity of the ihip be alfo accurately meafured. The angle between the diredlions of the (b ip’s head on thefe different tacks be¬ ing- halved, will give the real direction ot the wind, which mull be compared with the polition of the vane in order to determine the angle contained between the real and apparent directions of the wind or the angle EC e; or half of the obferved drifting of the wind will fhow the inclination of its true and apparent directions. This being found, the proportion of EC to EC (fig. 6.) is eafily meafured. We have been very particular on this point, becaufe fince the mutual actions of bodies depend on their rela¬ tive motions only, we fhould make prodigious miltakes if we eftimated the aCtion of the wind by its real direc¬ tion and velocity, when they differ fo much from the relative or apparent. We now refuhre the inveftigation of the velocity of the fhip (fig. 4.), having its fail at right angles to the keel, and the wind blowing in the direction and with the velocity CE, while the fliip proceeds in the direc¬ tion of the keel with the velocity C F. Produce E c, which is parallel to BC, till it meet the yard in g, and draw FG perpendicular to Let a reprefent the angle WCD, contained between the fail and the real direction of the wind, and let b be the angle of trim DCB. CE the Velocity of the wind was expreffed by V, and CF the velocity of the fhip by v. The abfolute impulfe on the fail is (by the ufual theory) proportional to the fquare of the relative velo¬ city, and to the fquare of the fine of the angle of inci¬ dence ; that is, to F E1 X fin.1 w C D. Now the angle.GFE — w C D, and E G is equal to F E X fin. G F E ; and E G is equal to E ^—g G. But 1L g — EC X fin. EC/,' =: V X fin. a ; and ^ G = C F, — “n. Therefore E G = V X fin. a—v, and the impulfe is proportional to V X lin. a—v 1 • If S reprefent the fur- face of the fail, the impulfe, in pounds, will be « S (VX fin. a—v)*. Let A be the furface which, when it meets the wa¬ ter perpendicularly with the velocity v, will fuftain the fame preffure or refiftance which the bows of the fhip aClually meets with. This impulfe, in pounds, will be mAv1. Therefore, becaufe we are confidering the (hip’s motion as in a (fate of uniformity, the two pref- fures balance each other ; and therefore ml\vz—n S(V tn X fin-' a—T?)1, and — Av1 S (V X fin. a—v)1 ; therefore ^ — \/ AY. v — \/ S XVX fin. a—v a/ s, and v — a/ S YvY fin. a V X fin, a V X fin. -A +\/S J' A + 1 A /g + i. and then the fhip’s velocity is ftn~A J n S + 1, Note, that the denominator of this fraCtion is a com¬ mon number for m and n are numbers, and A and B A . being quantities of one kind, 'g“ is alfo a number. It muff alfo be carefully attended to, that S exprefTes a quantity of fail aCIually receiving wind with the in¬ clination a. It will net always be true, therefore, that the velocity will increafe as the wind is more abaft, be¬ caufe lome fails will then becalm others. This obferva- tion is not, however, of great importance ; for it is very unufual to put a fhip in the fituation confidered hither¬ to ; that is, with the yards fquare, unlefs fhe be right before the wind. If we would difcover the relation between the velo¬ city and the quantity of fail in this limple cafe of the wind right aft, obferve that the equation v = gives •A “u-I-t = V, and / m v — “S~ ^ « s «s = v- ,m A , _ — and —Tv —V n b , n S and — mA —; and becaufe (V-/)1 , n and m and A are conllant quantities, S is propor¬ tional to r.. or the furface of fail is proportional We fee, in the firft place, that the velocity of the fhip is (cateris paribus) proportional to the velocity of the wind, and to the fine of its incidence on the fail jointly ; for while the furface of the fail S and the equivalent furiace for the bows remains the fame, v in- creafes'or diminifhes at the fame rate with V* fin. a — When the wind is right aflern, the fine of a is unity, (V—r-)1’ to the fquare of the fhip’s velocity direClly, and to the fquare of the relative velocity inverfely. Thus, if a fhip be failing with ^ of the velocity of the wind, and we would have her fail with of it, we muft quadruple the fails. This is more eafily feen in another way. The velocity of the fhip is proportional to the velocity of the wind ; and therefore the relative velocity is alfo propor¬ tional to that of the wind, and the impulfe of the wind is as the fquare of the relative velocity. Therefore, in order to increafe the relative velocity by an increafe of fail only, we mufl make this increafe of fail in the du-’' plicate proportion of the increafe of velocity. Let us, in the next place, confider the motion of a fhip whofe fails Hand oblique to the keel. The conilnnftion for this purpofe differs a little from Its velocity the former, becaufe, when the fails are trimmed to anyth<: oblique pofition DCB (fig. 5. and 6.), there mult be a deviation from the direction of the keel, or a leeway keel. BC£. Call this x. Let CF be the velocity of the fhip. Draw, as before, E^ perpendicular to the yard, and F G perpendicular to E^ ; alfo draw FH perpendicu¬ lar to the yard : then, as before, E G, which is in the fubduplicate ratio of the impulfe on the fail, is equal to L £ — G^. Now E g is, as before, r= V X fin *, and G# is equal to F FI, which is = C F X fin. F C FI, or z= vY fin. (b 4-x). Therefore we have the impulfe — « S (V’ fin. a—“o* fin. {b -j- -v)}1 • This expreffion of the impulfe is perfectly fimilar to that in the former cafe, its only difference confiding in the fubdu&ive part, which is here v X fin. b-\- x indead of v. But it expreffes the fame thing as before, viz. the diminution of the impulfe. The impulfe being rec¬ koned folely in the directicn perpendicular to the fail, it U2>6 SEA M A N S H I P. it is dimimfhed folely by the fail withdrawing itfelf in that direction from the wind ; and as g E may be confi* dered as the real impullive motion oi the wind, G E muft be confrdered as the relative and effe&ive impuliive motion. The impulfe would have been the fame had the fhip been at reft, and had the wind met it perpen- 17 dicularly with the velocity G E. Connec- We mult now fhow the connexion between this im- fcweenVhe Pu^e an<^ l^ie mot>on the Ihip. The fail, and con- impirlfe fequently the Ihip, is prefled by the wind in the direc- anc, motion tion Cl perpendicular to the fail or yard with the force of the drip, which we have juft now determined. This (in theftate of uniform motion) muft be equal and oppolite to the aftion of the water. Draw IL at right angles to the keel. The impulfe in the direction Cl (which we may tneafure by CI) is equivalent to the impirlfes C L and EL iiy the firft the ihip is impelled right forward, and by the fecond fhe is driven ftdewife. Therefore we muft have a-leeway, and a lateral as well as a direft refiftance. We fuppofe the form of the Ihip to be known, and therefore the proportion is known, or dif- coverable, between the direct and lateral refiftances cor- refponding to e very angle x of leeway. Let A be the furlace whofe perpendicular refiltance is equal to the di- reft refiftance of the fhip correfponding to . the leeway sc, that is, whofe reliftance is equal to the refiftance real¬ ly felt by the {hip’s bows in the direftion of the keel when ftie is failing with this leeway ; and let B in like manner be the iuriace whofe perpendicular refiftance is equal to the a&ual refiftance to the fhip's motion in the ' direction LI, perpendicular to the keel. (A7-. B. This is not equivalent to A' and adapted to the rectangular box, but to A'- cof. 1 x and B7- fin.1 x.) We have therefore A: B = CL : LI, and LI= —. Alfo, A becaufe Cl — y'ClA-t-LI1, wc have A : A1 = CL : Cl, and Cl = 9Lj^l±J£. The refift. A ance in the direction LC is properly meafured by m A d1, as has been already obferved. Therefore the refiftance in the direction I C muft be exprefled by m VA1 + BJ| v1 ; or (making C the furface which is equal to y'A ^B1, and which will therefore have the fame perpendicular refiftance to the water having the ve¬ locity v) it may be expreffed by m C v*. Therefore, becaufe there is an equilibrium between the impulfe and refiftance, we have «2C-n1=nS (V* fin. v’ fin. £ -j- *)1 and — C v1, or y C u1 = S (V- fin (V* fin. c —v’ fin. v fin. Therefore v y- fin. a and \/ y C v S v'S’V'fin. a common number. And becnafe C and S are furfacci, or quantities of one kind, is alfo a common num¬ ber. This is the fimpleft expreffion that we can think of for the velocity acquired by the {hip, though it muft be acknowledged to be too complex to be of very prompt ufe. Its complication arifes from the neceflity of introducing the leeway x. This affeCls the Whole of the denominator; for the furface C depends on it, be¬ caufe C is =; Ax-t-B'‘, and A and B are analogous to A7 cof. 1 x and B' fin. 1 x. But we can deduce fome important confequences fo1Portant from this theorem. confequta. While the furfaceS of the fail a&ually filled bythe wind cedlvoin remains the fame, and the angle DCB, which in future the fore- we (hall call the (rim of the fails, alfo remains the £0’n£ dieoj fame, both the leeway x and the fubftituted furface Crem* remains the fame. The denominator is therefore con- flant ; and the velocity of the fhip is proportional to S* V' fin. «; that is, direCtly as the velocity of the wind, dire&ly as the abfolute inclination of the wind to the yard, and diredtly as the fquare root ot the fur¬ face of the fails. We alfo learn from the conftru&ion of the figure that FG parallel to the yard cuts CE in a given ratio. For CF is in a conftant ratio to E^-, as has been juft now demonftrated. And the angle DCF is conftant. ‘'There¬ fore CF “fin. b> or FIT or G^, is proportional to E^y, and OC to EC, or EC is cut in one proportion, what¬ ever may be the angle ECD, fo long as the angle DCF is conftant. We alfo fee that it is very poflTible for the velocity of the {hip on an oblique courfe to exceed that of the wind. This will be the cafe when the number fin. J 4 T-fin. b-^-x exceeds unity, or when fin. a is greater than y? § \/C (j \/ CT- S- fin. b x Sin. a = v , a/C „ VS'^Tg+fin. b-\-x. Vq -/g- T-fin. b + Obferve that the quantity which is the coefficient -of V in this equation is a common number; for fin. a is a number, being a decimal fraction of the radius x. Sin. b T*x is alfo a number, for the fame reafon. And r m ^mce m and n were uumben of pounds, — or y is a -+ fin. ^T-x. Now this may eafily be by fufficiently enlarging S and diminiftiing It is indeed frequently feen in fine failers with all their fails fet and not hauled too near the wind. We remarked above that the angle ofleeway x affefts the whole denominator of the fra&ion which exprefies the velocity. Let it be obferved that the angle I CL is the complement of L C D, or of b. Therefore CL: L I, or A : B — i ; tan. I C L, = i : cot. b, and B=:A* cotan. b. Now A is equivalent to A - cof.2 x, and thus b becomes a funftion of x. C is evidently fo, being =iv/A2T-B2. Therefore before the value of this frac¬ tion can be obtained, we muft be able to compute, by ' our knowledge of the form of the fhip, the value of A for every angle x of leeway. This can be done only by refolving her bows into a great number of elementary planes, and computing the impulfes on each and adding them into one film. The computation is of immenfe labour, as may be feen by one example given by Bou- guer. When the leeway is but j'mall, not exceeding ten degrees, the fubftitution of the re6fangular prifin of one determined form is abundantly exaft for all leeways contained within this limit j and we {hall foon fee reg¬ ion 207 *9 problem I. I'o dft !* mine the beft po¬ tion of the fails for ftandini? : on a given courie, I when the direction and ve!oci~ ty of the wind and its angle with the j courfe are i given. S E A M A ion for being contented with this approximation. We may now make ufe of the formula expreffing the ve¬ locity for folving the chief problems in this part of the feaman’s talk. And fir ft let it be required to determine the beft pofition of the fail for {landing on a given courfe a b, when C E the dire&ion and velocity of the wind, and its angle with the courfe W C F, are given. This problem has exercifed the talents of the mathematicians ever fmce the days of Newton. In the article Pneumatics we gave the folution of one very nearly related to it, name¬ ly, to determine- the polition of the fail which would produce the greateft impulfe in the direction of the courfe. The fclution was to place the yard C D in fuch a pofition that the tangent of the angle PCD may be one half of the tangent of the angle D C W. This will indeed be the beft pofition of the fail for beginning the motion ; but as foon as the fhip begins to move in the diredlion C F, the effeftive ’mpulfe of the wind is di- minifhed, and alfo its inclination to the fail. The angle DC w tliminiihes continually as the fhip accele¬ rates ; for CF is now accompanied by its equal e E, and by an angle DC ? or WC w. CF increafes, and the impulfe on the fail diminifhes, till an equilibrium obtains between the refiftance of the water and the im¬ pulfe of the wind. The impulfe is now meafured by Cf’Xfin.1 f CD inftead ot CE2 X fin.2 ECD, that is, by EG2 inftead of Ey2. This introduction of the relative motion of the wind senders the aftual folution of the problem extremely difficult. It is very eafily exprefted geometrically: Divide the angle ecCF in fuch a manner that the tan¬ gent of DCF may be half of the tangent of DCw, and the problem may be conitru&ed geometrically as fol¬ lows. Let WCF (fig 7-} be the angle between the fail and courfe. Round the centre C defcribe the circle WDFY; produce WC to QAo that C Q=|W C, and draw QY parallel to CF cutting the circle in Y; bifeift the arch WY in D, and draw DC. DC is the proper pofition of the yard. Draw the chord WY, cutting CD in V and CF in T ; diaw the tangent PD cutting CF in S and CY in R. It is evident that WY, PR, are both perpendicular to CD, and are bifeded in V and D; therefore (by reafon of the parallels QY, CF) 4:3 = QW: CW, =rYW : TW, c= RP : SP. Therefore PD : PSmraiy, and PD : DS = 2:1. E. 1). But this divifion cannot be made to the beft advantage till the fhip has attained its greateft velocity, and the angle wCF has been produced. We muft confider all the three angles, a, b, and w as variable in the equation which expreffes the value of v, and we muft make the fluxion of this equation e=o ; then, by means of the equation B = A- cotan. b, we muft obtain the value of b and of b in terms of x and x. With refped to obferve, that if we make the angle WCF = />, we have P— aJrb-\-x; and/> being a con- ftant quantity, we have a-j-i.x — 0. Subftituting for a, b, a, and b, their values in terms of x and x, in the fluxionary equation =0, we readily obtain x, and then V and b, which folves the problem. Let it be required., in the next place, to determine N S H I P. the courfe and the trim of the fails moft proper for ply¬ ing to windward. 50 In fig. 6. draw FP perpendicular to WC. CF Is Problem II. the motion of the fhip ; but it is only by the motion f ? ^eter- CP that fhe gains to windward. Now CP is = CFX and cofin. WCF, or v cofin., This muft be ren-trim of the dered a maximum, as follows. Lib molt By means of the equation which expreffes the value'T0Per . J , • n a t • plying to or v and the equation B—- A* cotan. b, we exterminate windward* the quantities v and ' ; we then take the fluxion of the quantity into which the expreffion v cof. (a-\-b-\-x} is changed by this operation. Making this fluxion ~ 0, we get the equation which muft folvc the problem. ’1 his equation will contain the two variable quantities a and x with their fluxions then make the coefficient of* equal to 0, alfo the coefficient of n equal to-o. This will give two equations which will determine a and x, and from this we get b~p—a—x. Should it be required, in the third place, to find the ProblcmllF- beft courfe and trim of the fails for getting away from * ? deter- a given line of coaft CM (fig. 6.), the procefs perfe&ly refernbles this laft, which is in faft getting away framed tnm 0f a line of coaft which makes a right angle with the wind, the fads for Therefore, in place of the angle WCF, we muft fubfti-s-'61”1’!? a* tute the anple WCM u±= WCF. Cali this angle <>. Wew?> ff0Ia mult make v’ col. \e t±z a z±z b x) a maximum, i he lllie (J£ analytical procefs is the fame as the former, only e is .oaft. here a conftant quantity. ^ Thefe are the three principal problems which can be Obferva- folved by means of the knowledge that we have obtain-120,18 the ed of the motion of the ffiip when impelled by an ob- P"e^jding lique fail, and therefore making leeway ; and they may be confidered as an abftraft of this part of M. Bouguer’s work. We have only pointed out the procefs for this folution, and have even omitted fome things taken notice of by M. Bezout in his very elegant compendium. Our reafons will appear as we go on. The learned reader will readily fee the extreme difficulty of the fubjedt, and the immenfe calculations which are neceffary even in the fimpleft cafes, and will grant that it is out of the power of any but an expert analyft to derive any ufe from them f but the mathematician can calculate tables for the ufe of the practical feaman. Thus he can calculate the beffc pofition of the fails for advancing in a courfe 90° from the wind, and the velocity in that courfe ; then for 85°, 8o°, 7 &c. M. Bouguer has given a table of W- B .u- this kind ; but to avoid the immenfe difficulty of the J-'uer * ^ procefs, he has adapted it to the apparent diredtion of^ the wind. We have inferted a few of his numbers, fuit-beft p0fi. ed to fuch cafes as can be of fervice, namely, when all tion of the the fails draw, or none ftand in the way of others. Co-^h (or ad- lumn 1 ft is the apparent angle of the wind and courfe, an^courfe, column 2d is the cortefponding angle of the fails- and*^ C0l‘lte' keel; and column 3d is the apparent angle of the fails and wind. 1 2 3 iv CF BCB ™CD 1°3°53' 42° 33' 6i°23' 99 13 40 — 59 iS 94 25 37 3° 56 55 89 28 3i — 54 23 84 23 32 30 51 53 79 06 30 — 49 06 73 39 27 30 46 09, 68 —- 25 — 43 — 2oS 34 Inutility of thefe chIcu- lations. SEAMANSHIP. In all tlufe numbers we bave tbe tangent of wCD double of the tangent of DCF. But this is really doing but little for the feaman. The apparent direction of the wind is unknown to him till the {hip is failing with uniform velocity ; and he is ft ill uninformed as to the leeway. It is, however, of fervice to him to know, for inftance, that when the angle of the vanes and yards is 56 degrees, the yard Ihould be braced up to 37 30', &c. But here occurs a new difficulty. By the conftruc- tion of a fquare-rigged {hip it is impoffible to give the yards that inclination to the keel which the calculation requires. Few fbips can have their yards braced up to 370 30' ; and yet this is required in order to have an in¬ cidence of 56°, and to hold a courfe 940 25' from the apparent direftion of the wind, that is, with the wind apparently 40 25' abaft the beam. A good failing {hip in this polltion may acquire a velocity even exceeding -that of the wind. Let us fuppofe it only one half of this velocity. We fhall find that the angle WCw is in this cafe about 290, and the fhip is nearly going 123° from the wind, with the wind almoft perpendicular to the fail ; therefore this utmoft bracing up of the fails is only giving them the pofition fuited to a wind broad on the quarter. It is impoffible therefore to comply with the demand of the mathematician, and the feaman muft be contented to employ a lefs favourable difpofi- tion of his fails in all cafes where his courfe does not lie at leaft eleven points from the wind. Let us fee whether this reftriftion, arifing from ne- ceffity, leaves any thing in our choice, and makes one courfe preferable to another. We fee that there are a prodigious number of courfes, and thefe the moft ufual and the moft important, which we muft hold with one trim of the fails ; in particular, failing with the wind on the beam, and all cafes of plying to windward, muft be performed with this unfavourable trim of the fails. We are certain that the fmaller v/e make the angle of in¬ cidence, real or apparent, the fmaller will be the veloci¬ ty of the fhip ; but it may happen that we fhall gain more to windward, or get fooner away from a lee-coaft, or any objedt of danger, by failing flowly on one courfe than by failing quickly on another We have feen that while the trim of the fails remains the fame, the leeway and the angle of the yard and courfe remains the fame, and that the velocity of the {hip is as the fine of the angle of real incidence, that is, as the fine of the angle of the fail and the real dire&ion of the wind. Let the fhip AB (fig. 8.) hold the courfe CF, with the wind blowing in the dire&ion WC, and having her yards DCD braced up to the fmalleft angle BCD which the rigging can admit. Let CF be to CE as the velocity of the fhip to the velocity of the wind; join FE and draw C w parallel to EF ; it is evident that FE is the relative motion of the wind, and wCD is the relative incidence on the fail. Draw FO parallel to the yard DC, and defcribe a circle through'the points COF; then we fay that if the fhip, with the fame wind and the fame trim of the fame drawing fails, be made to fail on any other courfe C f, her velocity along CF is to the velocity along C/as CF is to C/"; or, in other words, the fhip will employ the fame time in going; from C to any point of the circumference CFO Joinf O. Then, becaufe the angles CFO, cf O are on the fame chord CO, they are equal, and /0 is parallel to C the new pofition of the yard correfponding to- the new pofition of the keel a b, making the angle dCb — DCB. Alfo, by the nature of the circle, the line CF is to C as the fine of the angle COF to the fine of the angle CO/, that is (on account of the parallels CD, OF and C d. Of), as the fine of WCD to the fine of WC J. But when the trim of the fails remains the fame, the velocity of the fiiip is as the fine of the angle of the fail with the direction of the wind ; there¬ fore CF is to C/as the velocity on CF to that on Cf, and the propofition is demonftrated. ^ Let it now be required to determine the beft courfe To deter, for avoiding a rock R lying in the direftion CR, or for die t withdrawing as faft as poffible from a line of coaft PQ. !?e'k coud« Draw CM through R, or parallel to PQ, and let m be ing aTock, the middle of the arch CmM. It is plain that m is the moft remote from CM of any point of the arch Cm M, and therefore the fhip will recede farther from the coaft PQJn any given time by holding the courfe C m than by any other courfe. This courfe is eafily determined ; For the arch C m M = 360°— (arch CO-f-arch OM), and the arch CO is the meafure of twice the angle CFO, or twice the an¬ gle DCB, or twice b-\-x, and the arch OM meafures twice the angle ECM. Thus, fuppofe the fharpeft poffible trim of the fails to be 350, and the obferved angle ECM to be 70° } thenCO+O Mis70°-j-140? oriio0. This being taken from 360°, leaves 150°, of which the half M m is 750, and the angle MC m is 370 30'. This added to ECM makes EC »z 107° 30', leaving WC to = 720 30', and the fhip muft hold a courfe making an angle of 720 30' with the real diredtion of the wind, and WCD will be 37° 3°'' This fuppofes no leeway. But if we know that under all the fail which the {hip can carry with fafety and ad¬ vantage fhe makes 5 degrees of leeway, the angle DC to of the fail and courfe, or b + x, is 40°. Then CO -f- OM = 2200, which being taken from 360° leaves 1400, of which the half is 70°, = M w, and the angle MC to — 350, and EC m = 105°, and WC to zr 750, and the fhip muft lie with her head 70° from the wind, making 5 degrees of leeway, and the angle WCD is 350. The general rule for the pofition of the fhip is, that the line onjhif'board which bifetts the angle b+x may alfo lifeEt the angle WCM, or make the angle between the courfe and the line from which we wifli to withdraw equal to the angle between the fail and the real diredtion of the wind. ^6 It is plain that this problem includes that of plying to Coroiiarici.. windward. We have only to fuppofe ECM to be 90® ; then, taking our example in the fame fhip, with the fame trim and the fame leeway, we have b + «=40c. This taken from 90^ leaves50°andWCn=: 90—25—67, and the fhip’s head muft lie 6o° from the wind, and the yard muft be 25'' from it. It muft be obferved here, that it is not always eligi¬ ble to feledl the courfe which will remove the fhip faft- eft from the given line CM ; it may be more prudent to remove from it more fecurely though more flowly. In fuch cafes the procedure is very Ample, viz. to fhape the courfe as near the wind as is poffible. The reader will alfo eafily fee that the propriety of thefe pradlices is confined to thofe courfes only where the pradticable trim of the fails is not fufficiently fharp. 6 Whenever t 2°9 SEAMANSHIP. Whenever the courfe ties fo far from the wind that it is poffible to make the tangent of the apparent angle of the wind and fail double the tangent of the fail and courfe, it fhould be done. The adjuffc. Thefe are the chief praftical confequenccs which can tnem ofdiejjg deduced from the theory. But we fhould confider fecU^th ° h°w far this adjiiftmcnt of the fails and courfe can be ti eery ini performed. And here occur difficulties fo great as to pradhcable. make it almod imprafticable. We have always fuppofed the pofition of the furface of the fail to be diftin&ly obfervable and meafurable ; but this can hardly be affirmed even with refped to a fail llretched on a yard. Here we fuppofed the furface of the fail to have the fame inclination to the keel that the yard has. This is by no means the cafe ; the fail affumes a concave form, of which it is almofl impoffible to affign the direftion of the mean impulfe. We believe that this is always con- fiderably to leeward of a perpendicular to the yard, ly¬ ing between Cl and CE (fig* 6.). 1 his is of fome ad¬ vantage, being equivalent to a (harper trim. We can¬ not affirm this, however, with any confidence, becaufe it renders the impulfe on the weather-leech of the fail fo exceedingly feeble as hardly to have any effed. In failing clofe to the wind the ffiip is kept f® near that the weather-leech of the fall is ahnoft ready to receive the wind edgewife, and to flutter or Oliver. The moll effedive or drawing fails with a fide-wind, efpecially when plying to windward, are the ftayfails. We be¬ lieve that it is impoffible to fay, with any thing ap¬ proaching to precifion, what is the poiition of the general furface of a ftayfail, or to calculate the intenfity and diredion of the general impulfe ; and we affirm with confidence that no man can pronounce on thefe points with any exadnefs. If we can guefs within a third or a fourth part of the truth, it is all we can pretend to ; and after all, it is but a guefs. Add to this, the fails coming in the way of each other, and either becalming them or fending the wind upon them in a diredion widely different from that of its free motion. All thefe points we think beyond our power of calculation, and therefore that it is in vain to give the feaman mathema¬ tical rules, or'even tables of adjuftment ready calculated ; fince he can neither produce that medium pofition of his fails that is required, nor tell what is the pofition -which he employs. This is one of the principal reafons why fo little ad¬ vantage has been derived from the very ingenious and promifing difquifitions of Bouguer and other mathe¬ maticians, and has made us omit the adual folution of the chief problems, contenting ourfelves with pointing out the procefs to fuch readers as have a relilh for thefe analytical operations. The theory But there is anotl:ier Principal reafon for the fmall itfelf erro- progrefs which has been made in the theory of feaman- oeouf, flfip?: This is the errors of the theory itfelf, which fup- pofes the impulfions of a fluid to be in the duplicate ra¬ tio of the fine of incidence. The molt careful compa- rifon which has been made between the refults of this theory and matter of fad is to he feen in the experi¬ ments made by the members of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, mentioned in the article Resistancr of Fluids. We fubjoin another abftrad of them in the following table; where col. iff gives the angle of in¬ cidence ; col. 2d gives the impulfions really obferved ; col. 3d the impulies, had they followed the duplicate Vol.XWII. Part I. ratio of the fines; and col- 4th the mpulfes, il tney were in the fimple ratio of the fines. Angle of Incid. 90 84 78 72 66 60 54 48 4 2 36 3° 24 18 12 6 Impul- fion obferved. IOOO 989 958 908 845 771 693 615 543 480 440 424 4r4 406 400 Impulfe as Sine*. IOOO 989 957 9°5 835 750 655 552 448 346 250 165 96 43 11 Impulle as Sine. IOOO 995 978 951 914 866 809 743 669 587 500 407 3°9 208 1 °5 Here we fee an enormous difference in the great obli¬ quities. When the angle of incidence is only fix de¬ grees, the obferved impulfe is forty times greater than the theoretical impulfe ; at 12° it is ten times greater ; at j 8° it is more than four times greater ; and at 24° it is almofl; three times greater. No wonder then that the dedudions from this theory And the de-> are fo ufelefs and fo unlike what we familiarly obferve. dudtions We took notice of this when we were confidering thetrrm k leeway of a redangular box, and thus faw a reafon for!t^s’ admitting an incomparably fmaller leeway than what would refult from the laborious computations neceffary by the theory. This error in theory has as great an in¬ fluence on the impulfions of air when ading obliquely on a fail; and the experiments of Mr Robins and of the Chevalier Borda on the oblique impulfions of air are perfedly conformable (as far as they go) to thofc of the academicians on water. The oblique impulfions of the wind are therefore much more efficacious for pref- fing the (hip in the diredion of her courfe than the theory allows us to fuppofe ; and the progrefs of a fhip plying to windward is much greater, both becaufe the oblique impulfes of the wind are more effedive, and be¬ caufe the leeway is much fmaller, than we fuppofe. Were not this the cafe, it would be impoffible for a fquare-rigged fliip to get to windward. The impulfe on her fails when clofe-hauled would be fo trifling that fhe would not have a third part of the velocity which we fee her acquire! and this trifling velocity would be wafted in leeway ; for we have feen that the diminution of the oblique impulfts of the water is accompanied by an increafe of leeway. But we fee that in the great ob¬ liquities the impulfions continue to be very confiderable, and that even an incidence of fix degrees gives an impulfe as great as the theory allows to an incidence of 40. We may therefore, on all occafions, keep the yards, more fquare ; and the lofs which we fuftain by the dimi¬ nution of the very oblique impulfe will he more than compenfated by its more favourable diredion with re¬ fped to the {hip’s keel. Let us take an example of this. Suppofe the wind about two points before the beam, making an angle of 68y with the keel. The theory affigns 430 for the inclination of the wind to 3D d the 210 S ' E A M A N SHIP. the fall, and 250 for the trim of the fail. The perpen¬ dicular impulfe being fuppofed 1000, the theoretical impulfe fctr 430 is 465. This reduced in the proportion of radius to the fine of 25°, gives the impulfe in the di¬ rection of the courfe only 197. But if we eafe off the lee-braces till the yard makes an angle ©f <;o0 with the keel, and allows the wind an incidence of no more than 180, we have the experiment¬ ed impulfe 414, which, when reduced in the proportion of radius to the fine of 50°, gives an effedtive impulfe 3 ly. In like manner, the trim 36°, with the incidence 120, gives an effethve impulfe 337 ; and the trim 62°, with the incidence only 6°, gives 353. Hence it would at firfl fight appear that the angle DCB of 62° and WCD of 6° would be better for hold¬ ing a courfe within fix points of the wind than any more oblique pofition of the fails ; but it will only give a greater initial impulfe. As the fhip accelerates, the wind apparently comes ahead, and we mult continue to brace up as the fhip frefhens her way. It is not unufual .for her to acquire half or two thirds of the velocity of the wind ; in which cafe the wind comes apparently ahead more than two points, when the yards muft be braced up to 350, and this allows an impulfe no greater than about 70. Now this is very frequently obferved in good fhips, which in abrifk gale and fmooth water will go five or fix knots clofe-hauled, the fhip’s head fix points from the wind, and the fails no more than juft full, but ready to fliiver by the fmalleft luff. All this would be impofTihle4by the ufual theory ; and in this refpedt thefe experiments of the French academy give a fine illuflration of the feaman's practice. They account for what we fhould otherwife be much puzzled to explain ; and the great progrefs which is made by a fhip clofe-hauled being perfectly agreeable to what we fhould expedt from the law of oblique impulsion deducible from thefe fo often mentioned experiments, while it is totally incompatible with the common theory, fhould make us abandon the theory without hefitation, and ftrenuoufly fct about the eftablifhment of another, founded entirely on experiments. For this puipofe the *ntr.ts pro- experiments fhould be made on the oblique impulfions jier for efia- gf a;r on as great a fcale as poffible, and in as great a ©thef15” ^ variety circurnftances, as to furnifh a feries of im¬ pulfions for all angles of obliquity. We have but four or five experiments on this fubjedf, viz. two by Mr Robins and two or three by the Chevalier Borda. Ha¬ ving thus gotten a feries of impulfions, it is very practi¬ cable to raife on this foundation a practical inflitute, and to give a table of the velocities of a fhip fuited to every angle of inclination and of trim ; for nothing is more certain than the refolution of the impulfe perpendicular to the fail into a force in the direction of the keel, and a lateral force. We arealfo difpofedto think that experiments might he made on a model very nicely rigged with fails, and trimmed in every different degree, which would point out the mean direction of the impulfe on the fails, and the comparative force of thefe impulfes in different di¬ rections of the wind. The method would be very fi- milar to that for examining'the impulfe of the water on the hull. If this can alfo be afeertained experimental¬ ly, the intelligent reader will eafily fee that the whole motion of a fhip under fail may be determined for every cafe. Tables may then be conitruCted by calculation. or by graphical operations, which will give the velo. cities of a fhip in every different courfe, and corrcfpon- ding to every trim of fail. And let it be here obferved, that the trim of the fail is not to be eftimated in de¬ grees of inclination of the yards ; becaufe, as we have already remarked, we cannot obferve nor adjuli the la¬ teen fails in this way. But, in making the experiments for afeertaining the impulfe, the exaft pofition of the tacks and fheets of the fails are to be noted ; and this combination of adjuftments is to pafs by the name of a certain trim. Thus that trim of all the fails may be called 40, whofe direCHon is experimentally found eaui- valent to a flat furface trimmed^o the obliquity 40°. Having done this, we may conffruCt a figure for each trim fimilar to fig. 8. where, inftead of a circle, we fhall have a curve COM'F, whofe chords CF', c/', &c. are proportional to the velocities in thefe cour- fes; and by means of this curve we can find the poinf m', which is mod remote from any line CM from which we wifh to withdraw: and thus we may folve all the principal problems of the art. We hope that it will not be accounted prefumption in us to expeft more improvement from a theory founded on judicious experiments only, than from a theory of the impulfe of fluids, which is found fo in- confifteut with obfervation, and of whofe fallacy all its authors, from Newton to D’Alembert, entertained ftrong fufpicions. Again, we beg leave to recommend 41 this view «f the fubjeff to the attention of the Society Recom. for the Improvement of Naval Architecture.t0 Should thefe patriotic gentlemen entertain a favourable^ opinion of the plan, and honour us with their corre-provement ipondence, we will cheerfully impart to them our no-oi Naval tions of the way in which both thefe trains of experi-Arc^nee" ments may be profecuted with fuccefs, and refults ob-tUie’ tained in which we may confide; and we content our- felves at prefent with offering to the public thefe hints, which are not the fpeculations of a man of mere fcience, but of one who, with a competent knowledge of the laws of mechanical nature, has the experience of feveral years fervice in the royal navy, where the art of work¬ ing of fhips was a favourite objeft of his fcientific at¬ tention. ' With thefe obfervations we conclude our difeuflion Means em- of the firft part of the feaman’s talk, and now proceedi’10/61110 to confider the means that are employed to prevent oHr Aent yr 1 j jr DroaHce flP« to produce any deviations from the uniform re&ilineal viation* courfe which has been fele&ed. from a Here the ihip is to be confidered as a body in freeCoUr^9c! fpace, convertible round her centre of inertia. For whatever may be the point round which fhe turns, this motion may always be confidered as compounded of a rotation round an axis palling through her centre of gravity or inertia. She is impelled by the wind and by the water acting on many furfaces differently inclined to each other, and the impulfe on each is perpendicular to the furface. In order therefore that fhe may con¬ tinue fleadily in one courfe, it is not only neceffaiy that the impelling forces, eftimated in their mean dire, that the preffure on p is totally different from what it would have been were it a fquare foot ot furface detached from the reft, and prefented in the fame pofition to the water moving in the diredlion b C. For it is found, that the refiftances given to planes join¬ ed fo as to form a wedge, or to curved furfaces, are widely different from the accumulated refiftances, calcu¬ lated (or their feparate parts, agreeably to the experi¬ ments of the academy on (ingle furfaces. We there¬ fore do not attempt to afeertain the point C by theory; but it may be accurately determined by the experiments which we have fo llrongly recommended ; and we offer 4g this as an additional inducement for profecuting them. To he de=. Draw through C a line perpendicular to Cl, that is, termiued parallel to the foils ; and let the lines of impulfe of the b>r exP*na i D d 2 threeraents* 212 S E A M A three fails cut it in the points /, i, and m. This line i m may be confidered as a lever, moveable round C, and adted on at the points i, k, and tv, by three forces. '1 he rotatory momentum of the fails on the mizenmaft is D i X * C ; that of the fails on the mainmafl is E e X C ; and the momentum of the fails on the fore- maft is F/X tn C. The tv/o firft tend to prefs forward 49 the arm C r, and then to turn the fhip’s head towards E-quili- the wind The adtion of the fails on the foremaft tends ferved 1^" t0 Pu^ t^e arm ^ m P°rwar(l» and produce a contrary tfn * ofition rotat;‘on- If the flip undjjr thefe three fails keeps ftea- ©f the fails, dily in her courfe, without the aid of the rudder, we muft have D«X/C-f-EfXiC = F/ Xm C. This is very pofiible, and is often feen in a Ihip under her mizen topfail, main-topfail, and fore-toplad, all parallel to one another, and their furfaces duly proportioned by reefing. If more fails are fet, we muft always have a limilar equilibrium. A certain number of them will have their efforts diredled from the larboard arm of the lever im lying to leeward of Cl, and a certain number will have their efforts diredted from the ftarboard arm lying to windward of Cl. The lum of the produdls of each of the firft fet, by their diftances from C, muft be equal to the fum of the fimilar produdls of the other fet. As this equilibrium is all that is neceffary for pre- ferving the fhip’s pofition, and the ceffation of it is im¬ mediately followed by a converfion ; and as thefe ftates of the fhip may be had by means of the three fquare fails only, when their furfaces are properly proportion¬ ed—it is plain that every movement may be executed and explained by their means. This will greatly Amplify our future difcuffions. We fhall therefore fuppofe in future that there are only the three topfails fet, and that their furfaces are fo adjufted by reefing, that their adfions exadlly balance each other round that point C of the middle line AB, where the a&ions of the water on the different parts of her botttom in like manner balance each other. This point C may be differently fituated in the fhip according to the leeway fire makes, depend¬ ing on the trim of the fails ; and therefore although a certain proportion of the three furfaces may balance each other in one ftate of leeway, they may happen not to do fo in another ftate. But the equilibrium is evi¬ dently attainable in every cafe, and we therefore fhall al- co ways fuppofe it. Conte- . It muft now be obferved, that when this equilibrium quence of is deftroyed, as, for example, by turning the edge of the ing it7 niizen topfail to the wind, which the feamen callJhiver- ing the mizen-topfail, and which may be confidered as- equivalent to the removing the mizen-topfail entirely, it does not follow that the fhip will round the point C, this point remaining fixed. The fhip muft be confi¬ dered as a free body, ftill a&ed on by a number of forces, which no longer balance each other; and fhe muft therefore begin to turn round a fpontaneous axis of converfion, which muft be determined in the way fet forth in the article Rotation. It is of importance to point out in general where this axis is fituated. There¬ fore let G (fig. io.) be the centre of gravity of the fhip. Draw the line q Gv parallel to the yards, cut¬ ting D ^ in q, E e in r, Cl in /, and F/ in v. While the three fails are fet, the line q v may be confidered as a lever afted on by four forces, viz. D d, impelling the lever forward perpendicularly in the point q ; E e, im¬ pelling it forward in the point r ; F/, impelling it for- N S H I P. ward in the point v ; and Cl, impelling it backward in the point t. Thefe forces balance each other both in refpeeft of progreffive motion and of rotatory energy; for Cl was taken equal to the fum of D J, E e, and F fo that no acceleration or retardation of the fhip’s pro* grefs in her courfe is fuppofed. But by taking away the mizen-topfail, both the equi¬ libriums are deftroyed. A part D d of the accelerating force is taken away ; and yet the fhip, by her inertia or inherent force, tends, for a moment, to proceed in the direction C p with her former velocity ; and by this ten¬ dency exerts for a moment the fame preffure Cl on the water, and fuftains the fame refiftance IC. She muft therefore be retarded in her motion by the excefs of the refiftance IC over the remaining impelling forces E e and F/, that is, by a force equal and oppofite to D d. She will therefore be retarded in the fame manner as if the mizen-topfail were ftill fet, and a force equal and oppofite to its adion were applied to G the centre of gravity, and fhe would foon acquire a fmaller velocity, which would again bring all things into equilibrium j and fire would ftand on in the fame courfe, without changing either her leeway or the pofition of her head. But the equilibrium of the lever is alfo deftroyed. It is now adted on by three forces only, viz. E e and F/, impelling it forward'in the points r and v, and 1C impelling it backward in the point /. Makerv\ro~ E -r-f F/: F/, and make op parallel to Cl and equal to E e-j-F/. Then we know, from the common prin¬ ciples of mechanics, that the force op acting at 0 wiil have the fame momentum or energy to turn the lever round any point whatever as the two forces E e and F f applied at r and v ; and now the lever is afted on by two forces, viz. IC, urging it backwards in the paint /, and op urging it forwards in the point o. It muft therefore turn round like a floating log, which gets two blows in oppofite dire&ions. If we now make IC—op '• op ~ t o 11 x, or IC — opi IC ~ t o : o x, and apply to the point x a force equal to IC—op in the direction IC; we know, by the common principles of mechanics, that this foice IC—will produce the fame rotation round any point as the two forces IC and op applied in their proper dire&ions at t and o. Let us examine the fituation of the poim v. The force IC—op is evidently = D r/, and opts = Et-}-F/. Therefore o t u x =z D d: op. But be- canfe, when all the fails were filled, there was an equi¬ librium round C, and therefore round t, and becaufe the force op a&ing at o is equivalent to E e and F/ afting at r and v, we muft ftill have the equilibrium ; and therefore we have the momentum G dXqt z=. op X o t. Therefore o t: t q = G d: o p, and tq—tx. Therefore the point x is the fame with the point q. Therefore, when we driver the mizen-topfail, the ro- R A1 tation of the fhip is the fame as if the fhip were at reft,^ and a foice equal and oppofite to the adtion of the mr-mizen-top- zen-topfail were applied at y or at D, or at any pointlai1- in the line D y. * » This might have been fhown in another and fhorter way. Suppofe all fails filled, the fhip is in equilibrio. This will be difturbed by applying to D a force oppo¬ fite to Dr/; and if the force be alfo equal to D d, it is evident, that thefe two forces deftroy each other, and that this application of the force d D is equivalent to the S E A M A the taking away of the mizen-topfail. But wechofe to pjve the whole mechanical inveiligation; beeaufe it p;ave us an opportunity of pointing out to the reader, j'n a cafe of very eafy comprehenfion, the precife man¬ ner in which the fhip is afted on by the different fails and by the water, and what fhare each of them lias in the motion ultimately produced. We fhall not repeat this manner of procedure in other cafes, becaufe a little refle&ion on the part of the reader will now enable him to trace the modus operands through all its Iteps. We now fee that, in refpeft both of progreffive mo¬ tion and of converfion, the ffip is affedted by ihivering the fail D, in the fame manner as if a force equal and oppofite toDd were applied at D, or at any point in the line D d. We muft now have recourfe to the prin¬ ciples eftablifhed under the article Rotation. Let p reprefent a particle of matter, r its radius vec¬ tor, or its diftance p G from an axis palling through the centre of gravity G, and let M reprefent the whole quantity of matter of the (hip. Then its momentum of inertia is =J'p'rl (fee Rotation, n° 18.) The fhip, impelled in the point D by a force in the direc¬ tion d~D, will begin to turn round a fpontaneous verti¬ cal axis, paffing through a point S of the line q G, which is drawn through the centre of gravity G, per¬ pendicular to the direftion d D of the external force, and the diltance GS of this axis from the centre of gra¬ vity is = ^ (fee Rotation, n° 06.), and it is * M-Gy V . taken on the oppofite fide of G from y, that is, S and q are on oppofite fides of G. Let us exprefs the external force by the fymbol F. It is equivalent to a certain number of pounds, being the pref^ire of the wind moving with the velocity V and inclination a on the furface of the fail D ; and may therefore be computed cither by the theoretical or ex¬ perimental law of oblique impulfes. Having obtained this, we can afeertain the angular velocity of the rota¬ tion and the abfolute velocity of any given point of the ihip by means of the theorems eftablilhed in the article Rotation. A&ion of ®ut before we proceed to this inveftigation, we {hall the rudder confider the aftion of the rudder, which operates pre- cifely in the fame manner. Let the (hip AB (fig. i i.) have her rudder in the pofition AD, the helm being hard a-lfarboard, while the Ihip failing on the {lar¬ board tack, and making leeway, keeps on the courfe a b. The lee furface of the rudder meets the water obliquely. The very foot of the rudder meets it in the mreftion DE parallel to a b. The parts farther up meet it with various obliquities, and with various velo¬ cities, as it glides round the bottom of the Ihip and falls into the wake. It is abfolutely impoffible to cal¬ culate the accumulated impulfe. We fhall not be far miftaken in the deflerffion of each contiguous filament, as it quits the bottom and glides along the rudder ; but we neither know the velocity of thefe filaments, nor the defleftion and velocity of the filaments gliding without them. We therefore imagine that all compu¬ tations on this fubjerff are in vain. But it is enough for our purpofe that we know the direftion of the ab¬ folute preffure which they exert on its furface. It is in the direftion D d, perpendicular to that furface. We alfo may be confident that this preffure is very confider- N S H I P. 213 able, in proportion to the a&ion of the water on the fhip’s bows, or of the wind on the fails ; and we may fuppofe it to be nearly in the proportion of the fquare of the velocity of the fhip in her courfe ; but we can¬ not affirm it to be accurately in that proportion, for reafons that will readily occur to one who confidersthe way in which the water falls in behind the ffiip. ^ It is obferved, however, that a fine failer always Cfreattft in fteers well, and that all movements by means of thea ®nc rudder are performed with great rapidity when the velocity of the fhip is great. We fhall fee by and by, that the fpced with which the fhip performs the angu¬ lar movements is in the proportion of her progreffive velocity : For we fhall fee that the fquares of the times of performing the evolution are as the impulfes inverfe- ly, which are as the fquares of the velocities. There is perhaps no force which aids on a fhip that can be more accurately determined by experiment than this. Let the fhip ride in a flream or tideway whofe velocity is accurately meafured ; and let her ride from two moor¬ ings, fo that her bow may be a fixed point. Let a fmall tow-line be laid out from her flern or quarter at right angles to the keel, and connedted with fome ap¬ paratus fitted up on fhore or on board another fhip, by which the (train on it may be accurately meafured; a per ton converfant with mechanics will fee many ways in which this can be done. Perhaps the following may How to deo be as good as any : Let the end of the tow-line be fixed termine it, to fome point as high out of the water as the point of the Ihip from which it is given out, and let this be very high. Let a block with a hook be on the rope, and a confiderable weight hung on this hook. Things be¬ ing thus prepared, put down the helm to a certain angle,- fo as to eaufe the fhip to fheer off from the point to which the far end of the tow-line is attached. This will ftretch the rope, and raiie the weight out of the water.. Now heave upon the rope, to bring the fhip back again to her former pofition, with her keel in the direction of the flream. When this pofition is attained, note care¬ fully the form of the rope, that is, the angle which its two parts make with the horizon. Call this angle a. Every perfon acquainted with thefe fubjetls knows that the horizontal ftrain is equal to half the weight multi¬ plied by the cotangent of a, or that 2 is to the co¬ tangent of a as the weight to the horizontal llrain. Now it is this flrain which balances and therefore mea- fures the aftion of the rudder, or D e in fig. 11. There¬ fore, to have the abfolute impulfe D d, we mufl increafe JD e in the proportion of radius to the fecant of the angle b which the rudder makes with the keel. In a great fhip failing fix miles in an hour, the impulfe on the rudder inclined 30° to the keel is not lefs than 3000 pounds. The furface of the rudder of fuch a fhip contains near 80 fquare feet. It is not, however, very neceffary to know this abfolute impulfe D d, be¬ caufe it is its part D e alone which meafures the energy of the rudder in producing a converfion. Such expe¬ riments, made with various pofitions of the rudder, will give its energies correfponding to thefe pofitions, and will fettle that long dilputed point which is the befl pofition for turning a fhip. On the hypothefis that the impulfions of fluids are in the duplicate ratio of the fines of incidence, there can be no doubt that it fhould make an angle of 540 44' with the keel. But the form of a large fhip will not admit of this, becaufe a tiller of a length fufficient for managing the rudder in failing with 214 S E A M A with great velocity has not room to deviate above 30° from the direftion of the keel ; and in this pofition of the rudder the mean obliquity of the filaments of wa¬ ter to its 1 iii-fece cannot exceed 40° or 45'0. A greater angle would not be of much fervice, for it is never for want of a proper obliquity that the rudder fails of 5? producing a converfion. Why a/hip A fhip mifi’es ftays in rough weather for want of a noifo dar.fiiffieient progreflive velocity, and becaufe her bows are beat off by the waves : and there is feldom any diffi¬ culty in wearing the /hip, if fire has any progreffive motion. It Ls, however, always definable to give the rudder as much influence as poffible. Its furface (hould be enlarged (efpecially below) as much as can be done confidently with its flrength and with the power of the llecrfmen to manage it ; and it /hould be put in the jnoft favourable fituation for the water to get at it with great velocity ; and it fliould be placed as far from the axis of the fliip’s motion as poffible. Thefe points are obtained by making the ffiern-poft very upright, as has always been done in the French dockyards. The Bri- tifh firips have a much greater rake ; but our builders are gradually adopting the French forms, experience ha¬ ving taught us that their /hips, when in our poffieflion, are much more obedient to the helm than our own.— In order to alcertain the motion produced by the ac¬ tion of the rudder, draw from the centre of gravity a line G 7 perpendicular to Dr/ (Dr/ being drawn thro’ the centre of effort of the rudder). Then, as in the •confideration of the action of the fails, we may conceive the line 7 G as a lever connefted with the fliip, and im¬ pelled by- a force D J acting perpendicularly at 7. The confequence of this will be, an incipient converfion of the fhip about a vertical axis paffing through fome point S in the line 7 G, lying on the other fide of G from 7; and we have, as in the former cafe, GS = ,5 M;G?- The adion 'l'*1118 t^ie aftion and effects of the fails and of the of the rud-rudder are perfedtly fimilar, and are to be confidcred in derfimiiar the fame manner. We fee that the aftion of the rud- thetfaiL°f ^cr’ though of a fmall furface in comparifon of the fails, and very mu^ be very great : For the impulfe of water is many great. hundred times greater than that of the wind ; and the arm 7 G of the lever, by which it afts, is incomparably greater than that by which any of the iinpulfions on the fails produces its effedt; accordingly the fliip yields much more rapidly to its adtion than fhe does to the la¬ teral impulfe of a fail. Obferve here, that if G were a fixed or fupported axis, it would be the fame thing whether the abfolute force D J of the rudder adls in the direction D 1/, or its tranfverfe part D e adls in the diredlion D e, both would produce the fame rotation ; but it is not fo in a free body. The force D d both tends to retard the fhip’s motion and to produce a rotation : It retards it as much as if the fame force D d had been immediately applied to the centre. And thus the real motion of the fhip is compounded of a motion of the centre in a di- redfion parallel to D d, and of a motion round the centre. Thefe two conftitute the motion round S. Emplo el ^ie effe&s of the adtion of the rudder are both as an txam-more remarkable and fomewhat more fimple than thofe pie of the of the fails, we /hall employ them as an example ot the motions of mechanifm of the motions of converfion in general; and 85 we mull content ourfelves in a work like this with N S H I P. what is very general, we fhall iimplify the inveftigatfflrt by attending only to the motion of converiron. We can get an accurate notion of the whole motion, if want¬ ed for any purpofe, by combining the progreffive or retrograde motion parallel to D d with the motion of rotation which we are about to determine. In this cafe, then, we cbferve, in thefirll place, that the D h ’ 7G; angular velocity (fee Rotation, n° 22.) J' and, as was fliown in that article, this velocity of rota¬ tion increafes in the proportion of the time of the forces uniform attion, and the rotation would be uniformly ac¬ celerated if the forces did really adl uniformly. This, however, cannot be the cafe, becaufe,* by the /hip’s change of pofition and change of progreffive velocity, the diredtion and intenfity of the impelling force is con¬ tinually changing. But if two /hips are performing fimilar evolutions, it is obvious that the changes of force are fimilar in fimilar parts of the evolution. Therefore the confideration of the momentary evolution is fufficient for enabling us to compare the motions of (hips adluated by fimilar forces, which is all we have in view at prefent. The velocity v, generated in any time t by the con¬ tinuance of an invariable momentary acceleration (which is all that we mean by faying that it is produced by the adtion of a conftant accelerating force), is as the acce¬ leration and the time jointly. Now what v/e call the angular velocity is nothing but this momentary accele^ ration. Therefore the velocity v generated in the time F • 7 G / is — y> The exprefiion of the angular velocity is alfo the ex-Angular preffion of the velocity of a point lituated at the di-velocity, ftance 1 from the axis G. # Let z be the fpace or arch of revolution deferibed in the time t by this point, whofe di/lance from G is FyG . =r 1. Then z z= v t = /• „ * and takinr fluent z = F *7 G the ft" This arch meafures the whole angle of rotation accomphfhed in the time t. Thefe are therefore as the fquares of the times from the begin¬ ning of the rotation. Thofe evolutions are equal which are meafured by equal arches. Thus two motions of 45 degrees each are equal. Therefore becaufe z is the fame in both, F • 7 G the quantity / a is a con/tant quantity, and t2 is I1" reciprocally proportional to G ft and t is proportional to or is proportional V' y> That to FWG v'F • 7 G is to fay, the times of the fimilar evolutions of two /hips are as the fquare root of the momentum of iner¬ tia diredlly, and as the fquare root of the momentum of the rudder or fail inverfely. This will enable us to make the comparifon ealily. Let us fuppofe the /hips perfedtly fimilar in form and rigging, and to differ only in length L and / ,/r-R- is to // r 2 as L 5 to / i. For' S E A M A For the fimilar particles P and p contain quantities of matter which are as the cubes of their lineal dimenfions, that is, as L’ to And becaufe the particles are fi- milarly fituated, Pv 1 is to r 2 as L2 to /*. Therefore P • R a :/> * r"1 ~ Ls:/s. Now F is to /" as L2 to /\ For the furfaces of the fimilar ruddeis or fails are as the fquares of their lineal dimenfions, that is, as L2 to / \ And, laftly, G y is to^y as L to /, and therefore T ’ G q g q — L5 Therefore we have T2: ^ J F ‘ K • fP'rl= K : fr=^Ll:/% and T: V'Gq f'gq L 1 to * = L:/* Ti'ruts of fi- Therefore the times of performing fimilar evolutions milar evo- with limilar fhips are proportional to the lengths of the boons with when both are failing equally faft ; and fince the fimilar * • n j . r fimilar flips, evolutions are fimilar, and the forces vary fimilarly in their different parts, what is here demonfirated of the fmallefl incipient evolutions is true of the whole. They therefore not only defcribe equal angles of revolution, but alfo fimilar curves. A fmal^fhip, therefore, works in lefs time and in lefs room than a great fhip, and this in the proportion of its length. This is a great advantage in all cafes, particularly in wearing, in order to fail on the other tack clofe-hauled. In this cafe fhe will always be to windward and ahead of the large fhip, when both are got on the other tack. It would appear at firft light that the large fhip will have the advantage in tacking. Indeed the large fhip is farther to windward when again trimmed on the other tack than the fmall fhip when fhe is juft trimmed on the other tack. But this happened be¬ fore the large fhip had completed her evolution, and the fmall fhip, in the mean time, has been going forward on the other tack, and going to windward. She will therefore be before the large Clip’s beam, and perhaps as far to windward. We have feen that the velocity of rotation is propor¬ tional, ceteris paribus, to F X G y. F means the ab- folute impulfe on the rudder or fail, and is always per¬ pendicular to its furface. This abfolute impulfe on a fail depends on the obliquity of the wind to its furface. The ufual theory fays, that it is as the fquare of the fine of incidence : but we find this not true. We muft content ourfelves with exprefling it by fome as yet un¬ known funttion a X cof. b. In order, therefore, that any fail may have the greateft power t» produce a rotation round G, it muft be fo trimmed that ? a X cof. b may be a maximum. Thus, if we would trim the fails on the foremaft, fo as to pay the fhip off from the wind right ahead with the greateft cffeft, and if we take the experiments of the French academicians as proper meafures of the oblique impuFes of the wind on the fail, we will brace up the yard t® an angle of 48 degrees with the keel. The impulfe corre- fponding to 48° is 615, and the cofine of 48° is 669. Thefe give a product of 411435. we 'tJIRce the_fail n s h 1 p. to 54.44, the angle affigned by the theory, the effedtive impulfe is 405274. If we make the angle 450, the im- pulfe is 408774. It appears then that 48’ is preferable to either of the others. But the difference is inconli- derable, as in all cafes of maximum a fmall deviation from the belt pofition is not very detrimental. But the difference between the theory and this experimental meafure will be very great when the impulfes of the wind are of neceflity very oblique. Thus, in tacking fliip, as foon as the headfails are taken aback, they ferve to aid the evolution, as is evident: But if we were now to adopt the maxim inculcated by the theory, we fhould immediately round in the weather-braces, fo as to increafe the impulfe on the fail, becaufe it is then very fmall ; and although we by this means make yard more fquare, and therefore diminifh the rotatory mo¬ mentum of this impulfe, yet the impulfe is more increafed 60 (by the theory) than its vertical lever is diminiftied.— Ankepoinp Let us examine this a little more particularly, becaufe it is reckoned one of the niceft points of feamanfhip to ma 1 ^ aid the fhip’s coming round by means of the headfails ; and experienced feamen differ in their pradlice in this manceuvre. Suppofe the yard braced up to 4®% which is as much as can be ufually done, and that the fail fhi- vers (the bowlines are ufually let g® when the Helm is put down), the fail immediately takes aback, and in a moment we may fuppofe an incidence of 6 degrees. The impulle_ correfponding to this is 400 (by experi¬ ment), and the cofine of 40° is 766. This gives 306400 for the effective impulfe- To proceed according to the theory, we fhould brace the yard to 70y, which would give the wind (now 34e on the weather-bow) an inci¬ dence of nearly 36°, and the fail an inclination of 20° to the intended motion, which is perpendicular to the keel. For the tangent of 20y is about 4 of the tangent of 36°. Let us now fee what effective impulfe the ex¬ perimental law of oblique impulfions will give for this adjuftment of the fails. The experimental impulfe for 36° is 480 ; the cofine of 70° is 342 ; the produft is 164160, not much exceeding the half of the former. Nay, the impulfe for calculated by the theory, would have been only 346, and the effective impulfe only 118332. And it muft be farther obferved, that this theoretical adjuftment would tend greatly to check the evolution, and in moft cafes would entirely mar it, by checking the fhip’s-motion ahead, and confequently the action of the rudder, which is the moft powerful agent in the evolution ; for here would be a great impulfe di¬ rected almoft aftern. We were juftifiable, therefore, in faying, in the be¬ ginning of this article, that a feaman would frequently find himielf baffled if he were to work a fhip according to the rules deduced from M. Bouguer’s work ; and we fee by this inftance of what importance it is to have the oblique impulfions of fluids alcertained experimentally The practice of the moft experienced feaman is direCtly the oppofite to this theoretical maxim, and its fuccefs greatly confirm's the ufefulnefs of thefe experiments of the academicians fo often praifed by us. We return again to the general confideration of the "F f’’ rotatory motion. We found the velocity v = ^ it is therefore proportional, cseteris paribus, to q G. We have feen in what manner q G depends on the pofi¬ tion 2l(j SEA M A N Cl H I P. tion and fituatlon of the fail or rudder when the point G is fixed. But it alfo depends on the pofitioh of G. With refpefl to the action of the rudder, it is evident that it is fo much the more powerful as it is more re¬ mote from G. The diftance from G may be increafed enher by moving the rudder farther aft or G farther forward And as it is of the utmoll importance that a fhip anfwer her helm with the greateit promptitude, thofe circumftances have been attended to which diitin- guifhed fine fleering (hips from fuch as had not this quality ; and it is in a great meafure to be afcribed to this, that, in the gradual improvement of naval architec¬ ture, the centre of gravity has been placed far forward. Perhaps the notion of a centre of gravity did not come into the thoughts of the rude builders in early times; but they obferved that thofe boats andfhips fleered befl which had their extreme breadth before the middle point, and confequently the bows not fo acute as the flern- This is fo contrary to what one would expedl, that it attrafted attention more forcibly ; and, being fomewhat myfleri- ous, it might prompt to attempts of improvement, by exceeding in this fingular maxim. We •believe that it has been carried as far as is compatible with other ef- fential requifites in a fhip. Of im* or- ^e^eve tl*at this is the chief circumflance in tanceto'de what is called the trim of a fhip; and it were greatly termine the to be wifhed that the befl place for the centre of gravi- beft p ace ty could be accurately afcertained. A praClice pre¬ fer a dups va;is which is the oppofite of what we are now ad- gravity. vancing. It is ufual to load a fhip fo that her keel is 1 ' not horizontal, but lower abaft. This is found to im¬ prove her fleerage. The rcafon of this is obvious. It increafes the adling furface of the rudder, and allows the water to come at it with much greater freedom and regularity ; and it generally diminifhes the griping of the fhip forward, by removing a part of the bows out of the water. It has not always this efferit ; for the form of the harping aloft is frequently fuch, that the tendency to gripe is diminifhed by immerfing more of the bow in the water. But waving thefe circumflances, and attending only to the rotatory energy of the rudder, we fee that it is of advantage to carry the centre of gravity forward. The fame advantage is gained to the aftion of the after fails. But, on the other hand, the arition of the head fails is diminifhed by it; and we may call every fail a headfail whofe centre of gravity is before the centre of gravity of the fhip ; that is, all the fails hoifted on the bowfprxt and foremaft, and the ftayfails hoilled on the mainmaft ; for the centre of gravity is feidom far be¬ fore the mainmalt. Suppofe that when the rudder is put into the pofi- tion AD (fig. ii.), the centre of gravity could be fbifted to g, fo as to increafc y G, and that this is done without increaiing the fum of the produdls /»r2. It is •obvious that the velocity of converfion will be increafed in the proportion of y G to y This is very poflible, by bringing to that fide of the fhip parts of her loading which were fituated at a diflance from G on the other fide. Nay, we can make this change in fuch a manner that J'P r* cven l36 tl1311 ifc was before, by ta¬ king care that every thing which we fhift fhall be nearer to g than it was formerly to G. Suppofe it all placed in one fpot w?, and that m is the quantity of matter fo fhift- <;d, while M is the quantity of matter in the whole fhip. It is only neceflary that m -g Gl (hall be lefs than the fum of the produfts p r* correfponding to the matter which has been fhifted. Now, although the matter which is ealily moveable is generally veryfmall in com- parifon to the whole matter of the fhip, and therefore can make but a fmall change in the place of the centre o' gravity, it may frequently be brought from places fo remote, that it may occafion a very fenfible diminution of the quantity fp r*, which exprefles the whole mo¬ mentum of inertia. ^ This explains a prattice of the feamen in finall wher-^ ries or fkiffs, who in putting about are accuftomed to of feamen place themfelves to leeward of the mail. They even >n Pu ting find that they can aid the quick motions of thefe light a?°.ut ,ex‘ boats by the way in which they rell on their two feet, ^ ame fometimes leaning all on one foot, and fometimes on the other. And we have often feen this evolution very fen- fibly accelerated in a fhip of war, by the crew running fuddenly, as the helm is put down, to the lee-bovv. And we have heard it afierted by very expert feamen, that after all attempts to wear fhip (after lying-to in a ilorm) have failed, they have fucceeded by the crew colledling themfelves near the weather fore-fhrouds the moment the helm was put down. It muft be agreeable to the refledling feaman to fee this pradlice fupported by un¬ doubted mechanical principles. It will appear paradoxical to fay that the evolution ^ ^0j may be accelerated even by an addition of matter to the tion accele- fliip ; and though it is only a piece of curiofity, our rated b> *d« readers may wiih to be made fenfible of it. Let m bec,itlonal the addition, placed in fome point m lying beyond G matters from q. Let S be the fpontaneous centre of converfion before the addition. Let v be the velocity of rotation round g, that is, the velocity of a point whofe diflance from is I, and let r be the radius veftor, or diilance of a particle from^. We have (Rotation, n° 22.) F • qg . But we know (Rotation, n° 23.) /p P1 tn" mg1 that fp f =j p r* + VI G g1 • Therefore v = Let us determine G g J'p r2TM ’ G^-H” ' ™ gx' and m g and qg. Let m G be called z. Then, by the nature of the centre of gravity, M-Hn : M z=G m i g m~z :g m, and M , , _ mM* , ~ and rn’gr — g m z=. — A M+ m like manner, M G g%- M M-f-m L Now m M* -f- M-fw M M-4-w. Therefore M’ Gg'* m‘gm'1‘ Mm = —-—z , — xjr z1. Let « be = M + m1 M + m then MG^1 -f- tn ’gm1 — M«zJ. Alfo Gg M i ~ n 2, being zz: —z. Let’ 9 G be called c : then * M+n ^ qg = c -t- n z. Alfo let SG be called e. We have now for the exprdlion of the velocity v — F (c+«z) p c-4-«z jrp rz + M n z*’ °r ^ YlXJpr* M 4- 7 Rotation, 217 SEAMANSHIP. fp rx (Rotation, rr-goV —ce. Therefore, finally, v~ M Had there been no addition of matter hi t £-}-/!&i made, we Ihould have had v =z ---X —It remains to M c e {how, that z may be fo taken that A may be lefs than 64 T!ie rota¬ tion per¬ formed round a fpotitanc- ©us axis. -—* Now, if rbe to z as r e to 21, that is, if z c e-\-n z be taken equal to e, the two fra&ions will be equal. But if z be lei's than e, that is, if the additional matter is placed anywhere between S and G, the complex frac- c tion will be greater than the fra&ion —, and the velo¬ city of rotation will be increafed There is a particular diliance which will make it the greateft polfible, name¬ ly", when z is made c* n c e~~c), as will eafily be found by treating the fradfion " , with z, conhdered as the variable quantity, for a maximum. In what we have been faying on this fubjedt, we have conlidered the rotation only in as much as it is per¬ formed round the centre of gravity, although in every moment it is really performed round a ipontaneous axis lying beyond that centre. This was done becaufe it af¬ forded an eafy inveftigation, and any angular motion round the centre of gravity is equal to the angular motion^ound any other point. Therefore the extent and the time of the evolution are accurately defined.— From obferving that the energy of the force F is pro¬ portional to q G, an inattentive reader will be apt to conceive the centre of gravity as the centre of motion, and the rotation as taking place becaufe the momenta of the fails and rudder, on the oppohte fides of the centre of gravity, do not balance each other. But we mult always keep in mind that this is not the caufe of the ro¬ tation. The caufe is the want of equilibrium round the point C (fig. 10.), where the adtions of the water balance each other. During the evolution, which con- iifts of a rotation combined with a progreffive motion, this point C is continually fluffing, and the unbalanced momenta which continue the rotation always refpedf the momentary iituation of the point C. It is neverthelefs always true that the energy of a force F is proportional (catcris paribus) to q G, and the rotation is always made in the fame diredfion as if the point G were real- iv the centre of converfion. Therefore the mainfail aefs always (when oblique) by pufhing the item away from the wind, although it fhould fometimes adt on a point of the vertical lever through C, which is a-head of C. Thefe obiervations on the effects of the fails and rudder in producing a converfion, are fufficient for ena¬ bling us to explain any cafe of their action which may occur. We have not confidered the effedts which they tend to produce by inclining the fnip round a horizon¬ tal axis, viz. the motions of rolling and pitching. See Rolling and Pitching. To treat this iubjedf pro¬ perly would lead us into the whole dodtrine of the equi¬ librium of floating bodies, and it would rather lead to maxims of conffrudfion than to maxims of manoeuvre. M. Bonguer’s Traite uu Nav re and Euler’s Scientia ^Vavalis are excellent performances on this fubjedt, Vol. XVII. Part I. and we are not here obliged to have recourfe to any er¬ roneous theory. It is eafy to fee that the lateral preffure both of the wind on the fails and of the water on the rudder tends to incline the flup to one fide. The fails alfo tend to prefs the (hip’s bows into the water, and, if fhe were 6s kept from advancing, would prei's them down conlider- Different ably. But by the fhip's motion, and the prominent form of her bows, the refiftance of the water to the ter on ^ fore part of the (hip produces a force which is direddedilup and upwards. The fails alfo have a fmall tendency to raife w'nd on the fhip, for they conftitute a furiace which in general jtilc D,a feparates from the plumb-line below. This is remark-- ably the cafe in the flay fails, particularly the jib and fore-topmaff ftayfail. And this helps greatly to foften the plunges of the fhip’s bows into the head leas. The upward preffure alfo of the water on her bows, which we juft now mentioned, has a great effedb in oppofing the immerfion of the bows which the fails produce by adding on the long levers furnifhed by the mails. M. Bouguer gives the name of point velique to the point V (fig. 12.) of the maft, where it is cut by the line CV, which marks the mean place and diredfion of the whole impulfe of the water on the bows. And he obferves, that if the mean direddion of all the addions of the wind on the fails be. made to pafs alfo through this point, there will be a perfedd equilibrium, and the fhip will have no tendency to plunge into the water or to rife out of it ; for the whole addion of the water on the bows, in the direddion CV, is equivalent to, and mav be refolved into the adtion CE, by which the progrel- live motion is refilled, and the vertical addion CD, b\ which the fhip is raiftd above the water. The force CE muft be oppofed by an equal force VD, exerted by the wind on the fails, and the force CD is oppofed bv the weight of the fhip. If the mean effort of the falls paffes above the point V, the {hip’s bows will be preffed into the water ; and if it pafs below V, her Idem will be preffed down. But, by the union of thefe forces, fhe will rife and fall with the fea, keeping always in a parallel pofition. We apprehend that it is of very little moment to attend to the fituation of this point. Ex¬ cept when the fhip is tight afore the wind, it is a thou- fand chances to one that the line CV of mean reiiftance dees not pafs through any maft ; and the fadd is, that the fhip cannot be in a ftate of uniform motion on any other condition but the perjedd union of the line of mean addion of the fails, and the line of mean adding of the refiftance. But its place fhifts by every change of leeway or of trim ; and it is impoffible to keep thefe lines in one conflant point of interfedlion for a moment, on account of the iuceffant changes of the furface or the water on which (lie floats. M. Bouguer’s obiervutions on this point are, however, very ingenious and original. We conclude this differtation, by deferibing fome of the chief movements or evolutions. What w'e have faid hitherto is intended for the inflruddion of the art ill, faibei. * by making him fenfible of the mechanical procedure. The defeription is vat her meant for the amulement of the laudlman, enabling him to underiland operations that are famibar to the feaman. The latter will per¬ haps fmile at the aukw'ard account given of his bufinels by one who cannot hand, reef, nor fleer. To tack Shi'. The fhip muft firft of all be kept full, that is, with E e a siS S E A M A a very fenfible angle of incidence on the fails, and by no means hugging the wind. For as this evolution is chiefly performed by the rudder, it is neceflary to give the {hip a good velocity. When the fhip is obferved to luff up of herfelf, that moment is to be catched for beginning the evolution, becaufe {he will by her inhe¬ rent force continue this motion. The helm is then put down. When the officer calls out Helm’s a lee, the fore-flieet, fore-top bowline, jib, and flag fail fleets for¬ ward are let go. The jib is frequently hauled down. Thus the obllacles to the {hip’s head coming up to the wind by the adlion of the rudder are removed. If the mainfail is fet, it is not unufual to clue up the weather fide, which may be conlidered as a headfail, becaufe it is before the centre of gravity. The mizen mull be hauled out, and even the fail braced to windward. Its power in paying off the {tern from the wind con- fpires with the aftion of the rudder. It is really an aerial rudder. The fails are immediately taken aback. In this ftate the effeft of the mizen-topfail would be to obftrubt the movement, by preffing the Hern the con¬ trary way to what it did before. It is therefore either immediately braced about {harp on the other tack, or lowered. Bracing it about evidently tends to pay round the ftern from the wind, and thus affift in bring¬ ing the head up to the wind. But in this pofition it checks the progreffive motion of the flip, on which the evolution chiefly depends. For a rapid evolution, there¬ fore, it is as well to lower the mizen-topfail. Mean¬ time, the headfails are all aback, and the aftion of the wind on them tends greatly to pay the (hip round. To increafe this effect, it is not unufual to haul the fore-top bowline again. The fails on the mammaft are now almoft becalmed ; and therefore when the wind is right ahead, or a little before, the mainfail is hauled round and braced up fharp on the other tack with all expedi¬ tion. The ftayfail fleets are now fhifted over to their places for the other tack. The flip is now entirely un¬ der the power of the headfails and of the rudder, and their ablions confpire to promote the eonverfion. The flip has acquired an angular motion, and will preferve it, fo that now the evolution is fecured, and fie falls off apace from the wind on the other tack. The farther abtion of the rudder is therefore unneceffary, and would even be prejudicial, by caufmg the flip to fall*- off too much from the wind before the fails can be fhifted and trimmed for failing on the other tack. It is therefore proper to right the helm when the wind is right ahead, that is, to bring the rudder into the divedlion of the keel. The flip continues her converlion by her inhe¬ rent force and the adlion of the headfails. When the flip has fallen off about four points from the wind, the headfails are hauled round, and trimmed fharp on the other tack with all expedition ; and al¬ though this operation was begun with the wind four points on the bow, it will be fix before the fails are braced up, and therefore the headfails will immediately fill. The after-fails have filled already, while the head- fails were inactive, and therefore immediately check the farther falling off from the wind. All fails now draw, for the ftayfail fleets have been fhifted over while they were becalmed or {baking in the wind. The flip now gathers way, and will obey the fmalleil motion of the helm to bring her clofe to the wind. We have here fuppofed, that during all this opera¬ tion the flip preferves her ptogreffive motion. She n s h i p. muft therefore have deferibed a curve line, advancing, all the while to windward. Fig. 13. is a reprefenta-* tion of this evolution when it is performed in the com¬ pleted manner. The flip flanding an the courfe E at with the wind blowing in the diredtion WF, has her helm put hard a-lee when flie is in the pofition A. She immediately deviates from her courfe, and deferibing a curve, comes to the pofition B, with the wind blowing in the direction WF of the yards, and the fquare-fails now fiiver. The mizen-topfail is here reprefented braced fiiarp on the other tack, by which its tendency to aid the angular motion (while it checks the progref¬ five motion) is diftindtly feen. The main and fore¬ fails are now fiivering, and immediately after are taken aback. The effecv ' •'... ^ ... 'frr, Q '\ sz. -x; /' !> / / D 221 SEAMANSHIP. tills kind (•which he profefles to think fo highly of) to of M. Bouguer, and the ccuvfe which may be taken ferve the rivals and foes of his country. But indeed to remove them, while we preferve much valuable know- it can do no great harm in this way ; for the fcientific ledge which they contain, we may perhaps excite fome part of it is abfolutely unintelligible for want of fcience perfons to apply to this fubjeft, who, by a combination fn the tranflator ; and the praftical part is full of blun- of what is juft in M. Bouguer’s theory, with an expe- ders for want of knowledge of the French language. rimental doiftrine of the impuli'es of fluids, may produce We offer this account of the fuhjedt with all proper a treatife of feamanfhip which will not be confined to Tefpea and diffidence. We do not profefs to teach : the libraries' of mathematicians, but become a manua* but by pointing out the defe&s of the celebrated works for feamen by profelfion. SEA Seamen. SEAMEN, fuch perfons as ferve the king or others at fea by navigation and fighting fhips &c. See Ma- RiriMS State. Seamen fighting, quarrelling, or making any difturb- ance, may be punifhtd by the commiffioners of the navy with fine and imprifonment. Regiltered feamen are ex¬ empted from ferving in any parifh, office, &c. and are allowed bounty-money befide their pay. By the law of merchants, the feamen of a veflel are accountable to the matter or commander, the mafter to the owners, and the owners to the merchants, for damage fuftained ei¬ ther by negligence or ctherwife. Where a feaman is hired fdr a voyage, and he deferts before it is ended, he fhall lofe his wages ; and in cafe a fliip be loft in a ftorm, the feamen lofe their wages, as well as the own¬ ers their freight. Means of Preferring the Health of Seamen. See Me- bicine, n° 351. In addition to what has been fnid on this fubjeft in the place referred to, we fhall fubjoin fome valuable ob- fervations which we have met with in the fixth vo¬ lume of the Memoirs of the Royal Society of Medicine at Palis for the years f784 and 1785. In 1783, the marfhal de Caftries, intending to make feme changes in the regulations of the navy, particu¬ larly with regard to diet, propofed to the fociety the two following queftions : 1. “ What are the molt whole- fome aliments for feamen, confidering the impofiibility of procuring them frefh meat ? And what kinds of fait meat, or fifh, of pulfe, and of drink, are moft proper for them, and in wliat quantity, not omitting to inquire into the regimens in ufe arnongft other maritime nations for wAat may be adopted by us, and into what expe¬ rience has evinced the utility of, from the accounts of the moft celebrated navigators ?” 2. “ A number of patients labouring under different difeafes being aflem- bled in naval hofpitals, and different conftitutions af- fc&ed by the fame difeafe requiring difference of diet, what general dietetic rules for an hofpital would be beft adapted to every exigence, dividing the patients into three claffes ; the firft in which liquids alone are proper, the fccond in which we begin to give folids in frnall quantities, and the ftate of convalefcence in which a fuller diet is neceffary i”, A committee was appointed to draw up an anfwer to thefe, who invettigated the fubjeft very minutely. The refult of their labours is there given at large. The obfervations moft worthy of notice are, that the feurvy of the Englifh feamen, who live chiefly on falt meat, is a putrid difeafe ; whilft that of the Dutch, who ufe farinaceous vegetables and dried pulfe in large quantities, has more of an hydropical tendency. A mixture of both, even at the fame meal, SEA is recommended. This is fupported by philofophical Seamen, reafoning, and the example of Captain Cook, who was Seapoy^y ^ partly indebted to this mixed regimen for the preferva- y tion of his crew. Salt fifh flrould never be ufed : fait beef grows hard, and after boiling its fibrous parts only remain, which are more calculated to load the ftomach than recruit the flrength. Salt bacon may be kept at fea 18 months; it does not lofe its moift and nutri- mental parts, and unites better with pulfe, but flrould not he ufed when rancid. Live animals kept on board fhips tend to produce difeafes amongft the crew. Rice fhould be ufed largely. Our puddings are had food: the flour would he much better made into bread, which might be done at fea with no great trouble. Sour krout fhould be ufed freely. Muftard, vinegar, fugar, melaf- fes, and honey, are good antifeorbutres, Of drinks, wine is the heft: wort, fpruce-heer, or the Ruffian qvas, are good fubftitutes. Spirits are only to be ufed in cold climates, and in fmall quantity. The greater part of the excellent memoir in anfwer to the fecond queftion, perfectly coincides with M. Duhamel du Monceaux’s “ Means of Preferring the Health of Seamen,” and M. Poiflbnnier des Perrieres’s treatifes “ On the Dii- eafes of Seamen,” and “ On the advantages of changing the Diet of Seamen,” and his “ Examination of Pringle’s DiiTertation.” SriAPOYS, or Sepoys, natives of Indoftan ferving in a military capacity under the European powers, and difciplined after the European manner. The Seapoys of the Englifh Eaft India ccunpany compcfe perhaps the moft numerous, regular, and bell difciplined body of black troops in the world. They are raifed from among the natives of the country, and confift of Moors or Mahometans, Raja-poots, Hindoos, Pariars, hefides many intermediate cafts peculiar to themfelves; the whole modelled in all coirefponding particulars, and difeipiined in every refpect as the army of Great Britain. The military eftablifhments of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay, have each their refpetftive numbers, that of Bengal exceeding the reft. The Seapoys are formed into complete, uniform, and regular battalions, as our marqhing regiments at home, being intended to repre- fent and anfwer fully to every purpofe in India to the like troops in Europe. A battalion confifts of 700 men, of complete tft'eftive ftrength. In each there are eight companies, including two flank ones or grena¬ diers. They are refpedtively commanded by their own black and European officers ; to each company there is attached a fubaltern, who takes the command, under whom are two native commiffioned officers, bearing the rank of fubidar and jimindar ; of eight fubakerns, fix are > SEA [222] SEA Sepoys, are lieutenants, the other enfigns: ex cl a five is a fiaff, of adjutant and furgeon. The black non-commiffioned .officers anfwer to our ferjeants and corporals, and are called havildars and naigues. There is alfo to each corps an Englilh fcrjeant-raajor, drill and ftore feijeant.; .to each battalion is a band of drums and fifes, and to each a pair of colours, A captain commands the whole. Their jackets, which are made entirely after the Eu¬ ropean fafhion, are of a red colour with yellow facings (as worn by all the infantry of the company on the Coromandel coalt). The remaining part of their at¬ tire refembles more the country or Indian habit, and confifts of a dark blue turban, broad and round at top, defcending deep to the bottom, the fides of which, of a concave form, are eroded by a white band, running in front, faftened under a rofe above. As an under garment, they have a jacket of linen, A dark blue falh girding, to anfwer the turban, goes round their •middle. On the thighs they have ffiort drawers, faf- tened by a fcolloped band. Their legs are bare, which renders them more ready for action or fervice. Their arms are a firelock and bayonet; their accoutrements or crofs belts black leather, with pouches the fame. A battalion drawn out cannot but ftrike the fpetta- tors with a lively and fanciful military impreffion, as they unite in their exterior traits refpe&ively Indian .and European. They are brought to the utmoft exaftnefs of difei- pline ; go through their evolutions and manoeuvres with u regularity and precifion equal to, and not furpaffed by, European troops. In aft ion they are brave and Heady, and have been known to Hand where Europeans have given way. Their difcipHne puts them on a footing with Euro¬ pean troops, with whom they are always ready to aft in concert. Their utility and fervices are evident: they fecure to the company the internal good order and prefervation of their territorial diftnfts, which, though poffible to be enforced with a ftrong hand by Europeans, requires numbers, and can only be conduftefi with that cafe and addrefs peculiar to the native forces of the country. They are conlidered with refpeft in the eyes of the other natives, though they fufficiently, and with a good grace, feel and aflert their own confequence. In large garrifons, where the duty is great, as Madras, Pondi¬ cherry^ Trichinopoly, Vellore, &c. two or three batta¬ lions might be prefent together, exclufive of Europeans. If lent fingly up the country, they are liable to be de¬ tached, fometimes by one or more companies being lent to a ftation dependent on the chief garrifon or head¬ quarters, otherwife they are difperfed through the di- ftrifts, four or five together, with a non-commiffioned officer (this is a part of the fervice which is called going on command), on hills, or in villages, to prefer ve order, convey intelligence, and affift the tafildar, renter, or cutwali of the place, in cafes ot emergency. They al¬ fo enforce the police, and prevent in fuch cafes the coun¬ try from being infefted with thieves, which otherwife have combined, forming a banditti, to rob paffengers and plunder cattle, of which there are fo many inftances upon record. As for fuch Britifh officers in the com¬ pany’s fervice as are attached to battalions, they are pbliged to follow the fortunes and deilinations of their men, with their refpeftive corps, leading a life often Seapoys, replete with adventures of a peculiar nature. An in- Search- dividual in fuch cafes is frequently fecluded from thofe wartant«. ot his own colour when up the country, or detached upon command, where in a frontier garrifon or hill fort in the interior parts of India none but natives are to be found. Here he might live as he pleafes, being perfect¬ ly abfolute within his jimfdicHon. Such ftations being lucrative, with management may produce great for¬ tunes. Neither is the condition hard to a perfon conver- fant in the language of the country, or that of the Sea- poys called Moors (which moft officers in the compa¬ ny’s fervice acquire); .otherwife the lofa of foeiety is not recompenfed by other advantages, as you forget your own language, grow melancholy, and pafs your days without comfort. The peace eftablifhment at Madras confifts of 30 Sea- poy battalions, but in time of war is augmented as 00 cafion requires ; or frequently each corps is ftrengthen- fd by the addition of two companies, which are redu¬ ced again in time of peace, the officers remaining fuper- numeraries in the fervice. In garrifon they are quar¬ tered in barracks: they live agreeably to the ufage of the country, fieep on the ground on a mat or thin car¬ pet. In their perfons they are cleanly, but appear to beft advantage in their uniform. Oft' duty they go as .the other natives in poor circumftances, and have only “ a cloth round their middle and over their {boulders. As to the different calls, the Moormen or MufFulmen affert pre-eminence, as coming into the country by conqueft. In their perfons they are rather robuft, and in their tempers vindidlive. Their religion and drefs is diftinft from the Hindoos, who are mild and paffive in their temper, faithful, Heady, and good foldiers. The Pa» riars are inferior to the others, live under different cir- cumftances, dwell in huts, and affociate not on equal terms with the reft 5 they do all menial offices, are fer- vants to Europeans, and think themfelves happy when by them employed, though they are equally good Sea- poys. Having thus treated of the company’s Seapoys, we ffiail obferve that they are kindly attentive to their offi¬ cers when often in circumftances requiring their affiit- ance; are guilty of few vices 5 and have a itrong at¬ tachment for thofe who have commanded them. That acute hiftorian Dr Robertfon has remarked, as a proof that the ingenuity of man has recourfe in fimilar fitua- tions to the fame expedients that the European powers have, in forming the eftablifhment of thefe native troops, adopted the fame maxims, and, probably without know¬ ing it, have modelled their battalions of Seapoys upon the fame principles as Alexander the Great did lua phalanx of Perfians, SEARGH-warrant, in law, a kind of general war¬ rant iffued by jullices of peace or magiftratea of towns for fearching all fufpe&ed places for Helen goods. la Scotland this was often done formerly; and in forae Engliffi law-books there are precedents requiring the conftable to fearch all fuch fufpe&ed places as he and - the party complaining fhall think convenient; but fuch practice is condemned by JLord Hale, Mr Hawkins, and the beft authorities both among the Engliffi and Scotch lawyers. However, in cafe of a complaint, and oath made of goods ftolen, and that the party fufpe&s that thofe goods are in a particular houfe, and ffiowa the cauie s k J 5 l SEA C 223 3 S E B Aifeley 01 topical i feafes. caufe of fuch fufpicion, the juftice may grant a warrant to fearch not only that houfe but other fufpe&ed pla¬ ces ; and to attach the goods, and the party in whofe cuftody they are found, and bring them before him or fome other juftice, to give an account how he came by them, and to abide fuch order as to law fhall appertain; which wan-ant (hould be direfted to the conllable or other public officer, who may enter a fufpedted houfe and make fearch. SEARCHER, an officer in the cuftoms, whofe bu- finefs it is to fearch and examine fhips outward bound, if they have any prohibited goods on board, &c. (12 Car. II.) There are alfo fearchers of leather,- &c. See Alnager. Searcher, in ordnance, is an iron focket with branches, from four to eight in number, a little bent outwards, with fmall points at their ends ; to this fock¬ et is fixed a wooden handle, from eight to twelve feet long, of about an inch and a quarter diameter. After the gun has been fired, this fearcher is introduced into it, and turned round, in order to difcover the cavities within. The diftances of thefe cavities, if any be found, are then marked on the outfide with chalk, when another fearcher that has only one point, about which a mixture of wax and tallow is put, is introdu¬ ced to take the impreffion of the holes; and if there be any hole, a quarter of an inch deep, or of any confider- able length, the gun is rejedled as unferviceable. SEARCLOTH, or Cerecloth, infurgery, a form of external remedy fomewhat harder than an unguent, yet fofter than an emplafter, though it is frequently ufed both for the one and the other. The cerecloth is always fuppofed to have wax in its compofition, which diltinguifhes and even denominates it. In effedl, when a liniment or unguent has wax enough in it, it does not differ from a cerecloth. SEASIN, in a (hip, the name of a rope by which the boat rides by the (hip’s fide when in harbour, &e. SEASONING, the firit illnefs to which perfons habituated to colder climates are fubjeft on their arrival in the Well Indies. This feafoning, unlefs they live very temperately, or are in a proper habit of body (tho’ fome people are unmolefted for many months), feldom fuffers them to remain long before it makes its appear¬ ance in fome mode or other ; particularly if at firft they expofe themfelves in a fhower of rain, or too long in the fun, or in the night-air ; or when the body is much heated, if they drink large draughts of cold li¬ enors, or bathe in cold water; or ufe much exercife ; or commit excefs in drinking wine or fpirits ; or by heating the body and inflaming the blood; or by fub- jefting themfelves to any caufe that may fuddenly check perfpiration, which at firft is generally exceffive. Same people, from a favourable ftate of body, have no feafoning. Thin people, and very young people, are moft likely to efcape it. Women generally do from their temperance, and perhaps their menftruation con¬ tributes to their fecurity ; indeed hot climates are fa¬ vourable to the delicacy of their habits, and fuitable to their modes of life. Some efcape by great regularity of living ; fome, by the breaking out of the rafti, called the prickly heat; fome by a great degree of perfpira¬ tion ; and fome by obferving a cooling regimen. The dilorders are various that conftitute this feafoning of new-comers as they are called ; depending on age, eon- Seafoning: ftitution, and habit of body. But all feafoning difeafes St are of the inflammatory kind; and yield to antiphlo- tjjn giftic treatment proportioned to their violence. When ——y-W all precaution to guard againft ficknefs has failed, and prudence proved abortive to new-comers, they will have this comfort at leaft for their pains, that their diforders will feldom be fevere or expenfive, and will generally have a fpeedy termination ; and that their feafoning, as it is emphatically called, will be removed by bleeding, a dofe of falts, reft, and a cooling regimen. Seasoning of Timber. See Timber. SEASONS, in cofmography, certain portions or quarters of the year, diltinguilhed by the figns which' the fun then enters, or by the meridian altitudes of the fun ; confequent on which are different temperatures of the air, different works in tillage, &c. See Wea¬ ther. The year Is divided into four feafons, fpring, fum- mer, autumn, and winter. The beginnings and endings’ of each whereof, fee under its proper article. It is to be obferved, the feafons anciently began differently from what they now do : witnefs the old verfes, Dat Clemens hyemern ; dal Petrus ver cathedratus ; JEJluat Urbanus ; autumnal Bartholomceus. SEAT, in the manege, is the pofture or fituation of a horfeman upon the faddle. SEATON, a fmall fifhing town on the fouth coaft of Devon, between Lyme and Sidmouth. Riidon fays' ** our learned antiquarians would have it to be that Maridunum whereof Antonine fpake, placed between Dunnovaria and Ifca ; for Maridunum in Britifti is the' fame with Seaton in Englifh, ‘ a town upon a hill by the fea-fide.” This place is memorable for the Daniih princes landing there in the year 937. SEBACIC acid, the acid procured from fat. To- obtain it, let fome fuet be melted in a fkillet over the fire, along with fome quicklime in fine powder, and conftantly ftirred, raffing the fire towards the end of the operation, and taking care to avoid the vapours, which are very offenlive. By this procefs the febacic acid unites with the lime into a febat of lime, which is difficultly foluble in water ; it is, however, feparated from the fatty matters with which it is mixed by folu* tion in a large quantity of boiling water. From this the neutral lalt is feparated by evaporation; and, to* render it pure, is calcined, rediffolved, and again cry- ftallized. After this we pour on a proper quantity of fulphuric acid, and the febacic acid paffes over by di-- ftillation. See Fat, and CHEMisTRV'/flJex. StSEBASTIAN, a handfome, populous, and ftrong town of Spain, in the province of Guipufcoa, with a good and well frequented harbour. It is feated at the foot of a mountain ; and the harbour fecured by two moles, and a narrow entrance for the ftrips; The town' is furrounded with a double wall, and to the fea-fide is • fortified with baftions and half moons. The ftreets are long, broad, and ftraight, and paved with white fiag.- ftones. At the top of the mountain is a citadel, with a garrifon well furniftred with cannon. fhe town car-- ries on a confiderable trade, the great eft part of which confifts of iron and fteel, which fome reckon to be the bell in Europe. They alfo deal in wool, which comes I* frocsi Secale. SEC [ Sebaftiano fr0m Old Caftile. W. Long. r. 59. N. Lat. 43. 23.— The capital of Braiil in South America is likewife call¬ ed Sebnftian. SEB ASTIANO, called Del Plomho, from an office in the lead mines given him by Pope Clement VII. was an eminent Venetian painter, born in 14^5- He was firft a dilciple of old Giovanni Bellino ; continued his lludies under Giorgione ; and having attained an excellent manner of colouring, went to Rome, where he infmuated himftlf into the favour of Michael Ange¬ lo. Pie has the name of being the firft who invented the art of preparing plafter-walls for oil-painting ; but was fo flow and lazy in his work, that other hands were often employed to finiflr what he began. He died in *547- SEBESTEN, in botany. See Cordia. SEBUvET, a fed among the ancient Samaritans, whom St Epiphanius accufes of changing the time ex- prefled in the law, for the celebration of the great an¬ nual feafts of the Jews, SEBURAI, Seburaji, a name which the Jews give to fuch of their rabbins or do&ors as lived and taught fome time after the finifliing of the Talmud. SECACUL, in the materia medica of the a>ncients, a name given by Avicenna, Serapion, and others, to a root which was like ginger, and was brought from the Eaft Indies, and ufed as a provocative to venery. The interpreters of their works have rendered this word iringo ; and hence fome have fuppofed that our eryngium or eryngo was the root meant by it : but this does not appear to be the cafe on a ftridl inquiry, and there is fome reafon to believe that the famous root, at this time ■ called ginfeng, was what they meant. SECALE, Rye, in botany: A genus of the digynia order, belonging to the triandria clafs of plants ; and in die natural method ranking under the 4th order, Gra¬ mi na. The calyx is a glume of two leaves, which are oppoiite.to one another, eredl, linear, pointed, and lefs than the corolla. The corolla confifts of two valves, the exterior of which ends in a beard. There are four fpecies, the wllofum, orientale, creticum, and cereale. The villafum, or wood rye-grafs, is diftinguilhed by a calyx with wedge-fhaped feales, and by the fringe of the glume being wooly. The glumes of the orient ale are fhaggy, and the feales of the calyx fhaped like an awl. The glumes of the creticum are fringed on the outfide. The cereale, or common rye, has glumes with rough fringes. It is a native of the ifland of Candia, was introduced into England many ages ago, and is the only fpecies of rye cultivated in this kingdom. There are, however, two varieties, the winter and fpring rye. The winter rye, which is larger in the grain than the fpring rye, is fown in autumn at the fame time with wheat, and fometimes mixed with it; but as the rye ripens fooner than the wheat, this method muft be very exceptionable. The fpring rye is fown along with the oats, and ufually ripens as foon as the winter rye ; but the grain produced is lighter, and it is therefore fel- dom fown except where the autumnal crop has failed. Rye is commonly fown on poor, dry, limeftone, or 22+1 SEC — fandy foils, where wheat will not thrive. By continu¬ ing to fow it on fuch a foil for two or three years, it ' will at length ripen a month earlier than that which has been railed for years on ftrong cold ground. Rye is commonly ufed lor bread either alone or mix¬ ed with wheat. This mixture is called mjln, and was formerly a very common crop in lome parts of Britain. Mr Marfhall tells us, that the farmers in Yorkfliire be¬ lieve that this mixed crop is never affefted by mildew, and that a fmall quantity of rye fown among wheat will prevent this deftruflive difeafe. Rye is much ufed for bread in fome parts of Sweden and Norway by the poor people. About a century ago rye-bread was alfo much ufed in England ; but being made of a black kind of rye, it was of the fame colour, clammy, very detergent, aud confequently not fo nourifliing as wheat. Rye is fubjedt to a diieafe which the French call er¬ got, and the Englifh horned rye; which fometimes hap- pens when a very hot fummer fucceeds a rainy fpring. According to Tiffot, horned rye is fuch as luffers an irregular vegetation in the middle fubftance between the grain and the leaf, producing an excrefcence of a brownifh colour, about an inch and a half lon>, and two-tenths of an inch broad. Bread made of this kind o+ rye has a naufeous acrid tafte, and produces fpafmo- die and gangrenous diforders. In 1596, an epidemic difeafe prevailed in Lleffe, which the phyficians aferibed to bread made of horned rye. Some, we are told, were feized with an epilepfy, and thefe leldom ever re¬ covered ; others became lunatic, and continued ftupid the reft of their lives : thofe who apparently recovered had annual returns of their diforder in January and Fe¬ bruary ; and the difeafe was laid to be contagious at lead; in a certain degree. The fails which we have now mentioned are taken from a work of Tiffot, which was never printed. The fame difeafe was occafioned by the ufe of this bread in feveral parts of the conti¬ nent in the years A48, 1675, 1702, 1716, 1722, and 1736 ; and has been very minutely deferibed by Hoff¬ man, A. O. Goelicke, Vater Burghart, and J. A. Srink. In the year 1709, one fourth part of all the rye railed in the province of Salonia in France was horn¬ ed, and the furgeon to the hofpital of Orleans had no lefs than 500 patients under his care that were ditlem- pered by eating it : They were called ergots, from er¬ got (a), the French name for horned rye ; they confid¬ ed chiefly of men and boys, the number of women and girls being very fmall. The firft fymptom was a kind of druukenneis, then the local diforder began in the toes, and thence extended fometimes to the thigh, and the trunk itfelf, even after amputation, which is a good argument againft that operation before the gan¬ grene is ftopped. In the year 1 710, the celebrated Fontenelle deferibes a cafe in the Hiftory of the Academy of Sciences of France, which exadlly relembles that of the poor fa¬ mily at Wattifham. A pcafant at Blois, who had eaten homed rye in bread, was feized with a mortification, which firft caufed all the toes of one foot to fall off, then Seoalc, (a) Ergot is French for a cock’s fpur, and horned rye was called ergot from the refemblance of its excrefcence to that part. SEC [225] SEC IkcM, then tk toes of the other, afterwards the remainder of Thefe proceedings were ratified by the parliament S«e I he Revolution in 1688 gave a different turn to the much the greater as they recede from the centre, and affairs of the church. The firft parliament which met the leaf! external portion is of that fecant which paffes after that event, abalifhed prelacy and the king s fupre- through it. macY in ecclefiaftical affairs. They ratified the Weft- Secant, in trigonometry, denotes aright line drawn minfter Confefiion of baith, together with the Prelby- from the centre of a circle, which, cutting the circum- terian form of church-government and ditcipline,. as ference, proceeds till it meets with a tangent to the agreeable to the word of Ood, and mofl conducive to lame circle. See Geometry, n° 24—28. the advancement of true piety and godlinefs, and the Line of Secants, one of thofe lines or ficales which eftabliftiment of peace and tranquillity within theie are ufually put upon febbors. How fuch a fcale is form- realms. ’ I hat fame, parliament abohlhed patronage, ed will be feen by a bare infpedtion of fig. 53* Eia^ and lodged the ele bion of minifterg in the hands of CCXV. ; for C 10, C 2G, C 30, &c. drawn from the heritors and elders, with the confent of the congrega- centre C to the line of tangents BE, being the real fe- tion. . cants of the arches Bio, B 20, B 3c, it is obvious In the reign of Q. Anne the true Proteftant religion that by marking off the diftances Bio, B 20, B 30, was ratified and eftablifhed, together with the Prefby- upen any other line, we make that line a fcale of ie- terian form of church-government and chfciphne ; and cants> the unalterable continuance of both w-as declared to be Scceders. SECEDERS, a numerous body of Prelbyterians in an effential condition of the union of the two kingdoms Scotland, who have withdrawn from the communion of in all time coming. In 171 2 the law refpeCting pa- the eftablifhed church. As they take up their ground tronage was revived, in refentment, it has been laid, of upon the eftablifhment of religion from 1638 to 1650, that warm attachment which the church of Scotland which they hold to be the purelt period of the Scottifh difeovered to the family of Hanover ; but the feverity church, we fhall introduce our account of them by a of that law was greatly mitigated by .the fii ft parlia- fhort teview of ecclefiaftical hiftory from that period to ment of George 1. flat. 50. by which it is enacted, that the era of their feceffion. With our ufual candour and if the prefentee do not fignify his acceptance, the pre¬ impartiality we mean to give a fair ftatement of thofe fentation fhali become void and null in law. I lie events with which, as they fay, their feceffion is connect- church, however, did not avail herfelf of this ftatute ; f cP ' and an event which happened not many years afterwards James I. having for fome time previous to his death gave rife to the fetejfion. . * entertained a wiffi to form the church of Scotland as In 1732 more tfian 40 minifters prefented.an addrefs Origin of much as pofiible upon the model of that in England, to the general affembly, fpecifying in a variety of in- his fon Charles, with the afiifhnce of archbifhop Laud, fiances what they confidered to be great defections from endeavoured to carry the defign into execution, by efta- the eftablifhed conftitution of the church, and craving blifhino canons for ecclefiaftical difeipline, and introdu- a redrefs of thefe grievances. A petition to the fame cing a liturgy into the public fervice of the church.— effect, fubferibed by feveral hundreds of elders and pri- Numbers of the clergy and laky of all ranks took the vate Chriftians, was offered at the fame time ; but the alarm at what they confidered to be a bold and dan- affembly refufed a hearing to both, and enafted, that gerous innovation ; and after frequent applications to the eleCtion of minifters to vacant charges, where an ac- the throne, they at lait obtained the royal proclamation cepted prefentation did not take place, fhould be com- for a free parliament and general affembly'. The aflem- petent onlyr to a conjunft meeting of elders and heri- bly met in 1638, and began their labours with a repeal tors, being Proteftants. To this act many objeCiions of all the arks of the fix preceding parliaments, which were made by numbers of minifters and private Chri- had favoured the defigns of James. rl hey condemned Ilians. they afferted that moie than 3^ one in the liturgy', together with every' branch of the hierar- every' parifh were not pofieffed of landed property, and chy. They cited all the Scottifh bifhops to their bar ; were on that account deprived of what they deemed and after having excommunicated nine of them, and de- their natural right to choole their own pallors.. It was pofed five from their epifcooal office, they reftored alfo faid, that this aft was extremely prejudicial to the kirk-feffions, prefbyteries, and fynods provincial as well honour and intereft of the church, as wed as to the edi- as national. See Presbyterians. fication of the people ; and in fine, that it was oireftly Vol. XVII. Parti. Ff contrary Speeders, They op- pofe the meafure? the gener; affcmbly; F r which their mini- iter's are cenfured, SEC [2 contrary to the appointment of Jefus Chrift, and the praftice of the apoftles, when they filled up the firft vacancy in the apoftolic college, and appointed the elec¬ tion of deacons and elders in the primitive church.— Many of thofe alfo who were thought to be the heft friends of the church, expreffed their fears that this act would have a tendency to overturn the ecclefiafti- cal conilitution which was eftablifhed at the Revolu¬ tion. Mr Ebenezer Erlkine minifter at Stirling diftin- ofguilhed himfelf by a hold and determined opoofition to x\ the meafures of the affembly in 1732. Being at that time moderator of the fynod of Perth and Stirling, he opened the meeting at Perth with a fermon from Pfalm cxviii. 22. “ The ftone which the builders rejedled is become the head ftone of the corner.” In the courfe of his fermon he remonftrated with no fmall degree of freedom againft the a18th of May 173 3 ; and in the be¬ ginning of July went to Oxford to take his degree of Doftor of Laws, not being of fufficient danding for that of divinity. On this occaiion it was that he preached his celebrated Aft Sermon, on the advantage* and duties of academical education, which was univer- fally allowed to be a maderpiece of found reafoning and juft compofition : it was printed at the defire of the heads of houfes, and quickly pafted through feveral edi¬ tions. It is now to be found in the fecond colleftion' of Occafional Sermons, publifhed by himfelf in 1766. It was thought that the reputation he acquired by this fermon, contributed not a little toward that pro¬ motion which very foon followed its publication. For in December 1734* he received a very unexpefted no¬ tice from bifhop Gibfon, that the king had fixed on him to be bifhop of Bridol. Dr Benfon was about the fame time appointed to the fee of Glouceder, as was Dr Fleming to that of Carlifle ; and the three new bi- fhops were all confecrated together in Lambeth Chapel, Jan. 19. 1734-5, ^ie confecration-fermon beincr preach¬ ed by Dr Thomas, afterwards bifhop of Wincheder. The honours to which Dr Seeker was thus raifed in the prime of life did not in the lead abate his diligence and attention to bufsnefs; for which, indeed, there was now more occafion than ever. His learned biographers, Mcflrs Porteous and Stinton, now relate the manner in which he fet about the vifitation of his diocefe, and the ceremony of confirmation, which he performed in a great number of places; he alfo preached in feveral churches, fometimes twice a-day. The affairs of his parifh of St James’s being likewife in great diforder, he took extraordinary pains to regulate and adjufl every thing, particularly the management of the poor; and thus became of fignal fervice to his parifhioners, even in a temporal view. But, fay our authors, “ it was their fpiritual welfare which engaged, as it ought to do, his chief attention. As far as the circumdances of the times, and the populoufnefs of that part of the metro¬ polis allowed, he omitted not even thofe private admo¬ nitions and perfonal applications which are often attend¬ ed with the happied effefts. He aliowed out of his own income a falary for reading early and late prayers, which had formerly been paid out of the offertory mo¬ ney. He held a confirmation, once every year, and ex- 3 amined SEC- [2 amined the candidates feveral weeks^eforc in the vedry, and gave them religious tracfts, which he alfo diftributed at other times very liberally to thofe that needed them. He drew up, for the ufe of Iris parifhioners, that admi¬ rable courfe of Leisures on the Church Catechifm which hath been lately publifhed, and not only read them once ■every week on the ufual days, but alfo every Sunday ■evening, either at the church or one of the chapels be¬ longing to it.” The fermons which at the fame time, we are told, he fet himfelf to compofe, “ were truly excellent and origi¬ nal. His faculties were now in their full vigour, and he had an audience to fpeak before that rendered the utmoft exertion of them neceffary. He did not, how¬ ever, feck to gratify the higher part, by amufing them with refined fpeculations, or ingenious eflays, unintelli¬ gible to tire lower part, and unprofitable to both ; but he laid before them all, with equal freedom and plain- nefs, the great Chrittian duties belonging to their re- ipe&ive ftations, and reproved the follies and vices of *very rank among them, without dillin&ion or pallia¬ tion. He ftudied human nature thoroughly in all its various forms, and knew what fort of arguments would have moll weight with each clafs of men. He brought the fubjedl home to their bofoms, and did not feem to be merely faying ufeful things in their prefence, but ad- ■drefiing himfell perfonally to every one of them. Few ever poflefled, in a higher degree, the rare talent of touching on the moll delicate fubje&s with the niceft propriety and decoram, of faying the moll familiar things without being low, the plaindl without being feeble, the bolded without giving offence. He could defeend w-ith fitch fingular eafe and felicity into the mi¬ nuted concerns of common life, could lay open with fo much addrefs the various workings, artifices, and eva- iions of the human mind, that his audience often thought their owm particular cafes alluded to, and heard with furprife their private fentiments and feelings, their ways of reafoning and principles of a&ing, exaftly dated and deferibed* His preaching was, at the fame time, highly rational, and truly evangelical. He ex¬ plained wfith perfpicuity, he afferted wfith dignity, the peculiar charadlerillic do£lrines of the gofpel. He in¬ culcated the utility, the necefiity of them, not merely as fpeculative truths, but as ?.£lud indruments of moral goodntfs, tending to purify the hearts and regulate the lives of men ; and thus, by God’s gr?cious appointment, as.well as by the infeparable connexion between true faith and right practice, leading them to falvation. _ “ Thele important truths he taught with the autho¬ rity, the tendernefs, the familiarity, of a parent indruCt- ing his children. Though he neither poffeffed nor af¬ fected the artificial eloquence of an orator who wants to am ufe or to miflead, yet he had that of an honed man who wants to convince, oi a Chriitian preacher who wants to reform and to fave thofe that hear him. Solid argument, manly fenfe, ufeful directions, fiiort, nervous, driking fentences, awakening quedions, fre¬ quent and pertinent applications of fefipture ; all thefe following each other in quick fuccefiion, and coming •evidently.from the fpeaker’s heart, enforced by his elo¬ cution, his figure, his aClion, and above all by the cor- reiponding fanflity of his example, damped conviction «n the minds of his hearers, and fent them home with Knprefiions not eafy to be effaced. It will readily be 32 ] SEC imagined that with thefe powers he quickly became one of the mod admired and popular preachers of his time.” In 1737 he lucceeded te the fee of Oxford, on the promotion of I3r Potter to that of Canterbury, then vacant by the death of Archbifliop Wake. . In the fpring of 1 748, Mrs Seeker died of the gout in her domach. She was a woman of great fenfe^and merit, but of a weak and fickly conditution. The bi- diop’s affeClion and tendernefs for her was fuited to Jus character. In 1750, he was indalled dean of St Paul’s, for which he gave in exchange the reCtory of St James’s and his prebend of Durham. “ It was no wonder (fay our authors) that, after prefiding over fo extenfive and populous a parilh for upwards of 17 years, he (hould willingly confent to be releafed from a burden which be¬ gan now to. grow too great for his drength. When he preached his farewel fermon, the whole audience melted into tears : he was followed with the prayers and good wifhes of thofe whom every honed man would be moft ambitious to pleafe ; and there are numbers dill living who retain a drong and grateful remembrance of his in- ceflant and tender folicitude for their welfare. Having now more leilure both-to profecute his own dudies and to encouiage thofe of others, he gave Dr Church con- fideiable alfidance in his hirjl and Second Vindication of the Miraculous Powers, See. againd Dr Middleton, and he was of equal life to him in his Amdyfis of Lord Bo- Ungbroke's Works. About the fame time began the late Archdeacon Sharp s controverfv with the followers of Mr Hutchinfon, which was carried on to the end of the year 1755.” Bifhop Seeker, we are told, read over all Dr Sharp’s papers, amounting to three volumes 8vo, and corrected and improved them throughout. But the ea!e which this late change of lituation gave him was foon didurbed by a heavy and unexpeCled llroke, the lofs of his three friends, Bifhops Butler, Benfcn, and Berkeley, who were all cut off within the fpace of one year. Our authors next give an account of the part which Dr Seeker bore, in the Houfe of Lords, in refpeft to the famous repeal of the Jew bill; for which the duke of Newcadle moved, and was Seconded by the Bilhop, in a fpeech which, we are told, was remarkably well re¬ ceived. At length his didinguifhed merit prevailed over all the political obdacles to his advancement, and placed him, without any efforts or application of his own, in that important dation which he had fhown him¬ felf lo well qualified to adorn. On the death of arch- bilhop Hutton, he was promoted to the fee of Canter¬ bury, and was confirmed at Bow-church, April 7 j. 1758 ; on which occafion our authors obferve, that in accepting this high and burdenfome dation. Dr Seeker aCted on that principle which influenced him through life ; that he facrificed his own eafe and comfort to con- fiderations of public utility ; that the mere fecular ad¬ vantages of grandeur were objefts below his ambition ; and were, as he knew and felt, but poor compenfations for the anxiety and difficulties attending them*. He had never once through his whole life allied preferment for himfelf, nor Ihown any unbecoming eagernefs for it; and the ufe he made of his newly acquired dignity very clearly fliowed, that rank, and wealth, and power, had in no other light any charms for him, than as they en¬ larged the fphere of his active and induftrieus bene¬ volence. 4 He SEC [ 233 ] SEC Seeker. He fought out and encouraged men of real genius —-v—■' gr extenfive knowledge ; he expended 300 l. in arran¬ ging and improving the manufeript library at Lambeth ; and obferving with concern, that the library of printed books in that palace had received no additions fince the time of Archbifhop Tennifon, he made it his bufinefs to colled books in all languages from moft parts of Eu¬ rope at a very great expence, with a view of lupplying that chafm ; which he accordingly did, by leaving them to the library at his death, and thereby rendered that colledion one of the noblclt and moft ufelul in the kingdom. All defigns and inftitutions which tended to advance good morals and true religion, he patronized with zeal and generofity : he contributed largely to the mainte¬ nance of fchools for the poor ; to rebuilding or repair¬ ing parfonage houfes and places of worftup ; and gave no lefs than 6001. towards ereding a chapel in the pa- ri(h of Lambeth. To the fociety for promoting Chrif- tian knowledge he was a liberal benefador ; and to that for propagating the gofpel in foreign parts, of which he was the prefident, he paid much attention ; was con- ftant at all the meetings of its members, even fometimes when his health would but ill permit, and fuperintended their deliberations with confummate prudence and tem- per. Whenever any publications came to his knowledge that were manifeftly calculated to corrupt good morals, or fubvert the foundations of Chriftianity, he did his utmoft to ftop the circulation of them ; yet the wretch¬ ed authors themfdves he was fo far from wifhing to treat with any undue rigour, that he has more than once ex¬ tended his bounty to them in diftrefs. And when their writings could not properly be fuppreffed (as was too often the cafe) by lawful authority, he engaged men of abilities to anfwer them, and rewarded them for their trouble. His attention was everywhere. Even the falfehoods and mifreprefentation of writers in the newf- papers, on religious or ecclefiaftical fubjefts, he general¬ ly took care to have contradi&ed ; and when they feem- ed likely to injure, in any material degree, the caufe of virtue and religion, or the reputation of eminent and worthy men, he would fometimes take the trouble of anfwering them himfelf. One inftance of this kind, which does him honour, and deferves mention, was his defence of Biihop Butler, who, in a pamphlet publifh- cd in 1767, was accufed of having died aPapift. The condudt which he obferved towards the feveral divilions and denominations of Chriftians in this kingdom was fuch as {bowed his way of thinking to be truly liberal and catholic. The dangerous fpirit of popery, indeed, he thought ftiould always be kept under proper legal reftraints, on account of its natural oppofition not only to the religious but the civil rights of mankind. He therefore obferved its movements with care, and exhort¬ ed his clergy to do the fame, efpecially thofe who were fituated in the midft of Roman Catholic families ; againft whofe influence they were charged to be upon their guard, and were fumifhed with proper books or Vol. XVII. Parti. inftrudtions for that purpofe. He took all fit opportu- Seeker. nities of combating the errors of the church of Rome —-v—* in his own writings (a) ; and the beft anfwers that were publiflied to fome of the late bold apologies for popery were written at his inftance, and under his diredlion. With the Diffenters his Grace was lincerely defirous of cultivating a good underftanding. He coniidered them, in general, as a confcientious and valuable clafs of men. With fome of the moft eminent of them. Watts, Doddridge, Leland, Chandler, Lardner, he maintained an intercourfe of friendlhip or civility. By the moft candid and confiderate part of them he was highly reverenced and efteemed ; and to fuch among . them as needed help he {bowed no lefs kindirefs and li¬ berality than to thofe of his own communion. Nor was his concern for the Proteftant caufe confined to his own country. He was well known as the great patron and proteftor of it in various parts of Europe ; from whence he had frequent applications for affiltance, which never failed of being favourably received. To feveral foreign Proteftauts he allowed penfions, to others he gave occafional relief, and to fome of their univerli- ties was an annual benefaftor. In public affairs, his Grace adted the part of an honeft citizen, and a worthy member of the Britifh legiflature. From his firft entrance into the Houle of Peers, his parliamentary conduft was uniformly upright and noble. He kept equally clear from the extremes of fadtious pe¬ tulance and fervile dependence ; never wantonly thwart¬ ing adminiftration from motives of party zeal or private pique, or perional attachment, or a paffion for popula¬ rity ; nor yet going every length with every minifter from views of intereff or ambition. He admired and loved the conftitution of his country, and wifhed lo preferve it unaltered and unimpaired. So long as a due regard to this was maintained, he thought it his duty to fupport the meafures of government; but whenever they were evidently inconliftent with the public welfare, he oppofed them with freedom and firmnefs. Yet his op- poiition was always tempered with the utmuft ridelity, refpedt, and decency, to the excellent prince upon the throne ; and the moft candid allowances for the una¬ voidable errors and infirmities even of the very beft mi- niiters, and the peculiarly difficult fituation of thofe who govern a free and high-fpirited people. He feldom fpoke in parliament, except where the interefts of re¬ ligion and virtue feemed to require it ; but whenever he did, he fpoke with propriety and ftrength, and was heard with attention and deference. Though he never attached himfelf blindly to any fet of men, yet his chief political conne&ions were with the late Duke of New- caftle and Lord Chancellor Hardwicke. To ihefe he principally owed his advancement; and he had the good fortune to live long enough to {how his gratitude to them or their defendants. . During more than ten yeai-s that Dr Seeker enjoyed the fee of Canterbury, he refided conftantly at his archiepifcopal houfe at Lambeth. A few months be¬ fore his death, the dreadful pains he felt had compelled G g him (a) See particularly his fermons on the rebellion in 1745 ; on the Proteftant working fchools in Ireland ; on the 5th of November; and a great number of occafional paffages to the fame purpofe, in various parts of his k&ures, fermons, and other works. Seeker. SEC [ 234 J SEC hlin to think of trying the Bath waters ; but that de¬ li gn was (topped by the fatal accident which put an end to his life. H is Grace had been for many years fubjeft to the gout, which, in the latter part of his life, returned with more frequency and violence, and did not go off- in a regular manner, but left the parts affefted for a long time very weak, and was fucceeded by pains in different parts of the body. About a year and a half before he died, after a fit of the gout, he was attacked with a pain in the arm, near the fhoulder, which having conti¬ nued about 12 months, a limilar pain feized the upper and outer part of the oppofite thigh, and the arm foon became ealier. This was much more grievous than the former, as it quickly difabled him from walking, and kept him in almoft continual torment, except when he was in a reclining pofnion. During this time he had two or three fits of the gout ; but neither the gout nor the medicines alleviated thefe pains, which, with the want of exercife, brought him into a general bad habit of body. On Saturday July 30. 1768, he was feized, as he fat at dinner, with a ficknefs at his ftomach. He re¬ covered before night ; but the next evening, while his phyficians were attending, and his fervants railing him on his couch, he fuddenly cried out that his thigh-bone was broken. The (hock was fo violent, that the fervants perceived the couch to fhake under him, and the pain fo acute and unexpefted, that it overcame the firnmefs lie fo remarkably pofTefTed. He lay for fome time in great agonies ; but when the furgeons arrived, and dif- covered with certainty that the bone was broken, he was perfectly refigned, and never afterwards afked a q veil ion about the event. A fever foon enfued. On Tuefday he became lethargic, and continued fo till about five o’clock on Wednefday afternoon, when he expired with great calmnefs, in the 75th year of his age. On examination, the thigh-bone was found to be ca¬ rious about four inches in length, and at nearly the fame diilance from its head. The difeafe took its rife from the internal part of the bone, and had fo entirely deftroyed its fubilance, that nothing remained at the part where it was broken but a portion of its outward integument; and even this had many perforations, one of which was large enough to admit two fingers, and was filled with a fungous fubflance arifing from within the bone. rl here was no appearance of matter about the caries, and the furrounding parts were in a found Hate. It was apparent that the torture which he un¬ derwent during the gradual corrofion of this bone muft have been inexpreffibly great. Out of tendernefs to his family he feldom made any complaints to them, but to his phyficians he frequently declared his pains were fo excruciating, that unlefs fome relief could be procured he thought it would be impoffible for human nature to fupport them long. Yet he bore them for upwards of fix months with aflonifhing patience and fortitude ; fat up generally the greater part of the day, admitted his particular friends to fee him, mixed with his family at the ufual hours, fometimes with his ufual cheerfulnefs ; and, except fome very flight defedls of memory, retain- td all his faculties and fenfes in their full vigour till within a few days of his death. He was buried, pur- fuant t© his own directions; in a covered paflage, lead¬ ing from a private door of the palace to the north door of Lambeth church ; and he forbade any monument or epitaph to be placed over him. By his will he appointed the Rev. Dr Daniel Bur¬ ton, canon of Chrift-church, and Mrs Catherine Tab hot, already mentioned in the courfe of thefe memoirs, >his executors; and left 13,000!. in truft to the Drs Porteous and Stinton, his chaplains; to pay the interell thereof to Mrs Talbot and her daughter during their joint lives, or the life of the furvivor; and after the deceafe of both thofe ladies, 11,0001. of the faid 1 3,000 1. are to be transferred to charitable purpofes ; amongfl which are iocoI. to the Society for the Pro¬ pagation of the Gofpel, and 1000 1. to the fame fociety for a bifhop or bifhops in the king’s dominions in America. The following defeription is given of his perfon : He was tall and comely; in the early part of his life (len¬ der, and rather confumptive; but as he advanced in years his conftitution gained (Length, and his iize in- creafed, yet never to a degree of corpulency that was difproportionate or troublefome. I he dignity of his form correfponded with the great- nefs of his mind, and infpired at all times refpeft and awe ; but peculiarly fo when he was engaged in any of the more folemn funaions of religion, into which he entered with ftich devout earneftnefs and warmth, with fo juft a confcioufnefs of the place he was in, and the bufmefs he was about, as feemed to raii'e him above him- felf, and added new life and fpirit to the natural grace- fulnefs of his appearance. His countenance was open, ingenuous, and expreflive of every thing right. It varied eafily with his fpirits and his feelings, fo as to be a faithful interpreter of his mind, which was incapable of the lead diffimulation. It could (peak dejeftion, and, on occafion, anger, very ftrongly ; but when it meant to (how pleafme or appro- bation, it foftened into a mofl gracious fmile, and difi- fufed over all his features the mofl benevolent and re¬ viving complacency that can be imagined. SECOMIiE, in natural hiflory, the name of a ge¬ nus of foffils of the clafs of feptariae ; the characters of which are, That they are bodies of a dufky hue ; di¬ vided, by fepta or partitions of a fparry matter, into feveral more or lefs regular portions ; of a moderately firm texture ; not giving fire with fleel; but ferment¬ ing with acid menflrua, and eafily calcining. The feptarias of this genus are of all others the mofl com¬ mon, and are what have been known by the little ex- prtffive or miftaken names of the waxen vein, or Indus Helmontii. We have many fpeefes of thefe bodies common among us. Of the whitifh or brownifh, we have thirteen ; of the yellowifh five ; and of the ferru¬ ginous ones four. SECOND, in geometry, chronology, &c. the 60th part of a prime or minute, whether of a degree 01 of an hour. Second, in mufic, one of the mufical intervals ; be¬ ing only the difference between any found and the next nearefl found, whether above or below it. Second Major, in mufre. See Interval. Second Minor, in mufkr. See Interval. Second Sight, in Erfe called Taifch, is a mode of feeing fuperadded to that which nature generally be¬ llows, rhis gift or faculty, which is neither voluntary Seeker nor SEC [ 235 ] SEC Second, nor eonflant, is in general rather troublefome than agree* ■■ v able to the poffeflbrs of it, who are chiefly found among the inhabitants of the Highlands of Scotland, thofe of the Weftern Illes, of the Ifle of Man, and of Ireland. It is an impreflion made either by the mind upon the eye, or by the eye upon the mind, by which things di- llant or future are perceived, and foen as if they were prefent. A man on a journey far from home fails from liis horfe ; another, who is perhaps at work about the houfe, fees him bleeding on the ground, commonly with a landfcape of the place where the accident befals him. Another leer, driving home his cattle, or wandering in idlenefs, or mufmg in the funfhine, is fuddenly furprifed by the appearance of a bridal ceremony, or funeral pro- ceffion, and counts the mourners or attendants, of whom, if he knows them, he relates the names ; if he knows them not, he can deferibe the drefles. Things diltant are feen at the inftant when they happen. Of things future, Johnfon fays that he knows no rule pretended to for determining the time between the fight and the event; but we are informed by Mr Grofe, that in general the time of accomplilhment bears fome rela¬ tion to the time of the day in which the impreflions are received. Thus vifions feen early in the morning (which feldom happens) will be much fooner accomplifhed than thofe appearing at noon ; and thofe feen at noon will take place in a much Ihorter time than thofe happening at night; fometimes the accomplifhment of the lait does not fall out within a year or more. Thefe vifions are not confined to folemn or important events ; nor is it true, as is commonly reported, that to the fecond fight nothing is prefented but phantoms of evil. The future vifit of a mountebank, or piper; a plentiful draught of fifh ; the arrival of common travel¬ lers ; or, if pofiible, ftill more trifling matters than thefe, —are forefeen by the feers. A gentleman told Dr John- fon, that when he had once gone far from his own illand one of his labouring fervants predi&ed his return, and deferibed the livery of his attendant, which he had never worn at home ; and which had been, without any pre¬ vious defign, occaiionally given him. As many men eminent for fcience and literature have admitted the reality of this apparently ufelefs gift, we (hall, without interpofing our own opinion, give the reflexions of two of the firli charafters of the age upon it, and leave our readers to form their own judgment. By Dr Beattie of Aberdeen it is thus accounted for. The Highlands of Scotland are a piXurefque but a melancholy country. Long traXs of mountainous de- fert, covered with dark heath, and often obfeured by milty weather; narrow valleys, thinly inhabited, and bounded by precipices refounding with the fall of tor¬ rents ; a foil fo rugged, and a climate fo dreary, as in many parts to admit neither the amufements of paf- turage nor the labours of agriculture ; the mournlul dafhing of waves along the friths and lakes that inter- feX the country ; the portentous noifes which every change of the wind and every increafed diminution of the wraters is apt to raife in a lonely region full of Second, echoes and rocks and caverns; the grotefque and ^ " gbaftly appearance of fuch a landfcape by the light of the moon : objeXs like thefe diffufe a gloom over the fancy, which may be compatible enough with occafion- al and focial merriment, but cannot fail to tinXure the thoughts of a native in the hour of filence and iolitude. If thefe people, notwithftanding their reformation in religion, and more frequent intercourfe with ftrangers, do ftill retain many of their old fuperftitions, we need not doubt but in former times they muft have been much more enflaved to the horrors of imagination, when befet with the bugbears of Popery and Paganifm. Moll of their fuperftitions arc of a melancholy call. That of fecond fights by which fome are ftill fuppofed to be haunt-, ed, is confidered by themfelves as a misfortune, on ac¬ count of the many dreadful images it is far’d to obtrude upon the fancy. It is faid that fome of the Alpine re¬ gions do likewife lay claim to a fort of fecond fight. Nor is it wonderful, that perfons of a lively imagination, immured in deep folitude, and furrounded with the fttt- pendous feenery of clouds, precipices, and torrents, fhould dream (even when they think themfelves awake) of thofe few ftriking ideas with which their lonely lives are diverfified: of corpfes, funeral proceffions, and other fubjeXs of terror; or of marriages, and the arrival of ftrangers, and fuch like matters of more agreeable curt- ofity. Let it be obferved alfo, that the ancient Highlan¬ ders of Scotland had hardly any other way of fupport- ing themfelves than by hunting, iiftring, or war; pro- feffions that are continually expofed to fatal accidents. And hence, no doubt, additional horrors would often haunt their foiitude, and a deeper gloom overihadow the imagination even of the hardieft native. A fufficient evidence can hardly be found for the re¬ ality of the fecondfght, or at leaft of what is commonly underftood by that term. A treatife on the fubjeX was publifhed in the year 1762, in which many tales were told of perfons whom the author believed to have been favoured, or haunted, with thefe illuminations j but moft of the tales were trifling and ridiculous : and the whole work betrayed, on the part of the compiler, fuch extreme credulity, as could not fail to prejudice many readers againft his fyftem. That any of thefe vifionaries are apt to be fwayed in their declarations by finifter views, we will not fay ; but this may be faid with confidence, that none but xg- norant people pretend to be gifted in this way. And in them it may be nothing more, perhaps, than Ihort fits of fudden deep or drowfinefs, attended with lively dreams, and arifing from fome bodily diforder, the ef- feX of idlenefs, low fpirits, or a gloomy imagination. For it is admitted, even by the moft credulous High¬ landers, that as knowledge and induftry are propaga¬ ted in their country, the fecond fight dilappears in pro¬ portion ; and nobody ever laid claim to the faculty who was much employed in the intercourfe of focial life (a). G g 2 Nor (a) This, however, is denied by Johnfon, who affirms that the tflanders of all degrees, whether of rank or underftanding, univerfally admit it except the minifters, who, according to him, rejeX it, in confequence of a fy¬ ftem, againft conviXion. He affirms, too, that in 1773 there was in the Hebrides a fecond-fighted gentleman, who complained of the terrors to which he was expofedc SEC [ *36 3 SEC Second. Nor is it at all extraordinary, that one fhould have the appearance of bein^ awake, and fhould even think one’s felf fo, during thofe fits of dofing ; that they fhould come on fuddenly, and while one is engaged in fome bufinefs. The fame thing happens to perfons much fatigued, or long kept awake, who frequently fall afleep for a moment, or for a long fpace, while they are Hand¬ ing, or walking, or riding on horfeback. Add but a lively dream to this Humber, and (which is the frequent effedl of difeafe) take away the confcioufnefs of having been afleep, and a fuperftitious man may eafily miflake his dream for a waking vifion; which, however, is foon forgotten when no fubfequent occurrence recals it to his memory; but whicn, if it fhall be thought to re- femble any future event, exalts the poor dreamer into a Highland prophet. This conceit makes him more re- clufe and more melancholy than ever ; and fo feeds his difeafe, and multiplies his viiions: which, if they are not diffipated by bufinefs or lociety, may continue to haunt him as long as he lives ; and which, in their progrefs through the neighbourhood, receive lome new tindiures of the marvellous from every mouth that promotes their circulation. As to the prophetical nature of this fe- cond fight, it cannot be admitted at all. That the De¬ ity fhould work a miracle in order to give intimation of the frivolous things that thefe tales are made up of, the arrival of a ftranger, the nailing of a coffin, or the colour of a fuit of clothes ; and that thefe intimations ffiould be given for no end, and to thofe perfons only who are idle and folitary, who fpeak Gaelic, or who live among mountains and deferts—is like nothing in nature or providence that we are acquainted with ; and muft therefore, unlefs it were confirmed by fatisfaftory proof (which is not the cafe), be rejedfed as abfurd and in¬ credible. Thefe viiions, fuch as they are, may reafonably enough be aferibed to a diftempered fancy. And that in them, as well as in our ordinary dreams, certain ap¬ pearances fhould, on fome rare occalions, refemble cer¬ tain events, is to be expedted from the laws of chance ; and feems to have in it nothing more marvellous or fu- pernatural, than that the parrot, who deals out his feur- rilities at random, fhould i'ometimes happen to falute the paflenger by his right appellation. To the confidence of thele objedlions Dr Johnfon re¬ plies, that by prefuming to determine what is fit, and what is beneficial, they prefuppofe more knowledge of the univerfal fyftem than man has attained ; and there¬ fore depend upon principles too complicated and exten- five for our comprehenfion ; and that there can be no fecurity in the confequence when the premifes are not underftood; that the fecond fight is only wonderful be- caufe it is rare, for, conlidered in itfelt, it involves no more difficulty than dreams, or perhaps than the regu¬ lar exercife of the cogitative faculty; that a general opi¬ nion of communicative impulfes, or vifionary reprefenta- tions, has prevailed in all ages and all nations; that par¬ ticular inftances have been given with fuch evidence, as neither Bacon nor Bayle has been able to refill; that Bidden nnpreffions, which the event has verified, have been felt by more than own or publifh them; that the fecond fight of the Hebrides implies only the local fre¬ quency of a power, which is nowhere totally unknown; and that where we are unable to decide by antecedent teafon. we mull be content to yield to the force of tef- timony. By pretcnfion to fecond fight, no profit Second ever fought or gained. It is an involuntary affetlion, H in which neither hope nor fear are known to have any Secretai7» part. . fhofe who profefs to feel it do not boall of it *" ^ as a privilege, nor are confidered by others as advanta- geoufly diibnguifhed. They have no temptation to feign, and their hearers have no motive to encourage the impofture. Second Terms, in algebra, thofe where the unknown quantity has a degree of power lefs than it has in the term where it is raifed to the highelt. The art of throwing thefe fecond terms out of an equation, that is, of forming a new equation where they have no place, is one of the moll ingenious and ufeful inventions in all algebra. SECONDARY, in general, fomething that adls as fecond or in fubordination to another. Secondary, or Secundary, an officer who adls as fe¬ cond or next to the chief officer. Such are the fecond- aries of the courts of king’s bench and common pleas ; the fecondaries of the compters, who are next the fhe- riffs of London in each of the two compters ; two fe¬ condaries of the pipe; fecondaries to the remembrancers. See. Secondary Circles of the Ecliptic are circles of longi¬ tude of the liars ; or circles which, paffing through the poles of the ecliptic, are at right angles to the ecliptic. See Circles of Latitude. Secondary Qualities of Bodies. See Metaphysics, n° 153- SECONDAT. See Montesquieu. SECRETARIES bird, the falco ferpentarius and fagittarius of Linnaeus, but claffed by Latham under the genus Vultur ; which fee. SECRETARY, an officer who, by his mailer’s orders, writes letters, difpatches, and other inflmments, which he renders authentic by his fignet. Of thele there are feveral kinds ; as, i. Secretaries of Hate, who are officers that have under their management and diredlion the moll important affairs of the kingdom, and are obliged conllantly to attend on the king : they receive and difpatch whatever comes to their hands, ei¬ ther from the crown, the church, the army, private grants, pardons, difpenfations, &c. as likewife petitions to the fovereign, which, when read, are returned to them ; all which they difpatch according to the king’s diredlion. They have authority to commit perfons for treafon, and other offences againll the Hate, as confer- vators of the peace at common law, oras juHices of the peace throughout the kingdom. They are members of the privy-council, which is feldom or never held with¬ out one of them being prefent. As to the bufinefs and corftfpondence in all parts of this kingdom, it is mana¬ ged by either of the fecretaries without any diHindtion; but with refpedl to foreign affairs, the bufinefs is divi¬ ded into two provinces or departments, the fouthern and the northern, comprehending all the kingdoms and flates that have any intercourie with Great Britain ; each fecretary receiving all letters and addreffes from, and making all difpatches to, the feveral princes and flates comprehended in his province. Ireland and the Plantations are under the diredlion of the elder fecreta¬ ry, who has the fouthern province, which alfo compre¬ hends France, Italy, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, and Turkey; the northern province includes the Low Coun- , . tries> SEC Swretion tries, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Poland, and Muf- li covy. Each of the fecretaries has an apartment in all Seto. the royal houfes, both for their own accommodation and their officers ; they have alfo a table at the king’s charge, or cite board-wages. The two fecretaries for Britain have each two under fecretaries, and one chief clerk ; with an uncertain number of other clerks and tranflators, all wholly depending on them. To the fe¬ cretaries of Hate belong the cuftody of that feal properly called the fignet^ and the dire&ion of two other offices, one called the paper-office^ and the other the Jtgnet office. In addition to thefe, there is at prefent (179') a fecre- tary for the war department, whole office mull be tem¬ porary. 2. Secretary of an embaffy, a perfon attending an ambaffador, for w riting difpatches relating to the nego- ciation. There is a great difference between the fecreta- ry of an embaffy and the ambaffador’s fecretary; the laft being a dameftic or menial of the ambaffador, and the firft a fervant or minifter of the prince. 3. The fe¬ cretary of war, an officer of the war-office, who has two chief clerks under him, the laft of which is the lesreta- ry’s meffenger. There are alfo fecretaries in moll of the other offices. SEC RETION, in the animal ceconomy. See Ph y- siology, fedl. VI. SECT, a colleftive term, comprehending all Inch as follow the do&rines and opinions of fome famous divine, philofopher, &c. SECTION, in general, denotes a part of a divided thing, or the diviiion itfelf. Such, particularly, are the fubdivifions of a chapter ; called alfo paragraphs and articles : the mark of a fe&ion is §. Section, in geometry, denotes a fide or furface of a body or figure cut off by another; or the place where lines, planes, &c. cut each other. SECTOR, in geometry, is a part of a circle com¬ prehended between two radii and the arch ; or it is a mixed triangle, formed by two radii and the arch of a s circle. Sector Sector, is alfo a mathematical inftrument, of great life in finding the proportion between quantities of the fame kind: as between lines and lines, furfaces and fur- faces, &c. whence the French call it the compafs of pro¬ portion. ^"The great advantage of the feftor above the common fcales,"&c. is, that it is made fo as to fit all ra¬ dii and all fcales. By the lines of chords, fines, &c. on the feftor, we have lines of chords, fines, &c. to any radius betwixt the length and breadth of the feftor when open. The real inventor of this valuable inftrument is Un¬ known ; yet of fo much merit has the invention appeared, that it was claimed by Galileo, and difputed by nations. The feftor is founded on the fourth propofition of the fixth book of Euclid; where it is demonftrated, that fimilar triangles have their homologous fides pro¬ portional. An idea of the theory of its conftru&ion may be conceived thus. Let the lines AB, AC (Plate CCCCXLVIII. fig. 5.) reprefent the legs of the fejftor; and AD, AE, two equal fe&ions from the centre : if, now the points CB and DE be connefted, the lines CB and DE will be parallel; therefore the triangles ADE, SEC ACB will be fimilar; and confequently the fides AD, Sedfor, DE, AB, and BC, proportional; that is, as AD : DE : : AB : BC : whence, if AD be the half, third, or fourth part of AB ; DE will be a half, third, or fourth part of CB : and the fame holds of all the reft. If, therefore, AD be the chord, fine, or tangent, of any number of degrees to the radius AB ; DE will be the fame to the radius BC. 1 Defcription of the Sefior. The inftrument confifts ofDefcribed, two rulers or legs, of brafs or ivory, or any other mat¬ ter, reprefenting the radii, moveable round an axis or joint, the middle of which expreffes the centre ; whence are drawn on the faces of the rulers feveral fcales, which may be diftinguifhed into fingle and double. The double fcales, or lines graduated upon the faces of the inftrument, and which are to be ufed as feftoral lines, proceed from the centre; and are, 1. Two fcales of equal parts, one on each leg, marked lin. or l. each of thefe fcales, from the great extenfivenefs of its ufe, is called the line of lines. 2. Two lines of chords mark¬ ed cho. or c. 3. Two lines of fecants marked sec. or s. A line of polygons marked pol. Upon the other face the fe£toral lines are, 1. Two lines of fines marked sin. or s. 2. Two lines of tangents marked tan. or t. 3. Between the line of tangents and fines there is another line of tangents to a leffer radius, to fupply the defeft of the former, and extending from 450 to 750, marked/. Each pair of thefe lines (except the line of poly¬ gons) is io adjufted as to make equal angles at the centre ; and confequently at whatever diftance the fee- tor be opened, the angles will be always refpe&ively equal. That is, the diftance between 10 and 10 on the line of lines, will be equal to 60 and 60 on the line of chords, 90 and 90 ©n the line of fines, and 45 and 45 on the line of tangents. Befides the fecloral fcales, there are others on each face, placed parallel to the outward edges, and ufed as thofe of the common plane feale. 1. Thefe are aline of inches. 2. A line of latitudes. 3. A line of htmrs. 4. A line of inclination of meridians. 5. A line of chords. Three logarithmic icales, namely, one of num¬ bers, one of fines, and one of tangents ; thefe are ufed when the fedlor is fully opened, the kgs forming one line (a). _ 3 The value of the divifions on moft of the lines are To read determined by the figures adjacent to them ; thefe pro-5mi, efti- ceed by tens, which conftitute the divifions of the firft order, and are numbered accordingly; but the value of^1^*”1* the divifions on the line of lines, that are diftinguiftiedinj iine#, by figures, is entirely arbitrary, and may reprefent any value that is given to them ; hence the figures 1, 2, 3, 4, See. may denote either 10, 20, 30, 40, or 100, 200, 300, 4c o, and fo on. 7"he line of lines is divided into ten equal parts, num¬ bered 1, 2, 3, to 10 ; thefe may be called div'fions of the fifi order ; each of thefe are again fubdivided into 10 other equal parts, which may be called divifions of the /e- cond order ; each of thefe is divided into two equal parts, forming divijions of the third order. The divifions on all the fcales are contained between four parallel lines ; thofe [ 237 3 (a) The lines are placed in different orders on different fe&ors, but they may eafily be found by thefe general directions. S E C Sztior, J iDivifion of a given line f ty the line ef equal 4»artB. $ TTo mea » f fure the pe ^Firtieter of * polygon 6 Subtrac¬ tion. TjjfuUiplica- tKofe of the third order extend to the moft diftant , thofe of the third to the lealt j thofe of the fecond to the intermediate parallel. When the whole line of Hnes reprefents too, the di- viiions of the firft order, or thofe to which the figures are annexed, reprefent tens ; thofe of the fecond order units ; thole of the third order the halves of thefe unit*. It the whole line reprefent ten, then the diviflons of the tirft order are units ; thofe of the fecond tenths j the thirds twentieths. In the line of tangents, the divifions to which the numbers are affixed, are the degrees expreffed by thofe numbers. Every fifth degree is denoted by a line fome- what longer than the reft ; between every number and each fifth degree, there are four divifions, longer than the intermediate adjacent ones, thefe are whole de¬ grees ; the (hotter ones, or thofe of the third order, are 30 minutes. . From the centre, to 60 degrees, the line of fines is divided like the line of tangents, from 60 to 70; it is divided only to every degree, from 70 to 80, to every two degrees, from 80 to 90 ; the divifion muft be efti- mated by the eye. The divifions on the line of chords are to be eftima- ted in the fame manner as the tangents. 'I he leffer line of tangents is graduated every two degrees, from 45 to 50; but from 50 to <50 to every degree ; from 60 to the end, to half degrees. I he line of fecants from o to 10 is to be eftimated by tne eye ; from 20 to yo, it is divided to every two degrees ; from 50 to 60, to every degree} from 60 to the end, to every half degree. Ufe of the L ine of Equal Parts on the Sector. 1. To divide a given line into ahy number of equal parts, fuppofe feven. lake the given line in yoUr compaffes } and letting one foot in a divifion of equal parts, that may be divided by feven, for example 70, whofe fe- venth part is 10, open the feftor till the other point fall exactly on 70, in the fame line on the other leg. In this difpofitioxl, applying one point of the compaffcs to 10 in the fame line ; Ihut them till the other fall in l o in the fame line on the other leg, and this opening will be the feventh part of the given line. Note, if the line to be divided be too long to be applied to the legs of the fedor, divide only one half or one fourth by feven, and the double or quadruple thereof will be the feventh part of the whole. 2. Io mealure the lines of the petimeter of a poly- • gon, one of which contains a given number of equal parts. Take the given line in your compaffes, and fet it parallel, upon the line of equal parts, to the num¬ ber on each leg expreffing its length. The fedor re¬ maining thus, fet off the length of each of the other lines parallel to the former, and the number each of them (alls on will exprefs Its length. 3. A right line being given, and the number of parts it contains, fuppofe 120, to take from it a Ihorter line, containing any number of the fame parts, fuppofe 25* Take the given line in your compaffes, open the feCtor till the two feet fall on 120 on each leg 5 then will the diftance between 25 on one leg, and the lame number on the other, give the line required. 4- 10 multiply by the line of equal parts on the ketor. Take the lateral diftanee from the centre of the [ 238 ] S E C line to the given multiph'cator; open the fedor till Sc&or. you fit that lateral diftance to the parallel of 1 and 1, —* or 10 and 10, and keep the fedor in that difpofition ; then take in the compaffes the parallel diftance of the multiplicand, which diftance, meafured laterally on the fame line* will give the produd required. Thus, fup¬ pofe it were required to find the produd of 8 multi¬ plied by 4 : take the lateral diftance from the centre of the line to 4 in your compaffes, i. e. place one foot of the compaffes in the beginning of the divifions, and extend the other along the line to 4* Open the fee- tor till you fit this lateral diftance to the parallel of i and r, or 10 and 10. Then take the parallel diftance of 8, the multiplicand; i. e. extend the compaffes from 8, in this line, on one leg, to 8 in the fame line on the other; and that extent, meafured laterally, will give the produd required. ^ g 5. To divide by the line of equal parts on the fec-D:vifion *• tor. Extend the compaffes laterally from the begin-general‘ ning of the line to 1, and open the fedor till you fit that extent to the parallel of the divifor; then take the parallel diftance of the dividend, which extent, rnea- fured in a lateral diredion, will give the quotient re¬ quired. Thus, fuppofe it was required to divide 36 ky 4 > extend the compaffes laterally, the beginning of the line to /, and fit to that extent the parallel of 4, the divifor; then extend the compaffes parallel, from 36 on one leg to 36 on the other, and that extent, mea¬ fured laterally, will give 9, the quotient required. 9 6. Proportion by the line of equal parts. Make the Prt>Porfi°9» lateral diftance of the fecond term the parallel diftance of the firft term, the parallel diftance of the third term is the fourth proportional. Example. To find a fourth proportional to 8, 4, and 6, take the lateral diftance of 4, and make it the parallel diftance of 8 ; then the pa¬ rallel diftance of 6, extended from the centre, lhall reach to the fourth proportional 3. In the fame manner, a third proportional is found to two numbers. Finis, to find a third proportional to 8 and 4, the fedlor remaining as in the former example, the parallel diftance of 4, extended from the centre, lhall reach to the third proportional 2. In all thefe cafes, if the number to be made a parallel diftance be too great for the fedor, lome aliquot part of it is to be taken, and the anfwer is to be multiplied by the num¬ ber by which the firft number was divided. . *© Ufe of the Line of Chords on the Sector. 1. To open the letter fo as the two lines of chords may make an*" °r angle or number of degrees, fuppofe 40. Take the di¬ ftance from the joint to 40, the number of the degrees propofed, on the line of chords ; open the fettot till the diftance from 60 to 60, on each leg, be equal to the given diftance of 40 j then will the two lines on the fee- tor form an angle of 40 degrees, as was required. 2. The fettor being opened, to find the degrees of its aperture. Take the extent from 60 to 60, and lay it oft on the line of chords from the centre } the num¬ ber whereon it terminates will fhow the degrees, &c. Required. 3. To lay off any number of degrees upon the cir¬ cumference of a circle. Open the fettor till the di¬ ftance between 60 and 60 be equal to the radius of the given circle ; then take the parallel extent of the chord of the number of degrees on each leg of the fettor, and 5 lay SEC [ *39 1 SEC fcftor. II Une of polygons. il Sire*, tan¬ gents, at d (ecants. lay it off on the circumference of the given circle.— Hence any regular polygon may be cafily ir.fcribed in a given circle. Ufe of the Line of Polygons on the Sector. 1. ! o in- fcribe a regular polygon in a given circle, lake the femidiameter of the given circle in the compafles, and adjutt it to the number 6, on the line of polygons, on each leg of the feftor : then, the feftor remaining thus opened, t.-.ke the diftance of the two equal numbers, expreffing the number of Tides the polygon is to have ; e. gr. the diffance from 5 to J for a pentagon, from 7 to 7 for a heptagon, &c. Thefe diftances carried about the circumference of the circle, will divide it into fo many equal parts. 2. To deicribe a regular polygon, e. gr. a penta* gon, on a given right line. Take the length of the line in the compafles, and apply it to the extent of the number 5, 5, on the lines of polygons. The fec- tor thus opened, upon the fame lines take the extent from 6 to 6 ; this will be the lemidiameter of the circle the polygon is to be inferibed in. It then, with this diftance, from the ends of the given line, you deferibe two arches of a circle, their interfe&ion will, be the centre of the circle. 3. On a right line, to deferibe an ifoceles triangle, having the angles at the bale double that at the ver¬ tex. Open the feftor, till the ends of the given line fall on i o and 10 on each leg ; then lake the diftance from 6 to 6. ’[’his will be the length of the two equal fides of the triangle. U/e of the Lines of Sines, Tangents, and Secants, on the Sec-tok. By the fcveral lines difpofed on the fedfor, we have fcalcs to feveral radii; fo that having a length or radius given, not exceeding the length or the feAor when opened, we find the chord, fine, &c. thereto : e. gr. Suppofe the chord, fine, or tangent, of 10 degrees, to a radius of 3 inches required; make 3 inches the aperture, between 60 and 6c, on the lines of chords of the two legs; then will the fame extent reach from 45 to 45 on the line of tangents, and from 9 there is a print of one of his miftreffes with this infeription round it; Vatis amatoris Julia sculpta MANU. Secundus having nearly attained the age of twenty one, and being determined, as it would feem, to comply as far as poffible with the wiffies of his father, quitted Mechelen, and went to France, where at Bourges, a city in the Orkanois, he ftudied the civil law under the cele¬ brated Andreas Alciatus. Alciatus was one of the moft learned civilians of that age ; but what undoubtedly endeared him much more to our author was his general acquaintance with polite literature, and more particular¬ ly his tafte in poetry. Having ftudied a year under this eminent profeffor, and taken his degrees, Secundus returned to Mechelen, where he remained only a very few months. In 1533 he went into Spain with warm recommendations to the count of Naflau and other per- fons of high rank ; and foon afterwards became fecre- tary to the cardinal archbiffiop of Toledo in a depart¬ ment of bufinefs which required no other qualifications than what he poffeffed in a very eminent degree, a faci¬ lity in writing with elegance the Latin language. It was during his refidence with this cardinal that he wrote his Bafia, a feries of wanton poems, of which the fifth, feventh, and ninth carmina of Catullus feem to have given the hint. Secundus was not, however, a fervile imitator of Catullus. His expreffions feem to be borrowed ra¬ ther from Tibullus and Propertius ; and in the warmth of his deferiptions he furpafles every thing that has been written on fimilar fubjefts by Catullus, Tibullus, Proper* tius, C. Callus, Ovid, or Horace. In he accompanied the emperor Charles V. to the fiege of Tunis, but gained no laurels as a foldier. The hardffiips which were endured at that memorable fiege were but little fuited to the foft difpofition of a votary of Venus and the mufes ; and upon an enterprife which might have furnifhed ample matter for an epic poem, it is remarkable that Secundus wrote nothing which has been deemed worthy of prefervation. Ha¬ ving returned from his martial expedition, he was fent by the cardinal to Rome to congratulate the pope upon the fuccefs of the emperor’s arms ; but was taken fo ill on the road, that he was not able to complete his journey. He was advifed to feek, without a moment’s delay, the benefit of his native air ; and that happily recovered him. 1 Having now quitted the fervice of the archbifhop of Toledo, Secundus was employed in the fame office of fecretary by the biffiop of U trecht j and fo much had 6 he S E I ef all fupertor and cafual fcmc«i tlut are incident thereto; and felfm of a lefTee for years, is fufficient for hint in reverfion. Livery of Seisin, m law, an effential ceremony in the conveyance of landed property; beinjr no other than the pure feodal invefl|iture, or delivery of corpo¬ ral pofTeffion of the land or tenement. This was held abiolutely neeeffary to complete the donation ; Nam fmdam fine inveflitura nulh modo canjl tui potuit,» and an eftate was then only perfeft when, as Fleta exprefles jt in our law, Jit juris et feijinee conjunciio. See Feof* WENT. Inveflitures, in their original rife, were probably in¬ tended to demonftrate in conquered countries the aftuai pofiefTion of the lord \ and that he did not grant a bare litigious right, which the foldier was ill qualified to profecute, but a peaceable and firm pofieffion. And, at a time when writing was feldom practifed, a mere oral gift, at a diftance from the foot that was given, was not likely to be either long or accurately retained in the memory of byftanders, who were very little inte- refled in the grant. Afterwards they were retained as 0 public and notorious ail, that the country might take notice of and teflify the transfer of the eftate; and that fnch as claimed title by other means might know againft whom to bring their aftions. Tn all well-governed nations, fome notoriety of this kind has been ever held requifite, in order to acquire and afeertain the property of lands. In the Roman law, plenum dominium was not faid to fubfift unlefs where a man had both the right and the corporal pojf-jjton } which poftefTion could not be acquired without both an a&ual intention to poftefs, and an a&ual feifin, or entry into the premifles, or part of them in the name of the whole. And even in ecdefiaftical promotions, where the freehold pafles to the perfon promoted, corporal poffeffion is required at this day to veil the property completely in the new’ proprietor; who, according to the diftindion of the canonifts, acquires the jus ad rem, or inchoate and imperfed right, by nomination and in- ftitution ; but not the jus in re, or complete and full right, unlefs by corporal polfeflion. Therefore in dig¬ nities poffdfion is given by inftalment; in redories and vicarages by indidion; without which no temporal rights accrue to the minifter, though every eccleilaftical power is veiled in him by inftitution. So alfo even in defeents of lands, by our law, w’hich are call on the heir by ad of the law itfelf, the heir has not plenum dominium, or full and complete ownerfhip, till he has made an aduai corporal entry into the lands: for if he dies before entry made, his heir (hall not be entitled to take the pofieffion, but the heir of the perfon who was laft adually feifed. It is not therefore only a mere right to enter, but the aduai entry, that makes a man complete owner; fo as to tranfmit the inheritance to his own heirs; non jus, Jed feiftna, facit Jlipiiem Yet the corporal tradition of lands being fometimes inconvenient, a fymbolical delivery of poftelfion was in many cafes anciently allowed; by transferring fome- thing near at hand, in the prefence of credible wit- neflea, which by agreement Ihould ferve to reprefent the very thing defigned to be conveyed ; and an occu- Jjancy of this fign or fymbdl was permitted as equiva- ent to occupancy of the land itfelf. Among the Jews we find the evidence of a purchafe thus defined in the Vot. XVII. Fart L S E I book of Ruth ; Now this was the manner m former time in Ifrael, concerning redeeming and concerning changing, for to confirm all things: a man plucked off his Ihoe, and gave it to his neighbour ; and this was a tellimony in Ifrael.” Among the ancient Goths and Swedes, contracts for the tale of lands were made in the prefence of witnefles, who extended the cloak of the buyer, while the feller call a clod of the land into it, in order to give pofieffion ; and a Half or wand was alfo delivered from the vender to the vendee, which palled through the hands of the witnefles. With our Saxon anceftors the delivery of a turf was a necefiary folemnity to eftablilh the conveyance of lands. And, to this day, the conveyance of our copyhold eftates is ufually made from the feller to the lord or his Iteward by delivery of a rod or verge, and then from the lord to the purchafer by re-delivery of the fame in the prefence of a jury of tenants. Conveyances in writing were the laft and moft re¬ fined improvement. The mere delivery of pofieffion, cither actual or fymbolical, depending on the ocular teftimony and remembrance of the witnefies, was liable to be forgotten or mifreprelented, and became frequent¬ ly incapable of proof. Befides, the new occafions and neceflities introduced by the advancement or commerce, required means to bedeviled of charging and incumber¬ ing eftates, and of making them liable to a multitude of conditions and minute delignations, for the purpotes of raffing money, without an abfolute fale of the land ; and iometimes the like proceedings were found uieful in order to make a decent and competent provifion for the numerous branches or a family, and for other do- meftic views. None of whic i could be effected by a mere, fimple, corporal transfer of the foil from one man to another, which was principally calculated for convey¬ ing an abfolute unlimited dominion. Written deeds were therefore introduced, in order to fpecify and per¬ petuate the peculiar purpofes of the party who convey¬ ed j yet ftill, for a very long feries of years, they were never made ufe of, but in company with the more an¬ cient and notorious method of transfer by delivery of corporal poffeffion. Livery ef feiiin, by the common law, is neceffary to be made upon every grant of an eftate of freehold in he¬ reditaments corporeal, whether of inheritance 01 for life only. In hereditaments incorporeal it is impoffible to be made; for they are not the obje£l of the (enfes: and in leafes for years, or other chattel interefts, it is not neceffary. In leafes for years indeed an actual entry is neceffary, to veil the eftate in the leffee: for a bare leafe gives him only a right to enter, which is called his inte- rell in the term, or interejfe termini: and when he enters in purfuance of that right, he is then, and not before, in poffdfion of his term, and complete tenant for years. This entry by the tenant himfelf ferves the purpofe of notoriety, as well as livery of feifin from the granter could have done; which it would have been improper to have given in this cafe, becaufe that folemnity is ap¬ propriated to the conveyance of a freehold. And this is one reafon why freeholds cannot be made to com¬ mence in Juturo, becaufe they cannot (at the common law) be made but by livery of leilin ; which livery, be¬ ing an adlual manual tradition of the land, mull take effe6t in preefenti, or not at all. Livery of feifin is either in deed or in law. I » Livery [ 3 0eifin, SET [ 250 1 S E L teiiin, Livery in deed is thus performed. The feoffor, leffor, ‘H'izg' or his attorney, together with the feoffee, leflee, or his attorney, (for this may as effectually be done by de¬ puty or attorney as by the principals themfelves in perfon), come to the land or to the houfe $ and there, in the prefence ®f witneffes, declare the contents of the feoffment or leafe on which livery is to be made. And then the feoffor, if it be of land, doth deliver to the feoffee, all other perfons being out of the ground, a clod or turf, or a twig or bough there growing, with words to this effeft: “ I deliver thefe to you in the name of feifin of all the lands and tenements con¬ tained in this deed.” But, if it be of a houfe, the feoffor mufl take the ring or latch of the door, the houfe being quite empty, and deliver it to the feoffee in the fame form ; and then the feoffee mud enter alone, and {hut the door, and then open it, and let in the others. If the conveyance or feoffment be of divers lands, lying fcattered in one and the fame coun¬ ty, then in the feoffor’s poffeffion, livery of feifin of any parcel, in the name of the reft, fufficeth for all ; but if they be in feveral counties, there muft be as many liveries as there are counties. For, if the title to thefe lands comes to be difputed, there muft be as many trials as there are counties, and the jury of one county are no judges of the notoriety of a faft in ano¬ ther. Lefides, anciently, this feiun was obliged to be delivered coram paribus de •uitineto, before the peers or freeholders of the neighbourhood, who attefted fueh delivery in the body or on the back of the deed ; ac¬ cording to the rule of the feodal law, Pares debent in- terejfe inveililurce feudi, et non alii : for which this 'reafon ss exprefsly given ; becaufe the peers or vaffals of the lord, being bound by their oath of fealty, will take care that no fraud be committed to his prejudice, which ■hangers might be apt to connive at. And though af¬ terwards the ocular atteftation of the pares was held unnectffary, and livery might be made before any cre¬ dible witneffes, yet the trial, in cafe it was difputed, (like that of all other atteftations), was flill referved to the pares or jury of the county. Alfo, if the lands be out on leafe, though ail lie in the fame county, there rauft be as many liveries as t'here are tenants : becaufe no livery can be made in this cafe, but by the confent of the particular tenant ; and the confent of one will not bind the reft. And in all thefe cafes it is prudent, and ufual, to endorfe the livery of feifin on the back of the deed, fpecifying the manner, place, and time of making it ; together with the names of the witneffes. And thus mwch for livery in deed. Livery in ta employ thefe powers aright, he muft know, hr ft, what' is his duty ; and, feoondly, he muft often review his-* principles and condudt, tlrat he may difeover whether he is performing his duty, or in what circumilances he- has failed. When he fnds that he has fallen into er-- ror and vice, he wifi naturally inquire what caufes have produced this effedl, that he may avoid the-fame! for the time to come. This is the method by which every re¬ formation in religion and feience has been produced,, and the method by which the ans have been improved. ■ Before Lord Bacon introduced the new way of phiid- fophizing, he muft £rft have conftdered wherein true philofophy. confuted j fecondly, he muff have inquired in ■Self. 5 E L not felfi/h. The fclfifh man S E L [ 254 1 in what refpeds the ancient method of philofophizing felf; but every man was falfe or ufelefs : and after determining thefe two grafps at all immediate advantages, regardlefs of the con- points, he was qualified to deicribe the way by which Sequences which his condud mrfy have upon his neigh- the Oudy^of philofophy could be fuccefsfuily purfued hour. Self-love only prompts him who is aduated by Self. without deviating into hypothecs and error. Luther found out the errors of the church of Rome by compa¬ ring their dodrines with the Scriptures. But had this comparifon never been made, the relormation could ne¬ ver have taken place. Without felf-knowledge, or without that knowledge of our charader which is de¬ rived from a comparifon of our principles and eondud with a perfed ftandard of morality, we can never form plans and refolutions, or make any exertion to abandon the vicious habits which wre havecontraded,and ftrength- en thofe virtuous principles in which we are deficient. As much may be learned from the errors of thofe who have been in fimilar fituations wu'th ourfelves ; fo many ufeful cautions may be obtained from our owm errors; and he that wnll remember thefe, will ftldom be twice guilty of the fame vice. It was evidently the intention of Providence that man fhould be guided chiefly by experience. It is by the obfervations which we make on what we fee paf- fing around us, or from wdiat we fuffer in our own per- fon, that we form maxims for the condud of life. 'J he more minutely therefore we attend to our principles, and the more maxims we form, wre fhail be the better fitted to attain moral perfedion. With refped to our underflanding, to mark the errors which we have fallen into, either by its natural defeds or by negligence, is alfo of great importance ; for the greatefl genius and moil profound fcholar are liable to thefe errors, and often commit them as well as the weak and illiterate. But by obferving them, and tracing them to their-caufes, they at length acquire an habitual accuracy. It is true, that men of feeble minds can never by knowing their own defeds exalt themfelves to the rank of genius; but fuch knowledge will enable them to improve their underftandings, and fo to appre¬ ciate their own powers, as feldom to attempt what is beyond their ftrength. They may thus become ufeful members of fuciety; and though they will not probably be admired for their abilities, they will yet efcape the ri¬ dicule which is poured upon vanity. It is difficult to lay down precife rules for the acqui- fition of this felf-knowledge, becaufe almolt everv man is blinded by a fallacy peculiar to himfelf. But when one has got nd of that partiality which arifes from felf- love, he may eafily form a juft eftimate of his moral im¬ provements, by comparing the general courfe of his con¬ dud with the ftandard of his duty ; and if he has any doubt of the extent of his intelledual attainments, he will moll readily difeover the truth by comparing them with the attainments of others who have been moft fuccefs- ful in the fame purfuits. Should vanity arife in his mind from fuch a comparifon, let him then compare the extent of his knowledge with what is yet to be known, and he will then be in little danger of thinking of him¬ felf more highly than he ought to think. See Preju¬ dice ;>nd Sf.lf-Partiality. StZF-Love, is that inftindive principle which impels every animal, rational and irrational, to preferve its life and promote its own happinels. It is very generally con¬ founded with ftlfifhnefs ; but we think that the one pro- penfity is diftind xrom the other. Every man loves him- it to procure to himfelf the greateft poffible fum of hap- pinels during the wdiole of his exiftence. In this pur- fuit the rational feli-lover will often forego a prefent enjoyment to obtain a greater and more permanent one in revertion ; and he will as often iubmit to a prefent pain to avoid a greater hereafter. Self-love, as diftin- guifhed from felfifhnds, always comprehends the whole of a man’s exiftence, and in'that extended fenfe of the phrafe, we hefitate not to fay that every man is a felf- lover ; for, with eternity in his view, it is furely not poffible for the moft dihnterefttd of the human race not to prefer himfelf to all other men, if their future ancl everlafting interefts could come into competition. This indeed they never can do ; for though the introdudion of evil into the w'ofld, and the different ranks which it makes neceffary in fociety, put it in the power of a man to raife himfelf, in the prefent date, by the depreffion of his neighbour, or by the pradice of injuftice, yet in the purfuit of a prize which is to be gained only by fo- bernefs, righteoufnefs, and piety, there can be no rival- ffiip among the different competitors. The fuccefs of one is no injury to another ; and therefore, in this fenfe of the phrafe, feif-love is not only lawful, but abfolutely unavoidable. It has been a queftion in morals, whe¬ ther it be not likewife the incentive to every adion, however virtuous or apparently difinterefted? Thofe who maintain the affirmative fide of this que¬ ftion fay, that the profped of immediate pleafure, or the dread of immediate pain, is the only apparent mo¬ tive to adion in the minds of infants, and indeed of all who look not before them, and infer the future from the pall. I hey own, that when a boy has had fome experience, and is capable of making companions, he will often decline an immediate enjoyment which he has formerly found produdive of future evil more than equivalent to all its good ; but in doing fo they think, and they think juftly, that he is ftill aduated by the principle of fell-love, purfuing the greateft good of which he knows himfelf to be capable. After experi¬ encing that truth, equity, and benevolence in all his dealings is the readieft, and indeed the only certain, me¬ thod ot fecuring to himfelf the kindnefs and good offi¬ ces of his fellow-creatures, and much more when he has learned that they will recommend him to the Supreme Being, upon whom depends his exiftence and all his enjoyments, they admit that he will pradice truth, equity, and benevolence; but Hill, from the fame prin¬ ciple, purfuing his own ultimate happinefs as the ob- jed which he has always in view. The profped of this great objed will make him feel an exquifite pleafure in the performance of the adions w-hich he conceives as neceffary to its attainment, till at Lft, without attend¬ ing in each inftance to their confequences, he will, by the great affociating principle which has been explained elfewhere (fee Metaphysics, part iff, chap. 1.) feel a refined enjoyment in the adions themfelves, and per¬ form them, as occafions offer, without deliberation or refledion. Such, they think, is the origin of benevo¬ lence itielf, and indeed of every virtue. Thofe who take the other fide of the queftion, can hardly deny that felf-love thus modified may prompt to S E L r 255 ] , s ^ L Self. -virtuous and apparently difinterefted conduft ; but they certainly inftin&s of difrerent kinds ; but an inftin&ivc think it degrading the'dignity of man to fuppofe him partiality is a contradi&ion in terms. Partiality is ^ actuated folely by motives which can be traced back to founded on a comparifon between two or more obje&s; a defire of his own happinefs. They obferve, that the but genuine inftin&s form rio comparifons. See In- Author of our nature has not left the prefervation of the stinct. No man can be faid to be partial to the late individual, or the continuance of the fpecies, to the de- Dr Jchnfon, merely for thinking highly of his intellec- duftions of our reafon, computing the lum of happinefs tuai powers; nor was the Doctor partial to himielf, thor which the a&ions neceffary to thefe ends produce to he thought in this. refpedt with the generality of his ourfelves : on the contrary, He has taken care of both, countrymen ; but if, upon a comparifon with Milton, by the furer impulfe of inftin& planted in us for thefe he was deemed the greater poet of the two, fuch a very purpofes. And is it conceivable, fay they, that He judgment will be allowed to be partial, whether formed would leave the care of our fellow-creatures a matter by himfelf or by any of-his admirers. _ We apprehend, of indifference, till each man fhould be able to difeover however, that the procefs of its formation was the fame - or be taught that by loving his neighbour, and doing him all the good in his power, he would be moft effec¬ tually promoting his own happinefs ? It is difhonouring viitue, they continue, to make it proceed in any in- ftance from a profpcct of happinefs, 01 a dread of mi- fery ; and they appeal from theory to fatt, as exhibi¬ ted in the conduit of favage tribes, who deliberate little on the confequences of their aitions. Th ir antagonifts reply, that the conduit of favage tribes is to be conhdered as that of children in civilized nations, regulated entirely by the examples which they have before them; that their aitions cannot be the offspring of innate inftinits, otherwife favage virtues would, under limilar circumftanees, everywhere be the fame, which is contrary to fait ; that virtue proceeds from an interefted motive on either fuppofition ; and that the motive which the inftin&ive ichtme holds up is the moft felfifh of the two. The other theory fup- pofes, that the governing motive is the hope 0$ future happinefs and the dread of future mifery ; the inftinc- tivc fcheme fupply a prefent motive in the felf-compla¬ cency arifing in the heart from a confcioufnefs of right conduit. The former is a rational motive, the latter has. nothing more to do with reafon than the enjoyment arifing from eating or dvinkiag, or from the inter- courfe between the fexts. But we mean not to purfue the fubjeft farther, as we have faid enough on it in the articles Benevolence, Instinct, Passion, and Phi¬ lanthropy. We (hall therefore conclude with obfer- ving, that there is certainly a virtuous as well as a vici¬ ous ft If love, and that “ true felf-love and focial are the fame.” Sh'i.v-Murder. See Suicide. § el f-Partiality, is a phrafe employed by fame philo- * Lord fephers '* to exprefs that weaknefs of human nature Koines’s through which men overvalue themfelves when compa- d1* cf red with others. It is diftinguilhed from general par- ;; ‘n ws' tiality, by thofe who make ufe of the expreffion, be- caufe it is thought that a man is led to over-rate his own accomplifhments, either by a particular inftindf, or by a procefs of intellect different from that by which he over-rates the accompliftments of his friends or chil¬ dren. The former kind of partiality is wholly fclfifh ; the latter partakes much of benevolence. This diftin&ion may perhaps be deemed plaufible by thofe who conf.der the human mind as little more than a bundle of inftin&s ; but it muit appear perfectly' ridi¬ culous to fuch as refoive the greater part of apparent inftinfts into early and deep-rooted affociations of ideas. If the partialities which moft men have to their friends, tktir families, and themfelves, be infthnftive, they are in every mind by which it was held. The origin of felf-partiality is not difficult to be found ; and our partialities to our friends may be tra¬ ced to a fimilar fource. By the conftitution of our na¬ ture we are impelled to ffiun pain and to purfue plea- fure ; but renaorfe, the fevereft of all pains, is the never- failing confequence of vicious condudt. Remorfe arifes from the dread of that punifhment which we believe will in a future flate be inflidled on vice unrepented of in this ; and therefore every vicious perfon endeavours by all poffible means to banifh that dread from his own' mind. One way of effedting this is to compare his own life with the lives of others ; for he fancies that if numbers be as wicked as himfelf, the benevolent Lord of all tilings will not involve them in one common ruin. Hence, by magnifying to himfelf the tempta¬ tions wdiich led him aftray, and dimimfhing the injuries which his condudf has done in the world, and by adopt¬ ing a courfe diametrically the revetfe, w-hen eftimating the morality or immorality ot the condudt of his neigh¬ bours, he foon conies to believe that he is at lead not more wicked than they. Thus is felf-partiality formed in the mind, and quickly blinds him wrho is under its in¬ fluence fo completely', as to hide from him the very faults which he fees and blames in others. Hence the coward thinks himfelf only cautious, the mifer frugal. Partiality is formed in the very fame manner to natural or acquired accomplifhments, whether mental or corpo¬ real. Thefe always procure refpedt to him who is pof- fefled of them ; and as refpedt is accompanied with ma¬ ny advantages, every man withes to obtain it for him¬ felf. If he fail in his attempts, he confoles himfelf with the perfuafton that it is at leait due to his merits, and that it is only withheld by the envy of the public. He compares the particular branch of faience or bodily accomplifhment in which he hitnfelf moft excels, with thofe which have conferred fplendor on his rival; and eaiily finds that his own excellencies are of the highefl order, and entitled to the gi eateft ftiare of public efteem. Plence the polite fcholar defpifes the mathematician ; the reader of Ariftotle and Plato all the modern difeo- veries in phyfieal and moral fcience ; and the mere ex- perimentalift holds in the moft fovereign contempt a cri¬ tical knowledge of the ancient languages. The pupil of the ancients denies the merits of the moderns, whilft the mere modern allows nothing to the ancients ; and thus each becomes partial to his own acquiftions, and of courfe to himfelf, for having been at the trouble to make them. Partiality to our friends and families is generated in« the very fame way. Whenever we acquire fuc-h an af« 2- feel ion '-'T^IRnF s E I. [ ] ' S EL _ Selim fe^llon for them aa to confider their happineta as a4- Seiliir'- ^’n!’ to our own (^ee Passion), we magnify their ex- ^,"a‘" ‘ . cellencies, and diminifh their defetls, for the fame rea. fon, and by the fame procefs, that we magnify and di> ■minifh our own. Ail partialities, however, are preju¬ dices, and prejudices of the wor!t kind. They ought therefore to be guarded againil with the utrrjoft care, by the fame means which we have elfewhere recom¬ mended (fee Prejudice and Metaphysics, n° 98,) ; and he who is partial to his own virtue or his own knowledge, will do well to compare the former, not with the condud of his neighbour, but with the cxprefa nile of his duty ; and to confider the latter as no Far¬ ther valuable than as it contributes to the fum of hu¬ man happinefs. SELIM I. emperor of the Turks, was the fecond fon of Bajazet II. He made war upon his father, and though defeated in 1511, he at lait dethroned him and took him prifoner, and immediately difpatched him by poifon, together with his elder brother Achmet, and his younger Korkud, an amiable and enlightened prince. Having eltablifhed his throne by thefe crimes, he march¬ ed againft Campfon-Gaury fovereign of Egypt, gained a great vidory at Aleppo, and flew their general. But though the fultan perifhed in that battle, the Mame- luks determined to oppofe the emperor. Selim enter¬ ing their country at the.head of his army, defeated the Egyptians in two battles, and ordered Toumonbai, the new eleded fultan, who had fallen into his hands, to be hung on a gibbet. He then took Cairo and Alexandria, and in a fhort time reduced all Egypt to fubjedion. Thus ended the dominion of the Mameluks in Egypt, which had continued for more than 260 years, He confirmed the ancient privileges of the Venetians in Egypt and Syria, by which they carried on their com¬ merce with India, and formed a league with them to deftroy the power of the Portuguefe in that country. (See India, n° 37). Selim had before this gained a great vidory over the Perfians, and dripped them of Tauris and Keman. He was preparing to attack Chriftendom when he was feized with an ulcerous fore in the back. Thinking that the' air of Adrianople would retlore his health, he ordered himfelf to be con- duded thither ; but he died at Clari in Thrace on his road to that city, in the year 1520, in the very fpot where he had poifoned his father. He reigned 8 years, and lived 54. He was a prince of great courage, fo- briety, and liberality; he was fond of hiftory, and wrote fome verfes. But thefe good qualities were obfeured by the moft abominable crimes that ever difgraced hu¬ man nature : he made his way to the throne by fhed- ding the blood of his father, and fecured it by murder¬ ing his brothers and eight nephew^, and every baihaw who had been faithful to his duty, SELINUM, in botany: A genus of the digynia order, belonging to the pentandria clafs of plants; and in the natural method ranking under the 45th order. Umbel tat a. The fruit is oval, oblong, comprefled, plane, and ftriated in the middle 1 the involucrum is reflexed ; the petals cordate and equal. There are feven fpecies, the fylveftre, pahiltre, cullriacum, carvifolia, chabraei, feguieri, momueri. SELKIRK (Alexander), whofe adventures gave rife to a well known hittorical romance, was born at Largo, in the county of Fife, about the year 1676, iiiai was bred a feaman. He went from England, in it the capacity of failing-mailer of a (ball veffel S Thfe, called the Cinque-Ports GaVey, Charles Pickering captain, burthen about go tons, with 16 guns and 63 men ; and in September the fame year failed From Corke, in com¬ pany with another ihip of 26 guns and 120 men, called the St George, commanded by that famous navigator William Dumpier, intending to cruize on the Spaniards in the South Sea. On the coall of Brazil, Pickering died, and was fuceeeded in his command by his lieute¬ nant Thomas Stradling, They proceeded on their voyage round Cape Horn to the* ifland of Juan Fer¬ nandes, whence they were driven by the appearance of two French (hips of 36 guns each, and left five of Stradling’s men there on fliore, who were taken off by the French. Hence they failed to the conil of Ameri¬ ca, where Dampier and Stradling quarrelled, and fepa- rated by agreement, an the 19th of May 1704. In • September Following, Stradling came again to the ifland of Juan Fernandes, where Selkirk and his captain had a difference, which, with the circumftance of the {hip’s being very leaky, and in bad condition, induced him to determine on flaying there alone ; but when his com¬ panions were about to depart, his refolution was lhaken, and he defired to be taken on board again. The captain, however, refufed to admit him, and he was obliged t» remain, having nothing but his clothes, bedding, a gun, and a fmali quantity of powder and ball; a hatchet, knife, and kettle; his books, and mathematical and nautical inftruments. He kept up his fpirita tolerably till he favv the veilel put off, when (as he afterwards related) his heart yearned within him, and melted at parting with his comrades and all human fociety at once. i( — Yet believe me, Areas, Such is the rooteS love we bear mankind, All ruffians as they were, I never heard A found fo difmal as their parting oars.” Thomjw’s /Igamemnw, Thus left foie monarch of the ifland, with plenty of the necefiaries of life, he found himfelf in a fituation hardly iupportahle. He had fifh, goat’s flelh, turnips and other vegetables; yet he grew deje£!ed, languid, and melancholy, to fuch a degree as to he foarce able to refrain from doing violence to himfelf. Eighteen months palled before he could, by reafoning, reading his bible, and ftudy, be thoroughly reconciled to his condition. At length he grew happy, employing him- felF in decorating his huts, chafing the goats, wham-ha equalled in fpeed, and fcarcely es^er failed of catching. He alfo tamed -young kids, laming them to prevent their becoming wild ; and he kept a guard of tame cats about him, to defend him when afleep from the rats, who were very troublefome. When his clothes were worn out, he made others of goats (kins, but could not fucceed in making Ihoes, with the ufe q! which, how¬ ever, habit, in time, enabl^J him to difpenfe. His only liquor was water. He computed that he had caught 1000 goats during his abode in the ifland 5 of which he had let go 500, after marking them by flitting their ears. Commodore Anion’s people, who were there about 30 years after, found the firft goat which they fhot upon landing, was thus marked, and as it appeared to be very old, concluded that it had been under the power of Selkirk, But it appears by captain Carteret’s account of his voyage in the Swallow (loop, that other perfons praitifed this mode oi marking, as he found a 1 goat SCREW. Plate CCCCXLV1II. xn. X?c3. N° 4. Maclmie for Freslienixig SEA WATER. J. ■ 1 Recurulus II Sccutorcs. I SEC [241] SET) he hitherto diftinguiflted himfelf hy the clafilcal elegance of his compofitions, that he was foon called upon to fill the important poll of private Latin fecretary to the em¬ peror, who was then in Italy. This was the moft ho¬ nourable office to which our author was ever appointed ; but before he could enter upon it death put a flop to his career of glory. Having arrived at Saint Amand in the dillrift of 'Tournay, in order to meet, upon bufinefs, with the biffiop of Utrecht, he was on the 8t.h of Oido- ber 1536 cut off by a violent fever, in the very flower of his age, not having quite completed his twenty-fifth year. He was interred in the church of the Benediftines, of which his patron, the biffiop, was abbot or pro-abbot ; and his near relations erefted to his memory a marble monument, with a plain Latin infcription. 1 he works of Secundus have gone through feveral editions, of which the beft and molt copious is that of Scriverius already mentioned. It confifts of Julia, Eleg. Lib. I. ; Amores, Eleg. Lib. 2.; AD Diversos E/eg. Lib. 3. ; Basia, ftyled by the editor incomparabi/is et divinus prorjus liber; Epigrammata; On arum liber unus ; Epistolarum liber unus E/egiaca ; Epistola- rum liber alter, heroico carmine fcriptus ; Funerum liber unus; Sylvae et Carminum fragmenta ; Poemata nonnul/a fratrum ; Itineraria Secundi tria. See. ; Epistol/e totidem, Joluta oratione. Of thefe works it would be fuperfluous in us to give any charadder after the ample teltimonies prefixed to them of Lelius Greg. Gyraldus, the elder Sca/iger, Theodore Be%a, and others equally celebrated in the republic of letters, who all fpeak of them with rapture. A French critic, indeed, after having affirmed that the genius of Secundus never produced any thing which was not excellent in its kind, adds, with too much truth, Mais fa mufe ejl un peu trap lafeive. For this fault our author makes the following apology in an epigram addreffed to the grammarians ; Carmina cur fpargam cundtis lafeiva libellis, Queritis ? Infulfos arceo grammaticos. Fortia magnanimi canerem fi Caefan’s arma, Fa&ave Divorum religiofa virum : Qnot miter exciperemque notas, patererque lituras ? . Quot fierem teneris fupplicium pueris ? At nunc uda mihi distant cum Basia carmen, Pruriet et verfu mentula multa meo ; Me leget innuptte juvenis placiturus amics, Et placitura nova blanda puella viro : Et quemeunque juvat lepidorum de grege vatum Otia feftivis ludere deliciis. Lufibus et laetis procul hinc abfillite, s^:vi Grammatici, injuftas et cohibite manus. Ne puer, ah malleis caefus lacrymanfque leporis ; Duram forte meis ossibus optet humum. SECURIDACA, a plant belonging to the clafs of diadelphia, and to the order of oftandria. The calyx has three leaves, which are fmall, deciduous, and colour¬ ed. The coroDa is papilionaceous. The vex ilium, con- fdting of two petals, is oblong, ftraight, and conjoined to the carina at the bafe. The carina is of the fame length with the alae. The legumen is ovated, unilocu¬ lar, monofpermous, and ending in a ligulatcd ala. There are two fpecies, the erecia and vo/ubilis. The erefta has an upright ftem: the volubilis or fcandens is a climbing plant, and is a native of the Weft Indies. SECUTORES, a fpecies of gladiators among the You XVII. Parti. Romans, whofe arms were a helmet, a ffiield, and a fword or a leaden bullet. They were armed in this man¬ ner, becaule they had to contend with the retiarii, who were dreffied in a ffiort tunic, bore a three-pointed lance in their left hand, and a net in their right. The reti- arius attempted to caft his net over the head of the fe- cutor; and if he fucceeded, he drew' it together and flew him with his trident: but if he miffed his aim, he im¬ mediately betook himfelf to flight till he could find a fecond opportunity of intangling his adverfary with Ilf's net. He was purfued by the fecutor, who endeavoured to difpatch him in his flight. Secutores was alfo a name given to fuch gladiators who took the place of thofe killed in the combat, or who engaged the conqueror. This poll was ufually taken by lot. SEDAN is a town of Champagne in France, in E. Long. 4. 45. N. Lat. 49. 46. This is the capital of a principality of the fame name, fituated on the Maefe, fix miles from Bouillon, and fifteen from Charleville. Its fituation on the frontiers of the territory of Liege, Namur, and Limburg, formerly rendered it one of the keys of the kingdom. It is extremely well fortified, and defended by a ftrong citadel. The caftle is fituated on a rock, furrounded with large towers and ftrong walls : here you fee a moft beautiful magazine of ancient ar ms. The governor’s palace is oppofite the caflle. From the ramparts you have a moft agreeable profpe6t of the Maefe and the neighbouring country. Though the town is but fmall, yet it is full of tradefmen, as tanners, weavers, dyers, See. the manufadture of fine cloth in this city employing a great number of hands. The principality of Sedan formerly belonged to the duke of Bouillon, who was obliged in the beginning of the laft century to refign it to the crown. SEDAN-chair is a covered vehicle for carrying a fingle perfon, fufpended by two poles, and borne by two men, hence denominated chairmen. They were firft intro¬ duced in London in 1634, when Sir Sanders Duncomb obtained the foie privilege to ufe, let, and hire a number of the faid covered chairs for fourteen years. SEDITION, among civilians, is ufed for a fa&ious commotion -of the people, or an affiembly of a number of citizens without lawful authority, tending to difturb the peace and order of the fociety. This offence is of different kinds : lome feditions more immediately threat¬ ening the fupreme power, and the fubverfion of the prefent conilitution of the ffate ; others tending only towards the redrefs of private grievances. Among the Romans, therefore, it was varioufly pumffied, according as its end and tendency threatened greater mifehief. See hb. i. Cod. de Sediiiofs, and Mat. de Critnin. lib. ii. n. 5. de Lx fa Majefate. In the puniffiment, the authors and ringleaders were jullly diftinguiflied from thofe who, with lefs wicked intention, joined and made part of the multitude. The fame diftin&ion holds in the law of England and in that of Scotland. Some kinds of fedition in England amount to high treafon, and come within the ft at. 25 Edw. III. as levying war againft the king. And feveral feditions are mentioned in the Scotch a&s of parliament as treafonable. Bayne's Grim. I,aw of Scotland, p. 33, 34. The law of Scotland makes riot¬ ous and tumultuous affemblies a fpecies of fedition. But the law there, as well as in England, i$ now chiefly H h regulated Sedan, Sedition. SET) [ 24* ] S E D SeiLtives reflated by the riot aft, made i Geo. T. only it is to be her, he created Mifs Sedley countefs of Dorehefter. SH* Sedley. ob^erve£j» that tJie ProPer officers in Scotland, to make This honour, fo far from pleafing, greatly fhocked Sir 9. T L. the proclamation thereby enacted,'are (heriffs, ftewards, Charles. However libertine he himfelf had been, yet 3e,l!U*‘®n' and bailies of regalities, or their deputies ; rnagiftrates he could not bear the thoughts of his dauohter’s dif- of royal boroughs, and all other inferior judges and honour ; and with regard to her exaltation, he only magiitrates; high and petty conftables, or other officers confidered it as rendering her more confpicuoufly in- of the peace, in any county, ftewartry, city, or town, famous. Pie therefore conceived a hatred for the kinp-* And in that part of the bland, the punifhment of the and from this, as well as other motives, readily joined offence is any thing fliort of death which the judges, to difpoffefs him of the throne. A witty faying of in their diferetion, may appoint. Sedley’s, on this occalion, is recorded. « I hate in- SEDATIVLS, in medicine, a general name for gratitude, (faid Sir Charles) ; and therefore, as the fuch medicines as weaken the powers of nature, fuch as king has made my daughter a countefs, I will endeavour blood-letting, cooling Cits, purgatives, _ to make his daughter a queen meaning the princefs SE DEFENDENDO, in law, a plea ufed for him Mary, married to the prince of Orange, who difpoflefled that is charged with the death of another, by alleging James of the throne at the revolution. He lived to the that he was under a neceffity of doing what he did in beginning of queen Anne’s reign ; and his works were bis own defence : as that the other affaulted him in fuch printed in 2 vols Bvo, 1710. a manner, that if he had not done what he did, he muft have been in hazard of his own life. See Homicide and Murder. SEDIMP2NT, the fettlement or dregs pf any thing, or that grofs heavy pa-.t of a fluid body which finks to the bottom of the veffel when at reft. SEDLEY f Sir Charles), an Englifh poet and wit, the fon of Sir John Sedley of Aylesford in Kent, was born about the year 1639. At the reitoration he came to London to join the general jubilee ; and commen¬ ced wit, courtier, poet, and gallant He was fo much admired, that he became a kind of oracle among the poets; which made king Charles tell him, that Na¬ ture had given him a patent to be A polio’s viceroy. The productions of his pen were fome plays, and feveral delicately tender amorous poems, in which the foftnefs of the verfes was fo exquifite, as to be called by the duke of Buckingham Sed/ey’s witchcraft. “ i here were no marks of genius or true poetry to be deferied, (fay the authors of the Biagraphia Britannic a} ; the art wholly confifted in raiflng loofe thoughts and lewd defnes, without giving any alarm; and fo the poifon worked gently and irrefiftibly. Our author, we may be fure, did not efcape the infeCtion of his own art, or rather was firft tainted himfelf before he fpread the in¬ fection to others ’’--A very ingenious writer of the pre- fent day, however, fpeaks much more favourably of Sir Charles Sedley’s writings. “ He feudied human na¬ ture ; and was uiftinguifhed for the art of making him- felf agreeable, particularly to the ladies ; for the verfes of Lord Rochefter, beginning with, Sedley has that pre¬ vailing gentle art, See. fo often quoted, allude not to his -writings, but to his perfonal addrefs.” [Longhorn’s EJfujions, &c.]—But while he thus grew in reputation for wit and in favour with the king, he grew poor and debauched : his eftate was impaired, and his morals were corrupted. One of his frolics, hov/ever, being followed by an indiftment and a heavy fine, Sir Cl arles took a more ferious turn, applied himfelf to bufinefs, and be¬ came a member of parliament, in which he was a fre¬ quent fpeaker. We find him in the Houfe of Com¬ mons in the reign of James II. whofe attempts upon the conftitution he vigoroufly withftood; and he was very a Clive in bringing on the revolution. This was thought more extraordinary, as he had received favours from James. But that prince had taken a fancy to Sir Charles’s daughter (though it feems ihe was not very kandfome), and, in confequence of his intrigues with SEDR, or Sedre, the high-prieft of the fed of Ali among the lYrfians. The fedre is appointed by the emperor ot Perlia, who ufually confers the dignity on his nearefl. relation. The jurifdiCtion of the fedre ex¬ tends over all efleCls deftined for pious purpofes, over all moiques,^ hofpitais, colleges, feoulchres, and mo- naileries. He difpofes ot all ecclefiaitical employments, and nominates all the fuperiors of religious houfes. His decifions in matters of religion are received as fo many infallible oracles ; he judges of all criminal matters in his own houfe without appeal. His authority is ba¬ lanced by that of the mudfitehid, or firlt theologue of the empire. SEDUCTION, is the aft of tempting and drawing afide from the right path, and comprehends every en¬ deavour to corrupt any individual of the human race. This is the import of the word in its largell and moll gene¬ ral fenfe ; but it is commonly employed to exprefs the aCt of tempting a virtuous woman to part with her chaftity. The fsducer of female innocence praClifes the fame ftratagems of fraud to get pofleffion of a woman’s per- fon, that the /windier employs to get pofleffion of his neighbour’s goods or money ; yet the law of honour, which pretends to abhor deceit, and which impels its vo¬ taries to murder every man who prefumes, however juft- ly, to fuipeCl them of fraud, or to queftion their vera¬ city, applauds the addrefs of a fuccefsful intrigue, tho5 it be well known that the feducer could not have ob¬ tained his end without fwearing to the truth of a thou- fand falfehoods, and calling upon God to witnefs pro- mifes which he never meant to fulfil. The law of honour is indeed a very capricious rule, which accommodates itfelf to the pleafures and conve¬ niences of higher life ; but the law of the land, which is enafted for the equal protedlion of high and low', may be fuppofed to view the guilt of fedudlion with a more impartial eye. Yet for this offence, even the laws of this kingdom have provided no other puniffiment than a pecuniary fatisfaclion to the injured family j which, in England, can be obtained only by one of the quainteft fi&ions in the wmrld, by the father’s bringing his aftion againft the feducer for the lofs of his daugh¬ ter’s fervice during her pregnancy and nurturing. See Paley’s Moral Pbilo/ophy, Book III. Partiii. Chap. 3. The moralift, however, who eftimates the merit or demerit of aftions, not by laws of human appointment, but by their general confequences as eftablrfhed by the laws of nature, mull confider the feducer as a criminal s ED [ 243 1 S E D In every civilized country, and in pofe her nature as to erobrue her hands in the blood of ' ' ^ ” her imploring iniant. Sedu<51:on, of the deeped guilt. _ W---V many countries where civilisation has iTiade but iinail progrefs, the virtue of women is collected as it were in¬ to a"{ingle point, which they are to guard above all things, as that on which their happinefs and reputation wholly deoend. At rirft light this may appear a capri¬ cious regulation ; but a moment’s reflection will con¬ vince us of the contraiy. In the married date io much confidence is neceffarily repofed in the fidelity of wo¬ men to the beds of their hufbands, and evils io great tefult from the violation of that fidelity, that whatever contributes in any degree to its prefervation, mult be agreeable to him who, in eftablilhing the laws of na¬ ture, intended them to be fubfervient to the real happi¬ nefs of all his creatures. But nothing contributes io much to preferve the fidelity of wives to their huibands, as the imprefling upon the minds of women the higheft veneration for the virtue of chaftity. She who, when unmarried, has been accultomed to grant favours to dif¬ ferent men, will not find it eafy, if indeed poffible, to refill afterwards the allurements or variety. It is there¬ fore a wife inftitution, and agreeable to the will of Him who made us, to train up women fo as that they n ay look upon the lofs of their chaftity as the molt ^(grace¬ ful of all crimes ; as that which finks them in the order of iocietyr, and robs them ot all their value. In this light virtuous women actually look upon the lols oi chaftity. The importance of that virtue has been fo deeplv impreffed upon their minds, and is fo clofely af- fociated with the principle ot honoui, that they cannot think but with abhorrence upon the very deed by which it is loft. He therefore who by fraud and talfehood perfuades the unfufpefting girl to deviate in one inftance from the honour of the fex, weakens in a great degree her moral principle ; and if he reconcile her to a repe¬ tition of her crime, he deftroys that principle entirely, as Ihe has been taught to confider all other virtues as inferior to that of chaftity. Hence :t is that the hearts of proftitutes are generally fteeled againft the miferies of their fellow-creatures ; that they lend their aid to the feducer in his praftices upon other girls ; that they lie and fwear and fteal without compun&ion ; and that too many of them hefitate not to commit murdet if it can ferve any felfiftt purpofe of their own. The lofs of virtue, though the greateft that man or woman can fuftain, is not the only injury which thw le- ducer brings upon the girl whom he deee.ves. Hiv. cannot at once reconcile herfelt to proftitution, or even to the lofs of charafter ; and while a fenie of ftiame re¬ mains in her mind, the mifery which file fuffers muft be exqaifite. She knows that (he has forfeited what in the female character is moft valued by both lexes ; and fhe mult be under the perpetual dread of a drfeovery. She cannot even con de in the honour of her fe iucer, who may reveal her lecret in a fit of diunkennels, and thus rob her of her tame as well as of her virtue ; and while file is in this ftate of anxious uncertainty, the agony ot her mind mull be iniupportable. J hat it is fo in fact, the many inftances of child murder by unmar¬ ried women of every rank leave us no room to doubt. The affection ot a mother to her new-born child is one of the moft unequivocal andftrongeft initinfts in human nature (fee Instinct) ; and nothing fhort ot the ex¬ tremity of diitrefs could prompt any one fo far to op- Even this deed of horror feldom prevents a detec¬ tion of the mother’s frailty, which is ind.ed commonly difeovered, thoughnoch.il has been the cor.lequence of her intrigue. He who can feduce is b fe enough 10 betray ; and no woman can part with her honour, and retain any well grounded hope that her amou* (haU be kept lecret. The villain to whom (he furrendereo will glory in his viftory, it it was with difficulty obtained ; and if fhe r'urrendered at diferetion, her own behaviour will reveal her fecret. Her reputation is then irretrie¬ vably loft, and no future circumfpedtion will be of the fmalleil avail to recover it. Sire will be fnunned by the virtuous part of her own fex, and treated as a mere in- ftrument of pleafure by the other. In fuch circum- ftances (he cannot expeH to be married with advantage. She may perhaps be able to captivate the heart or a heedleis youth, and prevail upon him to unite his fate to her’s before the delirium of his pafiion ftiall give him time for reflection ; fhe may be addreffed by a man who is a ftranger to her ftory, and married while he has no fufpieion of her fecret; or fhe may be folrcited by one of a ftation inferior to her own, who, though acquaint¬ ed with every th ng that has befallen her, can batter the delicacy of wedded love for fome pecuniary advantage ; but from none ot thefe marriages can fhe look foi hap¬ pinefs. The delirium which prompted the firft will foon vanifh, and leave the hufbaiid to the biUerneU of his own reflections, which can hardly fail to produce cruelty to the wife. Of the fecret, to which, in the fecond cafe, the lover was a ftranger, the hufband will foon make a difcovery, or at lealt find 100m for hai- bouring ftreng fufpicions; and fufpicions of having been deceived in appoint io delicate have hitherto been uni¬ formly the parents of mifery. In the third cafe, the man married her merely tor money, of which having got the poffefiion, he has no farther inducement to t.Cut her with rei'ped. Such are fome of the confequences of fedu&ion, even when the perton feduced has the good fortune to get alter wards a hufband j but this is a for¬ tune which few in her circumftanees can reafonably ex* pca. By far the greater part of thofe who have been defrauded of their virtue by the arts of the ieducei fink deeper and deeper into guilt, till they become at laft common proftitutes. The public is then deprived oi their fervice as wives and parents ; and inftead of con¬ tributing to the population of the ftate, and to the fum. of domeftic felicity, thefe outcafts of fociety become fe- ducers in their turn, corrupting the morals of every young man whofe appetites they can inflame, and of every young woman whom they can entice to their own practices. All this complication of evil is produced at firft by arts, which, if employed to deprive a man of his pro¬ perty, would Tubjccl the offender to the execration of his fellow-fubjeds, and to an ignominious death : but while the forger of a bill is purfued with reientlefs ri¬ gour by the minifters of juftice, and the fwindler load¬ ed with urtiverfal reproach, the man who by fraud and forgery has enticed an innocent girl to gratify bis de¬ fires at the expence of her virtue, and thus introduced her into a path which muft infallibly lead to her own ruin, as well as to repeated injuries to the public at H h 2 large. S E D [ 244 Sfdu&ion. large, i* not defpifed by his own fex, and is too often 19 Sedum ^ careffed even by the virtuous part of the other. Yet the lofs of property may be eaiily repaired ; the lofs of honour is irreparable ! It is vain to plead in alleviation of this guilt, that women fhould be on their guard againfi the arts of the feducer. Moll unquellionably they Ihould ; but arts have been ufed which hardly any degree of caution would have been fufficient to coun- teradt. _ It may as well be faid that the trader Ihould be on his guard againlt the arts of the forger, and ac¬ cept of no bill without previoufiy confulting him in whofe name it is written. Cafes, indeed, occur in trade, in which this caution would be impoflible ; but he mull be little acquainted with the workings of the human heart, who does not know that fituations like- wife occur in life, in which it is equally impofilble for a E D The following fpecies Sedum. girl of virtue and tendernefs to refill the arts of the man who has completly gained her affedlions. The mentioning of this circumilance leads us to conli- der another fpecies of feduaion, which, though not fo highly criminal as the former, is yet far removed from innocence ; we mean the praaice which is too prevalent among young men of fortune of employing every art in their power to gain the hearts of heedlefs girls whom they refolve neither to marry nor to rob of their ho¬ nour. . Should a man adhere to the latter part of this refolution, which is more than common fortitude can always promife for itfelf, the injury which he does to the objea of his amufement is yet very great, as he raifes hopes of the moll fanguine kind merely to difappoint them, and diverts her affe&ions perhaps for ever from fuch men as, had they been fixed on one of them, might have rendered her completely happy. Difap- pointments of this kind have fometimes been fatal to the unhappy girl ; and even when they have neither de¬ prived her of life, nor difordered her reafon, they have often kept her wholly from marriage, which, whatever it be to a man, is that from which every woman ex- perfls her chief happinefs. We cannot therefore con- ] S Villofum ; 20. Atratum. are the moll remarkable. 1. The telephium, common orpine, or live-long, hath a perennial root, compofed of many knobbed tubercles, fending up creel, round, fucculent llalks, branching half a yard or two feet high, garnilhed with oblong, plane, ferrated, fucculent leaves, and the llalks terminated by a leafy corymlms of flowers, of different colours in the varieties. This fpecies is an inhabitant of woods and dry places in England, &c. but has been long a reli- dent of gardens for variety and medical ufe. 2. The anacampieros, or decumbent evergreen Italian orpine, hath a fibrous perennial root, decumbent or trailing llalks, vvedge-lhaped entire leaves, and the llalks terminated by a corymbus of purple flowers. 3. The rupeltre, rock fedum, or Hone-crop of St Vincent’s rock, hath llender, trailing, purple ftalks; lliort, thick, awl- fhaped, fucculent, glaucous leaves in chillers, quinquefa- rioufly imbricated round the ftalks, and the ftalks ter¬ minated by roundilh cymofe bunches, of bright yellow flowers. It grows naturally on St Vincent’s rock near Briftol, and other rocky places in Europe. 4. The aizoon, or Siberian yellow orpine, hath a tuberculate, fibrous, perennial root; many upright, round, fucculent, ftalks, a foot high ; lanceolated, plane, ferrated, thick- ilh leaves; and the llalks terminated by a clofe-litting cymofe duller of bright yellow flowers. 5. The re- flexum, reflexed fmall yellow fedum, or prick-madam, hath a flender fibrous perennial root; fmall trailing fuc¬ culent llalks, garnilhed with thick, awl-lhaped, fuccu¬ lent leaves fparfedly, the lower ones recurved, and the ftalks terminated by reflexed fpikes of bright yellow flowers. It grows naturally on old walls and buildings 111 England, &c. 6. *1 he acre, acrid fedum, common ftone-crop of the wall, or wall-pepper, hath fmall fibry roots, veiy flender fucculent ftalks four or five inches high, very fmall, fuboval, gibbous, ered, alternate leaves, clofe together, and the llalks terminated by trifid-cy¬ mofe bunches of imall yellow flowers. This fort grows ”1 .i.x- - , , 7 ''W1‘ iuuic uuncncs 01 imau yeuow nowers. I his iort prows W*! h’* ,artlcIe more ProPerIy than with warning our abundantly on rocks, old walls, and tops of buildings wh ^ ftC fcrb.nc> to.Slvc UP their hearts hallily to men almoft everywhere, which often appear covered with the whole llation m life is much Imrher than thoir /Wirn • - _ rpsi f t a . whofe llation in life is much higher than their own , and we beg leave to alfure every one of them, that the man who folicits the lall favour under the moll folemn promife of a fubfequent marriage, is a bale feducer, who prefers a momentary gratification of his own to her honour and happinefs through life, and has no intention to fulfil his promife. Or, if he^ Ihould by any means be compelled to fulfil it, jhe may depend upon much ill treatment in return for her premature compliance with his bafe defircs. SEDUM, orpine, in botany : A genus of the pen- tagynia order, belonging to the decandria clafs of plants; and in the natural method ranking under the 13th or¬ der, Succu/enta. The calyx is quinquefid ; the corolla is pentapetalous, pointed, and fpreading; there are five nectariferous fquamae or feales at the bafe of the ger- men. The capfules are five. The fpecies are 20 in number. 1. The Verticilla- tUn'’ 2\ l elephium ; 3. Anacampferos ; 4. Aizoon ; 5. rfybndum ; 6. Populifolium ; 7. Stellatum ; 8. Ce- paea; 9. Libanoticum; 10. Dafyphyllum ; 11. Re- ^XUAIik 12‘ Rupcftre ; I3.Lineare; 14. Hifpanicum; JJ. Album; 16. Acre; 17. Sexangulare; ib. Annuum; flowers in fummer. 7. The fexangulare, or fexangular ftone-crop, hath a fibry perennial root ; thick, ikort, fucculent ftalks; fmall, fuboval, gibbous, eredl leaves clofe together, arranged fix ways imbricatim, and the ftalks terminated by bunches of yellow flowers. It grows on rocky and other dry places in England, &c. 8. The album, or white ftone-crop, hath fibry perennial roots ; trailing flender ftalks, fix or eight inches long ; oblong, obtufe, feifile, fpreading leaves; and the ftalks- terminated by branchy cytnofe bunches of white flowers. This grows on old walls, rocks, and buildings, in Eng¬ land, &c. 9. The hifpanicum, or Spanifli fedum, hath fibrous perennial roots, crowned with clufters of taper, acute, fucculent leaves; flender fucculent ftalks, four or five inches high, garnifhed alfo with taper leaves, and terminated by downy cymofe clufters of white flowers. All thefe fpecies of fedum are hardy herbaceous fuc¬ culent perennials, durable in root, but m.oftly annual in ftalk, &c. which, riling in fpring, flower in June, July, and Auguft, in different forts; the flowers coniilling nniverfally of five fpreading petals, generally crowning the ftalks numeroufly in corymbofe and cymofe bunches and fpikes, appearing tolerably confpicuous, and are fuc- SEE [245 jfucceeded by plenty of feeds in autumn, by which they may be propagated, alfo abundantly by parting the roots, and by Hips or cuttings of the ftalks in fummer; in all of which methods they readily grow and fpread very fall into tutted bunches : being all of fucculent growth, they confequently delight moil in dry foils, or in any dry rubbifhy earth. Ufes. As flowering plants, they are moftly employ¬ ed to embellifh rock-wwk, ruins, and the like places, planting either the roots or cuttings of the {hoots m a little mud or any moiil foil at fiilf, placing it in the crevices, where they wall foon root and fix themlelves, and fpread about very agreeably, kor economical pur- pofes, the reflexum and rupeftre are cultivated in Hol¬ land and Germany, to mix with lettuce in fallads. The wall-pepper is fo acrid, that it blitters the {kin when ap- plied externally. Taken Inwardly, it excites vomiting. In fcorbutic cafes and quartan agues, it is faid to be an excellent medicine under proper management. Goats eat it; cows, horfes, ttieep, and fwine, refufe it. SEED, in phyfiology, a fubftance prepared by na¬ ture for the reprodu&ion and confervation of the fpecies both in animals and plants. See Botany, feft. iv. p. 435.; and Physiology, fe&. xii. vSEEDLINGS, among gardeners, denote fuch roots of gilliflowers, &c. as come from feed fown. Alfo the young tender {hoots of any plants that aie newly fown. SEEDY, in the brandy trade, a term ufed by the dealers to denote a fault that is found in feveral parcels of French brandy, wflrich renders them unfaleable. The French fuppofe that thefe brandies obtain the flavour which they exprefs by this name, from weeds that grow among the vines from whence the wine of which this brandy is prefled uras made. SEEING, the perceiving of external objefts by means of the eye. For an account of the organs of fight, and the nature of viiion, fee Anatomy, fedl. vi. and Optics, page 292, et feq. SEEKS, a religious feft fettled at Patna, and lo called from a word contained in one of the command¬ ments of their founder, which signifies learn Ihov. In books giving an account of oriental lefts and oriental cuftoms, we ttnd mention made both of Seeks and S'tks ,■ and we are ttrongly inclined to think that the fame tribe is meant to be denominated by both words. If fo, different authors write very differently of their prin¬ ciples and manners. We have already related what w'e then knew of the Seiks under the article Hindoos, p. 530 ; but in the Afiatic Refearches, Mr Wilkins gives a much more amiable account of the Seeks> which we lay before our readers with pleafure. The Seeks are a feft diftinguiflred both from the Mufl’ulmans and the worfhippers of Brahma ; and, from our author’s account of them, mutt be an amiable peo¬ ple. He afked leave to enter into their chapel : i hey faid it was a place of w'orftrip, open to all men, but in¬ timated that he mutt take off his fhoes. On c mply- jng with this ceremony, he was politely condufted into the hall, and feated upon a carpet in the midft of the affembly. The whole building forms a iquare of about 40 feet. The hall is in the centre, divided from four other apartments by wooden arches, upon pillars of the fame materials. The walls above the arches were hung with European looking-glaiks in gilt frames,, and with ] SEE piaures. On the left hand, as one enters, is the chan- cel, which is furnilhcd with an altar covered with cloth of gold, raifed a little above the ground in a declining pofition. About it were fcveral flower-pots and rofe- water bottles, and three urns to receive the donations of the charitable. On a low delk, near the altar, flood a great book, of folio fize, from which fome portions are daily read in the divine fervice. When notice was given that it was noon, the congregation arranged them, felves upon the carpet on each fide of the hall. 1 he great book and defk were brought from the altar, ami placed at the oppolite extremity. An old filver-haired man kneeled down before the defk, with his face to¬ wards the altar, and by him fat a man with a drum, and two or three with cymbals. The book was now opened, and the old man began to chant to the time ot the inftruments, and at the concluhon of every verfe moft of the congregation joined chorus in a refponfe, with countenances exhibiting great marks of joy. I heir tones were not harfli; the time was quick ; and Mr V\ il- kins learned that the fubjeft was a hymn in praife of the unity',omniprefence, and omnipotence ot the Deity. I he hymn concluded, the whole company got up and prefent- with joined hands, towaids the altai m the attitude of prayer. The prayer was a fort of litany pronounced by a young man in a loud, and .dittinft voice ; the people joining, at certain periods, in a ge¬ neral refponfe. This prayer was followed by a fliort bleffing from the old man, and an invitation to the af¬ fembly to partake of a friendly feaft. A {hare was of¬ fered to Mr Wilkins, who was too polite to refufe it. It was a kind of fweetmeat eompofed of fugar and flower mixed up with clarified butter. They were next ferved with a few iugar plums} and thus ended the feaft and ceremony. In the courfe of converfation Mr Wilkins learned that the founder of this feft was Naneek Sah, who lived about 400 years ago } who left behind him a book, compofed by himfelf in verfe, containing the doftrines he had e- ftablifhed ; that this book teaches, that there is but one God, filling all fpace, and pervading all matter ; and that there will be a day of retribution, when virtue will be rewatded, and vice punifhed. (Our author forgot to afle in what manner.) It forbids murder, theft, and fuch other deeds as are by the majority of mankind elleemed crimes, and inculcates the praftice of all the virtues ; but, particularly, a univerfal philanthropy and hofpitality to ftrangers and travellers. It not only commands univerfal toleration, but forbids dilputes with thofe of another peifuafion. If any one fliow a fincere inclination to be admitted among them, any five or more Seeks being affembled in any place, even on the highway, they fend to the firft fhop where fweetmeats are fold, and procure a very fmall quantity of a parti¬ cular kind called batafd (Mr Wilkins does not tell us of what it is compofed), which having diluted in pure wa¬ ter, they fprinkle fome of it on the body and eyes of the profelyte, whilft one of the bell inftrufted repeats to him the chief canons of their faith, and exafts from him a folemn promife to abide by them the reft of his life. They offered to admit Mr Wilkins into their focrety ; but he declined the honour, contenting himfelf with their alphabet, which they told him to guard as the apple of his eye, as it was a facred charafter. Mr WiF kins finds it but little different from the Dewanagari. Seeks. S E G tue aqueduft, winch the fiocular fituatlon of the citv Seeovia. renders neceffary.^ As it is built upon two hills, and the valley by which they are feparated, and extends conliderably in every diredion, it was difficult for a Holftein, and in Wagria ; wilh a'caliiV¥andr„g "oVa coding of lin.eiW.Jarg* qua„,i,ies lean.ed/in the neigTof r^l'if/.hia'a^Zd, ^ oegeberg The language itfelf is a mixture of Perfian, Arabic, and Segovia, ^lianlcrit, grafted upon the provincial dialed of Pun- y—jah, which is a kind of Hindowee, or, as we commonly call it, Moors. SLGEBERG, a town of Germany, in the duchy of . olftein, and in Wagria; with a caltle ftanding on a high mountain, confiding of limeftone, large quantities of which are carried to Hamburg and Lubeck. It be¬ longs to Denmark, and is feated on the river Treve, in E. Long. io. 9. N. Lat. 54. o. ^ SEGEDIN, a flrong town of Lower Hungary, in tne county ot Czongrad, with a caltle. Lhe Imperia- juits took it from the lurks in 1686. It is feated at the confluence of the rivers Teffe and Mafroch, in E. Long. 20 3 N. Lat. 46. 28. SEGMENT of a Circle, in geometry, is that part t 246 ] S K G ivinhurnt't is one of the moil aftonilhing and the bell preferved of the Roman works. In the opinion of Mr Swinburne, ^v,nt>u, who lurveyed it in 1776, and who feems to have given a very accurate account of the curiofities of Segovia, iC; '"^ is fnperior in elegance of proportion to the Pont du^"* Gard at Nifmes. It is fo perfedly well preferved, that it does not feem leaky in any part. From the firft low arches to the refervoir in the town, its length is 24°o Spanilh feet; its greateil height (in the Plaza ^ and " ardl °f A-bejo at ^the* foot ofThe walbfis compoled ot a double row of arches, built of laro-e fquare SF-GNA, a city of Croatia, belonging to the houfe of Auftria, and feated on the coaft of the Gulph of Venice. It was formerly a place of llrength and great impoitance ; but it has fuffered many calamities, and its inhabitants at prelent do not amount to 70'oc. In the beginning of this century it fent 50 merchant Ihips to lea; but the inconveniency of its lituation and badnefs of its harbour, in which the fea is never calm, chlcouraged navigation, and Segna has now very few ihips belonging to it. Among the cuftoms of the Seg- nans, Mr Fortis mentions one relative to the dead, which for its Angularity may be worthy of notice. forth’* _ _ “ All the relations and friends of the family go to xllVhe corPfe> wa7 of taking leave, before burial Each of them uncovers the lace, over which a hand¬ kerchief is ipread, more or lefs rich according to the family ; having killed the dead-perfon, every one throws another handkerchief over the* ‘ace ; all which remain to tire heirs, and fometimes there are 20, 30, and more at this ceremony. Some throw all thefe handkerchiefs into the grave with the corpfe ; and this, in former Imres, was the general cullonr j but then they were rich. Ihis feems to have been brought into ufe as a fubftitute for the ancient vrf lachrimatoriu” E. Long. -i5. 21. N. Lat. 45. 22. SEGNI, an ancient town of Italy, in the Campag- ira of Rome, with a biflrop’s fee, and the title of duchy. It is faid that organs were firll invented here. It is feated on a mountain. E. Long. 13. 1 5. N. Lat. 41. 50. SEGORBE, a town of Spain, in the kingdom of Valencia, with the title of a duchy, and a bidrop’s fee. It is feated on the fide of a hill, between the moun¬ tains, in a foil very fertile in corn and wine, and where there are quarries of fine marble. It was taken from the Moors in 1245 > and the Romans thought it worth their while to carry fome of the marble to Rome. W. Lon?, o. 3. N. Lat. 39. 48. SEGOVIA, an ancient city of Spain, of great power in the time of the Caefars, is budt upon two hills near the banks of the Arayda in Old Caftile. W. Long. 3. 48. N. Lat. 4.1. o. It is Hill a bilhop’s fee, and is di- ftmgniflred for fome venerable remains* of antiquity. In the year 1525 the city contained 50:0 families, but now they do not furpafs 200c, a fcanty population for 25 panflres; yet, befides 21 churches and a cathedral, there are 21 convents. Ihe firll objed in Segovia that attiads the eye is Rones without mortar, and over them a hollow wall of coarler materials for the channel of the water, covered with large oblong flags. Of the lower range of arcades, which are 15 Ret wide by 65 high, there are 42. The upper arches are 119 in number, their height 27 Spa- mfh feet, their breadth feventeen, the traniverfal thick- neis, or depth of the piers, eight feet. Thf .cathedral is a mixture of the Gothic and Moor- Travel, in rlh aiclntedure. 1 he inficle is very fpacious and of ma- Spain h tb* jdlic fimplicity. The windows are well difpofed, and de the great altar has been lately decorated with the fineft our£oa>lnt’ Gienadian marble. But it is to be regretted, that in this, cathedral, as well as in moll others of Spain, the choir is placed in the middle of the nave. The church is nearly upon the model of the great church of Sala¬ manca, but it is not fo highly finilhed. . Thc alcazar,, or ancient palace of the Moors, Rands in one of the fineft pofitions poffible, on a rock riling above the open country. A very pretty river wafhes the foot of the precipice, and the city lies admirably well on each fide on the brow of the hill; the declivity is woody, and the banks charmingly rural; the fnowy mountains and daik forefts of Saint Ilddonzo compofe an awful back ground to the pi&ure. Towards the town there is a large court before the great outward tower, which, as the pi Ron of Gil Bias, is fo well de- fenbed by Le .Sage, that the fubjed requires no farther explanation. f he reft of the buildings form an antique palace, which has feldom been inhabited by any but pri- ioners fince the reign of Ferdinand and Ifabella, who were much attached to this fituation. f here are fpme magnificent halls in it, with much gilding in the ceil¬ ings, in a femi-barbarous taile. A li the kings of Spain are feated in Rate along the cornice ot the great iaioon; but it is doubtful whether they are like the princes whofe names they bear; if that refemblance, however, be wanting, they have no other merit to claim. The royal apartments are now occupied by a college of young, gentlemen cadets, educated at the king’s ex¬ pence in all the fciences requilrte :or torminsr an engi¬ neer. The grand-maller of the ordnance refrdes at Se¬ govia, which is the head eflablifhment of the Spanilh artillery. r The mint is below the alcazar, a large building, the moR ancient place of coinage in the kingdom The machines for melting. Ramping, and Hiding the coin, are worked by water: but there is reaion to believe that SET r 447 i S E J ^o-wnfend's rfoitrniy tbr ugh Sjhiin. thnt g«vlHe has at prefent more bufmefa, as beiag near, er the f arce of riches, the port of Cadiz, where the ingots of America are landed. °The unev'nnefs of the crown of the hill gives a wild look to this city. Moft of the ftreets are crooked and dirty, the houfes wooden and very wretched ; nor do the inhabitants appear much the richer for their cloth manufa&ory. Indeed, it is pot in a very flourifhing condition, but what cloth they make is very/me. The country about Segovia has the reputation of be¬ ing the bed for rearing the kind of deep that produ¬ ces beautiful Spanifh wool; but as tfiofe flocks wan¬ der over many other parts of the kingdom, Segovia feems to have no exclnfive title to this reputation. Segovia (fays Mr Townfend, whofe valuable travels will be read with much pleafure) was once famous for its cloth made on the king’s account; but other nations have fmce become rivals in this branch, and the manufafture in this city has been gradually declining. When the km,T o-ave it up to a private company, he left about 20cob in trade ; but now he is no longer a partner in the bufinefs. In the year 1612 were made here 25,500 pieces of cloth, which confumed 4-)-,625 quin¬ tals of wool, employed 34.189 perfons; but at prefent they make only about pieces. The principal im- perfeftions of this cloth are, that the thread is not even, and that much greafe remains in it when it is delivered to the dyer ; in'confequence of which the colour is apt to tail. Yet, independently of imperfe&ions, fo many are the difadvantages under which the manufacture la¬ bours, that foreigners can afford to pay 3 1. for the ar- roba of fine wool, for which the Spaniard gives no more than 20 {hillings, and after all his charges can command the market even in the ports of Spain. Segovia (New), a town of North America, in New Spain, and in the audience of Guatimala; feated on the river Yare, on the confines of the province of Hondu¬ ras. W. Long. 84. 30. N. Lat 13. 25. Segovia, a town of America, in Terra Firma, and in the province of Venezuela, feated on a river, near a very high mountain, where there are mines of gold. W. Long. 65. 30. N. Lat. 8. 20. . . _ Segovia, a town of Afia, in the ifland of Manila, and one of the largeft of the. Philippines, feated at the north end of the ifiand, 2 40 miles north of Manila, and fubjed to Spain. E. Long. 120. 59. N. Lat. 18. 36. SEGUE A NT, is the herald’s word for a griffin when drawn in a leaping pofture and difplaying his wings as if ready to fly. SEGUE, in the Italian mufic, is often found before aria, alleluja, amen, See. to thow that thofe portions or other bead, is drawn in an efcutcheon fitting Hke a rat Sejanm,^ with his fore-feet ftraight. SEJANUS (JElius), a native of Vulfinum in Tuf- cany, who dillinguifhed himfelf in the court of Tiberi¬ us. His father’s name was Seius Strabo ; a Roman knight, commander of the pretorian guards. His mo¬ ther was defeended from the Junian family. Sejanus firtt gained the favours of Gains Cad'ar, the grandfon of Auguitus, but afterwards be attached himfelf to the in- tereft and the views of Tiberius, who then fat on the imperial throne. The emperor, who was naturally of a fufpicious temper, was free and open with Sejanus, and while he diilrufted others, he communicated his % , greateft fecrets to this fawning favourite. Sejanus im- proved this confidence ; and when he had found that he poffeffed the efteem of Tiberius, he next endeavoured to become the favourite of the foldiers, and the darling of the fen ate. As commander of the pretorian guards he was the fecond man in Rome, and in that important office he made ufe of inlinuutions and every mean arti¬ fice to make himfelf beloved and revered. His affability and condefcenfion gained him the hearts of the common foldiers, and, by appointing his own favourites and ad¬ herents to places of truft and honour, all the officers and centurions of the army became devoted to his interefL The v’ews of Sejanus in this were well known ; yet, to* advance with more fuccefs, he attempted to gain the af¬ fection of the fenators. In this he met with no oppo- fition. A man who has the difpofal of places of ho¬ nour and dignity, and who has the command of the pub¬ lic money, cannot but be the favourite of thofe who are in need of his affiffance. It is even faid, that Sejanus- gained to his views all the wives of the fenators, by a private and moft fecret promife of marriage to each op them, whenever he had made himfelf independent and fovereign of Rome. Yet, however fuccefsful with the beft and nobleft families in the empire, Sejanus had to combat numbers in the houfe of the emperor; butthefe feeming »bftacles were foon removed. All the children and grandchildren of Tiberius were facrificed to the ambition of the favourite under various pretences; and Drufus the fon of the emperor, by linking Sejanus, made his deitruClion fare and inevitable. Livia, the wife of Drufus, was gained by Sejanus; and, though the mother of many children, the was prevailed upon to affift her adulterer in the murder of her hutband, and (lie confented to marry him when Drufus was dead. No fooner was Drufus poifoned, than Sejanus openly decla¬ red his with to marry Livia. This was ftrongly oppo- fed by Tiberius; and the emperor, by recommending Gernianicus to the fenators for his fucceffor, rendered Sejanus bold and determined. He was more urgent in parts are to be fung immediately after the laft note of his demands ; and when he could not gain the confent of that part over which it is writ; but if thefe words Ji placeti or ad libitum, are joined therewith, it fignifies, that thefe portions may be fung or not at pleafure. SEGUIERIA, in botany; a plant belonging to the clafs of polyandria, and the order of monogynia. The calyx is pentaphyllous; the phylla are oblong, concave, coloured, and permanent; there is no corolla. The capfule is oblong and monofpermous, the large ala terminating in fmall lateral alas. There is only one fpe- cies, the americana. SEJANT, a term ufed in heraldry, when a lion, or the emperor, he perfuaded him to retire to folitude from the noife of Rome and the troubles of the government, Tiberius, naturally fond of eafe and luxury, yielded to his reprefentations and retired to Campania, leaving Se¬ janus at the head of the empire. This was highly gra¬ tifying to the favourite, but he was not without a ma¬ tter. Prudence and moderation might have made him what he wiflred to be; but having offended the emperor beyond forgivenefs, he refolvcd to retrieve his lofs, and by one vigorous effort to decide the fate of the empire. He called together his friends and followers; he paid court Murphy' '’1 acitust Uook v. S E J f Sejant* court to fuch as feemcd diflaffeded ; lie held foith re wards and promifes; and, having increafed the number of his partifans, formed a bold confpiracy, refolved by any means to feize the fovereign power. A powerful league was formed with altonifhing rapi¬ dity, and great numbers of all defcriptions, fenators as well as military men, entered into the plot. Among fhele, Satrius Secundus was the confidential friend and prime agent of the mini Iter. Whatever was this man’s motive, whether fear, or views of intereft, or ingratitude (for no principle of honour can be imputed to him), he refolved to betray the fecret to Tiberius. For tins pur- pofe he addrelled himfelf to Antonia, the daughter of Anthony the triumvir, the widow of Drufus, and the mother of Germanicus. When this illuftrious woman, who was honoured by the court and revered by the people, heard the particulars, fire fent difpatches to the emperor by one of her Haves. Tiberius was aftonifhed, but not difmayed. The danger prefifed ; his habitual flownefs was out of feafon ; the time called for vigour And decifive meafures. He fent Macro to Rome, with a fpecial commiflion to take upon him the command of the praetorian guards. He added full inflruftions for his conduct in all emergencies. Early m the morning on the i ^th, before tire kalends of November, a report was fpread, that letters had arrived at Rome, in which the emperor ftgnified his intention to afibciate Sejanus with himfclf in the tribunitian power. The fenate was fummoned to meet is the temple of Apollo, near the imperial palace. Sejanns attended without delay. A party of the praetorians followed him. Macro met him in the veftibule of the temple. He approached the mi- nifter with all demonftrations of profound refpedf, and taking him afide, “ Be not furprifed (he faid) that you have no letter from the prince : it is his pleafure to de¬ clare you his colleague in the tribirnitian power ; but he thinks that a matter of fo much importance flrould be communicated to the fathers by the voice of the confuls. I am going to deliver the emperor’s orders.” Sejanus, elated with joy, and fiufhed with his new dignity, enter¬ ed the fenate-houfe ; Macro followed him. As foon as the confuls arrived, he delivered the letter from Tiberi¬ us, and immediately went forth to the praetorian guards. He informed them, that by order of the prince, a large donative was to be diftributed among the foldiers. He added, that, by a new commiffion, he himfelf was appointed their commanding officer ; and, if they followed him to the camp, they would there re¬ ceive the promifed bounty. The lure was not thrown out in vain: the praetorian guards quitted their fta- tion. Laco, who Hood near at hand, immediately fur- rounded the fenate-houfe with a body of the city-co. horts. The letter to the confuls was confufed, obfeure, and tedious, only glancing at Sejanus, till at laft the lan¬ guage of inventive left no room for doubt. Sejanus kept his feat like a man benumbed, fenfelefs and ftupid with aftonifliment. His friends, who a little before congratulated him on his new dignity, deferted him on every fide. He was commanded by, the conful to rife 248 ] S E I rending the air with fhouts, and pouring forth a torrent Seignior of abufe and fcurrilous language. The pWfoner endea- voured to hide his face; but the mob delighted to fee Seifm- remorle and fhame and guilt and harror in every fea- v n"J ture of his diffracted countenance. They reviled him for his afts of cruelty ; they laughed at his wild ambi¬ tion ; they tore down his images, and dafhed his ftatues to pieces. He'was doomed by 'Jfiber!us to fuffer death on that very day ; but, as he had a powerful faction m the fenate, it was not thought advifabie, for the mere formality of a regular condemnation, to hazard a de¬ bate. . Private orders were given to Macro to difpatch him without delay ; but the conful, feeing the difpofi- tions of the people, and the calm neutrality of the prae- torian guards, judged it bell to re-affemble the fathers. 'I hey met in the temple of Concord. With one voice Sejanus was condemned to die, and the fentence was executed without delay. He was firangled in the pri- fon. His body was dragged to the Gemoniie, and, af¬ ter every fpecies of infult from the populace, at the end of three days was thrown into the Tiber. Such was the tragic end of that ambitious favourite. He fell a terrible example to all, who, in any age or country, may hereafter endeavour by their vices t« rife above their fellow-citizens. SEIGNIOR, is, in its general fignffication, the fame with lord; but is particularly ufed for the lord of the fee as of a manor, as feigneur among the feudifls is he who grants a fee or benefit out of the land to another; and the reafon is, becaufe having granted away the ufe and profit of the land, the property or dominion he ftill re¬ tains in himfelf. _ SEIGNIORAGE, is a royalty or prerogative of the king, whereby he claims an allowance of gold and filver bought in the mafs to be exchanged for coin. As feig- morage, out of every pound weight of gold, the king had for his coin 5 s. of which he paid to the mailer of the mint fometimes 1 s. and fometimes r s. 6 d. Upon every pound weight of filver, the feigniorage anfwered to the king in the time of Edward lil. was 18 penny¬ weights, which then amounted to about 1 s. out of which he fometimes paid 8 d. at others 9 d. to the mailer. In the reign of king Elenry V. the king’s feigniorage of every pound of filver was 15 d. &c. SEIGNIORY, is borrowed from the French feig- neurie,' i. c. dominatus^ imperium, principatus ; and figni- fies with us a manor or lordlhip, feigniory de/okemans. Seigniory in grofs, feems to be the title of him who is not lord by means of any manor, but immediately in his own perfon ; as. tenure in capite, whereby one holds of the king as of his crown, is feigniory in grofs. SEIKS. See Hindostan, p. 530. SEISIN, in law, fignifies pofleffion. In this fenfe we fay, premier fei/in, for the firll polfeffion, &c. Seilin is divided into that in deed or in fad, and that in law. A feifin in deed is where a pofieffion is aftually taken : but a feifin in law is, where lands defeend, and the party has not entered thereon ; or in other words* it is where a perfon has a right to lands, &c. and is by wrong dilfeifed of them. A feifin in law is held to be and follow him, and being loaded with irons, was con- fufficient to avow on $ though to the brimririp- of an »f ffii&ed to pnfon. His downfal filler! the r-o,, r-r... • ’ , . 1 . ° ,.an . ciufted to prifon. His downfal filled the city with ex iltation. I he populace, who worihipped him in the hour of profperity, rejoiced to fee the fad catailrophe - o whis.fx ne was now reduced. 1 hey followed in crowds. fize, adlual feifin is.required; and where feilin is alleged, the perfon pleading it mull fliow of what eftate he is feifed, &c. Seifm of a fjperior fervice is deemed to be a feifm 7 of S E L RcVrV. goat with his cars thus flit on the neighbouring iflaud ■“‘■'V’'*-' oL Mas a-fuera, where Selkiik never was. He made companions of his tame goats and cats, often dancing and iinging with them. Though he conflantly per¬ formed his devotions at ftated hours, and read aloud ; yet, when he was taken off the ifland, his language, from difufe of converfation, was become fcarcely intelli¬ gible. In this folitude he continued four years and four months ; during which time only two incidents happened which he thought worth relating, the occur¬ rences of every day being in his circumftances nearly fimilar. 'The one was, that, purfiling a goat eagerly, he caught it juft on the edge of a precipice, which was covered with bufhes, fo that he did not perceive it, and he fell over to the bottom, where he lay (according to captain Roger’s account) 24 hours fenfelefs ; but, as he related to Sir R. Steele, he computed, by the alteration of the moon, that he had lain three days. When he came to himielf, he found the goat lying under him dead. It was with great difficulty that lie could crawl to his habitation, whence he was unable to ftir for ten days, and did not recover of his bruifes fora long time. The other event was the arrival of a fhip, which he at fir ft fuppofed to be French : and fuch is the natural love of focicty in the human mind, that he was eager to aban¬ don his folitary felicity, and lurrender himielf to them, although enemies; but upon their landing, approach¬ ing them, he found them to be Spaniards, of whom he had too great a dread to truft himfelf in their hands. They were by this time fo near that it required all his agility to efcape, which he cffe&ed by climbing in¬ to a thick tree, beisg fliot at feveral times as he ran off. Fortunately the Spaniards did not difcover him, though they ftayed feme time under the tree where he was hid, and killed fome goats juft by. In this folitude Selkirk remained until the 2d of February 1709, when he faw two fhips come into the bay, and knew them to be Fnglifh. He immediately lighted a fire as a fignal ; and on their coming on fliorey found they were the Duke captain Rogers, and the Duchefs captain Court¬ ney, two privateers from Biiftol. He gave them tfle belt entertainment he could afford ; and, as they had been a long time at fea without frefh provifions, the goats which he caught were highly acceptable. His habitation confifting of two huts, one to fleep in, the other todrefs his food in, was fo obfeurely fituated, and fo difficult of accefs, that only one of the fhip’s officers would accompany him to it. Dampier, who was pilot on board the Duke, and knew Selkirk very well, told captain Rogers, that, when on board the Cinque-Ports, he was the be ft ftaman on board that veftel; upon w hich captain Rogers appointed him mafter’s mate cf the Duke. After a fortnight’s ftay at Juan Fernandes, the fhips proceeded on their cruize againft the Spa¬ niards i plundered a town on the coaft of Peru ; took a Manilla fhip off California ; and returned by way of the Eaft Indies to England, where they arrived the Jit ©f Odlober 1711 ; Selkirk having been abfent eight years, more than half of which time he had fpent alone in the ifland. The public curiofity being excited refpedl- ing him, he was induced to put his papers into the hands of Defoe, to arrange and form them into a re¬ gular narrative. Thefe papers muft have been drawn up after he left Juan Fernandes, as he had no means of recording his tranfa&ions there. Captain Cooke re¬ marks, as an extraordinary circumftance. that he had Vol. XVII. Part I. r 257 1 S E L contrived to keep an account of the days of the week Selkirk, Ikirk. fliue. and month : but this might be done, as Defoe makes Robinfon Crufoe do, by cutting notches in a poft, or many other methods. From this account of Selkirk, Defoe took the idea of writing a more extenfive work, the romance of Robinfon Crufoe, and very difhoneftly defrauded the original proprietor of his, (hare of the profits. Of the time or place or manner of this extra¬ ordinary man’s death we have received no account; but in 1792 the chelt and mufket which Selkirk had with him on the illand were in the poffeffion of his grand¬ nephew, John Selkirk weaver in Largo, where doubt- lefs they are at prefent. Selkirk, the capital of the county of the fame name, is a finall town pleafantly fituated on a rifing ground, and enjoys an extenfive profpetft in all directions, efpe- cially up and down the river Etterick. It is remark¬ able for nothing but thofe plaintive airs produced in its neighbourhood, the natural iimplicity of which are the pride of Scotland and the admiration of ftrangers. W. Long. 2. 46. N. Lat. 55. 26. SELKIRKSHIRE, called alto the Sheriffdom of Etteriik Fortfl, a county of Scotland, extending about 20 miles in length from eaft to weft, and about 12 in breadth from fouth to north. It borders on the, north with part of Tweeddale and Mid-Lothian ; on the fouth and eaft with Teviotdale ; and on the weft with An- nandale. This county was formerly referved by the Scottifh princes for the pleafure of the chace, and where they had houfes for the reception of their train. A t that time the face of the country was covered with woods, in which there were great numbers of red and fallow deer, whence it had the name of Etterhk Fore ft. The woods, however, are now almoft entirely cut down, and the county is chiefly fupported by the breed of fhcep.. They are generally fold into the fouth, but fometimes into the Highlands, about the month of March, where they are kept during fummer; and after being improved by the mountain-grafs, are returned in¬ to the Lowlands in the beginning of winter. 1 his county, though not very populous at prefent, was once the nurfe of heroes, who were juftly account¬ ed the bulwark of their native foil, being ever ready to brave danger and death in its defence. Of this we have a memorable proof in the pathetic lamentations of their wives and daughters for the difafter of the field of Flowden, “ where their brave forefters were a’ wed away.” The rivers Etterick and Yarrow unite a little StaiiJUeA above the town of Selkirk, and terminate in the Tweed* Account of Lor five miles above its junction with the Etterick, the Scotl,n^i Tweed is ftill adorned with woods, and leads the pleafedvo1' *’ imagination to contemplate what this country muft have been in former times. The Yarrow, for about five miles above its jun&ion with Etterick, exhibits na¬ ture in a bold and linking afpedl. Its native woods fliil remain, through which the ftream has cut its turbid courfe, deeply ingulphed amidft rugged locks. Here, certainly in a flood, flood the ddcriptive Thomfon when he faw it “ Work and boil, and foam and thunder throuHi ” Upon a peninfula, cut out by the furrounding ftream, m the middle of this fantailically wild feene of grandeur and beauty, Hands the caftle of Newark, which has been fuppofed by many to be the birth-place of Mary Scot the flower of \ arrow j but this we believe to be a miftake. Kk- SELLA S E L [ 25S 1 S E L Sella, SELL A- turcica, Is a deep depreflion between the Seltzer. clinoid apophyfes of the fphenoid bone. See Anato- mv, p. 682. . . SELTZER WATER, is a mineral water which fpring.^ up at Lower Seltzer, a village in the eleftorate of Triers, about 10 miles from Frankfort on the Mayne. It is a very ufeful medicinal water. It contains, accoid- ing to fome, a very fmall portion of calcareous earth, of a native mineral alkali, and an acid ; but ofthefethe quantity is too fmall to attribute any medicinal virtues to; but it contains alfo near 1.7th ot its bulk oi fixed air, which is more than is found in any other mineral water, and to this it owes its principal virtues. Others have faid that it is of the very fame nature with Pvrmont water, and contains a fubtile aqueous fluid, a volatile iron, and a predominant alkali, all joined together into one brifk fpirituous water. The confequence of thefe different opinions refpefting its conilituent parts is, that different methods have been recommended for imi¬ tating it. According to the former analyfis, artificial Seltzer water may be prepared by adding one fcruple ot mag- nefia alba, fix fcruples of foffil alkali, and four fcruples of common fait, to each gallon of water, and faturating the water with fixed air or carbonic acid. According to the latter it may be imitated by adding to a quart of the pureft and lightell w^ater thirty drops of a ftrong fo- lution of iron made in fpirit of fait, a drachm of oil of tartar per deliquium, and thirty drops of fpirit of vitriol, or a little more or lefs as is found neceffary, not to let the alkali of the oil of tartar prevail too ftrongly, tho’ it muff prevail a little. If the proportions be carefully obferved, and the whole of thefe ingredients fhaken brifkly together, the artificial Seltzer or Pyrmont wa¬ ter thus made will ftrongly refemble the natural, and have the fame good effeft in medicine. But as fixed air is the only efficacious medicinal part of the compofition of Seltzer water, the heft method of imitating it is by impregnating common water with that acid by a procefs for wdiich we are indebted to Dr Prieftley. The firft idea of this kind occurred to him in 1767, when, having, placed fhallow veffels- of water within the region of fixed air, on the furface of the fer¬ menting veffels of a brewery, and left them all night in that fituation, he found that the water had acquired a very fenfible and pleafant impregnation. He-proceeded to accelerate the impregnation by pouring the wrater from one veffel into another, wffiile they were both held within the fphere of the fixed air. The method of effedling this by air diflodged from chalk and other calcareous fubftances did not occur to him till the year 1772, wdien he publifhed his dire&ions for this purpofe, together with a drawing of the neceffary apparatus, which he had before communicated to the Board of Admiralty. That apparatus has now given way to another invented by Dr Nooth, which is made of glafs, Plate and Hands on a wooden veffel dd (fig 1.) refem- cccci.xiv. bling a tea-board : the middle veffel B has a neck which is inferted into the mouth of the veffel A, to which it is ground air-tight. The lower neck of the veffel B has a glafs ftopper S, compofed of twro parts, both ha¬ ving holes fufficient to let a good quantity of air pafs through them. Between thefe two parts is left a fmall {pace, containing a plano-convex lens, which adfts like a valve, in fettieg the air pafs from below upwards, and hindering its return into the veffel A. The upper vef- Seltzer, fel C terminates below in a tube r tf which being crook- v"* ed, hinders the immediate afeent of the bubbles of fixed air into that veffel, before they reach the furface of the water in the veffel B. The veffel C is alfo ground air¬ tight to the upper neck or the middle veffel B, and has a ftopper p fitted to its upper mouth, which has a hole through its middle. The upper veffel C holds juft half as much as the middle one B ; and the end t of the crooked tube goes no lower than the middle of the vef¬ fel B. For the ufe of this apparatus : Fill the middle veffel B with fpring or any other wholefome water, and join to it the veffel C. Pour water into the veffel A (by the opening m, or otherw'ife) fo as to cover the rifing part of its bottom: for this about three-fourths of a pint will be fufficient. Fill an ounce phial with oil of vitriol, and add it to the water, ffiaking the veffel fo as to mix them well together. As heat is generated, it will be beft to add the oil by a little at a time, otherwife the veffel may be broken. Put to this, through a wide glafs or paper funnel, about an ounce of powdered raw chalk or marble. White marble being firft granulated, or pounded like coarfe fand, is better for the purpofe than pounded chalk, becaufe it is harder ; and therefore the aftion of the diluted acid upon it is flower, and lafts to a confiderable time. On this account the fupply of fixed air from it is more regular than with the chalk : and befides, when no more air is produced, the water may be decanted from the veffel A, and the white fedi- ment wafhed off, and the remaining granulated marble may be employed again, by adding to it frefh water and a new’’ quantity of oil of vitriol. The funnel in this procefs is made ufe of, in order to prevent the powder from touching the infide of the veflel’s mouth ; for if that happens, it will ftiek fo ftrongly to the neck of the veflel B as not to admit of their being feparated without breaking. Place immediately the two veffels B and C (faftened to each other) into the mouth of the veffel A, as in the figure, and all the fixed air which is difengaged from the chalk or marble by the oil of vi¬ triol will pafs up through the valve in S into the vef¬ fel B. When this fixed air comes to the top of the veffel B, it will diflodge from thence as much water as is equal to its bulk ; which water will be forced up through the crooked tube into the upper veffel C. Care mnft be taken not to fhake the vefl’el A when the powdered chalk is put in ; otherwife a great and fudden effervefcence will enfue, which will perhaps ex¬ pel part of the contents. In this cafe it may be necef¬ fary to open a little the ftopper p, in or da to give vent, otherwife the veffel A may burft. It will be proper alfo to throw away the contents and wafh the veffel; for the matter will flick between the necks of the veffels, and cement them together. The operation mull then be begun afrefh. But if the chalk be put into the vtffel loofely wrapt up in paper, this accident will be Hill better guarded againil. When the effervefcence goes on well, the veflel C will foon be filled with water, and the veffel B half filled with air; which will eafily be known to be the cafe by the air going up in large bubbles through the crooked tube r t. When this is obferved, take off the two veffels B and C together as they are, and lhake them fo that the wa¬ ter and air within them may be much agitated. A great part S E L Se’tzfr. , Part Sxed air will be abforbed into tbe water, as will appear by the end of the crooked tube beinjJ confiderably under the furface of the water in the veflel. 1'he (haking them for two or fh ree minutes wall be fuf- fcient lor this purpofe. Thefe veffels mult not be fhaken while joined to the under one A, otherwife too great an effervefcence will be occafioned in the latter, together with the ill. confequence above mentioned. A fter the water and air have been fufficiently agitated, loofen the upper veffel C, fo that the remaining water may fall down into B, and the unabforded air pafs out. Put thefe veffels together, and replace them into the mouth of A, in order that B may be again half filled with fixed air. Shake the veffels B and C, and Idt out the unabforbed air as before. By repeating the operation three or four times, the water will be fuffi- ciehtly impregnated. Whenever the effervefcence. nearly ceafes in the vef- , A, it may be renewed by giving it a gentle lhake, fo tnat the powdered chalk or marble at the bottom may be mixed with the oil of vitriol and water above it; for then a greater quantity of fixed air will be difen’ gaged. When the effervefcence can be no lonper re¬ newed by (baking the veffel A, either more chalk muff be put in, or more oil of vitriol; or more water, if neither of thefe produce the defired effeft. Mr Magellan has Hill further improved this contri¬ vance. He has two fets of the veffels B and C. While he is (baking the air and water contained in one of thefe Hts, the other may be receiving fixed air from the veffel A. . By this means twice the quantity of water may be impregnated in the fame time He has a wooden hand on which to fix the veffeis B, C, when taken off from A, which is very convenient. He has a fmall tin trough tor meafuring the quantity of chalk or mar¬ ble requifite for one operation, and a wide glafs funnel for putting it through into the veffel A, to prevent its IticKing to the Tides, as mentioned before. He has alfo contrived a (topper without a hole, to be uied occahonally initead of the perforated one *. Jt muL be of a conical figure, and very loofe ; but fo exactly and fmoothly ground as to be air-tight merely by its preffure. Its ufe is to comprefs the fixed air on the water, and thereby increafe the impregnation. For by keeping the air on the water in this compreffed (late, the latter may be made to fparkle like champaign. And it the veifels are ftrong, there will be no danger of their but (ting m the operation. I he water thus impregnated may be drawn out at the opening L But if it is not wanted immediately, it will he better ter let it remain in the machine, where it has no communication with the external air; other- wne the fixed air flies off by degrees, and the water be¬ comes vapid and flat. But it may be kept a long time m bottles well (topped, efpecially if they are placed with them mouths downwards. Dr Withering of Birmingham has lately contrived a new apparatus for impregnating water with fixed air, which, he fays, is preferable to that in common ufe, be- caaie it can be made at lefs expence, and is more eafily prepared ; becaufe the whole quantity of fixable air produced is converted to ufe, without any waite of the vitriolic acid ; becauie it impregnates three times the quantity o water at one time more completely and wuh lefs trouble; and the impregnated water will al- C 259 1 S E L ways retain its virtue, if the joints and cocks of the machine are made perfectly air-tight; for which pur¬ pofe they (hould once a-year be fupplied with a fmall quantity of unfalted lard. This apparatus is exhibited by fig. 2. and confifts of a glafs veffel A, about ten inches high in the cylindrical part, and fix inches and a haL in diameter ; another glafs vefTel B, about twelve inches high in the conical part, one inch and a half in the neck, and five inches in diameter at the bottom ; a copper pipe C paffing through the (topper of the veffel B, and tied fail in the flexible tube D, made of ftrong leather, air-tight, and kept hollow by means of a fpiral wire paffing through its whole length ; a conical brafs pipe E, with a (lop-cock faftened to the tube D ; ano- ther conical pipe F, with a (lop-cock G, into which the end of the tube E is accurately ground fo as to be air-tight, and cutting off all communication with the atmolphere when the pipe E is removed ; two large hog’s bladders H, H, each of which ought to hold two quarts ; a (top cock I to prevent the water rifing into the bladders when the veffel A is agitated ; a bladder K tied to the crooked tube with the (top-cock L, which occafionaliy opens or (huts the communication with the vcffel B ; a glafs funnel M, accurately fitted with the glafs (topper N ; an aperture O, fitted with a glafs (topper or a filver cock, from which the impreg¬ nated water is to be drawn for uie ; and, laltly, the tube P opening into the veffel A. When this appara¬ tus is ufed, let the veffel A be filled with pure water, and any other ingredients that are required, in a proper proportion; into the veffel B put as much marble or whitmg, in fmall lumps, as will cover its bottom to the height of about two inches, and pour in water to the height reprefented by the dotted line ; let the mouth of the yeffel A be well fitted with a cork, and through a hole in the cork pafs the tube P, putting upon the cork melted iealing-wax of the fofteft kind, or model¬ ling-wax, fo as to make the whole air-tight. Let the mouth of the veflel B be . flopped with a piece of ma¬ hogany, turned into a conical figure in a lathe, and of a fiz.e fomewhat larger than the mouth of the glals will admit ; put this piece of wood into melted bees-wax, and heat the wax till the wood begins to grow black : when cool, turn it again till it fits the mouth of the vefft) : the tubes C, L, and M are fitted into holes and bored through the wooden Hopper previous to its being immerfed in the wax ; pufh thefe tubes through 1 m 1 °u and pre^S t^le ft°PPer ,rito the orifice of the vtiid B, and cement the whole with fealing or model¬ ling wax ; (hut the ftop-cocks I and L, having previoufly prefled the air out of the bladder K : open the (top-cocks lx and E ; then fqueeze the air out of the bladders H, H, and afterwards prefs the conical pipe E into the pipe F • pour about a large .fpoonful of oil of vitriol through the’ funnel M, and flop it with its ftooper N. The fixable air let loofe by the effervefcence in the veffel B, rifing tnrough the tube C, paffes into the bladders H, H, and diftends them. In this cafe open the flop-cock I, and from the aperture O draw out about a quart of water • and the fpace before occupied by the water will be nlled with fixable air, which foon begins to be abforbed by the remaiinng water, and is ft 11 fupplied from the bladders H, H, and from the effervelcing mixture in the veffel B. When the bladders are confiderably col- lapied, more vitriolic acid mull be added through the k 2 funnel Seltze r 260 S^'fZCT S E L funnel M, fo that they may be always kept pretty fully diifended. When an impregnation is fpeedily required, ♦ urn the ilop-cocks at G and E, and open that at L ; then feparate the pipe E from the tube F, and agKate the veffel A ; the fixable air will pafs into the bladder K., and may be preiTed into the two other bladdeis, when the parts of the apparatus are united. During the agitation, the ftop-cock at I Ihould be clofed, and opened only occafionally to fupply out ot the bladders H, H, the fixable air abforbed by the water. It a ftrong impregnation be required, this procefs (hould be carried on in a room, the heat of which does not ex¬ ceed forty-eight degrees of Fahrenheit’s thermometer. Dr Withering obferves, that the impregnated water re¬ ceives no tafte from the bladders ; and that n the ve.- fel A with its impregnated water be ieparated from the X-efl'el 13 at the conical parting E, F, it may be inclofed in a pyramidal mahogany cafe, out of the lower part of which the filver cock at O proje&s; and thus ferve tor an ornamental as well as luxurious and falubnous addi- lion to the iide-board, particularly In the fuminer and autumnal feafons. The artificial mineral waters thus made, are more pkaiant to the tafte than the natural Pyrmont or Selt¬ zer waters ; which, befides their fixed air, contain fa- Bne particles of a difagreeable tafte, which are known to contribute little or nothing to their medicinal vir¬ tues, and may, in fome cafes, be hurtful. They are like wife confiderably ftronger. According to Sir John Pringle, thefe waters may be made more nearly to re- femble genuine Pyrmont water, by adding to each pint of them from eight to ten drops of Unaura martis cum fpiritu falu. Or this may be done, by adding to the water in the middle veffel B (fig. 1.), in the propor¬ tion of about thirty grains of Epfom fait, ten grains of common fait, a fcruple of magnefia alba, and a dram of iron filings or iron wire, clean and free from ruft, to one gallon of fpring water, and impregnating the whole with fixed air in the manner already defcnbed. Let them remain, till the other ingredients and as much of the iron as is neceflary are diffolved ; which will be in two or three daysor the magnefia may be omitted, and then the operation will be finifhed in lefs than half that time. Thefe waters may be. rendered ferruginous or chalybeate very eafily, by putting in the middle veffel two or more flender phials, filled with cuttings of fine iron-binding wire, or with fmall irbn nails; btcaufe the impregnated water w ill diffolve the iron fo fall;, as to become well faturated with it in a few hours, according to the experiments of Mr Lane. But the method of rendering thefe artificial waters chalybeate, ufed by Dr Hulme, is to add one grain of fait of fteel to each pint (lixteen ounces) of water already impregnated with fixed air. But the ingenious Mr Bewley has invented a {till bet¬ ter method of exhibiting fixed air as a medicine. He diredts a fcruple of alkaline fait to be diftblved in a fuf- ficient quantity (a quarter of a pint, or lefs) of water, which is to be impregnated with as much fixed air as it can imbibe this is to be taken at one dofe. Mr Bewley diretts it to be prepared in larger quantities at a time, and calls it his mephitic julep. If immediately alter it a fpoonful of lemon juice, mixed with two or three fpoonfuls of water, and Iweetened with fugar, be cu.unk, the fixed air will be extricated in the ftomach j ] S E M and thus a much greater quantity of it may be given than the fame quantity of water alone can be made to imbibe. Fixed air adls as a corroborant; and there¬ fore may be given with fuccels in w’eaknefs of the ftomach, and in vomitings arifing from that caufe. It has alfo been given with fuccefs in the {tone and in nephri¬ tic complaints. When the lungs are purulent, fixed air mixed with the air drawn into the lungs lias repeatedly been found to perforin a cure. The bark alfo ipay oe given with advantage in water impregnated with fixed air, as they both coincide in their effedt. Fixed air may be applied by means of a fyringe, funnel, or otherwife, to inflamed breaits, putrid ulcers, mortified parts, ulcerated fore throats, and has' been found in fuch and fimilar cales to have very remarkable efficacy. It may alfo be given internally at the fame time. In pu¬ trid dyfeuteries, and in putrid ftools, fixed air may be given by w’ay of clyller. Fermenting cataplafms are of fervice, chiefly as they fupply fixed air to the part. In cafes of putridity fixed air has been fuccefsfully ap¬ plied to the furface of the body expofed to flreams of it. It is alfo found an excellent cooling as w^ell as ftrengthening beverage in hot relaxing weather, and has the advantage of being pleafant to the tafte. SEM, or {them, the fon of Noah, memorable for his filial piety in concealing the folly and dilgrace of his father; for which he received a remarkable bene- diaion, about 2476 B. C. He lived to the age of 600 years. Ras Sem. See Ras Sem and Petrf.fied City. SEMEC ARPUS, in botany ; a genus of the trigy- nia order, belonging to the pentandria clafs of plants. The coiolla is quinquepetalous ; the drupa is heart- flraped, cellulous, and monofpermous. There is but one fpecies. SEMEN, seed. See Botany, fea. iv. p. 435. With refpea to number, plants are either fnrnifhed' with one feed, as fea-pink and biftort ; two, as wood- roof and the umbelliferous plants; three, as fpurge ; four, as the lip-flowers of Tournefort and rough-leaved plants of Ray j or many, as ranunculus, anemone, and poppy. The form of feeds is likewife extremely various, be¬ ing either large or fmall, round, oval, heart-fhaped, kid- ney-fhaped, angular, prickly, rough, hairy, wrinkled, fleck or ffiining, black, white, or brown. Moll feeds have only one cell or internal cavity j thole of lefler bur¬ dock, valerian, lamb’s lettuce, cornelian cherry, and ie- beften, have two. With refpeft to fubflance, feeds are either foft, mem¬ branaceous, or of a hard bony fubflance ; as in grom- well, tamarind, and all the nuciferous plants. In point of magnitude, feeds are either very large, as in the cocoa-nut; or very fmall, as in campanula, amman- niar rampions, and throat wort. With refpeft to lituation, they are either difperfed promifcuoufly through the pulp (ftmina nidulantia), as- in water-lily ; affixed to a future or joining of the valves of the feed-veffel, as in the crofs-ffiaped and pea-bloom flowers ; or placed upon a placenta or receptacle within the feed veffel, as in tobacco and thorn-apple. Seeds are faid to be naked (ferrima nuda) which are not contained in a cover or veflel: fuch are thofe of the lip and compound flowers, the umbelliferous and rouoE-leaved plants j covered feeds (fmina tedaj are S E M [ 261 I S E M Sfmen. contained in fome veflfel, whether of the capfule, pod, berry, apple, or cherry kind. A ftraple feed is fuch as bears neither crown, wing1, nor downy pappus ; the varieties in feeds, ariling from thefe circumftances, are particularly enumerated under their refpedtive heads. In aflimilating the animal and vegetable kingdoms, Linnaeus denomin? es feeds the eggs of plants. The fecundity of plants is frequently marvellous ; from a fingle plant or ftalk of Indian Turkey wheat, are pro¬ duced, in one fummer, 2000 feeds ; of elecampane, 3000; of fun-flower, 4000; of poppy, 32,000; of a fpike of cat’s tail, 10,000 and upwards : a fingle fruit, or feed-veffel, of tobacco, contains 1000 feeds ; that of white poppy, 8000. Mr Ray relates,' from experi¬ ments made by himfelf, that 1012 tobacco-feeds are equal in weight to one grain ; and that the weight of the whole quantum of feeds in a fingle tobacco-plant, is fuch as muft, according to the above proportion, de¬ termine their number to be 360,000. The fame au¬ thor eftimates the annual produce of a fingle ftalk of fpleen-wort to be upwards of one million of feeds. The diffeminatioR of plants refpeCts the different me¬ thods or vehicles by which nature has contrived to dit- perfe their feeds for the purpofe of increafe. Thefe by naturalifts are generally reckoned four. 1. Rivers and running waters. 2. The wind. 3. Ani¬ mals. 4. An elaftic fpring, peculiar to the feeds them- fejves- 1. The feeds which are carried along by rivers and torrents are frequently conveyed many hundreds of leagues from their native foil, and call upon a very dif¬ ferent climate, to which, however, by degrees they ren¬ der themfelves familiar. 2. Thofe which are carried by the wind, are either winged, as in fir-tree, trumpet-flower, tulip-tree, birch, arbor-vitas, meadow rue, and Jefiamine, and fome um¬ belliferous plants ; furnifhed with a pappus, @r downy crown, as in valerian, poplar, reed, fucculent fwallow- Wort, cotton-tree, and many of the compound flowers; laced within a winged calyx or feed-veflfel, as in fca- ious, fea-pink, dock, diofcorea, afh, maple, and elm- trees, logwood and woad ; or lailly, contained within a. fwelled calyx or feed-vefiel, as in winter-cherry, cucuba- lus, melilot, bladder-nut, fumatory, bladder-fena, heart- feed, and chick-peafe. 3. Many birds fwallow the feeds of vanelloe, juniper, tnifletoe, oats, millet, and other graffes, and void them entire. Squirrels, rats, parrots, and other animals, fuf- fer many of the feeds which they devour to efcape, and thus in effect diffeminate them. Moles, ants, earthworms, and other infects, by ploughing up the earth, admit a free paffage to thofe feeds which have been fcattered upon its furface. Again, fome feeds attach themfelves to animals, by means of hooks, crotchets, or hairs, which are either affixed to the feeds themfelves, as in hound’s tongue, moufe-ear, vervain, carrot, baltard-par- fley, fanicle, water hemp-agrimony, arftopus and verbe- Jina; to their calyx, as in burdock, agrimony, rhexta, fmall wild buglofs, dock, nettle, pellitory, and lead wort; or to their fruit or feed-veffel, as in liquorice, enchan¬ ter’s night {hade, crofs-wort, clivers, French honey- fuckle, and arrow-headed grafs. 4. The feeds which difperfe themfelves by an elaftic force, have that force relident either in their calyx) as in oats and the greater number of ferns ; in their pap- Semen pus, as in centaurea crupina; or in their capfule, as II in gerannium, herb-bennet, African fpinea, fraxinclla, Sem* horfe-tail, balfam, Malabar nut, cucumber, elaterium, ’ , 'r~' and male balfam apple. Semen, in the animal economy. See Physiologv, feft. xii. and Anatomy, n° 109. Semen Sanftum, or Sanlonicum. See Artemisia. SEMENDRIAH, a town of Turkey in Europe, in the province of Servia, with a good citadel. It is the capital of a fangiacate, was taken by the Turks in 1690, and is feated on the Danube, in E. Long. 2 1.4c.. N. Lat. 45. o. SEMENTINJE feri a:,. in antiquity, feafls held an¬ nually among the Romans, to obtain of the gods a plen¬ tiful harveit. They were celebrated in the temple of Tellus, where folemn facrifices were offered to Tellus and Ceres. Thefe fcafls were held about feed-time,, ufualiy in the month of January for, as Macrobius obferves, they were moveable feafts. SEMI, a word borrowed from the Latin, figniTying half; but only ufed in compolition with other words, as in the following articles. SRMi-Arians, in eccleiiaftical hrftory, a branch of the ancient Arians, conlifling, according to Epiphanius, of fuch as, in appearance, condemned the errors of that herefiarch, but yet acquiefced in fome of the principles thereof, only palliating and hiding them under fofter and more moderate terms. Though they feparated from the Avian faftion (fee Arians), they could never be brought to acknowledge that the Son was homooufios, that is, confubftantial, or of the fame fubftance with the Father ; they would only allow him to be homoi- oufios, that is, of a like fubftance with the Father, or fimilar to the Father in his effence, not by nature, but by a peculiar privilege. The femi-arianifm of the moderns confifts in their maintaining that the Son was from all eternity begot¬ ten by the will of the Father, contrary to the do&rine of the orthodox, who feem to teach that the eternal ge¬ neration is neceffary. Such at leaft are the refpeftive opinions of Dr Clarke and Bifhop Bull. See T heology. Semicircle, in geometry, half a circle, or that fi¬ gure comprehended between the diameter of the circle and half its circumference. Semicolon, in grammar, one of the points-or flops ufed to diftinguifh the feveral members of a fentence from each other. The mark or chara&er of the femicolon is (;), and has its name as being of fomewhat lefs effedl than a co¬ lon ; or as demanding a fhorter paufe. The proper ufe of the femicolon is to diftinguifh the conjunct members of a fentence. Now, by a conjunct member of a fentence is meant fuch a one as contains at leaft two fimple members.—Whenever, then, a fen¬ tence can be divided into feveral members of the fame degree, which are again divifible into other fimple mem¬ bers, the former are to be feparated by a femicolon. For inftance : “ If fortune bear a great fway over him, who has nicely ftated and concerted every eircumftance of an affair ; we muft not commit every thing, without referve, to fortune, left (he have too great a hold of us.’* Again : Si quantum in agro locifque defertis audacia potejl, tantum in Joro atque judiciis impudentia valeret; non mi~ nut in caufa ctderet Aulus Cacinna Sexta JElutii impu- dinticC} EM r 262 1 S E M Sftmicu- dent'ue, quant turn in vi facienda cejjit attdacue. -A n n- k’!101 fiance in a more complex fentence we have in Cicero : Semi! ela- &es f ^Hiaris primum bene Parta Jit, nulloque turpi qu.ef- gians. tu : turn quam plunmis, modo dignis, fe utdem prabeat; v deinde augeatur rati one, diligentia, parfimonia ; nec Itbidini potim luxurieeque, quam liberalitati et heneficent'ue. parent. But though the proper ufe of the femicolon be to diftinguijfh conjundl members, it is not neceflary that all the members divided hereby be conjundl. For upon dividing a fentence into ereat and equal parts, if one of them be conjunct, all thoie other parts of the fame de¬ gree are to be diftinguifhed by a femicolon. -bometimes alfo it happens, that members that are oppofite to each ether, but relate to the fame verb, are ieparated by a femicolon. Thus Cicero ; Ex hac parte pudor, idinc petulantia ; bine fides• illinc fraudatio ; hinc pietas, illinc fcelus. &c. To this like wife may be referred fuch fenten- ces, where the whole going before, the parts follow: as *i The parts of oratory are four ; invention, difpofition, elocution, and pronunciation.” Semicubium, in medicine, an half-bath, wherein the patient is only placed up to the navel. Semidiameter, half the diameter, or a right line drawn from the centre of a circle or fphere to its cir¬ cumference : being the fame with what is otherwile called the radius. Semiflosculus, in botany, a term ufed to exprefs the flowers of the fyngenefia clafs. Thele femiflofeuli are petals, hollow in their lower part, but in their up¬ per flat, and continued in the fhape of a tongue. Semitone, in mufic. See Interval. SEMINAL, fomethingbelonging tothefemen orfeed SEMINARY, in its primary fenfe, the ground where any thing is fown, to be afterwards tranfplanted. Seminary, in a figurative fenfe, is frequently ap¬ plied to places of education, whence fcholars are tranf¬ planted into life.— In Catholic countries it is particu¬ larly ufed for a kind of college or fchool, where youth are inftrufted in the ceremonies, &c. of the facred mi- niftry. Of thefe there are great numbers; it being ordained by the council of Trent, that there be a fe- minary belonging to each cathedral, under the direc¬ tion of the bifhop. SEMIN ATION, denotes the manner or aft of fhed- diiig and difperfing the feeds of plants. See Semen. SEMIPELAGIANS, in ecclefiaftical hiitory, a name anciently, and even at this day, given to fuch as ;etain fome tinfture of Pelagianifm. See Pelagians. Caflian, who had been a deacon of Conftantinople, d was afterwards a prieft at Marfeilles, was the chief f thefe Semipelagians; whole leading principles were, 1. That God did not difpenfe his grace to one more than another in confequence of predeitination, i e. an eternal and abfolute decree, but was willing to fave all men, if they complied with the terms of his gofpel. 2. That Chrift died for all men. 3. That the grace purchfded by Chrift, and neceffary to falvation, was of¬ fered to all men. 4. That man, before he received grace, was capable of faith and holy defires. 5. That man was born free, and was confequently capable of re¬ filling the influences of grace, or of complying with its fuggellion. The Semipelagians were very numerous ; and the doftrine of Caffian, th ugh varioufly explained, was received in the greateft part of the monaftic fchools in Gaul, from whence it fpread itfelf far and wide thro’ the European provinces. As to the Greeks and other Semlramis, eaftern Chriftians, they had embraced the Semipelagian ’empervi- doftrines before Caflian, and ftill adhere to them. In vuni‘ , the 6th century, the controverfy between the Semipe- ' ' lagians and the difciples of Auguftin prevailed much, and continued to divide the weftern churches. SEMIRAMIS (fab. hill.), a celebrated queen of AfTyria, daughter of the goddefs Derceto, by a young Alfyiian. She was expofed in a defert; but her life was preferved by doves for one whole year, till Simmas, one of the Ihepherds of Ninus, found her and brought her up as his own child Semiramis, when grown up, married Menones, the governor of Nineveh, and accom¬ panied him to the liege of Baftria ; where, by her ad¬ vice and prudent direftions, fhe haftened the king’s ope¬ rations, and took the city. Thefe eminent fervices, to¬ gether with her uncommon beauty, endeared her to Ni¬ nus. The monarch alked her of her hulband, and offered him his daughter Sofana in her Head; but Menones, who tenderly loved Semiramis, refufed ; and when Ninus had added threats to entreaties, he hanged himfelf. No foon- er was Menones dead, than Semiramis, who was of an afpiring foul, married Ninus, by whom Ihe had a fon called blinyas. Ninus was fo fond of Semiramis, that at her requeft he refigned the crown, and commanded her to be proclaimed queen and foie emprefs of Aflyria. Of this, however, he had caufe to repent: Semirainis put him to death, the better to eftablilh herfelf on the throne ; and when (he had no enemies to fear at home, fhe began to repair the capital of her empire, and by her means Babylon became the moft fuperb and mag¬ nificent city in the world. She vifited every pait of her dominions, and left everywhere immortal monuments of her greatnefs and benevolence. To render the roads paflable and communication eafy, fhe hollowed moun¬ tains and filed up valleys, and water was conveyed at a great expence by large and convenient aquedufts to barren deferts and unfruitful plains. She was not lefs diftinguifhed as a warrior: Many of the neighbour¬ ing nations were conquered ; and when Semiramis was once told as fhe was duelling her hair, that Babylon had revolted, Ihe left her toilette with precipitation, and though only half dreffed, fhe refufed to have the reft of her head adorned before the fedition was quelled and tranquillity re eftablilhed. Semiramis has been accufed of licentioufnefs ; and fome authors have obferved that fhe regularly called the ftrbngeft and ftouteft men in her army to her arms, and afterwards put them to death, that they might not be living witneffes -of her incontinence. Her paffion for her fon was alfo unnatu¬ ral ; and it was this criminal propenfity which induced Ninyas to deitroy his mother with his own hands. Some fay that Semiramis was changed into a dove after death, and received immortal honours in Aflyria. It is fuppofed that Ihe lived about 1 1 centuries before the Chriltian era, and that Ihe died in the bad year of her age and the 25th of her reign. Many fabulous reports have been propagated about Semiramis, and fome have declared that lor fome time fhe difguifed herlelf and paf- fed for her fon Ninyas. Lemprierc s Bibliotheca Clajftca: SEMPERVIVUM, house-leek, in botany: A genus of plants belonging to the order of dodecagynia, and to the clafs of dodecandria; and in the natural method ranking under the 13th order, Succulent e. The calyx is divided into 12 parts; the petals are 12, and the capfules Semnervi rum '' II Senate. Lewis's JILiteria Medic a. SEN [ 2 12, containing many feeds. There are 12 fpecies; the arboreum, canarienfe, glutinofum, glandulofum, tefto- rum, globiferum, villofum, tortuofum, arachnoidewn, montanum, fedeforme, and menanthes. Linnseus has on y eight of thefe. Hie teftorum alone is a native of Britain. The ftalk is about a fodt high ; the radical leaves are thick, oval, pointed, fringed, and fpreading in a rofe ; thofe on the Item are imbricated and membra¬ nous : the flowers are pale red and feffile, and grow on curved terminal bunches. It is frequent on the^tops of houles, and flowers in July. . Bhe following chemical defeription of this fpecies is given by Lewis : “The leaves of houle-leek, of no re¬ markable fmell, difeover to the taite a mild fubacid aullenty : them expreffed juice, of a pale yellowiih hue when nlteied, yields on infpiffation a deep yellow, tena¬ cious, mucilaginous mafs, confiderably acidulous and acerb : from whence it may be prefumed, that this herb has fome claim to the refrigerant and reftringent virtues that have been aferibed to it. It is obfervable that the filtered juice, on the addition of an equal quantity of reftitied fpirit of wine, forms a light white coagu- lum, like cream of fine pomatum, of a weak buf pene¬ trating tatte: this, freed from the fluid part, and ex- poled to the air, almoft totally exhales. From this ex¬ periment it is concluded by fome, that houfe-leek con¬ tains a volatile alkaline fait : but the juice coagulates in the fame manner with volatile alkalis themfelves, as . 0 fixed alkalis: Acids produce no coagula¬ tion.” SENAAR, or Sennaar. See Sennaar. SENA I E, in general, is an aflembly or council of fenators ; that is, ot the principal inhabitants of a Hate, who have a fhare in the government. The fenate of ancient Rome is of all others the moft celebrated. It exercifed no contentious jurifdiaion ; but appointed judges, either from among the fenators or knights, to determine proceffes : it alfo appointed go¬ vernors of provinces, and difpofed of the revenues of the commonwealth, &c. Yet did not the whole foverehm power refrde in the fenate, fince it could not eledt ma- gntrates,. make laws, or decide of war and peace ; in all which cafes the fenate was obliged to confult the people. The fenate, when firfl inftituted by Romulus, con- iitted of 100 members ; to whom he afterwards added trie fame^ number when the Sabines had migrated to Rome. Tarquin the ancient made the fenate'confiil of 300, and this number remained fixed for a long time ; but afterwards it fluftuated greatly, and was increafed, firft to 700, and afterwards to 900 by J. CaTar, who filled the ienatewith men of every rank and order. Under Auguftus the fenators amounted to 1000, but this number was reduced, and fixed to 600. The place of a fenator was always beitowed upon merit: the monarchs had the pri¬ vilege of choofing the members ; and after the expulfion of the larquins^it was one of the rights of the con- 1 uls, ti.l the ele&ion of the cenfors, who from their of- r felmed mo.ft caPaWe of making choice of men whofe character was irreproachable, whofe morals were pure, and relations honourable. Only particular families were admitted into the fenate; and when the plebeians were permitted to fhare the honours of the ftate, it was then required that they fhould be born of free citizens. It was alio required that the candidates ihould be knights 63 ] SEN before their admiflion into the fenate. They were to Senator, be above the age of 25, and to have previoufly paffed Senates, thiough the inferior offices of quaeftor, tribune of the J people, edile, pretor, and conful. 1 he fenate always met of courfe on the rft of Janua- ' ry, for the inauguration of the new confuls ; and in all months, univerfally, there were three days, viz. the ka¬ lends, nones, and ides, on which it regularly met: but it always met on extraordinary occalionsr when ealled together by conful, tribune, or diflator. . render their decrees valid and authentic, a cer¬ tain number of members was requifite, and fuch as weie abfent without fome proper caufe were -always- fined. In the reign of Auguitus, 400 fenators were requifite to make a fenate. Nothing was tranfafted be¬ fore fun-rife or after fun-fet. In their office the fena¬ tors were the guardians of religion, they difpofed of tne provinces as they plealed, they prorogued the af- femblies ot the people, they appointed thankfgivings. nominated their ambafladors, diftributed the public mo¬ ney, . and in fliort had the management of every thing political or civil in the republic, except the creating of magiftiates, the enafling of laws, and the declarations of war or peace, which were confined to the affimblie* or the people. SENA I OR, in general, denotes a member of fome lenate. The dignity of a Roman fenator could not be fup- ported without the poffeffibn of 80,000 fciterces, or about 700c 1. Englilh money ; and therefore fuch as iquandered away their money, and whofe fortune w-as reduced below this fum, were generally llruck out of t:lt; fenators* This regulation was not made in the hrtt ages ot the republic, when the Romans boafted or their poverty. The fenators were not permitted to be ot any trade or profeffion. They were diftinguithed from the reft of the people by their drefs ; they wore the laticlave, half-boots of a black colour, with a cref- cent or filver buckle in the form of a C ; but this laft honour was confined only to the defendants of thofe hundred fenators who had been elecfted by Romulus, as the^etter C feems to imply. See the preceding ar- , -Among f nator is a member of parliament. In the kws of king Edward the ConfefTor, we are told that the Bmons called thok fenators whom the Saxons cailtd afterwards a/dermen and borough-wafers ; thoup-h not for their age, but their wifdom ; for fome of them were young men but very well fldlled in the laws. Kenulph king of the Mercians granted a charter, which ran thus, viz. Conftlio et confenfu epifeoporum et fenato- rum gent is fua largitus fuit diao tnonaferio. See. xu Scotland, the lords of feffion are called fenators of the college of juftice. SENATES AucTORiTAs. See the next article. OENA7US- Confu/tum, which made part of the Ro¬ man law. When any public matter was introduced into the fenate, which was always called referre ad fe- natum, any fenator whofe opinion was afked, was per¬ mitted to fpeak upon it as long as he pleafed, and on mat account it was often ufual for the fenators to pro- ^ fpen?heS 1111 Jt was tao late ^ determine. When the queftion w^as put, they pafted to the fide of that fpeaker wliofe opinion they approved, and a majo¬ rity of votes was eafily coUeded, without the trouble 3 t ^ Sertc^. SEN [ of counting the numbers. When the majority was known, the matter was determined, and v.]enatus rontuU turn was immediately written by the clerics of the hou e, at the feet of the ’chief magillrates, and it was iigned by all the principal members of the houfe. When there was not a fufficient number of members to make •a fenate, the decifion was called A'nafwr aurtorhtu, but it was of no force if it did not afterwards pafs into a fcnatus confultum. . „ . n . The fenatus confulta were at firft left m the cnftody of the kings, and afterward of the confuls, who could fupprefs or preferve them ; but about the year of Itorne 204, they were always depofited in the temple of Ce¬ res, and afterwards in the treafury, by the ediles of the ^ S^ENECA (Lucius Annaeus), a Stoic philofopher, was born at Corduba in Spain, about the beginning of the Chriftian era, of an Equeilnan family, which had probably been tranfplanted thither m a colony from Rome. He was the fecund fon of Marcus An¬ naeus Seneca, commonly called the rhetorician, whofe remains are printed under the title of Suaforhe C Con- trover fue, cum Declamationum Excerptis; and his youngeib brother Anmeus Mela (for there were three of them) had the honour of being father to the poet Lucan. He was removed to Rome, together with his father and the reft of his family, while he was yet in his infancy. There he was educated in the moft liberal manner, and tinder the beft mafters. He learned eloquence from bis father; but his genius rather leading him to philofophy, he put himfelf under the ftoics Attains, Sotiou, and Papiriue Fabianus ; men famous in their way, and of whom he has made honourable mention in his writings. It is nrobable, too, that he travelled when he was young, fmce^we find him, in feveral parts of his works, parti¬ cularly in his ShjacJliones Naturaies, making very exaft and curious oblervations upon Egypt and the Nile. But this, though entirely agreeable to his own hu¬ mour, did not at all correfpond with that fcheme or plan of life which his father had drawn out for him ; who therefore forced him to the bar, and put him upon foliciting for public employments ; fo that he afterwards became quxftor, praetor, and, as Lipfius will have it, even conful. # , In the firft year of the reign of Claudius, when Ju¬ lia the daughter of Germanicus was accufed of adul¬ tery by Meffalina, and baniftied, Seneca was banifhed too, being charged as one of the adulterers. Corfica was the feat of his exile, where he lived eight years ; « happy in the midll of thofe things which ufually make other people miferable ; inter eas res beat us, qutt J'olent miferos facere and where he wrote his books of confolation, addrefted to his mother Helvia, and to his friend Polybius, and perhaps feme of thofe trage¬ dies which go under his name ; for he fays, modo J'e levioribus Jludiis ibi obleSaffe. Agrippina being mar¬ ried to Claudius, upon the death of Meflalina, fhe pre¬ vailed with the emperor to recal Seneca from ba- niftiment; and afterwards procured him to be tutor to her fon Nero, whom fhe defigned for the empire. Africanus Burrhus, a praetorian pnetedf, was joined with him in this important charge : and thefe two preceptors, who were entrufted with equal autho¬ rity, had each his refpeftive department. By the bounty and generoiity of his royal pupil, Seneca ac- 264 ] SEN quired that prodigious wealth which rendered lam in a manner equal to kings. His houfes and walks were the nioft magnificent in Rome. His villas were innu¬ merable : and he had immenfe fums of money placed out at intereft in almoft every part of the world. 1 he hiftorian Dio reports him to have had 250,'cob Ster¬ ling at intereft 111 Britain alone ; and reckons his call¬ ing it in all at a fum, as one of the caufes of a war with that nation. All this wealth, however, together with the luxury and effeminacy of a court, does not appear to have had any ill effect upon the temper and difpoiition of Se¬ neca. He continued abftemious, exadt in his manners, and, above all, free from the vices fo commonly preva¬ lent in fuch places, flattery and ambition. “ I had ra¬ ther (laid he to Nero) offend you by fpeaking the truth, than pleafe you by lying and flattery : maiuenn veris offendere, quam placere ailulando.” How well he acquitted himfelf in quality of preceptor to his prince, may be known from the five firft years of Nero’s reign, which have always been confidered as a perfect pattern of" good government; and if that emperor had but been as obfervant of his matter through the whole courfe of it, as he was at the beginning, he would have been the delight, and not, as he afterwards proved, the curfe and deteftation of mankind. But when Poppasa and TU , gellinus had got the command of his humour, and hur¬ ried him into the moft extravagant and abominable vices, he foon grew weary of his matter, whofe life muft indeed have been a conftant rebuke to him. Seneca, percei¬ ving that his favour declined at court, and that be had many accufers about the prince, who were perpetually whifpering in his ear the great riches of Seneca, hia magnificent houfes and fine gardens, and what a favou¬ rite through means of thefe he was grown with the people, made an offer of them all to Nero. Nero re- lufed to accept them : which, however, did not hinder Seneca from changing his way of life ; for, as Tacitus relates, he “ kept no more levees, declined the ufual civi¬ lities which had been paid to him, and, under a pretence of indifpofition, or feme engagement or other, avoided as much as poffible appearing in public.” Nero, in the mean time, who, as it is fuppofed, had difpatched Burrhus by poifon, con’d not be eafy till he had rid himfelf of Seneca alfo : For Burrhus was the manager of his military concerns, and Seneca condu£led°his civil affairs. Accordingly, he attempt¬ ed, by means of Cleonicus, a freedman of Seneca, to take him off by poifon ; but this not fucceeding, he ordered him to be put to death, upon an information that he was privy to Fife’s confpiracy again!! his per- fon. Not that he had any real proof of Seneca’s be¬ ing at all concerned in this plot, but only that he was glad to lay hold of any pretence for deilroying him.— He left Seneca, however, at liberty to choofe his man¬ ner of dying 5 who caufed hi.-veins to he opened immedi¬ ately. His wife Paulina, who was very young in com- parifon of himfelf, had yet the refolution and affeftion to bear him company, and thereupon ordered her veins to be opened at the fame time ; but as Nero was not willing to make his cruelty more odious and infupport- able than there feemed occafion for, he gave orders to have her death prevented : upon which her wounds were bound up, and the blood flopped, in juft time enough to fave her : tho’, as Tacitus fays, fhe looked fo miier- 4 ‘b>r Seneca, SEN Seneca, Senecio, ably pale and wan all her life after, that it was eafy to read the lofs of her blood and fpirits in her counte¬ nance. In the mean time, Seneca, finding his death flow and lingering, dehred Statius Annaeus his phyfi- cian to give him a dofe of poifon, which had been pre¬ pared fome time before in cafe it fiaould be wanted ; but this not having its ufual effedt, he was carried to a hot bath, wdiere he w>as at length ftifled with the fleams. He died, as Lipfius conjedlures, in the 63d or 64th year of his age, and in about the 10th or 1 ith of Ne¬ ro’s reign. Tacitus, on mentioning his death, obferves, that, as he entered the bath, he took of the water, and with it fprinkled lome of his neareft domeftics, faying, “ That he offeied thofe libations to Jupiter the Deli¬ verer.” Thefe words are an evident proof that Seneca was not a Chrittian, as fome have imagined him to have been ; and that the 13 epiflles from Seneca to St Paul, and from St Paul to Seneca, are fuppofititious pieces. His philofophical works are well known.— They confift of \ZAe epijlles and diftindt treatifes; and, except his books of phyTical quettions, are chiefly of the moral kind, treating of anger, confolation, providence, tranquillity of mind, conftancy, clemency, the fhortnefs of life, a happy life, retirement, benefits. He has been juftly cenfured by Quintilian and other critics, as one of the firft corrupters of the Roman flyle ; but his works are highly valuable, on account of the vaft eru¬ dition which they difeover, and the beautiful moral fen- timents which they contain. SENECIO, Groundsel, in botany : A genus be- longing to the clafs of fyngenefia, and to the order of polygamia fuperflua ; and in the natural claffification ranked under the 49th order, Compofita. The recep¬ tacle is naked ; the pappus Ample ; the calyx cylindri¬ cal and calculated. The feales are equal and eontigu- ous, fo as to feem entire ; thofe at the bafe are few, and have their apices or points decayed. There are 97 fpe- cies. Of thefe, feven are Britiflr, the vulgaris, vifeofus, fylvaticus, erucifolius, jacobaea, paludofus, and farace- nicus. 1. The vulgaris, or common groundfel, has its co- rolls naked, its leaves fefiile, fmooth, and finuated, their fegments fliort, broad, and minutely ferrated; the flowers are yellow, and without radii. This weed grows in cultivated ground everywhere, and flowers in May. Its leaves have been ufed in medicine externally as a vulne¬ rary and refrigerant, and internally as a mild emetic ; but they have little or no efficacy. 2. The vifeofus, or cotton groundfel, has its corollas revolute, its leaves pin- natifld, vifeid, and downy. The feales of the calyx are lax and hairy, and are of the fame length with the perianthium. 3. The fylvaticus, or mountain ground- lel, has its corollas revolute, its leaves pinnatifid and dentated, the flem comrybous and eredt. It flowers in July, and is frequent in woods and heaths. 4. The erucifolius, hoary perennial ragwort ; the corolls are ra¬ diant ; the leaves are pinnatifid, dentated, and downy beneath ; the ftem is eredf, and two feet high ; the flow¬ ers are yellow, and grow in clufters. This plant is fre¬ quent in woods and hedges, y. The jacobaa, common ragwort; the corolke are radiant; the leaves pinnated and lyre-fhaped, and of a dark-green colour; the ftalk is ered, round, and generally purplifh ; the flowers grow in clufters on the tops of the (talks. The leaves have a bitterifli fubacrid tafte, and extremely naufeous. Si- Vol. XVII. Part I. [ 265 1 SEN mon Paulli fays, that a decodfion of them cured many Senegal, foldiers of an epidemic dyfentery. 6. The paludofus, '—v—' marfh ragwort ; the corollse are radiant; the leaves fword-fhaped, acutely ferrated, and fomewhat downy underneath; the ftem is ereft, branched towards the top, and four or five feet high ; the flowers are large and yellow. This plant is frequent in fens and ditches in England. 7. Thefaracenicus, broad-leaved ragwort; the corallae are radiant; the leaves are lanceolated, fer¬ rated, and fomewhat fmooth ; the ftem is ereft, Ample, and four or Ave feet high ; there are feveral flowers on each foot ftalk, which are yellow, and grow in clufters on the top.. The plant grows in moift paftmes in Em>-- land ; and flowers in July or Auguft. , SENEGAL, a part of Negroland in Africa, the boundaries of which are not known. See Guinea. Ife of Senegal, fometimes called Saint Louis, is a fmall ifland in the mouth of the river Senegal, and according to Mafkelyne’s tables is Atuated in N. Lat. 15. W. Long. 16. 3 r. The Dutch were the firft Euro¬ peans who fettled at Senegal; but their colony was ex¬ pelled by the French in 1687. It was taken by the Engliffi in 1692 ; and retaken by the French the year following. It was a fecond time taken pofleffion of bv the Englifli in lyyS; but in 1779 the French reco¬ vered it, and it was ceded by the Britifli crown by the treaty of 1783. The heft account of this ifland which we have feen, is given in the interefting voyage of M. Saugnier to the coaft of Africa. This adventurer vifited°Seneiral in June 1783. ° “ The Jfland (^ys he), properly fpeaking, is only a bank of fand in the middle of the river. It is 1000 geometucal paces long, and about 60 in its greateft width ; is almqft on a level with the river and with the fea, being defended from the latter by Barbary point, which is of greater elevation than the colony. The eaftern branch of the river is the more confiderable of the two, being about 400 toifes acrofs ; the weftern branch is only from yo to 200 toifes wide. The ifle confifts entirely of burning fands. on the barren furface of which you fometimes meet with fcattered flints thrown out among their ballaft by veffels coming from Goree, or with the ruins of buildings formerly ere&ed by Europeans. There is fcarcely fuch a thing as a garden upon the ifland ; European feeds in general not thriving here. It is not furprifing that the foil is unproductive; for the air is ftrongly impregnated with fea felt, which pervades every thing, and confumes even iron in a very ftiort fpace of time. The heats are exceffiye, and rendered ftill more infupportable by the refleftion of the fand ; fo that from ten in the morning until four in the afternoon it is almoft impoffible to do any work. During the months of January, February, March, and April, the heats are moderated ; but in Auguft and the following months they become fo op- preffive as even to affe& the natives themfelves. What effea then muft they have upon the Europeans, fudden- ly tranfported into this burning climate ? The nights are a little lefs fukry ; not always, however, but only when the fea-breeze fets in. It is then that the inhabitants of the colony breathe a freffier air, for which they have been longing the whole of the day ; but this air in our cli¬ mate would feem aburning vapour. The nights are never- thelefs troublefome, notwithftanding the comforts of the* L 1 fea- \ SEN f 266 ] SEN Senegal, fea-breeze. The inftant the fun is fet, we are affailed —— by an infinity of gnats, which are called mufquitos; their ftings are very painful, and their multitudes incredible. The inhabitants find but a poor defence in their gauze, curtains. For my own part, accullomed as I had been to live among the Moors, I was but little annoyed by thefe infects. Being half a favage, I felt no defire to recommend myfelf to the favourable regard of the fair fex, and I was therefore under no necefiity of taking cave of my perfon. In imitation of my former mailers, I fmeared myfelf with butter, and this expedient pre- ferved me at all times from thefe impertinent {lingers, thefe fpiteful enemies to the repofe of the human kind. “ If the profpect of Senegal is not agreeable to the eye* much lei's are its environs, which are covered over only with fund, and over-run with mangles. It may be laid, without exaggeration, that there is not a more for- lorn fituation to be found on the face of the inhabited globe, or a place in which the common neceffaries of life are procured with greater difficulties. Water, that jndifpenfable aliment of man, is here not potable. Wells are dug in the fand to the depth of five or fix feet, and water is obtained by thefe means ; but whatever pains arc taken to frefhen it, it ever retains a brackiffi talle. I have dillilled this water myfelf, and obferved that it always had a difagreeable favour, which cannot fail to he hurtful to the health : it is true, that when the ri¬ ver is high, its ftreams are frefe, but the water is only the more dangerous. It proves the caufe of molt of thofe maladies which carry off the Europeans fo rapid¬ ly, that at the end of every three years the colony has a frelh fee of inhabitants. The blacks themfelves, al¬ though accultomed to the climate, are not in this feafon free from dileafe.” The fort of St Louis is a quadrangle, and has two baftions of conliderable ftrength ; but the greatell fecu- rity of the fort is its natural litua^ion. The cannon of the fort are numerous, and the arfenal well fupplied with fmall arms and llores. Behdes this fort the French had no other upon the river, except Fort St iofeph, which Hands about four leagues below the ca- taraifl at Govina, though they had a few factories in different parts. The principal commodity of this country is that of gum Senagal (fee GvM-Senegal), which is a valuable branch of comma ce, as it is ufed in many arts and manufadlures, particularly by the painters in water-colours, the filk weavers, and dyers. The French import from the river Senegal not only gum-arabic, but elephants teeth, hides, bees-wax, gold- dull, cotton, oltrich feathers, ambergris, indigo, and civet. Notwithllanding the barrennefs of the fpot, Senegal contains more than 6000 negroes, including the cap¬ tives of the Tapades, or negroes born of the black in¬ habitants of the country. They are never put up to fale, unlefs convifted of fome crime. Their huts, con- ftrudted in the form of bee-hives, and fupported upon four Hakes, furround the habitations of the negro inha¬ bitants. The entire height of thofe huts may rife to about 12 feet, the width in every direftion is common¬ ly from 10 to 12. The beds are compofed of hurdles laid upon crofs-bars, fupported by forked Hakes at the height of about a foot from the ground. Here the Haves. lleep promifeuoufly, men, women, girls, and boys. A Kfnegid. hre is made in the middle of the hut, which is filled v— with fmoke, fufficient to ilifle any man but a negro. The men are tall, and the women are accounted the handfomell negreffes of all Africa. The Senegaiians may be coniidered as the moll courageous people of that part of the world, without even excepting the Moors. Their courage, however, is more nearly allied to temerity than to bravery. In the courfe of the voy¬ age to Galam, they meet the greatell dangers with gaie¬ ty and fong ; they dread neither mulket nor cannon, and are equally fearlefs of the cayman or crocodile bhould one of their companions be killed, and devoured by thefe animals before their face, they are not deterred from plunging into the water, if the working of the Ihip require it. Thefe excellent qualifications which di- ftinguilh them, and on which they value themfelves fcj much, do not, however, preferve them from the com¬ mon contagion of the country, which inclines them all to rapine. They are emulous to furpafs one another in all the arts of over-reaching and fraud. The con- dudl of the Europeans has, no doubt, encomaged thefe vices as much as the leffons of the marabous, who in¬ culcate the duty of plundering the Chrillians to the ut- moll of their power. The Yolof negroes of Senegal are either Chrillians or Mahometans, or rather one and the other, or with more truth neither ; religion being a matter of indiffe¬ rence to them. Thofe on the continent are of the fame way of thinking, and their religious practices are kept up only for the fake of form. A bar of iron, a few beads, will make them change their opinion at will. By fuch means are they adled upon ; a fufficient proof of their want of all religious principle. The marabous, or priefts, and the men of their law, are no better than the reft. “ I have examined the charadler of feveral of this order of men (fays M. Saugnier), and even among the nation of the Ponies, who are confidered as great fanatics, I difeovered that they were only publicly at¬ tached to their opinions. ‘ This white man (fay they) does fo ; he is better informed than I, and why fhould not I imitate his example ?” This way of reafonrng is common to all that trafl of country. The colony of Senegal is furrounded with illands, which, on account of the proximity of the fea, are all more unhealthy than that on which the town is built. They are full of Handing pools, that, when dried up by the fun, exhale a putrid vapour that carries mortality with it, and defolates thefe illands. It is doubtlefs the- fame caufe that takes off fo many of the French at Se¬ negal during the dangerous feafon of the year. This alfo may be in part occafioned by the bad quality of the water, which flows from the ponds in the neigh¬ bourhood of the colony, and though incorporated with that of the river, comes down little agitated by the cur¬ rent, and is eafily diltinguifhed by a vapidnefs of talle. This, particular is, in my opinion, effentially worthy of notice, and if properly attended to by our medical men, might become the means of preferving many lives. S&NEGAi.-River, fee Niger. As fo little is known refpe&ing this river, which is one of the greatell in A- frica, any additional information mull be interelling. We fhall therefore prefent our readers with the account con¬ tained in the communications prefented to the Affbcia- tion \ SEN [ 267 ] SEN Senegal, tlon for promoting the difcovery of the Interior Parts Seneka. Gf Africa, which, as far as we know, is the lateft and moft authentic. The river known to Europeans by the name of Ariger or Senegal runs on the fouth of the kingdom of Cafma, in its courfe towards Tombudlou ; and if the report which Ben Alii heard in that town may be credited, it is af¬ terwards loll in the fands on the fouth of the country of Tombuftou. In the map (a), only the known part of its courfe is marked by a line ; and the fuppolititious part by dots. It may be proper to obferve, that the Africans have two names for this river ; that is, Neel il Abeedy or river of the Negroes ; and Neel il Ktbeer, or the great river. They alfo term the Nile (that is the Egyptian river) NeelSbem ; fo that the term Neel, from whence our Nile, is nothing more than the appellative of river ; like Ganges,- or Sinde. Of this river the rife and termination are unknown, but the courfe is from eaft to weft. So great is its ra¬ pidity, that no veflel can afcend its ftream; and fuch is the want of fkill, or fuch the abfenee of commercial inducements among the nations who inhabit its borders, that even with the current, neither velfels nor boats are feen to navigate. In one place* indeed, the traveller finds accommodations for the paflage of himfelf and of his goods ; but even there, tho’ the ferrymen, by the in¬ dulgence of the fultan of Cafhna, are exempted from all ^ taxes, the boat which conveys the merchandife is no¬ thing more than an ill-con ftrudled raft; for the planks are faftened to the timbers with ropes, and the fearns are clofed both within and without by a piafter of tough clay, of which a large proviilon is always carried on the raft, for the purpofe of excluding the ftream wherever its entrance is obferved. The depth of the river at the place of paflage, which is more than a hundred miles to the fouth of the city of Cafhna, the capital of the empire of that name, is cftimated at 23 or 24 feet Englifh. Its depth is from 10 to 12 peeks, each of which is 27 inches. Its width is fuch, that even at the ifland of Gongoo, where the ferrymen relide, the found of the loudeft voice from the northern ihore is fcarcely heard; and at Tom- buftou, where the name of Gnenva, or black, is given to the ftream, the width is defcribed as being that of the Thames at Wellminfter. In the rainy feafon it fwells above its banks, and not only floods the adja¬ cent lands, but often fweeps before it the cattle and cottages of the fliort-fighted or too confident inhabi¬ tants. That the people who live in the neighbourhood of the Niger fhould refufe to profit by its navigation, may juftly furprife the traveller: but much greater is his aftomftiment, when he finds that even the food which the bouncy of the ftream would give, is uielefsly offer¬ ed to their acceptance ; for fuch is the want of fkill, or fuch the fettled diflike of the people to this fort of pro- vifion, that the hfh with which the river abounds are left in undifturbed poffefiion of its waters. SENEKA, or Senega, Rattlefnake-root, Milk wort, a medicinal plant. See Polygala. SENESCHAL, (Senefchaltus), derived from the Senefchal German fein “ a houfe or place,” and fcale “ an of- II ficer,” is a fteward, and fignifies one who has the dif- ‘ en"aaT'* f peniing of juftice in fome particular cafes : As the high fenefchal or fteward of England; fenefcbal de la hotel de rot, “ fteward of the king’s houfehold, fenef¬ chal, or flevvard of courts, &c.” Co. Lit. 61. Croke's jurifd. 102. Kitch. 83. See Steward. SENNA, the leaf of the caffia fenna of Linna;us. See Cassia. Senna appears to have been cultivated in England in the time of Parkinfon (1640); and Miller tells us, that Wood-nlltt by keeping thefe plants in a hot-bed all the fnmmer, Medical B»- he frequently had them in flower; but adds, it is very rarely that they perfeft their feeds in England. There can be little doubt, however, but that fome of the Bri- tifh poffeflions may be found well enough adapted to the growth of this vegetable, and that the patriotic views of the Society for encouraging Arts, &c. which has offered a reward to thofe who fucceed in the at¬ tempt, will be ultimately accomplifhed. Senna, which is in common ufe as a purgative, was firil known to the Arabian phylicians Serapion and Mefue: the firft among the Greeks who takes any' notice of it is Aftuarius, but he only fpeaks of the fruit, and not of the leaves. To remove the difagree- able tafte of this medicine, Dr Cullen recommends cori¬ ander feeds; and, for preventing the gripings with which it is fometimes attended, he thinks the warmer aroma¬ tics, as cardamoms or ginger, would be more effeftual. The Senna Ilalica, or blunt-leaved fenna, is a variety of the Alexandrian fpecies; which, by its cultivation in the fouth of France (Provence), has been found to af¬ lame this change. It is lefs purgative than the pointed¬ leaved fenna, and is therefore to be given in larger do- fes. It was employed as a cathartic by Dr Wright at Lend. Med. Jamaica, where it grows on the fand-banks near the fea. J0lir’ , SENNAAR, a country of Africa, bordering upon vol‘ 8* Abyflinia, with the title of a kingdom ; the prefent go¬ vernment of which was ellablilhed in the 16th century by a race of negroes named, in their ov/n language, Sbillook. This country, together with all the northern parts of Africa, had been over-run by the Saracens du¬ ring the rapid conquefts of the khalifs ; but inftead of erefting any diltinft principalities here, as in other parts, they had incorporated themfelves with the old inhabitants called Shepherds, whom they found at their arrival; had converted them to their religion, and become one people with them. In 1504 the Shillook, a people before unknown, came from the weflern banks of the river Bahiar el Abiad, which empties itfelf into the Nile, and conquered the country ; allowing the Arabs, however, to retain their poffeffions on condition of pay¬ ing them a certain tribute. Thefe founded the city of Sennaar, and have ever fince continued to carry on an intercourfe with Egypt in the way of merchandife. At the eftablilhment of their monarchy the whole na¬ tion were Pagans, but foon after became converts to Mohammedanifm, and took the name of Funge, an ap¬ pellation lignifying “ lords or conquerors,” and like- L 1 2 wifc (a) The map alluded to is that which accompanies the volume which contains the proceedings of the Aflbci-= •a* ions. This work was printed in 1791- Sennaar. Sruce's Traiehy Vol. 4. SEN r 268 ] SEN wife free citizens. Mr Bruce, who puffed through this country in his return from Abyflinia, gives a li!l of 20 kings who have reigned in it linee the conqueft. of the ShiUook. This country is inhabited by a people fo barbarous and brutiih, that no hiftory of them can be expefted. One of the moft remarkable of their cufloms is, that the king afcends the throne with the expectation of be¬ ing murdered whenever the general council of the na¬ tion thinks proper. The dreadful office of executioner belongs to one Ixngle officer, ftyled, in the language of the country, Sid el Coom ; and who is always a relation of the monarch himfelf. It was from his regilters that Mr Bruce took the lilt of the kings already mention¬ ed, with the number of years they reigned, and which may therefore be received as authentic. The Sid el Coom in office at the time that Mr Bruce vifited this country was named Achmet, and was one of his belt friends. He had murdered the late king, v/ith three of his fons, one of whom was an infant at its mother’s bread; he was alfo in daily expectation of performing the fame office to the reigning fovereign. He was by no means referved concerning the nature of his office, but anfwered freely every queilion that was put to him. When aflced by Mr Bruce why he murdered the king’s young fon in his father’s prefence ? he aefwered, that he did it from a principle of duty to the king himfelf, who had a right to fee his fon kdled in a lawful and re¬ gular manner, which was by cutting his throat with a fword, and not in a more painful or ignominious way, which the malice of his enemies might poffibly have in- flifted. The king, he faid, was very little concerned at the fight of his fon’s death, but he was fo very unwilling to die himfelf, that he often prefied the executioner to let him efcape; but finding his intreaties ineffectual, he fubmitted at lafl without reliftance. On being afked, whether he was not afraid of coming into the prefence of the king, confidering the office he might poffibly have to perform? he replied, that he was not in the lead afraid on this account; that it was his duty to be with the king every morning, and very late in the evening ; that the king knew he would have no hand in promoting his death ; but that, when the matter was abfolutely determined, the red was only an affair of decency; and it would un¬ doubtedly be his own choice, rather to fall by the hand of his own relation in private than by a hired affaffin, an Arab, or a Chriffian fiave, in the fight of the popu. lace. Baady the king’s father, having the misfortune to be taken priioner, was fent to Atbara to Welled Haffan the governor of that province to be put to death there. But the king, who was a ftrong man, and al¬ ways armed, kept fo much upon his guard, that Welled could find no opportunity of killing him but by running him through the back with a lance as he was wafhing his hands. For this Welled himfelf was afterwards put to death ; not on account of the murder itfelf, but be- caufe, in the firft place, he, who was not the proper ex¬ ecutioner, had prefumed to put the king to death; and, in the next, becaufe he had done it with a lance, where¬ as the only lawful inftrument was a fword. On the death of any of the fovereigns of this coun¬ try, his eldeft fon fucceeds to the throne of courfe ; on which as many of his brothers as can be found aie ap¬ prehended, and put to death by the Sid el Coom in the manner already related. Women are excluded from the fovereignty here as well as in Abyffinia. The punceffes of Sennaar, however, are worfe off than thole ot Abyffinia, having no fettled income, nor being treated in any degree better than the daugh¬ ters of private perfons. Tiie king is obliged, once^in his lifetime, to plough and low a piece of ground j whence he is named jBciady, the 11 countryman or pea- fant;” a title as common among the monarchs of Sen- naar as Caeiar was among the liomans. The royal fa¬ mily were originally negroes; but as the kings frequent¬ ly marry Arab women, the white colour of the mother is communicated to the child. This, we are told by Mr Bruce, is invariably the cafe when a negro man of Sennaar marries an Arab woman ; and it holds equally good when an Arab man marries a negro woman ; and he likewife informs us, that he never faw one black A- rab all the time he was at Sennaar. The foil and climate of this country is extremelv un¬ favourable both to man and bead. The men are ftrong and remarkable for their iize, but fhortdived; and there is fuch a mortality among the children, that were it not foi a conftant importation of flaves, the metropolis would be depopulated. The ffiortnefs of their lives, however, may perhaps be accounted for, from their in¬ dulging themfelves from their infancy in eveiy kind of excefs. No horfe, mule, nor ais, will live at Sennaar or for many miles round it. The cafe is the fame with bullocks, fheep, dogs, cats, and poultry; all of them muft go to the fands every half-year. It is difficult to account for this mortality ; though Mr Bruce allures us it is the cafe everywhere about the metropolis of this country, where the foil is a fat earth during the firft feafon of the rains. Two greyhounds which he brought along with him from Atbara, and the mules he brought horn Abyffinia, lived only a few weeks alter their arri¬ val at Sennaar. Several of the kings of Sennaar have tried to keep lions, but it was always found impoffible to preferve them alive after the rains. They will live, however, as well as other quadrupeds, in the fands, at 110 gi eat diftance from the capital. — No fpecies of tree except the lemon flowers near this city ; the cultivation of the rofe has often been attempted, but always with¬ out fuccefs. In other relpedts, however, the foil of Sennaar is exceedingly fertile, being faid to yield 3©o fold ; but this is thought by Mr Bruce to be a great exaggeratiom It is all lown with dora or millet, which is the principal food of the people ; wheat and rice are alfo produced here, which are fold by the pound, even in years of plenty. The foil all round is ftrongly im¬ pregnated with fait, fo that a fufficient quantity to ferve the inhabitants is extrafted from it. Sennaar., a city of Africa, the capital of the king¬ dom of that name. It Hands, according to Mr Bruce’s obfervations, in N. Lat. 34' 36" E. Long. 330 30' 30" on the weftern fide of the Nile, and clofe upon the banks of it; the ground on which it Hands being juft high enough to prevent the inundation. The town is very populous, and contains a great many houfes. In Poncet’s time they were all of one ftory ; but now moft of the officers have houfes of two ftories high. They are built of clay mixed with a very little ftraw, and have all flat roofs; which fhows that the rains here muff SEN [ 269 ] , SEN Sennaar. Vol. iv. P* 475- muft be much lefs in quantity than to the fouthward. During the time of Mr Bruce’s rehdence here, however, there was one week of continual rain, and the Nile, af¬ ter loud thunder and great darknels to the fouth, in- creafed violently; the whole itream being covered with the wrecks of houfes and their furniture ; fo that he fuppofed it had deftroyed many villages to the fouth¬ ward. About 12 miles t® the north-wcit of Sennaar is a collection of villages named Shaddly, from a great faint of that name, who conftru£ted feveral granaries here. Theie are no other than large pits dug in the ground, and well plaftered in the mfide with clay, then filled with grain when it is at its lowelt price, and afterwards covered up and plaftered again at top : thefe pits they call mat amores. On any profpeCt of dearth they are opened, and the corn fold to the people. About 24 miles north of Shaddly there is another let of granaries named IVed-Aboud, ftill greater than Shaddly; and upon theie two the fubfiftence of the Arabs principally de¬ pends : for as thefe people are at continual war with each other, and diredt their fury rather againft the crops than the perfons of their enemies, the whole of them would be unavoidably ftarved, were it not for this ex¬ traordinary refource. Small villages of foldiers are fcat- tered up and down this country to guard the grain af¬ ter it is fown, which is only that fpecies of millet named Dora ; the foil, it is laid, being incapable of producing any other. There are great hollows made in the earth at proper diftances throughout the country, which fill with water in the rainy feafon, and are afterwards of great ufe to the Arabs as they pafs from the cultivated parts to the fands. The fly, which is fuch a dreadful enemy to the cattle, is never feen to the northward of Shaddly. To the weftward of thefe granaries the country is quite full of trees as jar as the river Abiad, or El-aice. In this extenfive plain there arife two ridges of moun¬ tains, one called 'Jibbel Moira, or the Mountain oj water ; the other Jibbel Segud, or the Cold Mountain. Both of them enjoy a fine climate, and ferve for a protection to the farms about Shaddly and Aboud already mentioned. Here alfo are fortreffes placed in the way of the Arabs, which ferve to oblige them to pay tribute in their flight from the cultivated country, during the rains, to the dry lands of Atbara. Each of thefe diflriCls is governed by the defeendant of their ancient and native princes, who long refifted all the power of the Arabs. Sacri¬ fices of a horrid nature are faid to have been offered up on thefe mountains till about the year 1554, when one of the kings of Sennaar befieged firft one and then the other of the princes in their mountains; and having forced them to furrender, he fattened a chain of gold to each of their tars, expofed them in the market-place at Sennaar, and fold them for flaves at lefs than a farthing each. Soon after this they were circumcifed, convert¬ ed to the Mahometan religion, and reitored to their kingdoms. “ Nothing (fays Mr Bruce) is more pleafant than the country around Sennaar in the end of Auguft and beginning of September. The grain, being now fprung up, makes the whole of this immenfe plain appear a le¬ vel green land, interfperfed with great lakes of water, and ornamented at certain intervals with groups of vil¬ lages ; the conical tops of the houfes prefenting at a diftance the appearance of fmall encampments. Through this very extenfive plain winds the Nile, a delightful river there, above a mile broad, full to the very brim, but never overflowing. Everywhere on thefe banks are feen herds of the moft beautiful cattle of various kinds. The banks of the Nile about Sennaar refemble the pieafanteft part of Holland in the fummer fea- lon ; but foon after, when the rains ceafe, and the fun exerts its utmoft influence, the dora begins to ripen, the leaves to turn yellow and to rot, the lakes to putrefy, fmell, become full of vermin, and all its beauty iuddenly diiappears: bare fcorched Nubia returns, and all its ter¬ rors of poifonous winds and moving fands, glowing and ventilated with fultry blafts, which are followed by a troop of terrible attendants ; epilepfies, apoplexies, vio¬ lent fevers, obftinate agues, and lingering painful dyfen- teries, ftill more obftinate and mortal. “ War and treaion feem to be the only employment of this horrid people, whom Heaven has feparated by almoft impaflable deierts from the reft of mankind; con¬ fining them to an accurfed fpot, feemingly to give them an earneft in time of the only other courfe which he has referved to them for an eternal hereafter.” With regard to the climate of the country round Sennaar, Mr Bruce has feveral very curious obferva- tions. The thermometer rifes in the fhade to 119 de¬ grees ; but the degree indicated by this inftrument does not at all correfpond with the fenfations occafioned by it; nor with the colour of the people who live under it. “ Nations of blacks (lays he) live within latitude 13 and 14 degrees; about 10 degrees fouth of them, nearly under the line, all the people are white, as we had an opportunity of oblerving daily in the Galla Sennaar, which is in latitude 13 degrees, is'hotter by the ther¬ mometer 50 degrees, when the fun is moft diftant from it, than Gondar, which is a degree farther fouth, when the fun is vertical.—Cold and hot (fays our author) are terms merely relative, not determined by the lati¬ tude, but elevation of the place. When, therefore, we fay hot, fome other explanation is neceflary concerningthe place where we are, in order to give an adequate idea of the fenfations of that heat upon the body, and the ef¬ fects of it upon the lungs. The degree of the ther¬ mometer conveys this but very imperfectly; 90 degrees is exedlively hot at Loheia in Arabia Felix ; and yet tne latitude of Loheia is but 15 degrees ; whereas 90. degrees at Sennaar is only warm as to fenfe; though. Sennaar, as we have already laid, is in latitude 12 de¬ grees. “ At Sennaar, then, I call it cold, when one fully clothed and at reft feels himfelf in want of fire. I call it cool, when one fully clothed and at reft feels he could bear more covering all over, or in part, than he has at that time. I call it temperate, when a man fo clothed, and at reft, feels no luch want, and can take moderate exercife, luch as walking about a room without fweat- ing. I call it warm, when a man, fo clothed, does not fvveat when at reft; but, upon taking moderate exercile, fweats, and again cools. I call it hot, when a man at reft, or with moderate exercife, fweats exceffively. I call it very hot, when a man with thin, or little clothing, fweats much, though at reft. I call it excejjive hot, when a man, in his Ihirt and at reft, fweats exceffively, when ali/notion is painful, and the knees feel feeble, as if af¬ ter a lever. I call it extreme hot, when the ftrength fails, a difpofition to faint comes on, a flraitnefs is found ia Sennanr. SEN [ 270 1 SEN Sennaar. in tlie temples, as if a {mall cord was drawn tight about v the head, the voice impaired, the {kin dry, and the head feems more than ordinarily large and light. This, I apprehend, denotes death at hand; but this is rarely or never effefted by the fun alone, without the addition of that poifonous wind which purfued us through At- bara, where it has, no doubt, contributed to the total extinftion of every thing that hath the breath of life. A thermometer^ graduated upon this fcale, would exhi¬ bit a figure very different from the common one ; for I am convinced by experiment, that a web of the fined muffin, wrapt round the body at Sennaar, wfill occafion at raid-day a greater fenfation of heat in the body, than a rife of 5 degrees in the thermometer of Fahrenheit. “ At Sennaar, from 70 to 78 degrees of Fahrenheit’s thermometer is cool; from 79 to 92 temperate ; at 92 degrees begins warmth. Although the degree of the thermometer marks a greater heat than is felt by the body of us ftrangers, it feems to me that the fenfations of the natives bear Hill a lefs proportion to that degree than ours. On the 2d of Auguft, while I was lying perfectly enei vated on a carpet in a room deluged with water at 12 o’clock, the thermometer at 116, I faw feveral black labourers pulling down a houfe, working with great vigour, without any fymptoms of being in¬ commoded.” The drefs of the people of Sennaar confifts only of a long fhirt of blue cloth, which wraps them up from the under part of the neck to the feet. It does not, however, conceal the neck in the men, though it does in the women. The men fometimes have a fafh tied about their middle; and both men and women go bare¬ footed in the houfes, wdiatever their rank may be. The floors of their apartments, efpecially thofe of the w^o- men, are covered with Perfian carpets. Both men and women anoint themfelves, at leaft once a-day, with ca¬ mel’s greafe mixed with civet, which, they imagine, foftens their {kins, and preferves them from cutane¬ ous eruptions ; of which they are fo fearful, that they confine themfelves to the houfe if they obferve the fmalleft pimple on their ikins. With the fame view of preferving their fkins, though they have a clean fhirt every day, they ffeep with a greafed one at night, having no other covering but this. Their bed is a tanned bull’s hide, which this conftant grealing foftens very much ; it is alfo very cool, though it gives a fmell to their bodies from which they cannot be freed by any waffling. Our author gives a very curious defcnption of the queens and ladies of the court at Sennaar. He had accefs to them as a phyfician, and was permitted to pay his viiit alone. He was firft ffiown into a large fquare apartment, where there were about 50 black women, all quite naked excepting a very narrow piece of cotton rag about their waifts. As he was muling whether thefe were all queens, one of them took him by the hand, and led him into another apartment much better lighted than the former. Here he faw three women fitting upon a bench or fofa covered with blue Surat cloth; they themfelves being clothed from the neck to the feet with cotton fhirts of the fame colour. Thefe were three of the king’s wives ; his favourite, who was one of the number, appeared to be about fix feet high, and fo corpulent that our traveller imagined her to be the largelt creature he had feen next to the elephant and rhinoceros. Her features perfe&ly refembled thofe Sentmr, of a negro: a ring of gold pafled through her under lip, Sennertii*. and weighed it down, till, like a flap, it covered her chin, leaving her teeth bare, which were frnall and very fine. ■ The infide of her lip was made black with anti¬ mony. Her ears reached down to her {boulders, and had the appearance of wings : there was a gold ring in each of them about five inches in diameter, and fome- what Imaller than a man’s little finger; the weight of which had drawn down the.hole where her ear was pierced fo much that three fingers might ealily pafs above the ring. She had a gold necklace like that called tfclavage, of feveral rows, one below another; to which were hung rows of fequins pierced. She had two manacles of gold upon her ancles larger than thofe ufed for chaining felons. Oar author could not imagine how it was poflible for her to walk with them, tiff he was informed that they were hollow. t he others were drefled much in the fame manner; only there was one who had chains coming from her ears to the outhde of each noffril, where they were faftened. A ring was alfo put through the griffle of her nofe, and which hung down to the opening of her mouth; having all together fomething of the appearance of a horfe’s bridle; and Mr Bruce thinks that ffic muff; have breathed with dif¬ ficulty. The poorer fort of the people of Sennar live upon the flour or bread of millet; the rich make puddings of this, toafting the flour before the fire, and putting milk and butter into it ; belides which they ufe beef partly roafted and partly raw. They have very fine and fat horned cattle, but the meat commonly fold in the market is camel’s fleffi. The liver and fpare rib of this animal are always eaten raw; nor did our au¬ thor fee one inftance to the contrary all the time he was in the country. Hog’s flefh is not fold in the market; but all the common people of Sennaar eat it openly; thofe in office, who pretend to be Maho¬ metans, doing the fame in fecret. There are no manufactures in this country, and the principal article of trade is blue Surat cloth. In for¬ mer times, when caravans could pafs with fafety, Indian goods were brought in quantities from Jidda to Sen¬ naar, and then difperfed over the country of the blacks. The returns weie made in gold, a powder called Tibbary civet, rhinocerofes horns, ivory, oftrich feathers, and above all ffaves or glafs, more of thefe being export¬ ed from Sennaar than from all the Eait of Africa. This trade, however, as well as that of the gold and ivo¬ ry, is almoft deftroyed; though the gold is {till reputed to be the beft and pureft in Africa, and is therefore bought at Mocha to be carried to India, where it all centres at laft. SENNERTUS (Daniel), an eminent phyheian, was born in 1372 at Brcflaw ; and in 1593 he was fent to Wittemberg, where he made great progrefs in philo- fophy and phyhe. He vihted the univerlities of Leip- fic, Jena, Francfort upon the Oder, and Berlin ; but foon returned to Wittemberg, where he was promoted to the degree of doftor of phyfic, and foon after to a profeflbrlhip in the fame faculty. He was the firfl: who introduced the ftudy of chermilry into that univerfity ; he gained a great reputation by his works and praftice, and was very generous to the poor. He died of the plague at Wittemberg, in 1637. He raifed himfelf enemies SEN C 271 ] SEN S«n^ncs enemies by contradisfting the ancients. He thought the II feed of all living creatures animated, and that the foul of this feed produces organization. He was accufed of impiety for afferting that the fouls of beads are not ma¬ terial ; for this was affirmed to be the fame thing with afieiting that they are immortal ; but he rejected this confequenee, as he well might do. See Metaphysics, Part III. chap. vi. t SENONES, (anc. geog.), a people of Gfllia Cel- tica, fituated on the Sequana to the fouth of the Parifii, near the confluence of the Jeauna or Yonne with the above-mentioned river. Their mod confiderable ex¬ ploit was their invafron of Italy, and taking and burn¬ ing Rome, as related under that article. This was done v by a colony of them long before tranfported into Italy, and fettled on the Adriatic. Their capital, Agendi- cum in Gaul, was in the lower age called Senones, now Sens. In Italy the Senones extended themfebes as far as the river Adis ; but were afterwards driven beyond the Rubicon, which became the boundary of Gallia Ci* falpina, (Polybius, Strabo.) SENSATION, in philofophy, the perception of external objefts by means of the fenits. See Meta¬ physics, Part I. chap. i. SENSE, a faculty of the foul whereby it perceives external objects by means of the impreflions they make on certain organs of the body. See Metaphysics, Part I. and Anatomy, n° 137, &c. Common Sense, is a term that has been varioufly ufed both bv ancient and modern writers. With fome it has been fynonymous with public fenfe ; with others it has denoted prudence ; in certain inflances, it has been confounded with fome of the powers of tafle ; and, ac¬ cordingly, thofe who commit egregious blunder s Math regard to decorum, faying and doing what is offenilve to their company, and inconfiftent with their own cha- radter, have been charged with a defedl in common fenfe. Some men are diftingnifhed by an uncommon acutenefs in difeovering the chara&ers of others ; and this talent has been fometimes called common fenfe; fp. niilar to which is that ufe of the term, which makes it to lignify that experience and knowledge of life which is acquired by living in fociety. To this mean¬ ing Quintilian refers, fpeaking of the advantages of a public education : Senfum ipfum qui communis dicitur, ubi ilfeet, cum fe a congrejju, qui non heminibus folum, fed mutis quoque animalibus naiuralis ejl, Jegregurit ? Lib. i. cap. 2. But the term common fenfe hath in modern times been ufed to fignify that power of the mind which per¬ ceives truth, or commands belief, not by progreffive ar¬ gumentation, but by an inftantaneous, inllindlive, and irrefrftible impulfe ; derived neither from education nor from habit, but from nature ; adding independently of our will, whenever its objedt is prefented, according to an eftablifhed law, and therefore called fenfe; and adf- ,ing in a fimilar manner upon all, or at kail upon a great majority of mankind, and therefore called common j'enfe. See Metaphysics, n° j 27. Moral Sense, is a determination of the mind to be pleafed with the contemplation of thofe affedlions, ac¬ tions, or charadlers, of rational agents, which we call good or virtuous. This moral fenfe of beauty in addions and affedlions may appear ftrange at firft view : feme of our mcralifts Senfe, themfelves are offended at it in Lord Shaftefbury, as be* Senfiblc. ing accuftomed to deduce every approbation or averfion from rational views of intereft. It is certain that his Lordfhip has carried the influence of the moral fenfe very far, and fome of his followers have carried it far¬ ther. The advocates for the felfifh fyftem feem to drive their opinions to the oppofite extreme, and we have elfe- where endeavoured to (how that the truth lies between the contending parties. See Moral Philosophy, nS 27 —32* Public Sense is defined by the noble author of the Charadtertftics to be an innate propenfity to be pleafed with the happinefs of others, and to be uneafy at their mifery. It is found, he fays, in a greater or lefs degree in all men, and was fometimes called or fenfus communis, by ancient writers. Of the reality of this public fenfe wc-have great doubts. The condudl of lavages, who are more under the influence of original inllindl than civilized men, gives no countenance to it. Their affedlions feem all to be felfifh, or at lead to fpring from felf-love variouf¬ ly modified. For the happinefs ox their wives they have very little regard, confideving them merely as in- ftruments of their own pleafure, and valuing them for nothing die. Hence they make them toil, while they themfelves indulge in lilllefs idlenefs. To their children we believe they exhibit ftrong fymptoms of attachment, as feon as they derive affiltance from them in war, or in the bufinefs of the chace ; but during the helplefs years of infancy, the child is left by the felfifh father wholly to the care and protedtion of its wretched mother y who, impelled by the Jlorge of all females to their young, cherifees her offspring with great fondnefs.—- The favage is, indeed, fufceptible of ftrong attachments,, fimilar to that which we call friendfliip ; but fuch at¬ tachments are no proofs of difinterefted benevolence, or what his Lordfhip calls the public fenfe. Two barbarous heroes are probably firft linked together by the ob- fervation of each other’s provvefs in war, or their fkill in purfuing their game ; for foch obfervation cannot fail to fhow them that they may be ufeful to one another and we have elfewliere fhown how real friendfhip may fpxing from fentiments originally fdfifh. The favage is very much attached to his horde or tribe, and this at¬ tachment refembles patriotifm : but patriotifm itfelf is not a fentirnent of pure benevolence delighting in the happinefs of others, and grieving at their mifery ; for the patriot prefers his own country to all others, and is not very fcrupulous with refpedt to the redlitude of the means by which he promotes its intereft, or depreffes its rivals. The favage purfues with relentlefs rigour the enemies of himfclf or of the tribe to which he belongs; fhows no mercy to them when in his power, but puts them to the crudleft death, and carries their fealps to the leader of his party. Thefe fadls, which cannot be controverted, are perfedlly irreconcileable with innate benevolence, or a public fenfe comprehending the whole race of men ; and fnow the truth of that theory by which we have in another place endeavoured to account for all the paflions, fecial as well as felfifh. See Pas¬ sion. * SENSIBLE note, in mufic, is that which confti- tutes a third major above the dominant, and a femi- 8 tone SEN [2 Senfibility tone beneath the tonic. Si, or B, is the fenfible note in the tone of or C ^ ; or G {harp, in the tone of /a or A. They call it the fevjible note on this account,that it caufes to be perceived the tone or natural feries of the key and the tonic itfelf; upon which, after the chord of the do¬ minant, the fenfible note taking the fhorteft road, is under a neceflity of rifing ; which has made fome au¬ thors treat this feniible note as a major diffonance, for want of obferving, that diffonance, being a relation, cannot be conftituted unlefs by two notes between which it fubfifts. It is not meant that the fenfible note is the feventh of the tone, becaufe, in the minor mode, this feventh can¬ not be a fenfible note but in afeending ; for, in delcend- ing, it is at the diftance of a full, note from the tonic, and of a third minor from the dominant. SENSIBILITY, is a nice and delicate perception of pleafure or pain, beauty or deformity. It is very near¬ ly allied to tafte ; and, as far as it is natural, feems to depend upon the organization of the nervous fyftem. It is capable, however, of cultivation, and is experien¬ ced in a much higher degree in civilized than in favage nations, and among perfons liberally educated than among boors and illiterate mechanics. The man who has cultivated any of the fine arts has a much quicker and more exquifite perception of beauty and deformity in the execution of that art, than another of equal or even greater natural powers, who has but cafually in- fpedfed its produdlions. He who has been long accuf- tomed to that decorum of manners which charafterizes the polite part of the world, perceives almoft inftantane- oufiy the fmalleft deviation from it, and feels himfelf al¬ moft as much hurt by behaviour harmlefs in itfelf, as by the grofleft rudenefs ; and the man who has long pro¬ ceeded fteadily in the paths of virtue, and often painted to himfelf the deformity of vice, and the miferies of which it is produAive, is more quickly alarmed at any deviation from reAitude, than another who, though his life has been ftained by no crime, has yet thought lefs upon the principles of virtue and confequences of vice. Every thing which can be called fenfibility, and is not born with man, may be refolved into aflbeiation, and is to be regulated accordingly ; for fenfibilities may be acquired which are inimical to happinefs and to the praAice of virtue. The man is not to be envied who has fo accuftomed himfelf to the forms of polite addrefs as to be hurt by the unaffeAed language and manners of the honeft peafant, with whom he may have occafion to tranfaA bufinefs ; nor is he likely to acquire much ufeful knowledge who has fo feduloufly ftudied the beauties of compofition as to be unable to read without difguft a book of fcience or of hiftory, of which the ftyle comes not up to his ftandard of perfeAion. That fen¬ fibility which we either have from nature, or neceflarily acquire, of the miferies of others, is of the greateft ufe when properly regulated, as it powerfully impels us to relieve their diftrefs; but if it by any means become fo exquifite as to make us fliun the fight of mifery, it counteraAs the end for which it was implanted in our nature, and only deprives us of happineft, while it con¬ tributes nothing to the good of others. Indeed there is reafon to believe that all fuch extreme fenlibilities are felfifti affeAations, employed as apologies for withholding from the miferable that relief which it is in oiir power 72 ] SEN to give ; for there is not a faA better eftablifhed in the Senfibiljty . fcience of human nature, than that paffive perceptions ^"fiovc.* grow gradually weaker by repetition, while aAive ha- ~—v bits daily acquire ilrength. It is of great importance to a literary man to culti¬ vate his tafte, becaufe it is the fource of .much elegant and refined pleafure, (fee Taste) ; but there is a de¬ gree of faftidioufnefs which renders that pleafure impof- fible to be obtained, and is the certain indication of ex¬ piring letters. It is neceffary to fubmit to the artificial rules of politenefs, for they tend to promote the peace and harmony of fociety, and are fometimes a ufeful fub- ftitute for moral virtue ; but he who with refpeA to them has fo much fenfibility as to be difgufted with all whofe manners are not equally polifhed with his ovn, is a very troublefome member of fociety. It is every man’s duty to cultivate his moral fenfibilities, fo as to make them fubfervient to the purpofes for which they were given to him; but if he either feel, or pretend to feel, the miferies of others to fo exquifite a degree as to be unable to afford them the relief which they have a right to expeA, his fenfibilities are of no good tendency. That the man of true fenfibility has more pains and move pleafures than the callous wretch, is univerlally ad¬ mitted, as well as that his enjoyments and fufferings are more exquifite in their kinds; and as no man lives for himfelf alone, no man will acknowledge his want of fenfibility, or exprefs a wifti that his heart were callous. It is, however, a matter of fome moment to diftinguifti real fenfibilities from ridiculous affeAions ; thofe which tend to increafe the fum of human happinefs from fuch as have a contrary tendency, and to cultivate them all in fuch amanner as to make them anfwer the ends for which they were implanted in us by the beneficent Author of na¬ ture. This can be done only by watching over them as over other aflbeiations, (fee Metaphysics, n° 98.); for exceflive fenfibility, as it is not the gift of nature, is the bane of human happinefs. “ Too much tendernefs (as Roufleau well obferves) proves the bittereft curfe in Head of the moft fruitful bleffing ; vexation and dif- appointment are its certain confequences. The tempe¬ rature of the air, the change of the feafons, the brilli¬ ancy of the fun, or thicknefs of the fogs, are fo many moving fprings to the unhappy poffeflbr, and he becomes the wanton fport of their arbitration.” SENSITIVE-plant. See Mimosa, Dion^ea, and Heuysarum. The fenfitive plants are well known to poflefs a kind of motion, by which the leaves and {talks are contraA- ed and fall down upon being {lightly touched, or {haken with fome degree of violence. The contraAion of the leaves and branches of the fenfitive plant when touched, is a very fingular phenome¬ non. Different hypothefes have been formed by bota- nifts in order to explain it ; but we arc difpofed to be¬ lieve that thefe have generally been deduced rather from analogical reafoning than from a colleAion of faAs and obfervations. We {hall therefore give an account of all the important faAs which we have been able to colleA upon this cuiious fubjeA ; and then draw Inch conclu- fions as obvioufly refult from them, without, however, at¬ tempting to fupport any old, or to eftablilh a new, hy- pothefis. 1. it is difficult to touch the leaf of a healthy fenfi¬ tive plant fo delicately that it will not immediately col- 7 lapfe SEN [2 lapfe (a), the foliola or little leaves moving at their bale till they come into contad, and then applying themfelves clofe together. If the leaf be touched with a little more force, the oppofite leaf will exhibit the fame appearance. If a little more force be applied, the partial footftalks bend down towards the common foot- ilalk from which they iflue, making with it a more acute angle than before. If the touch be more violent Hill, all"'the leaves fituated on the fame fide with the one that hasJ been touched will inltantly collapfe, and the partial footftalk will approach the common footllalk t:o which it is attached, in the fame manner as the partial footftalk of the leaf apprciaches the ftem or branch from which it iffues ; fo that the whole 'plant, from ha¬ ving its branches extended, will immediately appear like a weeping birch. 2. Thefe motions of the plant are performed by means of three diftind and fenlible articulations. The firft, that of the foliola or lobes to the partial footftalk ; the fecond, that of the partial footftalk to the common one ; the third, that of the common footftalk to the trunk. The primary motion of all which is the clofsng ot the leaf upon the partial footftalk, which is performed in a ftmilar manner, and by a fimilar articulation. I nis, however, is much lefs viiible than the others. 1 hefe motions are wholly independent on one another, as may be proved by experiment. It appears that if the par¬ tial footftalks are moved, and collapfe toward the petioli, or thefe toward the trunk, the little leaves, whofe motion is ufually primary to thefe, fhould be affeded alfo ; yet experiment proves that it is poffible to touch the footftalks in fuch a manner as to affed them only, and make them apply themfelves to the trunk, while the leaves feel nothing of the touch ; but this cannot be, unlefs the footftalks are fo difpofed as that they can fall to the trunk, without fuffering their leaves to touch any part of the plant in their paflage, becatife, if they do, they are immediately affeded. 3. Winds and heavy rains make the leaves of the fen- fitive plant contrad and clofe ; but no fuch effed is produced from flight {bowers. 4. At night, or when expofed to much cold in the day, the leaves meet and clofe in the fame manner as when touched, folding their upper furfaces together, and in part over each other, like fcales or tiles, io as to expofe as little as pofiible of the upper \urface to the air. The oppoflte ftdes of the leaves (foliola j do not come clofe together in the night, for when touched they apply themfelves clofer together. Dr Darwin kept a fenfitive plant in a dark place for fome hours after day¬ break ; the leaves and footftalks were collapfed as in its moft profound fleep; and, on expofing it to the light, above 20 minutes paffed before it was expanded. 5. In the month of Auguft, a fenfitive plant was carried in a pot out of its ufual place into a dark cave, the motion that it received in the carnage fhut up its leaves, and they did not open till 24 hours aftei wards ; at this time t .ey became moderately open, but were af- Vol. XVIL Fart. I. 73 j SEN tewards fubjefl to no changes at night or morning, but Senfit remained three days and nights with their leaves in the “~v fame moderately open ftate. At the end of this time they were brought out again into the air, and there re¬ covered their natural periodical motions, {hutting every night, and opening every morning, as naturally and as ftrongly as if the plant had not been in this forced ftate $ and while in the cave, it was obferved to be very little lefs affected with the touch than when abroad in the open air. 6. The great heats of fummer, when there is open funfhine at noon, affed the plant in fome degree like cold, caufing it to flint up its leaves a little, but never in any very great degree. The plant, however, is leaft: of all affeded about nine o’clock in the morning, and that is confequentl/ the propereft time to make experi¬ ments on it. A branch of the fenfitive plant cut off, and laid by, retains yet its property of {hutting up and opening in the morning for fome days ; and it holds it longer if kept with one end in water, than if left to dry more fuddenly. 7. The leaves only of the fenfitive plant {hut up in the night, not the branches'; and if it be touched at this time, the branches are affeded in the fame manner as in the day, {hutting up, or approaching to the ftalk or trunk, in the fame manner, and often with more force. It is of no confequence what the fubftance is with which the plant is touched, it anfwers alike to all; but there may be obferved a little fpot, difiinguifhable by its paler colour in the articulations of its leaves, where the greateft and niceft fenfibility is evidently placed. 8. Duhamel having obferved, about the 15th of September, in moderate weather, the natural motion of a branch of a fenfitive plant, remaiked, that at nine in the morning it formed with the ftem an angle of 100 degrees; at noon, 112 degrees ; at three afternoon, it returned to ico ; and after touching the branch, the angle was reduced to 90. Three quarters of aa hour after it had mounted to 112 ; and, at eight at night, it defeended again, without being touched, to 90. The day after, in finer weather, the fame branch, at eight in the morning, made an angle of 135 degrees with the item ; after being touched, the angle was diminilhed to 80 ; an hour after, it rofe again to 135 ; being touch¬ ed a fecond time, it deicended again to 80 ; an hour and a half after, it had rifcn to 145 ; and upon being touched a third time, defeended to 135 ; and remained in that pofition till five o’clock in the afternoon, when being touched a fourth time it fell to no. 9. The parts of the plants which have collapfed af¬ terwards unfold themfelves, and return to their former expanded ftate. The time required for that purpofe varies, according to the vigour of the plant, the feafon of the y ear, the hour of the day, the ftate of the at- mofphere. Sometimes half an hour is requifite, fome- timea only ten minutes. The order in which the parts recover themfelves varies in like manner : fometimes it is the common footftalk ; fometimes the rib to which Mm. the (a) As the nature of the fenfitive plant is curious, we wifh to make the defeription of it intelligible to thofe who are not acquainted with the technical language of botany. We have therefore uied the word IccJ inftead of fz/ic/um, or lobe. SEN Senfuive the leaves arc attached ; and fometlmcs the leaves them felves are expanded, before the other parts have made any attempt to be reinftated in their former pofition. 10. If, without (baking the other (mailer leaves, we cut off the half of a leaf or lobe belonging to the lad pair, at the extremity or fummit of a wing, the leaf cut, and its antagoniff, that is to fay, the firft pair, begin to approach each other ; then the fecond, and (o on fucceffively, till all the leffer leaves, or lobes of that wing, have collapfed in like manner. Frequently, af¬ ter 12 or 15 feconds, the lobes of the other wings, which were not immediately affe&ed by the ftroke, (hut; whilft the (talk and its wing, beginning at the bottom, and proceeding in order to the top, gradually recover themfelves. If, inftead o( one of the leffer extreme leaves, we cut off one belonging to the pair that is next the footftalk, its antagonift (huts, as do the other pairs fucceffively, from the bottom to the top. If all the leaves of one fide of a wing be cut off, the oppofite leaves are not affefted, but remain expanded. With fome addrefs, it is poflible even to cut off a branch without hurting the leaves, or making them fall. The common footftalk of the winged leaves being cut as far as three-fourths of its diameter, ail the parts which hang down collapfe, but quickly recover without ap¬ pearing to have fuffered any confiderable violence by the (hock. An incifion being made into one of the prin¬ cipal branches to the depth of one-half the diameter, the branches fituated betwixt the feftion and the root will fall down ; thofe above the incifion remain as be¬ fore, and the leffer leaves continue open ; but this di- re&ton is foon deftroyed, by cutting off one of the lobes at the extremity, as was obferved above. Laftly, a whole wing being cut off with precaution near its in- fertion into the common footftalk, the other wings are not affefted by it, and its own lobes do not (hut. No motion enfues from piercing thebranch with a needle or other (harp inftrument. 11. If the end of one of the leaves be burned with the flame of a candle, or by a burning glafs, or by touching it with hot iron, it clofes up in a moment, and the oppofite leaf does the fame, and after that the whole feries of leaves on each fide of the partial or little footftalk ; then the footftalk itfelf; then the branch or common footftalk ; all do the fame, if the burning has been in a fufficient degree. This proves that there is a very nice communication between all the parts of the plant, by means of which the burning, which only is applied to the extremity of one leaf, diffufes its influ¬ ence through every part of the (limb. If a drop of aquafortis be carefully laid upon a leaf of. the fenfitive plant, (o as not to (hake it in the leaft, the leaf does not begin to move till the acrid liquor corrodes the fub- ftance of it ; but at that time, not only that particular leaf, but all the leaves placed on the fame footftalk, ciofe themfelves up. The vapour of burning fulphur has alfo this effeft on many leaves at once, according as they are more or lefs expofed to it ; but a bottle of very acrid and fulphureous fpirit of vitriol, placed under the branches unftopped, produces no fuch effedf. Wetting the leaves with (pirit of wine has been obferved alfo to have no effeft, nor the rubbing oil of almonds over them ; though this laft application deftroys many plants. From the preceding experiments the following con- SEN clufions maybe fairly drawn : 1. The contraction ox Senfit've, the parts of the fenfitive plant is occafioned by an exter- ——y—-w nal force, and the contraction is in proportion to the force. 2. All bodies which can exert any force affect the fenfitive plant; fome by the touch or by agitation, as the wind, rain, See. ; fome by chemical influence, as heat and cold. 3. Touching or agitating the plant pro¬ duces a greater effect than an incifion or cutting off a part, or by applying heat or cold. Attempts have been made to explain tbefe curious phenomena. Dr Darwin, in the notes to his admired poem, intitled, 7 fie Bet mu Garden, lays it down as a principle, that “ the deep of animals coniifts in a fuf- penfion of voluntary motion ; and as vegetables are fub- ject to deep as well as animals, there is reafon to con¬ clude (fays he) that the various action of clofing their petals and foliage may be juftly aferibed to a voluntary power ; for without the faculty of volition deep would not have been neceffary to therm” Whether this defi¬ nition of deep when applied to animals be juft, we (hall not inquirebut it is evident the fuppofed analogy be*- tween the deep of animals and the deep of plants has led Dr Darwin to admit this aftonifhing conclufion, that plants have volition. As volition prefuppofes a mind or foul, it were to be widied that he had given us fome in¬ formation concerning the nature of a vegetable foul, which can think and will. We fufpedt, however, that this vegetable foul will turn out to be a mere mechani¬ cal or chemical one ; for it is affeAed by external forces uniformly in the fame way, its volition is merely paffive, and never makes any fuccefsful refiftance againft thofe caufes by which it is induenced. All this is a mere abufe of words. The deep of plants is a metaphorical expredion, and has not the leaft refemblance to the deep of animals. Plants are faid to deep when the dowers or leaves are contrafted or folded together ; but we never heard that there is any fimilar contra&ion in the body of an animal during deep. The fibres of vegetables have been compared with the mufcles of animals, and the motions of the fenfitive plant have been fuppofed the fame with mufcular motion. Between the fibres of vegetables and the mufcles of ani¬ mals, however, there is not the leaft fimilarity. If mufcles be cut through, fo as to be feparaied from the joints to which they are attached, their powers are completely deftroyed ; but this is not the cafe with vegetable fibres. The following very ingenious experiment, which was communicated to us by a refpe&able member of tlie Univerfity of Edinburgh, is decifive on this fubjeft. He fele&ed a growing poppy at that period of its growth, before unfolding, when the head and neck are bent down almoft double. He cut the ftalk where it was curved half through on the under fide, and half through at a fmall diftance on the upper fide, and half through in the middle point between the two fedions, fo that the ends of the fibres were feparated from the ftalk. Notwithftanding thefe feveral cuttings on the neck, the poppy railed its head, and affumed a more ere& pofition. There is, therefore, a complete diftinc- tion between mufcular motion and the motions of a plant, for 110 motion can take place in the limb of an animal when the mufcles of that limb are cut. In fine, we look upon all attempts to explain the motions of plants as abfurd, and all reafoning from fup¬ pofed analogy between animals and vegetables as the fourc« C 27+ 1 SEN [27S gentencc fource of wild conjefture, and not of found philofophy. || We view the contraftion and expanfion of the fenfitive Sentiffient pjan^ in the fame light as we do gravitation, chemical L ' ~ attraftion, eleftricity, and magnetifm, as a Angular faft, the circumftances of which we may be fully acquainted with, but muft defpair of underftanding its caufe. What has been faid under this article chiefly refers to the mimofa fenjitiva and pudlca. For a full account of the motions of vegetables in general, fee Vegetable Mo¬ tion, under the article Motion. SENTENCE, in law, a judgment palled in court by the judge in feme procefs, either civil or criminal. See Judgment. Sentence, in grammar, denotes a period ; or a fet of words comprehending fome perfect fenfe or fenti- ment of the mind. The buiinefs of pointing is to di- ftinguilh the feveral parts and members of fentences, fo as to render the fenfe thereof as clear, diftindt, and full as pofiible. See Punctuation. In every fentence there are two parts neceflarily re¬ quired ; a noun for the fubjedt, and a definite verb: whatever is found more than thefe two, affedls one of them, either immediately, or by the intervention of fome other, whereby the firfi: is affedfed. Again, every fentence is either fimple or compound: a fimple fentence is that conlifting of one Angle lub- jedt, and one finite verb.—A compound fentence con¬ tains feveral fubjedts and finite verbs, either exprefsly or implicitly. A Ample fentence needs no point or diflindtion ; only a period to clofe it: as, “ A good man loves virtue for itfelf.”—In fuch a fentence, the feveral adjundts af- fedt either the fubjedt or the verb in a different man¬ ner. Thus the word good exprefles the quality of the fubjedt, virtue the objedt of the adtion, and for itfelf the end thereof.—Now none of thefe adjundts can be feparated from the reft of the fentence : for if one be, why fhould not all the reft ? and if all be, the fentence will be minced into almoit as many parts as there are words. But if feveral adjundts be attributed in the fame man¬ ner either to the fubjedt or the verb, the fentence be¬ comes compound, and is to be divided into parts. In every compound fentence, as many fubjedts, or as many finite verbs as there are, either exprefsly or im¬ plied, fo many diftindtions may there be. Thus, “ My hopes, fears, joys, pains, all centre in you.” And thus Cicero, Catilina abiit, excefit, evafit, erupit. —The reafon of which pointing is obvious; for as many fubjedts or fi¬ nite verbs as there are in a fentence, fo many members does it really contain. Whenever, therefore, there oc¬ cur more nouns than verbs, or contrariwife, they are to be conceived as equal. Since, as every fubjedt re¬ quires its verbs, fo every verb requires its fubjedt, where¬ with it may agree : excepting, perhaps, in fome figu¬ rative expreflions. - SENTICOSiE (from fentis, a “ briar or bramble) the name of the 35th order in Linnaeus’s fragments of a natural method, confifting of rofe, bramble, and other plants, which refemble them in port and external ftruc- ture. See Botany, page 465. SENTIMENT, according to Lord Karnes, is a term appropriated to fuch thoughts as are prompted by paffion. It differs from a perception ; for a per¬ ception Agnifies the adt by which we become confcious ] SEN of external objedls. It differs from confcioufiiefs of an Serthnenti, internal adtion, fuch as thinking, fufpending thought, inclining, refolving, willing, &c. And it differs from the conception of a relation among objedls ; a concep¬ tion of that kind being termed opinion. Sentiments, in poetry. To talk in the language of mufic, each paflion hath a certain tone, to which every fentiment proceeding from it ought to be tuned with the greateft accuracy : which is no eafy work, efpecially where fuch harmony ought to be fupported during the courfe of a long theatrical reprefentation. In order to reach fuch delicacy of execution, it is ne- cefi’ary that a writer affume the precife charadler and paffion of the perfonage reprefented; which requires an uncommon genius. But it is the only difficulty ; for the writer, who, annihilating himfelf, can thus be¬ come another perfon, need be in no pain about the fen- timents that belong to the affumed charadler: thefe will flow without the lead ftudy, or even preconcep¬ tion ; and will frequently be as delightfully new to him¬ felf as to his reader. But if a lively pidture even of a Angle emotion require an effort of genius, how much greater the effort to compofe a paffionate dialogue with as many different tones of paffion as there are fpeak- ers ? With what dudlility of feeling mutt that writer be endued, who approaches perfedlion in fuch a work ; when it is neceffary to affume different and even oppo- Ate charadlers and paffions in the quickeft fucceffion ? Yet this work, difficult as it is, yields to that of com- pofing a dialogue in genteel comedy, exhibiting cha¬ radlers without paffion. The reafon is, that the diffe¬ rent tones of charadler are more delicate, and lefs in fight, than thofe of paffion ; and, accordingly, many writers, who have no genius for drawing charadlers, make a fhift to reprefent, tolerably well, an ordinary paffion in its Ample movements. But of all works of this kind, what is truly the moft difficult, is a charac- teriftical dialogue upon any philofophical fubjedl ; to interweave charadlers with reafoning, by fuiting to the charadler of each fpeaker a peculiarity not only of thought but of expreffion, requires the perfedlion of genius, tafte, and judgment. How difficult dialogue writing is, will be evident, even without reafoning, from the miferable compofitions of that kind found without number in all languages. The art of mimicking any Angularity in gefture or in voice, is a rare talent, though diredted by fight and hearing, the acuteft and moft lively of our external fenfes : how much more rare muft that talent be, of imitating cha¬ radlers and internal emotions, tracing all their diffe¬ rent tints, and reprefenting them in a lively manner by natural fentiments properly expreffed ? The truth is, fuch execution is too delicate for an ordinary genius; and for that reafon the bulk of writers, inftead of ex- preffing a paffion as one does who feels it, content themfelves with deferibing it in the language of a fpee- tator. To awake paffion by an internal effort merely, without any external caufe, requires great fenfibility ; and yet that operation is neceffary, not lefs to the wri¬ ter than to the adlor; becaufe none but thofe who ac¬ tually feel a paflion can reprefent it to the life. The writer’s part is the more complicated : he muft add compofition to paffion : and muft, in the quickeft fuc- ceffion, adopt every different charadler. But a very humble flight of imagination may ferve to convert a Mm2 writer SEN [ 276 ] S X N Sentiments, writer into a fpeftator, fo as to figure, in Tome obfcure w^v~”'" manner, an aft ion as palling in his fight and hearing. In that figured fituation, being led naturally to write like a fpeftator, he entertains his readers with his own refkftions, with cool defcription, and florid declama¬ tion ; inftead of making them eye-witnefles, as it were, to a real event, and to every movement of genuine paf- fion. Thus molt of our plays appear to be call in the fame mould ; perfonages without charaftcr, the mere Outlines of pafllon, a tirefome monotony, and a pompous declamatory ftyle. This defcriptive manner of reprefenting paffion is a very cold entertainment; our fympathy is not raifed by defcription ; we muft fivll be lulled into a dream of reality, and every thing mull appear as palling in our fight. Unhappy is the player of genius who afts a part in what may be termed a defcriptive tragedy ; af¬ ter affuming the very pafiion that is to be reprefented, how is he cramped in aftion, when he muft utter, not the fentiments of the paffion hfc feels, but a cold de¬ fcription in the language of a byftander ? It is that im- perfeftion, undoubtedly, in the bulk of our plays, which confines our ftage almoft entirely to Shakefpeare, notwithftanding his many irregularities. In our late Englilh tragedies, we fometimes find fentiments tole- (rably well adapted to a plain palfiou : but we mull not in any of them expeft a fentiment exprelfive of cha- rafter; and, upon that very account, our late perform¬ ances of the dramatic kind are for the moll part into¬ lerably infipid But it may be proper to illuftrate this fubjeft by ex¬ amples. The firft examples lhall be of fentiments that appear the legitimate offspring of paffion ; to which fhall be oppofed what are defcriptive only, and illegiti¬ mate : and in making this comparifon, the inftances lhall be borrowed from Shakefpeare and Corneille, who for genius in dramatic compofition Hand uppermoft in the rolls of fame. I. Shakefpeare fhall furnilh tire firll example, being of fentiments diftated by a violent and perturbed paf- fion : Lear. Filial ingratitude ! Is it not as if this mouth Ihould tear this hand For lifting food to’t ?—But I’ll pimilh home ; No, I will weep no more. In fuch a night, To fhut me out ! Pour on, I will endure. In fuch a night as this ! O Regan, Gonerill, Your old kind father, whofe frank heart gave all—* O ! that way madnefs lies ; let me Ihun that j No more of that. Kent. Good, my lord, enter here. Lear. Prithee, go in thyfelf, feek thine own eafe, This tempeft will not give me leave to ponder On things would hurt me more but I’ll go in ; In, bey, go firft. You houfelefs poverty Nay, get thee in ; I’ll pray, and then I’ll fleep— Poor naked wretches, wherefoeJer you are, That bide the pelting of this pitilefs ftorm ! How fhall your houfelefs heads, and unfed fides. Your loop’d and window’d raggednefs defend you From feafons fuch as thefe ! O I have ta’en Too little care of this ! take phyfic, Pomp $ Fxpofe thyfelf to feel what wretches feel, That thou may’ll fhake the fuperfiux to them, Sentiment*, And fhow the heav’ns more juft, '—■"'v J King Lear, a8 $.fc. 5. With regard to the French author, truth obliges us to acknowledge, that he deferibes in the ftyle of a fpec- tator, inftead of expreffing palfion like one who feels it; which naturally betrays him into a tirefome mono¬ tony, and a pompous declamatory ilyle. It is fcarce neceflary to give examples, for he never varies from that tone. We ihal!, however, take two paffages at a venture, in order to be confronted with thofe tranferi- bed above. In the tragedy of Cinna, after the coh- Ipiracy was difeovered, ^Emilia, having nothing in view but racks and death to herfelf and her lover, receives a pardon from Auguftus, attended with the brighteft circumftances of magnanimity and tendernefs. This is a lucky fituation for reprefenting the paffions of fur- prife and gratitude in their different llages, which feem naturally to be what follow. Thefe paffions, raifed at once to the utmoft pitch, and being at firil too big for utterance, muft, for fome moments, be expreffed by violent gellures only : fo foon as there is vent for words, the firft expreffions are broken and interrupted: at laft, we ought to expeft a tide of intermingled fentiments, occafioned by the fluctuation of the mind between the two paffions. ^Emilia is made to behave in a very dif¬ ferent manner: with extreme coolnefs Are deferibes her own fituation, as if fhe were merely a fpeftator; or ra¬ ther the poet takes the talk off her hands: Ft je me rends, Seigneur, a ces hautes bontes : Je recouvre la vue aupres de leurs clartes. Je connois mon forfait qui me fembloit juftice ; Ft ce que n’aVoit pu la terreur du fupplice, Je fens naitre en mon ame un repentir puiflant. Ft mon coeur en fecret me dit, qu’il y confent. Fe ciel a refolu votre grandeur fupreme ; Ft pour preuve, Seigneur, je n’en veux que moi-meme, J’oie avec vanite me donner cet eclat, Puifqu’il change mon cceur, qu’il veut changer Petat. Ma haine va mourir, que j’ai crue immortelle ; File eft morte, et ce coeur devient fujet fidele; Ft prenant deformais cette haine en horreur, L’ardeur de vous fervir fuccede a fa fureur. Aa $.fc. 3 So much in general upon the genuine fentiments of paffion. We proceed to particular obfervations. And, firll, paffions feldom continue uniform any confiderable time : they generally fluftuate, fwelling and fubfiding by turns, often in a quick fuccelfion ; and the fenti¬ ments cannot be juft unlefs they correfpond to fuch fluc¬ tuation. Accordingly, a climax never {hows better than in expreffing a fwelling paffion : the following paffages may fuffice for an illuftration. Almeria. How haft thou charm’d The wildnefs of the waves and rocks to this ; That thus relenting they have giv’n thee back To earth, to light and life, to love and me ? Mourning Bride, a3 l.fc. 7^ I would not be the villain that thou think’ll For the whole fpace that’s in the tyrant’s grafp, And the rich earth to boot. Macbeth, act c\. fc. 4. The SEN [s' Sentiment!. The following pafiage exprefles finely the progrefs of t—conviftion. Let me not ftir, nor breathe, left I cli|Tolve 'Fhat tender, lovely form, of painted air, So like Almeria. Ha ! it finks, it falls ; I’ll catch it e’er it goes, and grafp her fhade. ’Tis life i ’tis warm ! ’tis file ! Jtis flic hcrfelf! It is Almeria ! ’tis, it is my wife ! Mourning Bride, aft 2. fc. 6. In the progrefs of thought our refolutions become more vigorous as well as our pafilons. If ever I do yield or give confent, By any adtion, word, or thought, to wed Another lord; may then juft heav’n Fhow’r down, &c. Mourning Bride, aft i-fc. I. And this leads to a fecond obfervation, That the dif¬ ferent ftages of a paffion, and its different dire&ions, from birth to extinction, muft be carefully reprefented in their order; becaufe otherwife the fentiments, by being mifplaced, will appear forced and unnatural. — Refentment, for example, when provoked by an atro¬ cious injury, difcharges itfelf firft upon the author : fentiments therefore of revenge come always firft, and muft in fome meafure be exhaufted before the perfon injured think of grieving for himfelf. In the Cid of Corneille, Don Diegue having been affronted in a cruel manner, expreffes fcarce any fentiment of revenge, but is totally occupied in contemplating the low fituation to which beds reduced by the affront: O rage ! 6 defefpoir ! 6 vieilleffe ennemie ! N’ai-je done tant vecu que pour cette infamie ? Et ne fuis-je blanch! dans les travaux guerriers, Que pour voir en un jour fletrir tant de lauriers ? Mon bras, qu’avec refpedt tout i’Efpagne admire, Mon bras qui tant de fois a fauve cet empire, Tant de fois affermi le trone de fon roi, Trahit done ma querelle, et ne fait rien pour moi ! O cruel fouvenir de ma gloire paffe ! Oeuvre de tant de jours en un jour effacee ! Nouvelle dignite fatale a mon bonheur ! Precipice eleve d’ou tombe mon honneur ! Eaut-il de votre eclat voir triompher le comte, Et mourir fans vengeance, ou vivre dans la honte ? Comte, fois de mon prince a prefent gouverneur, Ce haut rang n’admet point un homme Ians honneur ; Et ton jalo’ux orgueil par cet affront infigne, Malgre le choix du roi, m’en a fu rendre indigne. Et toi, de mes exploits glorieux inftrument, Mais d’un corps tout de glace inutile ornement, Eer jadis tant a craindre, et qui dans cette offenfe, M’as fervi de parade, et non pas de defenfe, Va, quitte deformais le dernier des humains, Paffe pour me venger en de meilleures mains. Le Cid, aft l. fc. 7. Thefc fentiments are certainly not the firft that are faggefted by the pafiion of refentment. As the firft movements of refentment are always direfted to its ob- jeft, the very fame is the cafe of grief. Yet with rela¬ tion to the fudden and fevere diftemper that feized Alexander bathing in the river Cydnus, Qmntus Cur¬ tins deferibes the firft emotions of the army as direfted tcgthemfelves, lamenting that they were left without a leader, far from home, and had fcarce any hopes of re* 77 J SEN turping in fafety: their king’s diftrefs, which mnft na- Sentmun *. turally have been their firft concern, occupies them but in the fecond place according to that author. In the Aminta of Taffo, Sylvia, upon a report of her lover’s death, which fhe believed certain, inftead of bemoaning the lofsof her beloved, turns her thoughts upon herleU, and wonders her heart does not break : Ohime, ben fon di faffo, Poi che quefta novella non m’uccide. Aft. 4. fc, 2. In the tragedy of Jane Shore, Alicia, in the full pur- pofe of deftroying her rival, lias the following reflec¬ tion : Oh Jealoufy ! thou bane of pleafing friendfhip, Thou worft invader of our tender bofoms ; How does thy rancour poifon all our foftnefs, And turn our gentle nature into bitternefs i See where fhe comes ! Once my heart’s deareft bleffing. Now my chang’d eyes are blafted with her beauty, Loathe that known face, and ficken to behold her. Aa$.fc.i. Thefe are the refle&ions of a cool fpeflator. A paffion, while it has the afeendant; and is freely indulged, fug- gefts not to the perfon who feels it any fentiment to its own prejudice : refle&ions like the foregoing occur not readily till the paffion has fpent its vigour. A perfon fometimes is agitated at once by different paffions ; and the mind in that cafe, vibrating like a pen¬ dulum, vents itfelf in fentiments that partake of the fame vibration. This we give as a third obfervation : Queen. Would I had never trod this Englifli earth5 Or felt the flatteries that grow upon it! Ye’ve angels faces, but heav’n knows your hearts. - What fnall become of me now ? wretched lady ! I am the moft unhappy woman living. Alas ! poor wenches, where are now your fortunes ? Uo her women. Shipwreck’d upon a kingdom, where no pity, No friends, no hope, no kindred, weep for me l Almoft no grave allow’d me. Henry VIH. nS 3./. 1. Othello. Oh devil, devil 1 If that the earth could teem with woman’s tears, Each drop fhe falls would prove a crocodile. Out of my fight! Defdemona. I will not flay t’offend you. {Going. Lodovico. Truly, an obedient lady: I do befeech your lordfhip, call her back. Oth. Miftrefs Def. My lord. Oth. What would you with her. Sir :? Lod. Who, I, my lord ? Oth. Ay; you did wifh that I would make her turn. Sir, ftie can turn and turn, and yet go on 'r And turn again. And fhe can weep, Sir, weep ; And (he’s obedient: as you fay, obedient: Very obedient—proceed you in your tears— Concerning this, Sir,—oh well painted paffion !—» I am commanded home—get you away, I’ll fend for you anon — Sir, I obey the mandate, And will return to Venice. Hence, avaunt! {Exit Defdemona Othello, aft 4. fc.6. JEmilia* SEN [ 27S 3 SEN Sentiments. JEmilia. Oh ! my good lord, I would fpeak a word ^ with you. Othello. Yes,’tis TEmilia—By and by.—She’s dead. ’Tis like (lie comes to jpeak of Caffio’s death ; The noife was high.—Ha ! no more mpving ? Still as the grave. Shall fhe come in ? wer’t good ? I think fhe ftirs again—No—-what’s the heft ? If Hie come in, {lie’ll, fure, fpeak to my wife: My wife ! my wife ! what wife ? I have no wife; Oh infupportable ? oh heavy hour ! Othello, a8 fc. 7. A fourth obfervation is, That nature, which gave us paflions, and made them extremely beneficial when mo¬ derate, intended undoubtedly that they fhould be fub- jetted to the government of reafon and confcience. It is therefore againft the order of nature, that paffion in any cafe fhould take the lead in contradiftion to reafon and confcience : fuch a date of mind is a fort of anarchy which every one is afhamed of and endeavours to hide or diffemble. Even love, however laudable, is attended with a confcious fliame when it becomes immoderate : it is covered from the world, and difolofed only to the beloved objeft: Et que 1’amour fouvent de remors combattu Paroiffe une foiblefl’e, et non une vertu. Boileau, VArt Poet, chant. 3. /. 101. O, they love lead that let men know they love. Two Gentlemen of Verona, ad i.fc. 3. Hence a capital rule in tire reprefentation of immode¬ rate paflions, that they ought to be hid or diffembled as much as poffible. And this holds in an efpecial man¬ ner with refpett to criminal pafiions : one never coun- fels the commiffion of a crime in plain terms ; guilt muff not appear in its native colours, even in thought; the propofal muft be made by hints, and by reprefent- ing the adtion in fome favourable light. Of the pro¬ priety of fentiment upon fuch an occafion, Shakefpeare, in the Tempejl, has given us a beautiful example, in a fpeech by the ufurping duke of Milan, advifing Se- baflian to murder his brother the king of Naples: too late, make a fourth. Vicious fentiments exptifedSentimnw; in their native drefs, inftead of being concealed or dif- —-y-—^ guifed, make a fifth. And in the latt dais fhall be col- lefted fentiments fuited to no chara&er nor pafiion, and therefore unnatural. The frfl clafs contains faulty fentiments of various kinds, which we fhall endeavour to diftinguifh from each other. 1. Of fentiments that are faulty by being above the tone of the paffion, the following may ferve as an ex¬ ample : Othello. O my foul’s joy ! If after every tempeft come fuch calms, May the winds blow till they have waken’d death: And let the labouring bark climb hills of feas Olympus high, and duck again as low As hell’s from heaven ? Othello, ad 2. fc. 6. This fentiment may be fuggefted by violent and infla¬ med paffion ; but is not fuited to the fatisfa&ion, how¬ ever great, that one feels upon efcaping danger. 2. Inftance of fentiments below the tone of the paf¬ fion. Ptolemy, by putting Pompey to death, having incurred the difpleafure of Caefar, was in the utmofl dread of being dethroned : in that agitating fituation, Corneille makes him utter a fpeech full of cool reflec¬ tion, that is in no degree expreffive of the paffion. Ah ! fi je t’avois erh, je n’aurois pas de maitre, Je ferois dans le trone ou le ciel m’a fait naitre ; Mais c’efl une imprudence affez commune aux rois, H’ecouter trop d’avis, et fe tromper au choix. Le Deftin les aveugle au bord du precipice, Ou fi quelque lumiere en leur ame fe gliffe, Cette faufie clarte dont il les eblouit, Le plonge dans une gouffre, et puis s’evanouit. La Mort de Pompe, ad \.fc. r. 3. Sentiments that agree not with the tone of the paffion; as where a pleafant fentiment is grafted upon a painful paffion, or the contrary. In the following inftances, the fentiments are too gay for a ferious paf¬ fion : Antonio. What might, Worthy Sebaflian,—O, what might—no more. And yet, methinks, I fee it in thy face What thou fhould ft be : the occafion fpeaks thee, and My ftrong imagination fees a crown Dropping upon thy head. Ad 2.fc. 2. A pi&ure of this kind, perhaps ftill finer, is exhibited in King John, where that tyrant folicits {ad 3. fc. 5.) Hubert to murder the young prince Arthur; but it is too long to be inferted here. II. As things are belt illuftrated by their contraries, we proceed to faulty fentiments, difdaining to be in¬ debted for examples to any but the moft approved au¬ thors. The firft clafs fhall confift of fentiments that ac¬ cord not with the paffion ; or, in other words, fenti¬ ments that the paffion does not naturally fuggeft. In the fecond clafs fhall be ranged fentiments that may be¬ long to an ordinary paffion, but unfuitable to it as tinc- tuied by a lingular charafter. Thoughts that properly aJ* And the green turf lie lightly on thy bread;: —v——* There fhall the morn her earlieft tears beftow, There the firft rofes of the year fhall blow ; While angels with their filver wings o’erfhade The ground, now facred by thy relics made. 5. Fanciful or finical fentiments. Sentiments that degenerate into point or conceit, however they may amufe in an idle hour, can never be the offspring of any ferious or important paffion. In the Jerufalem of Taffo, Tancred, after a fingle combat, fpent with fa¬ tigue and lofs of blood, falls into a fwoon ; in which fituation, underftood to be dead, he is difcovered by Erminia, who was in love with him to diftraftion. A more happy fituation cannot be imagined, to raife grief in an inftant to its higheft pitch ; and yet, in venting her forrow, fhe defcends moft abominably into antithefis and conceit even of the loweft kind : E in lui verso d’inefficabil vena Lacrime, e roce di fofpiri mifta. In che mifero punto hor qui me mena Fortuna ? a che veduta amara e trifta ? Dopo gran tempo i’ ti ritrovo a pena Tancredi, e ti riveggio, e non fon vifta Vifta non fon da te, benche prefente T trovando ti perdo eternamente. Canto 19. Jl. 105. Armida’s lamentation refpeSing her lover Rinaldo is in the fame vicious tafte. Vid. canto 20. ftan. 126. 124, 125,. Queen. Give me no help in lamentation, I am riot ban-en to bring forth complaints : All fprings reduce their currents to mine eyes, That I, being govern’d by the wat’ry moon, May fend forth plenteous rears to drown the world. Ah, for my hufband, for my dear lord Edward. King Richard III. aft. 2. fc. 2. Jane Shore utters her laft breath in a witty conceit : Then all is well, and I {hall fleep in peace ’Tis very dark, and I have loft you now Was there not fomething I would have bequeath’d you? But I have nothing left me to beftow, Nothing but one fad figh. Oh mercy, Heav’n ! [Dies. Aft y.. Gilford to Lady Jane Gray, when both were con¬ demned to die ; Thou ftand’ft unmov’d ; Calm temper fits upon thy beauteous brow ; Thy eyes that flow’d io faft for Edward’s lofs, Gaze unconcern’d upon the ruin round thee, As if thou had ft refolv'd to brave thy fate. And triumph in the midft of defolation. Ha ! fee, it fwells, the liquid cryflal rifes, It ftarts in fpite of thee — but I will catch it. Nor let the earth be wet with dew fo rich. Lady fane Gray, aft near the end. The concluding fentiment is altogether finical, unfuit- able to the importance of the occafion, and even to the dignity of the paffion of love. Corneille. s E N [ 280 ] SEN Si'ntmier.ta. Corneillt, In his Exnmen of the Cul, anfwering an ob- '—^ jeftion. That his fentiments are fometimes too nmch re¬ fined for perfons in deep diftrtfs, obferves, that if poets did not indulge fentiments more ingenious or refined than are prompted by pafiion, their performances would of¬ ten be low, and extreme grief would never fuggeft but exclamations merely. This is in plain language to af- fert, that forced thoughts are more agreeable than thofe that are natural, and ought to be preferred. The feconrf clafs is of fentiments that may belong to an ordinary pafiion, but are not perfe&ly concordant with it, as tin&ured by a fingular charafter. In the laft a& of that excellent comedy The Carelefs Hujband, Lady Eafy, upon Sir Charles’s reformation, is made to exprefs more violent and turbulent fenti¬ ments of joy than are confiftent with the mildnefs of her character. Lady Eafy. O the fdft treafure ! O the dear reward of long-defiring love. Thus ! thus to have you mine, is fomething more than happinefs ; ’tis double life, and madnefs of abounding joy. The following inftances are defcriptions rather than fentiments, which compofe a third clafs. Of this defcriptive manner of painting the pafiions, there is in the Htppolytus of Euripides, aft v. an illu- ftrious inftance, vi%. the fpeech of Thefeus, upon hear¬ ing of his fan’s difmal exit. In Racine’s ttagedy of Eflher, the queen hearing of the decree iflued againit her people, in dead of exprefiing fentiments fuitable to the occafion, turns her attention upon herfelf, and de- fcribes with accuracy her own fituation. Jufte ciel! tout mon fang dans mes veines 'fe glace. sia x.ye. 3. Again, Aman. C’en eft fait. Mon orgneil eft forcp de plier. L’inexorable Aman elt reduit a prier. EJlher, a8 $.fc. 5. Athalie. Quel prodige nouveau me trouble et m’em- barrafie ? 'La douceur de fa voix, fon enfance, fit grace, Font infenfiblement a mon inimitie Succeder Je ferois fenfible a la pitie ? Athaliet aB 2.f~. 7. Titus. O de ma pafiion fureur defefperee ! Brutus of Foltaire, aa 3. fc. 6. What other are the foregoing inftances but defcribing the pafiion another feels ? The fourth clafs is of fentiments expreffed too early or too late. Some examples mentioned above belong to this clais. Add the following from Venice PrcferVd, a3 5. at the cl ore of the fcene between Belvidera and her father Priuli. The account given by Belvidera of the danger fhe was in, and of her hulband’s threatening to murder her, ought naturally to have alarmed her relenting fa¬ ther, and to have made him exprefs the moll perturbed fentiments. Inffead of which, he diffolves into tender- nefs and love for his daughter, as if he had already de¬ livered her from danger, and as if there were a perfedl tranquillity ; Canfl thou forgive me all my follies palt! Sentiments* I’ll henceforth be indeed a father ; never, <— Never more thus expofe, but cherifh thee, Dear as the vital warmth that feeds my life, Dear as thofe eyes that weep in fondnefs o’er thee : Peace to thy heart. Immoral fentiments expofed in their native colours, inftead of being concealed or dilguifed, compole theJU'th clafs. The Lady Macbeth, proje&ing the death of the king, has the following foliloquy : The raven himfelf’s not hoarfe That croaks the fatal entrance of Duncan Under my battlements. Come, all you fpirits That tend on mortal thoughts, unfex me here, And fill me from the crown to the toe, top full Of diredt cruelty ; make thick my blood, Stop up th’ accefs and paflage to remorfc. That no compunttious vilitings of nature Shake my fell purpofe. Macbethr a8 x.fc. This fpeech is not natural. A treacherous murder was never perpetrated even by the moll hardened mifereant without compundtion : and that the lady here muR • have been in horrible agitation, appears from her invo¬ king the infernal fpirits to fill her with cruelty, and to ftop up all avenues to remorfe. But in that ftatc of mind it is a never-failing artifice of felf-deceit to draw the thickeft veil over the wicked adtion, and to exte¬ nuate it by all the circumftances that imagination can fuggeft : and if the crime cannot’bear difguife, the next attempt is to thrull it out of mind altogether, and to rufh on to adlion without thought. This laft was the hulband’s method. Strange things I have in head, that wall to hand ; Which muft be adfed ere they muft be fcann’d. Aa 3./-. 5. The lady follows neither of thefe courfes, but in a de¬ liberate manner endeavours to fortify her heart in the commifiion oi an execrable crime, without even attempt¬ ing to colour it. This, we think, is not natural; we hope there is no fuch wretch to be found as is here re- prefented. The laJl chSs comprehends fentiments that are unna¬ tural, as being fuited to no charadter nor pafiion. Thefe may be fubdivided into three branches : firft, fentiments unfuitable to the conftitution of man, and to the laws of his nature ; fecond, inccnfiftent fentiments; third, fentiments that are pure rant and extravagance. When the fable is of human affairs, every event, eve¬ ry incident, and every cireumftance, ought to be natu¬ ral, otherwife the imitation is imperfedt. But an im- perfedt imitation is a venial fault, compared with that of running crofs to nature. In the Hippo/ytus of Euri¬ pides (aa iv. fc. 5,), Hippolytus, wifhing for another felf in his own fituation, “ How much (fays he) fhould I be touched with his misfortune !” as if it were natu¬ ral to grieve more for the misfortune of another than for one’s own. Ofmyn. Yet I behold her—yet —and now no more. Turn your lights inward, eyes, and view my thought; So fhail \ou itill beh&ld her—’Twill not be. ; O 5 SEN . [ 381 0 Impotence of fi iht I mechanic fenfe, Which to exterior objefts ow’ft thy faculty» Not feeing of election, but neceffity, Thus do our eyes, as do all common mirrors, N Succefilvdy reflect fucceeding images. Nor what they would, but muft $ a itar or toad j Juft as the hand of chance adminifters! Mourning Bride^ aft %-fc. 8, No man, in his fenfes, ever thought of applying his eyes to difeover what pafles in his mind j far left of Wa* ming his eyes for not feeing a thought or idea. In Mo, Here’s /'Aitare (aft iv, /r. 7 ) Harpagon, being robbed of his money, feixes himfeif by the arm, miftakmg it for that of the robber. And again he expreftes himfeif as follows 5 Je veux after querir la juftice, et faire donner la que* ftioo a toute ma maifon } a fervantes, a valets, a file, k ftlle, et a moi auffi. This is fo abfurd as fcarce to provoke a fmile, if it be not at the author. Of the fecond branch the following example may fuffice: Now bid me run, And I will ftrive with things mpojjible^ Yea, get the better of them, Julius Cafar, aft %.fc, 3. Of the third branch, take the following famples, Lu» can, talking of Pompey’s fepulchre, — — Romanum nomen, et omne Imperium magno eft tumuli modus, Obme faxa Criraine plena deum. Si tota eft Herculis Oete, Et juga tota vacant Bromio Nyfeia 5 quare Unus in Egypto Magno lapis ? Omnia Lagi Rura tenere pot eft, fi nullo cefpite nomen Hseferit. Etremus populi, cinerumque tuomm, Magne, metu nullaa Nili calcemus arenas, L, viii, /. 798, Thus, in Rowe’s tranfiation 5 Where there are feas, or air, or earth, or ikies, Where’er Rome’s empire ftretehes, Pompey lies. Far be the vile memorial then convey’d ! Nor let this ftone the partial gods upbraid. Shall Hercules all Oeta’e heights demand, And Nyfa’s hill for Bacchus only ftand ? While one poor pebble is the warrior’s doom That fought the caufe of liberty and Rome ? If Fate decrees he muft in Egypt lie, Let the whole fertile realm hip grave fupply. Yield the wide country to his awful ihade, } Nor let us dare on any part to tread, C Fearful we violate the mighty dead, j The following pafTages are pure rant, Coriolanus, fpeaking to his mother, What is this ? Your knees to me ? to your corre&ed fon ? '1 hen let the pebbles on the hungry beach Pillop the ftars: then let the mutinous winds Strike the proud cedars ’gainft the fiery fun ; Murd’ring impoifibility, to make What cannot be, flight work. Csriolanus, aft e. fc. Voi. XVII. Part I, 1 SEP Csfar, -p—— Hanger knows full we!!, That Csefar ig more dangerous than he. We were two lions litter’d in one day, v And I the elder and more terrible, Julius Cafar, aft 2. fc, 4, Ventidius. But you, ere love milled your wand’ring eyes, Were fure the chief and beft of human race, Fram’d in the very pride and boaft of nature, So perfetft, that the gods who form’d you wonder’d At their own (kill, and cry’d, A lucky hit Has mended our defign, Dryden, All for Love, aft r. Not to talk of the impiety of this fentiraent, it is ludi¬ crous inftead of being lofty. The famous epitaph on Raphael is not He abfurF than any of the foregoing paflages 1 Raphael, tlmuit, quo fofpite, vinci, Rerum magna parens, et moriente mori. Imitated by Pope, in his epitaph on Sir Godfrey KneL ler; Living, great Nature fear’d he might outvie Her works } and dying, fears herfelf may die. Such is the force of Imitation ? for Pope of himfeif would never have been guilty of a thought fo extrava¬ gant. SENTINEL, or Sentry, in military affairs, a private fokfier placed in fome poft to watch the ap¬ proach of the enemy, to prevent furprifes, to flop fuch as would paft without orders or difeovering who they arc. They are placed before the arms of all guards, at the tents and doors of general officers, colonels of regiments, Re, , Sektihu Perdu, a foldler pofted near an enemy, or in fome very dangerous poll Where he is in hazard of being loft, All fentinels are to be vigilant on their polls; neither are they to fing, fmoke tobacco, nor fuffer any noife to be made near them. They are to have a watchful eye over the things committed to their charge. They are not to fuffei any light to remain, or any fire to be made, near their poftsm the night-time ; neither is any fentry to be relieved or removed Rom his poft but by the corporal of the g'ufircL They are not to fuffer any one to touch or handle their arms, or in the night-time to come within ten yards of their poft. No perfon is to Itrike or abufe a fentry on his poft 5 but when he has committed a crime, he is to be relie¬ ved, and then punilhed according to the rules and ar¬ ticles of war, A ientinel, on his poft in the night, is to know no¬ body but by the counter-fign ; when he challenges, and is anfwered, Relief, he calls out, Stand, relief! ad¬ vance, corporal! upon which the corporal halts his men, and advances alone within a yard of the fentry’s fire¬ lock (firft ordering his party to reft, on which the lentry does the fame), and gives him the counter-fisn, taking care that no one hear it, SEPIA, the Cuttle-fish, a genus belonging to the order of vermes molufea. There are eight bra- chm interfperfed on the interior fide, with little round ferrated cups, by the contra&ion of which the animal lays ffift hold of any thing. Beftdes thefe eight arms, N n it l#nt!menti i! Sepia. N SEP [ 2; it has two tentacula longer than the arms, ami frequent¬ ly pedunculated. The mouth is fituated in the centre of the arm*, and is horny and hooked, like the bill of a hawk. The eyes are below the tentacula, towards the body of the animal. The body is flefhy, and received into a iheath as far as the bread. ' Their food are tun- rues, fprats, lobders, and other (hell fifh. With their arms and trunks they fallen themWves, to relift the motion of the waves. Their beak ia like that of a parrot. Tire females are diftinguiihed by two paps. They co¬ pulate as the polypi do, by a mutual embrace, and lay their eggs upon lea-weed and plants, in parcels like bunches of grapes. Immediately after they are laid they are white, and the males pafs over and impregnate them with a black liquor, after which they grow larger. On opening the egg, tire embryo-cuttle is found alive. The males are very conltant, accompany their females everywhere, face every danger in their defence, and refcue them intrepidly at the hazard of their own lives. The timorous females fly as foon as they fee the males wounded. The noife of a cuttle-ftlh, on being dragged out of the water, refembles the grunting of a hag. When the male is purfued by the fea-wolf or other ravenous filh, he fhuns the danger by ftratagem. He fquirts his black liquor, fometimes to the quantity of a dram, by which the watei becomes black as ink, under flielter of which he baffles the purfuit of his enemy. This ink or black liquor has been denominated by Mr le Cat ttlhiops animat, and is referred in a particular gland. In irs liquid Hate it refembles that of the cho¬ roid in man ; and would then communicate an inde¬ lible dye ; when dry, it might be taken for theprodudl ©flhe black liquor in negroes dried, and made a preci¬ pitate by fpirit of wine. This aethiops animal in ne¬ groes as well as in the cuttle-fiih, is more abundant after death than even during life. It may ferve either for writing or printing ; in the former of which ways the Romans ufed it. It is faid to be an ingredient in the compofition of Indian ink mixed with rice. There are ftve fpecies. 1. The loligo, or great cuttle, with fhort arms and long tentacula ; the lower part of the body rhomboid and pinnated, the upper thick and cylindric. They in¬ habit all our Teas, where having blackened the water by the effufton pf their ink, they abfeond, and with their tail kap out of the water. They are gregarious and fwift in their motions: they take their prey by means of their arms ; and embracing it, bring it to their central naouth. They adhere to the rocks, when they wifh to be quiefeent, by means of the concave difes that are pla¬ ced sdong their arms. 2. The oclopodia, with eight arms, connefted at their bottom by a membrane. This is the polypus of fliny, which he diftinguifhes from the loligo and fepia by the want of the tail and tentacida. They inhabit our feas, but are molt at home in the Mediterranean. In hot climates thefe are found of an enormous fixe. The Indians affirm, that feme have been feen two fa¬ thoms broad over their centre, and each arm nine fathoms lonpn When the Indians navigate their little boats,'they go in dread of them ;■ and left thefe animals fhould fling their arms over and fink them, they never fail without an ax to cut them oft'. When ufed for fpod they are ferved up red from their own liquor, S2 1 SEP which from boiling with the addition of nitre becomes Sepit red. Barthol. fays, upon cutting one of them open, fo Sepiar great a light broke forth, that at night, upon taking away the candle, the whole houfe leemed to be in a blaze. 3. The media, or middle cuttle, with a long, {lender, cylindric body ; tail finned, pointed, and carinated on each fide ; two long tentacula ; the body almoft tranfpa- rent, green, but convertible into a dirty brown j con¬ firming the remark of Pliny*, that they change their colour through fear, adapting it, chameleon-like, to that of the place they are in. The eyes are large and ffnaragdine. 4. The fepiola, or fmall cuttle, with a fhort body, rounded at the bottom, has a round fin on each fide and two tentacula. They are taken off Flintfhire, but chiefly inhabit the Mediterranean. 5. The officinalis, or officinal cuttle, with an ovated body, has fins along the whole of the fides, almoft: meeting at the bottom; and two long tentacula. The body contains the bone, the cuttle-bone of the (hops, which was formerly ufed as an abforbent. The bones are frequently flung on all our fhores ; the animal very rarely. The conger eels bite off their arms, or feet ; but they grow again, as does the lizard’s tail (Plin. ix. 29). They are preyed upon by the plaife. This fifh emits (in common with the other fpecies), when fright¬ ed or purfued, the black liquor which the ancients fup- pofed darkened the circumambient wave, and concealed it from the enemy. The endanger’d cuttle thus evades his fears, And^ffSKve hoards of fluid fatety bears. A pitchy^ink peculiar glands fupply, Whofe (hades the fharpeft. beam of light defy. Purfu’d, he bids the fable fountains flow. And, wrapt in clouds, eludes th* impending foe. The fifh retreats unfeen, while felf-born night. With pious fliade befriends her parent’s flight. The ancients fometimes rpade life of it inftead of ink. Perfius mentions the fpecies in his defeription of the noble Undent. ‘fam liber, (t licolar pafiils membrana capillis, Inque minus eburite, noda/qu? vend arundo. Turn quermur, crajfus calamo quod pendeat humor ; Nigra quod infufa •venefcat fepia lympha. \&t length, his book he fpreads, his pen he takes} His papers here in learned order lays, And there his parchment’s fmoother fide difplavs. But oh l what croffes wait on ftudious men ! The cuttle's juice hangs clotted at our pen. In, all my life fucb fluff 1 never knew, Ho gummy thick—Dilute it, it will do. Nay, now'tis water ! Dryden. This animal was efteemed a delicacy by the ancients* and is eaten even at prefent by the Italians. Rondele- tius gives us two receipts for the dreffing, which may, be continued to- this day. Athenseus alfo leaves us the method of making an antique cuttle-fifti faufage ; and we learn from Ariftotle, that thofe animals are in higheft feafon when pregnant. SEPIARIZi, (from/e/vu, “ a. hedge”), the name of the 44th order of Linnasus’s Fragments of a Natural Method;, sep r 2 Srp* Method, canfifting of a beautiful colleflion ef woody , II . plants, fome of which, from their iize and elegrance, are Septentno. proper furniture for hedges. See Botany, p. 467. SEPS, in zoology, a fpecies of Lacerta. SEPTARI^i, in natural hi dory, a large clafs of folfils, commonly known by the names of iudut Hel- montit and waxen veins. Thev are defined to be fofiils not inflammable, nor foluble in water; of a moderately firm texture and dulky hue, divided by feveral fepta or thin partitions, and compofed of a fparry matter greatly debafed by earth ; not giving fire with fteel ; fermenting with acids, and in great part diflblved by them ; and calci¬ ning in a moderate fire. Of this clafs there are two diftindl orders of bodies, and under thofe fix genera. The feptariae of the firll order are thofe which are ufually found in large maf- fts, of a fimple uniform conftruftion, but divided by large fepta either into larger and more irregular por¬ tions, or into fmaller and more equal ones, called ta/c. The genera of this order are four. 1. Thofe divided by fepta of fpar, called fecomix e 2. 'J hofe divided by fepta of earthy matter, called gaiophragmia : 3. Thofe divided by fepta of the matter of the pyrites, called pyn- terc'ia : And, 4. Thofe divided by fepta of fpar, with an admixture oi cryftal, called diaugophragmia. Thofe of the fecond order are fuch as are ufually found in fmaller mafles, of a crullated ftructure, form¬ ed by various incruilations round a central nucleus, and divided by very thin fepta. Of this order are only two genera. 1. Thofe with a fhort roundilh nucleus, incloied within the body of the mafs ; and, 2. Thofe with a long nucleus, Handing out beyond the ends ot the mafs. SEPTAS, in botany : A genus of plants belonging to the order of Hcptagynia, and the elafs ot Heptandria ; and in the natural fyftem ranged under the 13th order, Succulenta. The calyx is divided into feven parts ; the petals are feven ; the germens feven: the capfules are alfo feven, and contain many feeds. There is only one fpecies, the Capenjis^ which is a native of the Cape of Good Hope, is round-leaved, and flowers in Augult or September. SEPTEMBER, the ninth month of the year, con- fifting of only thirtyr days ; it took its name as being the feventh month, reckoning from March, with which the Romans began their year. ft SEPTENNIAL, any thing lafting feven years. Septennial Eledions. Blackitone, in his Commen¬ taries, Vol. 1. p. 189. fays, (alter obferving that the ntmoll extent of time allowed the fame parliament to fit by the flat. 6 W. and M. c. 2. was three years), “ But, by the ftatute 1 Geo. I. 11. 2. c. 38. (in or- -derprofejj'edly to prevent the great and continued ex- pences of frequent elections, and the violent heats and aniraofities confequent thereupon, and for the peace and fecurity of the government, juft then recovering from the late rebellion), this term was prolonged to feven years ; and what alone is an inftance of the valt au¬ thority ol parliament, the very lame houfe that was chofeu for three years enacted its own continuance lor feven ” SEPTENTRIO, in aftronomy, a conftellation, more ufually called urfa minor. 83 ] s V. !’ In cofmography, the lei m fepttntno denctrs the fame Sepuer, with north ; and hence feptentrional is applied to any Scpnz n. thing belonging to the north ; as fcptehtrionalJigns, pa- <~~~m railed. &c. SEPTICS, are thofe fubftances which promote pu¬ trefaction, chiefly the calcareous earths, rtiagnefia, and teilaceous powders. From the many curious experi¬ ments made by Sir John Pringle to afeertain the feptic and antifeptic virtues of natural bodies, it appears that there are very few fubftances of a truly feptic nature. 1 hofe commofily reputed fuch by authors, as the al- caline and volatile falls, he found to be no wife feplic. However, he difeovered fome, where it feemed leaft likely to find any fuch quality ; thei’e were chalk, com¬ mon fait, and teftaceous powders. He mixed twenty grains of crabs eyes, prepared with fix drams of ox's gall, and an equal quantity of water. Into another phial he put an equal quantity of gall and water, but no crabs-eyes. Both thefe mixtures being placed in the furnace, the putrefaction began much fooner, where the powder was, than in the other phial. On making a like experiment with chalk, its feptic virtue was found to be much greater than that of the crabs-eyes: nay, what the doCtor had never met with before, in a mixture of two drams of fleih, with two ounces of water and thirty grains of prepared chalk, the flefh was refolved into a perfeft mucus in a few days. To try whether the teftaceous powders would alfo dificlve vegetable fubftances, the doCtor mixed them with barley and water, and compared this mixture with another of barley and water alone. After a long ma¬ ceration by a fire, the plain water was found to fwell the barley, and turn mucilaginous and four; but that with the powder kept the grain to its natural fize, and though it foftened it, yet made no mucilage, and re¬ mained fweet. Nothing could be more unexpe&ed, than to find fea fait a haitener of putrefa&ion ; but the fad is thus ; one dram of fait preferves two drams of frefh beef in two ounces of w^ater, above thirty hours uncorrupted, in a heat equal to that of the human body ; or, which is the fame thing, this quantity of fait keeps flefli fweet twenty hours longer than pure water ; but then half a dram of fait does not preferve it above two hours longer. Twenty-five grains have little or ho antifeptic virtue, and ten, fifteen, or even twenty grains, maniteit- ly both haften and heighten the corruption. The quantity which had the moft putrefying quality, was found to be about ten grains to the above proportion of ftelh and water. Many inferences might be drawn from this experi¬ ment : one is, that fince fait is never taken in aliment beyond the proportion of the corrupting quantities, it would appear that it is fubfervient to digeftidn chiefly by its Jeptic virtue, that is, by foltening and refolving meats ; an attion very different from what is. commonly believed. It is to be ©bferved, that the above experiments were ntade with the fait kept for domeftic ules. See Pringle’s Obferv. on the Diieafts of the army, p. 348, et feq. SEPTIZON, or Septizonivm, in Roman antiqui¬ ty, a celebrated maufoleum, built by Septimus Severus, in the tenth region of the city of Rome: it was fo N n 2 called SEP r SCf^a?e' Ca^c^ fromfejtem and 7,ona> by reafon it confifted of U, tua!>irit/even Itor‘es> each of which was furrounded by a row of —-— colum ins. SiiP I tJAGESIMA, in the kalendar, denotes the third Sunday before Lent, or before Quadragefima Sunday: fuppofed by fome to take its name from its being a,bout feventy days before Eafter. SEPTUAGINT, the name given to a Greek ver- fion of the books of the Old Teftament, from its being fuppofed to be the work of feventy-tvvo Jews, who are ufually called the Jevenly interpreters, becaufe ieventv is a round number. The hiftory of this verfion is exprefsly written by Anftoeas, an ofEcer of the guards to Ptolemy Philadel- phus, the fubftance of whole account is as follows : Ptolemy having erected a fine library at Alexandria, which he took care to fll with the moll curious and valuable books from all parts of the world, was inform¬ ed that the Jews had one containing the laws of Mofes, and the hiltory of that people ; and being defirous of enriching his library with a Greek trar.flation of it, ap¬ plied to the high priell of the Jews ; and to engage him to comply with his requeft, fet at liberty all the Jews whom his father Ptolemy Soter had reduced to flavery. After fuch a Hep, he eafily obtained what he defired ; ElecW.ar the Jewilh high-prieft fent back his ambafiadors with an exaft copy of the Mofaical law, written in letters of gold, and fix elders of each tribe, in all feventy-two: who were received with marks of Vefpeft by the king, and then conduced into the ifle of Pharos, where they were lodged in a houfe prepared for their reception, and fupplied with every' thing ne- ceffary. They fet about the tranflation without lofs of time, and finifhed it in feventy-two dayrs: and the whole being read in the prefence of the king, he admired the profound wifdom of the laws of Mofes ; and fent back the deputies laden, with prefents, for themfelves, the high- pried, and the temple. Ariftobulus, who was tutor to Ptolemy Phyfcon, Philo who lived in our Saviour’s time, and was contem¬ porary with the apoftles, and Jofephus, fpeak of this tranflation as made by 72 interpreters, by the care of Demetrius Phalereus in the reign of Ptolemy PhiladeL- phus. Ail the Chriftian writers, during the firft 15 centuries of the Chriftian era, have admitted this ac¬ count of the Septuagint as an undoubted fadt. But fince the reformation, critics have boldly called it in quettion, becaufe it was attended with circumftances •which they think inconfiftent, or, at leaft, improbable. Du Pin has allied, why were 72 interpreters employed, fince 12 would have been fufficient? Such an objection is trifling. We may as well afk, why did king Janies I. employ 54 tranfiators in rendering the Bible into Eng- lifh, fincc Du Pin thinks 12 would have been fuffi¬ cient ? 1. Prideaux objefts, that the Septuagiat is not writ¬ ten in the Jewiffi, but in the Alexandrian, dialed!; and could not therefore be the work of natives-of Palefline. 'But thefe diale&s were probably at that time the fame, for both Jews and Alexandrians had received the Greek language from the Macedonians about 50 years before. 2. i rideaux farther contends, that all the books of the Did Teftament could not be tranfiated at the fame time; fc» tiiej exhibit great difference of ftyle. To this it is *34 1 SEP fufficient to reply, that they were the work of 72 men, ^ep'uigint; each of whom had ieparate portions iffigned them. -n—v "■ ■«< 3. i he Dean alio urges, that A ilfasas riftobulus, Philo, and Jofephus, all diredtly tell us, that the law was tranflated without mentioning any of the other facred books. But nothing was more common among writers of the Jewiffi nation than to give this name to the Scrip¬ tures as a whole. In the New Teftament law is ufed as fynonymous with what we call the Old Teftament. Lefides, it is exprefsly' faid by Ariftobulus, in a frag¬ ment quoted by Eufebius (Pr.tp. Euan. 1. i.),that the whole Sacred Scripture was rightly tranflated through the means of Demetrius Phalereus, and by the command of Philadelphus. Jofephus indeed, lays the learned Dean, afferts, in the preface to his Antiquities, that the Jewifh interpreters did not tranflate for Ptolemy the whole Scriptures, but the law only. Here the evi¬ dence is contradidlory, and we have to determine, whe¬ ther Ariftobulus or Jofephus be moft worthy of credit. W e do not mean, however, to accufe either of forgery, but only to inquire which had the bell opportunities of knowing the truth. Ariftobulus was an Alexandrian ,Jevv> tutor to an Egyptian king, and lived within 100 years after the tranflation was made, and certainly had accefs to fee it in the royal library. Jofephus was a native of Paleftine, and lived not until 300 years or more after the tranflation was made, and many years after it was burnt along with the whole library of A- lexandria in the wars of Julius Csefar. Suppofing the veracity of thefe two writers equal, as we have no proof of the contrary, which of them ought we to confider as the heft evidence? Ariftobulus furely. Prideaux, indeed, feems doubtful whether there was ever fuch a man; and Dr Hody fuppofes that the Commentaries on the five books of Mofes, which bear the name of Ariftobulus,.. were a forgery of the fecond century. To prove the exillenceof any human being, who lived 2000 years be¬ fore us, and did not perform fuch works as no mere man ever performed, is a talk which we are not difpofed to undertake ; and we believe it would not be Ids dif¬ ficult to prove that Philo and Jofephus exifted, than that fuch a perfon as Ariftobulus did not exift. If the writings which have pafled under his name were a for¬ gery of the feeond century, it is furprifing that they ihould have impofed upon Clemens Alexandrinus, who lived in the fame century, and was a man of abilities, learning, and well acquainted with the writings of the ancients. Eufebius, too, in his Pr The outward appearance ia not very heautu t^e arc^ite(g-ure hgmg irregular, confifting of fepa-. ratp edifices in the form of pavilions and dom^s. The ladies of the feraglio are a collection df beauti¬ ful young women, chiefly lent as prefents from the pro¬ vinces and the Greek iflands, molt of them the children of Chriilian parents The brave prince Heraclius hath for fome years paft abolifhed the infamous tribute of chil¬ dren of both (exes, which Georgia formerly paid every year to the Porte. The number of women in the harem depends on the tafte of the reigning monarch or fultan, Selim had 2000, Achmet had but 300, and the late fultan had nearly 1600. On their admiffion they are committed to the care of old ladies, taught fewing and embroidery, mufic, dancing, and other accomplifhments, and furni(hed with the richeft clothes and ornaments. They all deep in feparate beds, and between every fifth there is a preceptrefs. Their chief governefs is called Ka/on Kiaga, or governefs of the noble young ladles. There is not one fervant among them, for they are obliged to wait on one another by rotation ; the lad that is entered ferves her who preceded her and her- felf. Thefe ladies are fcarcely ever fuffered to ,go a- broad, except when the grand fignior removes from one place to another, when a troop of black eunuchs conveys them to the boats, which are incloied with lat¬ tices and linen curtains ; and when they go by land they are put into clofe chariots, and lignals are made at certain diftances, to give notice that none approach the roads thiough which they march. The boats of the harem, which carry the grand fignior’s wives, are manned with 24 rowers, and have white covered tilts, fhut alternately by Venetian blinds. Among the em¬ peror’s attendants are a number of mutes, who adl and •converfe by figns with great qurcknefs, and fame dwarfs, who are exhibited for the diverfion of his ma- jefty. When he permits the women to walk in the gardens of the feraglio, all people are ordered to retire, and on every fide there is a guard of black eunuchs, with fa- bres in their hands, while others go their rounds in order to hinder any perfon from feeing them. If, un¬ fortunately, any one is found in the garden, even thro* ignorance or inadvertence, he is undoubtedly killed, and his head brought to the feet of the grand fignior, who gives a great reward to the guard for their vigi- lance. Sometimes the grand fignior pafles into the gardens to amufe himfelf when the women are there ; and it is then that they make ufe of their utmoft efforts, by dancing, finging, feducing geftures, and amorous blan- difhments, to enfnare the affe&ions of the monarch. It is not permitted that the monarch fhould take a virgin to his bed, except during the foiemn feftivals, and on eccafion of fome extraordinary rejoicings, or the arrival of fome good news. Upon fuch occations, if the ful- tan chooies a new companion to his bed, he enters into the apartment of the women, who are ranged in files by the governefles, to whom he (peaks, and intimates the perfon he likes beil: the ceremony of the handker¬ chief, which the grand fignior is faid to throw to the girl that he clefts, is an idle tale, without any founda¬ tion. As foon as the grand fignior has chofen the girl that he has deftined to be the partner of his bed, all the others follow her to the bath, wafhing and perfuming her, and drefiing her fuperbly, condufting her finging, dancing, and yejeaqing, to the bed-chamber of ths grand fignior, who is generally, on fuch an occafion, al¬ ready in bed. Scarcely has the new-defted favourite entered the chamber, introduced by the grand eunuch who is upon guard, than fhe kneels down, and when the fultan calls her, fhe creeps into bed to him at the foot of the bed, if the fultan does not order her, by efpecial grace, to approach by the fide: after a certain time, upon a fignal given by the fultan, the governefs of the girls, with all her fuite, enter the apartment, and take her back again, condufting her with the fame ce- remony to the womens apartments ; and if by good fortune (he becomes pregnant, and is delivered of a boy, (he is called afakt fuhanefs, that is to fay, fukanefs-mo- ther ; for the firft fon (he has the honour to be crown* ed, and (he has the liberty of forming her court. Eunuchs are alfo alfigned for her guard, and for her particular fervice. No other ladies, though delivered of boys, are either crowned or maintained with fuch coftly diftinftton as the firft $ however, they have their fervice apart, and handfome appointments. Af¬ ter the death of the iultan, the mothers of the male children are (hut up in the old feraglio, from whence they can never come out any more, unlefs any of their fons afgend the throne. Baron de Tott in¬ forms us, that the female (lave who becomes the mo¬ ther of a fultan, and lives long enough to fee her fort mount the throne, is the only woman who at that period alone acquires the diftinftion of fultana.mother; (he is till then in the interior of her prifen with her fon. The title of bacbe kadun, principal woman, is the firft digni¬ ty of the grand fignior’s harem ; and fhe hath a larger allowance than thole who have the title of ftcond, third, and fourth woman, which are the four free women the Koran allows. This is a defeription of the grand fignior’s feraglio * we (hall now add an account of the feraglio or barem^ as it is often called, of the emperor of Morocco, from the very interefting tour of Mr Lempriere. This gen¬ tleman being a i'urgean by profefiion, was admitted into the harem to preferibe for fome of the ladies who were indifpofed, and was therefore enabled to give a particu¬ lar account of this female prifon, and, what is full more curious, of the maimers and behaviour of its inhabi¬ tants. The harem forms a part of the palace. The apart¬ ments, which are all on the ground floor, are fquare, very lofty, and four of them inclofe a fpacious fquare court, into which they open by means of large folding doorsi In the centre of thefe courts, which are floor¬ ed with blue and white checquered tiling, is a foun¬ tain, fupplied by pipes from a large refervoir on the outfide or the palace, which ferves for the frequent ab¬ lutions recommended by the Mahometan religion, as well as for other purpofes. The whole of the harem confifts of about twelve of thefe fquare courts, commu¬ nicating with each other by narrow paflages, which af¬ ford a free accefs from one part of it to another, and of which all the women are allowed to avail themfelves. The apartments are ornamented on the outfide with beautiful carved wood. In the infide moft of the rooms are hung with rich damafk of various colours ; the floors are covered with beautiful carpets, and there are matreffes difpofed at different diftances, for the pur¬ pofes of fitting and fieeping, 1 Befidej SER FaSg] SER Serag^'fl" Befides thefe, the apartments are furnlfhed at each i*-—v extremity with an elegant European mahogany bed- ftead, bung with damafk, having on it feveral matrefles placed one over the other, which are covered with va¬ rious coloured filks ; but thefe beds are merely placed there to ornament the room. In all the apartments, without exception, the ceiling is wood, carved and painted. The principal ornaments in fome were large and valuable looking-glaffes, hung on different parts of the walls. In others, clocks and watches of different fizes, in glafs cafes, were difpofed in the fame manner. . 1 he fultana Lalla Batoom and another favourite were indulged with a whole fquare to themfelves ; but the concubines were only each allowed a lingle room. Each female had a feparate daily allowance from the emperor, proportioned to the eftimation in which they were held by him. The late emperor’s allowance was very trifling : Lalla Douyaw, the favourite fultana, had very little more than half-a-crown Englifli a-day, and the others lefs in proportion. It muff be allowed, that the emperor made them occafional prefents of money, drefs, and trinkets ; but this could never be fufficient to fupport the number of domeftics and other expences they muff incur. Their greateft dependence therefore was on the prefents they received from thofe Europeans and Moors who vifited the court, and who employed their influence in obtaining fome particular favour from the emperor. This was the moft fuccefstul mode that could be adopted. When Mr Lempriere was at Mo¬ rocco, a Jew, defirous of obtaining a very advantage¬ ous favour from the emperor, for which he had been a long time unfuccefsfully foliciting, fent to all the prin¬ cipal ladies of the harem prefents of pearls to a very large amount; the confequeuce was, that they all went in a body to the emperor, and immediately obtained the wiffied-for conceffion. The ladles feparately fnrnifh their own rooms, hire their own domeftics, and, in fadl, do what they pleafe in the harem, but are not permitted to go out without an exprefs order from the emperor, who very feldom grants them that favour, except when they are to be re¬ moved from one palace to another. In that cafe, a party of foldiers is difpatched a little diftance before them, to difperfe the male paffengers in particular, and to prevent the poffibility of their being feen. This previous ftep being taken, a piece of linen cloth is tied round the lower part of the face, and afterwards thefe miferable females cover themfelves entirely with their haicks, and either mount mules, which they ride like men, or, what is more ufual, are put into a fquare car¬ riage or litter, conftrudted for this pmpofe, which by its lattice-work allows them to fee without being feen. In this manner they fet off, under the charge of a guard of black eunuchs. This journey, and fometimes a walk within the bounds of the palace, with which they are, however, feldom indulged, is the only excrcife they are permitted to take. The late emperor’s harem confifted of between 60 and too females, belides their domeftics and flaves, which were very numerous. Many of the concubines were Moorifti women, who had been prefented to the emperor, as the Moors confider it an honour to have their daughters in the harem ; feveral were European flaves, who had either been made captives, or purcha- fed by the emperor ; and fome were Negroes. VoL.X'VIi. Bart 1. In this group the Europeans, or their defcendants, S«rag’iO| v had by far the greateft claim to the charadltr of hand- v f fome. There was one in particular, who was a native of Spain, and taken into the harem at about the fame age as Lalla Douyaw, who was indeed a perfeft beau¬ ty. Nor was this lady quite lingular in that refpeft, for many others were almoft equally handfome. The eunuchs, who have the entire charge of the women, and who in fadf live always among them, are the children of Negro flaves. They are generally ei¬ ther very fliort and tat, or elfe tall, deformed, and lame. Their voices have that particular tone which is obfer- vable in youths who are juft arriving at manhood ; and their perfons altogether afford a difgufting image of weaknefs and effeminacy. The fame gentleman gives us a very curious account of the manners and ignorance of thefe immured females, from his own obfervation, when viliting the prince’s ha* rem. Attended by an eunuch (fays he), after palling tire gate of the harem, which is always locked, and un¬ der the care of a guard or eunuchs, we entered a nar¬ row and dark paffage, which foon brought us to the court, into which the womens chambers open. We here faw number's of both black and white women and children ; fome concubines, iome flaves, and others hired domeftics. “ Upon their obferving the unufual figure of an Eu¬ ropean, the whole multitude hr a body furrounded me, and expreffed the utmoft. aftouilhment at my dtefs and appearance. Some flood motionlefs, with their hands lifted up, their eyes fixed, and their mouths open, in the ufual attitude of wonder and furprife. Some burft into immoderate fits of laughter ; while others again came up, and with uncommon attention eyed me from head to foot. The parts of my drefs which feemed moft to attradl their notice were my buckles, buttons, and ftockings ; for neither men nor women irt this coun¬ try wear any thing of the kind. With refpeft to the club of my hair, they feemed utterly at a lofs in what view to conftder it; but the powder which I wore they conceived to be employed for the purpofe of deftroy- ing vermin. Moft of the children, when they faw me, ran away in the moft perfect confternation ; and on the whole, I appeared as lingular an animal, and 1 dare fay had the honour of exciting as much euriofity and at¬ tention, as a lion or a man-tiger juft imported from abroad, and introduced into a country town in England on a market-day. Every time l vilited the harem, I wTas fufrounded and laughed at by this curious mob, who, on my entering the gate, followed me clofe to the very chamber" to which 1 was proceeding, and on my return univerially efcorted me out. “ The greateft part of the women were uncommonly fat and unwieldy ; had black and full eyes, round faces, with fmall «ofes. They were of different complexions $ fome very fair, fome fallow, and others again perfect Negroes. “ One of my new patients being ready to receive me, I was delired to walk into her room ; where, to my great furprife, I faw nothing but a curtain drawn quite aerofs the apartment, fimilar to that of a theatre which feparates the ftage from the audience. A female do- rceftic brought a very low ftool, placed it near the cur¬ tain, and told me I was to lit down there, and feel her miftrefs’s pulfe. O Q u 'Ike S E R r 200 ] S E R f eraglio. « The lady, who had by this time fummoned up cou- "“'“"Y-—- j-age to fpeak, introduced her hand from the bottom of the curtain, and defxred me to inform her of all her com¬ plaints, which fhe conceived I might perfe&ly do by merely feeling the pulfe It was in vain to afk her where her pain was feated, whether in her llomach, head, or back | the only anfwer I could procure was a requeft to feel the pulfe of the other hand, and then point out the feat of the difeafe, and the nature of the pain. 5‘ Having neither fatisfied my curiofity by exhibiting her face, nor made me acquainted with the nature of her complaint, I was under the neceffity of informing her in pofitive terms, that to underhand the difeafe, it was abfolutely neceffary to fee the tongue as well as to feel the pulfe ; and that without it I could do nothing for her. My eloquence, or rather that of my Jewifh inter¬ preter, was, however, for a long time exerted in vain ; and I am perfuaded fhe would have difmiffed me without any further inquiry, had not her invention fupplied htr with a happy expedient to remove her embarraffment. She contrived at lafl to cut a hole through the curtain, through which fhe extruded her tongue, and thus com¬ plied with my injunction as far as it was neceffary in a medical view, but molt effe&ually difappointed my cu¬ riofity. “ I was afterwards ordered to look at another of the prince’s wives, who was afhCted with a fcrophulous fwelling in her neck. This lady was, in the fame man¬ ner as the other, at firft excluded from my fight ; but as fhe was obliged to fhow me her complaint, I had an opportunity of feeing her face, and obferved it to be very handfome.” It is curious to obferve the ftrange and childifh no¬ tions of perfons who have been totally fecluded from the world. AH the ladies of the harem expefted that ■our author fhoitid have in'fantly difeovered their com¬ plaints upon feeling the pulfe, and that he could cure every difeafe inftantaneoufly. He found them proud and vain of their perfons, and extremely ignorant. “ A- mong many ridiculous qtteftions, they alked my inter¬ preter (fays Mr Lempriere) if I could read and write ; upon being anfvvered in the affirmative, they expreffed the utmoft furprife and admiration at the abilities of the Chriftiansi There was not one among them who could do either ; thefe rudiments of learning are indeed only the lot of a few of their men, who on that ac¬ count are named Talls^ or explainers of the Mahome¬ tan law.” It is melancholy to refiefl on the lltuation of thefe unfortunate women. Being confukred as the mere in- ftruments of pleafure, no attention is paid to the im¬ provement of their minds. They have no employment to occupy their time. Their needle-work is performed by Jeweifes ; their food is drefled, and their chambers taken care of, by flaves and domeftics. They have no amufement but a rude and barbarous kind of melan¬ choly mufic, without melody, variety, or talle ; and converfation with one another, which muft indeed be very confined, uniform, and inanimate, as they never lee a new object. Excluded from the enjoyment of Jrefh air and exercife, fo neceffary for the lupport of health and life ; deprived ol all fociety but that of their fellow fuherers, a fociety to which rnoft of them would prefer Hhtude itfelf ; they are only to be conhdered as the mod abje& of flaves—Haves to the vices and ca* Sera| price of a licentious tyrant, who exadts even from his H wives themfelves a degree of fubmiffion and refpeCt ^er'^l!5* which borders upon idolatry, and which God and na¬ ture never meant fhould be paid to a mortal. SERAI, a building on the high-road, or in large ci¬ ties in India, ereded for the accommodation of travel¬ lers. SERAPH, or Seraphim, a fpirit of the higheft, rank in the hierarchy of angels ; who are thus called from their being fuppofed to be moll inflamed with di-- vine love, by their nearer and more immediate atten¬ dance at the throne of God, and to communicate their fervour to the remoter and inferior orders. See An¬ gel. SERAPHIC, burning or inflamed with love or zeal, • like a feraphim : thus St Bonaventure is called the fe* raphic do ft or, from his abundant zeal and fervour. SERAPJAS, in botany ; A genus of plants belong¬ ing to the order of diandria, and to the clafs of gynan- dria; and in the natural fyllem arranged under the yth order, Or chide# > The nedarium is egg-lhaped and gib¬ bous, with an egg-lhaped lip. The ipecies, according to Linnseus, are ten. I. Latifolia; 2. Longifolia 5 3. Grandiflora, or enfifolia } 4. Lancifolia ; 5. Rubra ; 6. Lingua 5 7. Cordigera ; 8. Capenfis } 9. Ereda ; 10. Falcata. The three firft are natives of Britain.. 1. The Latifolia, or broad-leaved-helleborine, is di- ftinguifhed by fibrous bulbs, By ovate ftem-clafping leaves, and pendulous flowers. The ftalk is ered, about a cubit high, and furnilhed with fix or eight, nervous oval leaves ; the fpike is about fix inches long £ the three upper petals are of a green colour, and of an oval acute form ; the lateral ones are a little fhorter, and of a white colour, with a little tinge of green. 2. The Palujlris, or marfh helleborine, grows in rough boggy? paftures and marfhes, and flowers in July. It is diftia- guifhed by fibrous bulbs, fword-lhaped feffile leave pendulous flowers ; and the lip of the nedarium is ob~ tufe, fomewhat ferrated, and longer than the petals. The flowers grow to the number of 15 or 70 in a loofe fpike. The three exterior petals are green mixed with red 5 the lateral ones are white with a red blufh ; and the nedarium is marked with red lines and yellow tu¬ berculous fpots. 3. The Grandiflora, or white-flowered helleborine, grows in woods, and flowers in June. Its charaderillics are, fibrous bulbs, iword-fhaped leaves# ered flowers; and the lip of the nedarium is obtufe and fhorter than the petals. The flowers are large and ered, and confifting of fix or eight in a thin fpike ; the petals are all white, and connive together ; the lip of the nedarium is inclofed within the petals, is white and ftreaked with three yellow prominent lines. SERAPION, a phyfician of Alexandria. He and Philinus of the ifle of Cos were both fcholars of Hero- philus, and were founders of the empiric fed 5 which' happened about 287 B. C. SERAPIS, in mythology, an-Egyptian deity, who was worftiipped under various names and attributes, a» the tutelary god of Egypt in general, and as the patron of fevcral of their principal cities. Tacitus informs us# that he was worlhipped as a kind of univerfal deity that reprefented Efculapius, Ofiris, Jupiter, and Pluto ; and he was fometimes taken for Jupiter Ammon, the Sun, and Neptune ; and the honours that were rendered to him 8 E R t *9* 1 s „ E R him at A^andris were more folemn and extraordinary and when the pope or the facred college write to the emperor, to kings, or to the doge, they give them no other title, In like manner, the emperor gives no other title to any king, except to the king of France.^ SERENUS (Sammonicus), a,celebrated phyficia* in the reigns of the emperor Severue and Caracalla, in and about the year 200. He wrote feveral treaties on hiftory and the works of nature ; but there is only one of them extant, which is a very indifferent poem on the Remedies of Difeafes. He was murdered at a feftival by the order of Caracalla. He had a library that con¬ tained 63,000 volumes, which Quintus Serenus Sam- momeus his fon gave to Gordian the Younger, to whom he was preceptor, SERES (Ptolemy) 5 a people of the Farther Afia * bounded on the weft by Scythia extra Imaum 5 on the north and eaft, by Terra Incognita j and on the fouth, by India extra Gangem. According to thefe limits, their country anfwers nearly to Cathoy or North China, Other authors vary greatly in placing them, though the generality agree in placing them far to the eaft. jSetaps! tl than thpfe of any other place, Serene. piutarch and Clemens of Alexandria, as well as Ta- Hifl. dtus *, inform us, that while the firft Ptolemy was em- j,|v,cap- ,vployed in fortifying Alexandria with walls, adorning it j>iut. de iff w{th temples and ftately buildings, there appeared to *€1. °JAkx fleeP a y°uug man of extraordinary beauty, infrotrp.’ a ftature more than human, admonifhing him to dif- patch into Pontus feme of his moft trufty friends to bring from thence his ftatue 5 he allured him, that the city and kingdom which poffeffed it fhould prove happy, glorious, and powerful. The young man ha¬ ving thus fpoke, difappeared, mounting up into heaven in a blaze of fire. Ptolemy difeovered his vifion to the priefts j but find¬ ing them ignorant of Pontus, he had recourfe to an A- •thenian, who informed him that near Sinope, a city of Pontus, there was a temple much reforted to by the natives, which was confecrated to Pluto, where he had Ptolemy Sefe^u* II Serg?. —■"Y"—^ a ftatue, near which ftood that of a woman, negle&ing the injunctions of the apparition, it again „ . „ , _ appeared to him in a menacing attitude } and the king Mela places them between the indi and Scythae; and immediately difpatched ambaffadors to the Serapiau perhaps beyond the Indi, it we diftinguilh the Sin* monarch, loaded with prefents. The king of Sinope from them. 'r^ —,-nt. confented ? but his fubjedts oppofed the removal of the ftatue. The god, however, of his own accord, as we nre informed, conveyed himfelf to the ambaffador’s Ihip, nnd in three days landed in Alexandria, The ftatue of Serapis was erected in one of the fuburbs of the city, where a magnificent temple was afterwards reared. The ftatue of Serapia, according to Macrobius, was of a human form, with a baficet or bulhd on his head, fignifying plenty s his right hand leaned on the head of a ferpent, whofe body was wound round a figure with three heads, of a dog, a lion, «ud a wolf i in his Jeft hand he held a meafure of a cubit length, as it were to take the height of the waters of the Nile, The figure of Serapis is found on many ancient medals. The famous temple of Serapjg at Alexandria was deftroyed by order of Theodofius | and the celebrated ftatue of this deity was broken in pieces, and its limbs carried firft in triumph by the Chriftian^ through the city, and then thrown into a fierce fire, kindled for that purpofe in the amphitheatre. As the Egyptians aferi- bed the overflowing of the Nile, to which was owing the fertility of their country, to the benign influence of their god Serapis, they concluded, that now he was deftroyed, the river would no longer overflow, and that a general famine would enfue 5 but when they obfgrved, on the contrary, that the Nile fwelled to a greater height than had been known in the memory of man, and thereby produced an immenfe plenty of all kinds of provifions, many of the pagans renouncing the war- fhip of idols, adored the God of the Chriftians. SERENA gutta, the fame as amvrofu. See Me¬ dicine, hp 360. SERENADE, a kind of concert given in the night by a lover to his miftrefs, under her window. Thefe fometimea only confift of inftrumental mufic, but at other times voices are added; the mufic and fongs com- pofed for thefe occafions are alfo called fgrenades, SERENE, a title of honour given to feveral princes and to the principal magiftrates of republics. The king of Britain, the republic and doge of Venice, and the children of the king of Spain, are called mjl jerene; The ancients commend them for their cot¬ ton manufa&ures, different from the produce of the bombyces or filk-worms, called feres by the Greeks j whence ferica filk.” SERGE, a woollen quilted fluff, manufactured on 3 loom with four treddlea, after the manner of rateens, and other fluffs that have the whale. The goodnefs of ferges is known by the quilting, as that of cloths by the fpinning. Of ferges there are various kinds, deno¬ minated either from the different qualities thereof, or from the places where they are wrought. The moft confiderable is the London ferge, now highly valued abroad, particularly in France, where a manufacture is carried on with confiderable fuccefs, under the title of ferge fatjon de Lmdres, The method of making the London ferge we (hall now deferibe ; For wool, the longeft is chofen for the warp, and the fhorteft for the woof. Before either kind is ufed, it is firft fcoured, by putting it in a copper of liquor, fomewhat more than lukewarm, compofed of three parts of fair water and one of urine. After having flayed long enough therein for the liquor to diffolve, and take off the greafe, &c. it is ftirred brifkly about with a wooden peel j taken out of the liquor, drained, and wafhed in a running water, dried in the fhade, beaten with flicks on a wooden rack to drive out the coarfer dull and filth, and then picked clean with the hands. Thus far prepared, it is greafed with oil of olives, and the longeft part, deflined tor the waip, is combed with large combs, heated in a little furnace for the purpofe. To clear off the oil again, the wool is put in a liquor compofed of hot water, with foap .melted therein .* whence being taken out, wrung, and dried, it is fpun on the wheel. As to the fhorter wool, intended for the woof, it is only carded en the knee with fmall cards, and then fpun on the wheel, without being fcouved of its oil. It muff be remarked, that the thread for the warp is al¬ ways to be fpun much finer, and better twilled than that of the woof. The wool both for the warp and the woof being fpun, and the thread divided into fleams, that of the woof is put on fpools (unkfs it have been O 0 2 fpun S E R [ 202 ] S E R fpan ireon them) fit for the cavity or eye of the fhuttle; fffear]t‘ and that for the warp is wound on a kind of wooden v bobbins to fit it for warping. When wnrped, it is ftiff- ened with a kind of fize, whereof that made of the Hi reds cf parchment is held the beft ; and when dry is put on the loom. When mounted on the loom, the workman railing end lowering the threads (which aie pafi'ed through a reed), by means of four treddles placed underneath the loom, which he makes to aft tranfverfely, equally, and alternately, one after another, with his feet, in propor¬ tion as the threads are raifed and lowered, throws the fhuttle acrofs from one fide to the other ; and each time that the fhuttle is thrown, and the thread of the woof is crolfed between thofe of the warp, ftrikes it with the frame to which the reed is faflened, through thofe teeth the threads of the warp pafs; and this Itroke he repeats twice or thrice, or even more, till he judges the croffing of the ferge fufficiently clofe : thus he proceeds till the warp is all filled with woof. The ferge now taken off the loom is carried to the fuller, who fcours it in the trough of his mill with a kind of fat earth, called earth, firfl purged of all Hones and filth. After three or four hours icouring, the fuller’s earth is waflied out in fair water, brought by little and little into the trough, out of which it is taken when all the earth is cleared ; then, with a kind of iron pincers or plyers, they pull off all the knots, ends, ilraws, &c. flicking out on the furface on either fide ; and then returning it into the fulling trough, where it is worked with water fomewhat more than lukewarm, with foap diflblved therein for near two' hours : it is then wafhed out till fuch time as the water becomes quite clear, and there be no figns of foap left; then it is taken out of the trough, the knots, &c. again pulled off, and then put on the tenter to dry, taking care as- fafl as it dries to flretch it out both in length and breadth till it be brought to its juft dimenfions. When well dried, it is taken off the tenter, and dyed, fliorn, and preffed. SERGEANT, or Serjeant at Law, or of the Coif, is the higheft degree taken at the common law, as that of X)oftor is of the civil law; and as thefe are fuppofed to be the moil learned and experienced in the practice of the courts, there is one court appointed for them to plead in by themfelves, which is the common • pleas, where the common law of England is moft ftrieft- ly oblerved : but they are not reffribled from pleading in any other court, where the judges, who cannot have that honour till they have taken the degree of ferjeant at law, call them brothers. htRGEANT at Arms, or Mace, an officer appointed to attend the perfon of the king ; to arreft traitors, and fuch perfons of quality as offend ; and to attend the lord high fteward, when fitting in judgment on a traitor. Of thefe, by ftatute 13 Rich. II. cap. 6. there are not to be above 30 in the realm. There are now nine at court at L. 100 per annum falary each ; they are called the king's fergeants at arms, to diftinguifh them from others : they are created with great ceremony, the perfon kneeling before the king', his majefty lays the mace on his right fhoulder, and fays, Rife vp. fergeant at arms, and efquire for ever. They have, befides, a pa¬ tent^ for the office, which they hold for life. j hey have their attendance in the prefence-chamber, where the band of gcntlemen-penfioners wait; and, re- Sergeant ceiving the king at the door, they carry the maces be- !j fore him to the chapel door, whilft the band of penfion- ^r‘es- era {land foremofl, and make a lane for the king, as v T they alfo do when the king goes to the houfe of lords. 1 here are four other fergeants at arms, created in the fame manner ; one, who attends the lord chancellor ; a fecond, the lord treafurer ; a third, the fpeaker of the houfe of commons ; and a fourth, the lord mayor of London on folemn occafions. They have a confiderable fhare of the fees of honour, and travelling charges allowed them when in waiting, viz. five {hillings per day when the court is within ten miles of London, and ten {hillings when twenty miles from London. The places are in the lord chamberlain’s gift- 1 here are alfo fergeants of the mace of an inferior kind, who attend the mayor or other head officer of a corporation. Common Sergeant, an officer in the city of London, who attends the lord mayor and court of aldermen on court days, and is in council with them on all occafions, within and without the precindls or liberties of the city. He is to take care of orphans eftates, either by taking account of them, or to ftgn their indentures, before their paffing the lord mayor and court of aldermen : and he was likewife to let and manage the orphans eflates, ac¬ cording to his judgment to their beft advantage. See Recorder. Sergeant, in war, is an uncommiffioned officer in a company of foot or troop of dragoons, armed with an halbert, and appointed to fee difeipline obferved, to teach the foldiers the exercife of their arms, to order, ftraiten, and form their ranks, files, &c. He receives the orders from the adjutant, which he communicates to his officers. Each company generally has two fer¬ geants. SERGEANTY (Serjeantia), fignifies, in law, afer- vice that cannot be due by a tenant to any lord but the king ; and this is either grand fergeanty, or pttit. The fir ft is a tenure by which the one holds his lands of the king by fuch fervices as he ought to do in perfon to the king at his coronation ; and may alfo concern matters military, or iervices of honour in peace ; as to be the king’s butler, carver, &c. Petit fergeanty is where a man holds lands of the king to furnifh him yearly with fome fmall thing towards his wars; and in effeed pay¬ able as rent. Though all tenures are turned mio[occage by the 12 Car. II. cap. 24. yet the honorary fervices of grand fergeanty ftill remain, being therein excepted. See Knigh t- Service. SERIES, in general, denotes a continual fucceffion of things in the fame order, and having the fame rela¬ tion or connexion with each other : in this fenfe we fay, a ferits of emperors, kings, bifhops, &c. In natural hiftory, a feries is ufed for an order or fub- divifion of fome clafs of natural bodies; comprehending all fuch as are diftinguifhed from the other bodies of that clafs, by certain charadlers which they poffefs in common, and which the reft of the bodies of that call have not. Series, in arithmetic and algebra, a rank or num- ceri2?. ber of terms in fucceffion, increaftng or diminifhing in 2 fome certain ratio or proportion. There are feveral various kinds of feries; as arithmetica!, geometrical, wfnite, &c. kinds of. 2 The . Scries. S E R C 293 ] The two firft of thefe are, however, more generally ^ Lct t]i£ fraa;on " known or diftinguiflied by the names of arithmetical and geometrical progrefton. Thefe feriefes have already been explained and illuftrated in the article Algebra, par¬ ticularly the two firft: it therefore only remains, in this place, to add a little to what has already been done to the laft of thefe ; namely. Infinite Series, Is formed by dividing the numerator of a fra&ion by its denominator, that denominator being a compound quantity ; or by extracting the root of a furd. 4 An infinite feiies is either converging or diverging. Converging /\ converging feries is that in which the magnitude and diver t}ie feveral terms gradually diminifii ; and a diver¬ ging ferief. feries js that in wh;ch the fuccefiive terms increafe r in magnitude- Lawofan The law of an infinite feries is the order in which infinite fe- the terms are obferved to proceed. This law is often ay I -I- x E R be converted into an infi- Serfes. nite feries t (ay-ayx-l-ayx—ayx sc4, &Cj aji-j-ay x —ay x •—ay x—ay x* Infinite fe¬ ries. ay x2 ay x1-}-ay x3 —ay x3 —ay x1—ay *4 Hence ay i+x — a/ X 1 — x ft- x2 — x3 -f- x4, &c. m'+x\ . „ . . . » Reduce the fra&ion . into an infinite feries r eafily difeoxered from a few of the firft terms of the feries ; and then the feries may be continued as far as , ^ A may be thought neceftary, without any farther divifion an(j the jaw Gf the feries is obvious, or evolution. An infinite feries, as has already been obferved, is obtained by divifion or evolution ; but as tnat method is very tedious, various other methods have been pro- pofed for performing the fame in a more eafy manner; as, by affuming a feries with unknown coefficients, by the binomial theorem, &c. ay x41 ay x^J^ay x7 —ay xs ff! 4" * O V2 m+xy'+x2 («-*+——^ + ~3 m -+-m x &c. L Of the Method of Series by Divfion and Evolution. Rule. Metffod of Let the divifion or evolution of the given fraftion, converting which is to be converted into an infinite feries, be per- 8 fra&ional formed as in Chapters I. and IV. of our article Alge* quantity BRA and the required feries will be obtained. finite feries, Examples. by divifion, x i. Convert the fra&ion flTx '‘nto an *nfin*te ^e”es * 1—sc)i (1 4-x4-x24-x1-f-x4, &c. 1—x — m ac 4-x 1 : ■—m x—x 2x2 + 2xi 2x 2X4 m 2x* 2X4 &C. X X . X3 X 1 I m m TT w2-|-xs ,251 Hence .—— zzm — x-y-— rw-fiac m the law of the feries is evident. a2 4. Convert the quantity ay ~ feries ? s2 + 2 rfy +/ )a\ (I ■ &c. and* into an infinite 2 .y t 3/ 4TS a +2r7_y-f/ '+ — as &c. x’ X4 Xs -2ay—y ^ 3 -2ay—w L a Hence the fraftion ~ ~ — 1 x -f-x'-f- x -f- x4, &c. From infpeftion of the terms of this feries, it appears that each term is formed by multiplying the preceding term by x ; and hence it may be continued as far as may be thought neeeffary without continuing the divi¬ fion. 3/+f a a1 Whenca- S E R l «94 ] S E R . gerie*, -v- Whe„«^^ each term is found by multiplying the preceding by y U+U'^l\ &e, 8rilJ I.rt the .(Tumed fcrft, be A + B^+C^'+D^I, fa, o (i% a1 * * which multiplied by cl *4- 2 gives c* - and increafing the coefficient by unity. And evolu, 5’ ^et ^be converted into an infinite feries ? iicin. Jl* | yC ^ a~~8a ' 16as 1 4"’ A +f* Bj'•d-c’C/d-e3 Dy5, &c, + 2 f Ay + 2 c B ya-f 3 c Gy} — Ay* — By’, Now, by equating the coefficients sf the homologous terms, we have ci~ei A, r1B + a r A = C 4- ac B—■ A^Os c1 D-f-a c G B ss 0, &c. j whence A-s 1, B=_iA=_i,c=-5^?=,+±=i.,D3 C c C* c* c2 B -2c C _—3 — IO :r X* X*\ X J3 ^T-, )—•— 1 a oaj 4a *— 3 — IO _ 13 &e s w}lence c f1 <4 * PaVcvITv3 —“Ti-’acc- «« x« + 7T3 “4a3 8a*“r 640' \ x6 x“ x» x4 a < 2a ~4A+ i6AJ8^4 640s X8 X8 8a4’^” 16a5 64«3~^ 5x8 1 ™i" x»° c c 3* Required the fquare root of 17 = A 4" B x3+ C x4 “h Ox6, &c. which 1>eing fquared gives a* — x*s: A*4-2 A B x'4“B* x-» + a ADx«, &c. 4. a AC x4+2 B C x6. Hence A* = o% a A B 4-T —B * 4- 2 A C =r r* a A D 4* 2 B C ss «, &c. Then A ~ a, B =s —» 1 1 r _ B\_ i T v_ B C 1 3 A 2a aA Ba5* A ^ j6as* 64a0'6438 256a Jo x4 6cc. j whence «*’—»x*l4=5a« Hence the fquare root of az+x%zza'\- --—gpH- ”3 « 8 a3 16 as 5cc. I28x7 ;| &C. HI, 0/ Method of reducing a fractional Quantity inti an Infinite Serkf by the Binomial Theorem. As this method has already been illuftrated in the And9by Sir 1 /-> I« A v ^ TC B A mxr.ct * L i* 1 * , £l n , t tr _ . In continuing the operation, thofe terms may be ne» — — -— ~v -w,. »« mv^na uysif glefted whofe dimenfions exceed thofe of the laft term art^e Algebra, we fhall therefore briefly ftate the baac New.; to which the root is to be continued. theorem, and add a few examples. t0?’.8 ftma-j II. Of the Method of Series by ajfuming a Series with m» known Coefficients. Sy means Rule. Afiume a feries with unknown coefficients -cfai’ aflum. to reprefent that required. Let this feries be multiplied fA feries; or involved, according to the nature of the queftionj and the quantities of the fame dimenfion being put equal to each other, the coefficients will be determined} and hence the required feries will be known. theorem, and add a few examples. Binomial Theorem. mial thco» rem. JH >n m*~n m ——Ti T T . » , >» m—n J+D" =0 “+-0 ■ j. m—-3 n , m v m—n ns—-3 n —a —.^X —.—-X * =2 a X ax —x*i = —., X ax t I—■ x'-J • And this laft expreffion, being &c.; w'hence, by fubftitution, we have —L..— L4.™ compared with the general theorem, gives ^-=‘L t a—x -a a* a a 4- —4.A_4. ^a}Ta4 ‘a &c. J 1 y,4 * „S 2. Convert the quantity - c% ? P-tzcy—y' —I, n=2. Hence, by fubftitution, we have - ax- rilte feries l intoan'infi- =A. X X I — -I a— * x ~~ 4 x SEE Series. .—j—2 —1—4 x} a I ^ 1 , » . &C.= — +1 + ,-+ 4 [ 295 3 S E R a; 3 j?1 2tf *0 «4 274. Se?ics»- 19683’^TT—t114t ^ TttI7 ^ 0.60000008 5 a: : 35 x 16 128 « 4> &C> 9353’ J5C49X14 “ ^5 j tt| ^ **“ 0.0000000 j 2. Required the fquare root of at-\-xi ? By comparing this with the general theorem, we havetf=:fl% b — x1, tnzzl, n—2. Hence, by fubllitu* . , _ . , xa 1—2 tion, the fenes becomes aXi 4-^X"^y + Y>< Sum of the pofitive terms, 1.05760968 Sum of the negative terms, 0.00331885 Difference, 2X 2 I.O5429083 8 x* 1—*2 l~-4 Xfl4+TX— X X -5, &C. = <3 X I+~~ 2X2 3X2 0® 2a Cube root of 600, = 8.43432664!l In operations of this kind, the neared power to the +^15__5^L &c. And 1U =: given number, whether greater or lefs than it, is to be ufed, ^ a 16a 1a8’ as by that means the feries will converge more quickly. a X 5 * &c. An infinite feries may be involved to any given Involution power, or any propofed root of a given feries may bean3 evohi* ~ _ .1 . . . t;on 0{ aa 2 a 8a4 16 a6" 128 a8 In order to apply this to numbers, let the fquare extracted by means of the following general theorem. .ot >e required? Now, the fquare root of 85 z ^ X (a+£ a; + c #* + a; 5 4-^ *’4> = z ries, multiplied by Toot of 85 be required 5= \/ 81 + 4; hence a—9, and = 4. Then 1 = 1.000000 2 a v-4 ~ O.O2469I m tn—i m-—1 m—2 1 a ’\-mba x 4m • ”—“—] 2 X 81 4X4 F^4 ““ 8X81 x 81 ““ ©.000304 4 m m — 1 a c J 1 16 a6 4X4X4 16X81X81X81 =: 0.000007 I.024394 9 m— 1 m — 2 m — 3 4m.” • — a b' 2 3 I m — 1 m 2 9k3 4 ^ ^ 2,3 ^1 9.2i954^> Square root of 85 true except the laft decimal. 3. Required the cube root of ai-\-b'’ ? This being compared with the general theorem gives az:**, b =yi, m = 1, « =: 3. Hence a* + b - , I—3 T 4 m • 4 ma m “ rn — 1 m — 2 tn— 7, ld J w —4,41 a a4 f 4 m 2 3 4 m — 1 m — 2 m — 3 3 a btc\ 4 tn . m 3 1 m —•. a 2 ^ibd •i+>- 1 V T J- i. v -v J- » v 1 4 X 6 x6 a | X 1 4 t x r x 6 4 <2- m 1—6. y X - 9 . v2 , &c. = a X I 4 y y6 -r 9' ' g xl 9X6 8iy9 f-7?~ 4 m. l ~ 2345 * ioy' ., &c. And a3 — j J~ a X 1 243 3 a; 3 9X0 12! &c. 81 X9 243 X11 ^ __ Let the cube root of 600 be required ? Now'6oo|f — 8X14T8Alr Then y3 = 88, x3=5t2l m = 1, and n — 7> Then 1 1 ‘Oocooooo 4 ** • 4 m— i m—2 m—3 4a m—4 Pc 2 34' | m -— 1 m —2 m—3 Klcx y<*d ■3a 2 3 J u-\-bxd m— 1 tn — 2 t d m—I 4 ?» . —-—2 a 2 4^ e 4 w / -} rn T”-1 w~~2 w—3 m—4 m-~zl a m~6 i6 1 ‘ 2 * 3 * 4 ‘ 5 ' 6 * x3' X 88 512 !Tm 3 9 5 J9 _ 81 ““ 1 10-x-a .= tVt xTlIi4 = ““ 0,OO0©3591 O.OC328233' 0,0003 134! m—1 m~ 2 m—% tn—4 tn—5 4 tn . ——. Pt—.5a ^4 c * 3 4 5 m—1 m—2 rj — 3 m*~4 \ 6bxc* 4«. t-*—a 4 4 C 354^ C ^ W!“'-.2.aw-3|6^f 3 0x0000453 243 X _ a a y Tr, J 729 x’3 ~ T*ir x '5'TTl ,5L-n = sV/.xSy” = —o.oo^oco6o — T 4 tn . -r— . t e3 I ,n-2 N2*/ I ) 2 £ e d-* 656 4 «j a m—1 New- Scries. g E R [ 296 ] S E R ‘Now each term of the given feries is to be compared above theorem ; and by fnbftitution in the fecond, the Seriej. with the correfpondent terms in the firft part of the feveral terms of the required feries will be obtained. 1 v—• Examples. \Jl. What is the fquare of the feries y——y7 + &c. ? By comparing this with the general theorem, we find z=y, 0 = 1, 3=0, c~—1, d—o^ g~—1, &c. and m—2 ; whence y—yi~tyi —y7V = yz X (1 — 2 ax1 cz x* — 2 c e &c. — y2X (1—2 y2+3y4—4y0)» + 2 ^c* X X2 X1 | * V *v x x 4- c2 4- 2 e =Z~X (14-^- + + “3 + &c.) X \ X ‘ x2 1 X3 x4’ / 3 I 2 “T+U + ± , JL * xi + X6 ’ &c’ A.th, What is the fquare root of 0 5 r%~~T+^7 ~b74+870’&c* The quantity reduced is lx ^ ^ — - 1 2r2"^"4r2 br^^Sr8 &c. . , 1 , „ _ , — — r — d — — 7—, Sec. and m — 1 — In this examplez—*^, x — *2> — 12 ®c 4 r4 ’ br0’ 2 —^ 3_. <^z±= , &c. 3** 4 Then r2 — *— 4" 2 f 41 :, &c. -=Tx( 4 r 1 32 r4 1 '8~r~ 5 X3 I28r° 3, ”s2r<5 1 , &c. ■ i 2 r° X2 11 x3 IT') &c' r 4r3 32rS 384r ' . . i4 Harmonic Series^ a feries of terms formed in harmoni- Again, let x be the fourth term, to find Which in The me- ; terms of a and b, we have a b Then bx — b-.x'.'.b — a b 2 a ■ . x r= xnonical fe- cal proportion. It has been already obferved in the terms of a and b, we have sies. article Proportion, that if three numbers be in har- raonical proportion, the firft is to the third as the dif¬ ference between the firft and fecond is to the difference between the fecend and third. Let 0, b, and x be three terms in haimonical pro¬ portion : then a : x 1 : a — b :b —x whence ax — bx — ah — a x. % and 2 a x — bx — ab . a b then x ~ b " 2 a — b ab1 — bx — X thod of ex¬ tending thiJ feries. 20 —a $ab — 2 b~ 2a — b ab2 x 2 a—b a b2 2 a — b 2 a — b a b 2 a 2a — b' ^ab—2^ 30—2b’ Hence the three thereforethefourfirft terms area. firft terms of this feries is 0, b,- ab 2 0' X a—b 30-—2b Whence the law of the feries is obvious, and it m?,y be continued Series S E continued as follows, a. b. ab R a b la &c. b' 3*- and the »th term is -lb ab 40—3^» The fi ^ term lefs 5 a—^.b’ ' n — I .a—n—l.b If, in aferies of terms in harmonical proportion, a and b be two affirmative quantities, and fuch that a^Lb ; dian ^'^nci then this feries, which is pofitive at lirft, will become !.'>th po- negative as foon as n —2 . b exceeds n — 1 . a. But if fitive, the a ^ feries will converge, and although produced ferie-wiil^ ^ infinity will not become negative. Let a and b be equal to 2 and 1 refpeftively ; then this feries becomes LLt-'J’ &c' an(^ fince> if each term of an harmonical feries be divided by the fame quantity, the feries will ftill be harmonical. Therefore i*4- to infinity will not become negative, become ne- } . 0 . gative. 14 But if the fir ft is ^ ^CC‘18 an liarmonicai fcrics: whence the denominators of fecond^the this feries form a feries of numbers in arithmetical pro- fcries is af- greffion ; and converfely, the reciprocals of an arithme- firmative tical progreffion are in harmonical proportion. Recurring Shribs, a feries of which any term is form¬ ed by the addition of a certain number of preceding terms, multiplied or divided by any determinate numbers whether pofitive or negative. Thus 2. 3. 19. 101. 543* 2917. 15671, See. is a recurring feries, each term of non in har- which is formed by the addition of the two preceding Hfo^onion te'rms» the fir ft of which being previoufly multiplied by and con- 'the conftant quantity 2 and the other by 5. Thus the third term 19 = 2X 24-3X5 ; the fourth term 101 = 3X24-19 X 5, &c. The principal operation in a feries of this nature is that of finding its firm.—For this purpofe, the two firft and two laft terms of the feries muft be given, together with the conftant multipliers. Let a, b, r, d, e,f. See. be any number of terms of a feries formed according to the above law, each fuc- ceffive term being equal to the fum of the produfts of the two preceding terms, the firft being multiplied by the given quantity m, and the other by the given quantity n. Hence we will have the following leries of equations c tn a n b, d—mb-^nc, e~mc-\- n d, j— md ^ ne. Sec. Then adding thefe equations, we obtain c Jt-d-\-e-\-f— mX-a-^-b-^c-^d-^-nX. £ 4- c d-\- e. Now the firft member of this equation is the fum of all the terms except the two firft; the quantity by which m is multiplied in the fecond mem¬ ber is the fum of all the terms except the two laft ; and that by which n is multiplied is the fum of all the terms except the firft and laft. Now let s £=2 fum of the feries. then s — a — b= m x r — e •> 5 The reci¬ procals of an arith- tr.et'cai progref verfely. 16 Summa¬ tion of a recurring Ceries. 297 1 S E R Reverjion of Sf.uno is the method of finding the value of the quantity whofe feveral powers are involved in a feries, in terms of the quantity which is equal to the given feries. In order to this, a feries muft be affumed, which be¬ ing involved and fubftituted for the quantity equal to the feries, and its powers, negle&irtg thofe terms whofe powers exceed the higheft power to which it is pro- pofed to extend the feries. Let it be required to revert the feries a x 4-^ i*’4“ c x^-\-dx‘l -\-e x^^Re.czzy ; or, to find x in an infinite feries exprefied in the powers of y. > Subftitutey11 for x, and the indices of the powers of y in the equation will be «, 2 «, 3 n, Sec. and 1, there¬ fore n~ 1 ; and the differences are o. r. 2. 3. 4. 5. &c. Hence, in this cafe, the feries to be affumed is Ay 4- By* 4- Cyi4"-D y4, &c. which being involved and lubftitu- ted for the refpective powers of x, then we have « Ay 4* a By2 4* Cyi 4- « Dy4> &c. ^ / 4* « X j — a — f b Hence ,= Y.a+f—a m 4- n — 1 Let the fum of the firft feven terms of the above feries be required ? Two laft terms Sum Sum Firft term Laft term Sum n — 24-3 24-5—i = 6 You XVII. Part I. 37176 78361; 11554i 5 2 *5673 5 78365 ihjs6 19256 zz Sum of the feries. 4*^AIy24-2^ABy34~2i ACy4 7 - 4-^B2y43 j> = y 4- c A3yi 4- 3r A2Byq &c. j 4~ d A^j'4, &c. J Whence, by comparing the homologous terms, we r £ have a Ay — y ; therefore A =r —, B =r —» C b x* ~ d X* ZZ 2 b A B 4- £ A3 2^AC4-^B2-f3cA* ( = (=- Sabc—stf—a'd __ by ) = 2 b2 D B 4- ^ A4 \ zb2 - ac s Xy3 — See. and confequently x 5 b3— 5 al a2 d Xy4, See. Examples. iy?, Let x ing in this cafe equal to I, £ =: 4- — — 3 x* Sec. —y. There a be- x2 2-1 4 JL _L _L 2 ’c 3 ’ 4 » Sec. we fiiall, by fubftituting thefe values, have x = y 4. 2 + + Sec. H id. Let x —- jc* 4” x3— x* 4- x J, &c. =r y ; to find In this example we have x = x, a = !•» d— — x, &c.: whence x 1 Sec. -f + —5 + 5 —» = ~ 1 , b — — I, + / + y4, &C. =y 4-y2 +y3+y4f $d. Let a zi r — 2 r + TTTj — &c. to find x ? Put r — aizv; then v = 72or> ^4032 r1 2 r x4 24r3 720 rs 403: bzz 2r> Sec. By comparifon we find x: == 24 r* » c = jior5’ dzz 4032^9 Sec. Hence Series. \ S E R. C ▼ t i — « 24 r3 , 1.288 I 440^ Hence x1 — a r 4 I - + ^ + 3 ~ 45r 35 »• ■u q i + 4 I 2 r i6or: + 6cc. u4, &c, 5 7r’ 8 96ri Summation of Series is the method of finding the fam of the terms ot an infinite leries produced to in¬ finity, or the ium ot any number of terms of fuch a ieries. The value of any arithmetical feries, as '*+ 2* + 33 + 4’ . . 72% varies according as (n) the number ©f its terms varies ; and therefore, if it can be exprefs- ed in a general manner, it muft be explicable by >1 and its powers with determinate coefficients ; and thofe powers, in this cafe, mutt be rational, or fuch whofe indices are whole politive numbers ; becaufe the progref- fmn, being a whole number, cannot admit of furd quan¬ tities. Latlly, it will appear that the greateft. of the faid indices cannot exceed the common index of the feries by more than unity ; for, otherwife, when n is taken indefinitely great, the higheft power of n would be indefinitely greater than the fum of all the relt of the terms. Thus the higheft power of n, in an expreffion exhi¬ biting the value of l2 + 2* 4-32-f 42...r2% cannot be greater than n3; for T 4- 2* -}- 3* -f- 42..../f‘ is manifeft- ly lefs than 72% or 72* 4" «2 + 7i2 4"? &c. continued to n terms ; but n*, when n is indefinitely great, is indefi¬ nitely greater than 72% or any other interior power of k, and therefore cannot enter into the equation. This being premifed, the method of inveftigation may be as follows : Examples. l. Required the fum of n terms of the feries 1 + 2 + 3+4 -b.....72 ? Let A 72" 4" B 72 be afiumed, according to the fore¬ going obfervations, as an univerfal expreffion for the value of 1 4- 2 4“ 3 + 4..'...77, where A and B repre- fent unknown but determinate quantities. Therefore, fince the equation is fuppofed to hold univerfally, whatfoever is the number of terms,, it is evident, that if the number of terms be increafed by unity, or, which is the fame thing, if tz 4- t be wrote therein inftead of «, the equation will ftill fubfift; and we fhall have Ax«4"il T-B x 7j4" i — i 4~ 2 4-3 4" 4 »4"«—1. Prom which the firft equation being fubtradied, there remains AX 7j q- i|" —A7224-B Xn—1—672=724-1} this contra&ed will be 2Atj4-A4-B:=724-J} ■whence we have 2A — 1 X714-A4-B — 1 —Oi Wherefore, by taking 2 A — 1=0, and A 4- B — 1 o, we have A = 4, and B = 4 ; and confequently 3 4- 2 4- 3 + 4 ( = A721 4- B «) = ^ ~ 72 X 72 4* I 2 A hat is the fum of the ten firft terms, of the feries 1 + 2 + 3^ &c. ? la this cafe n sr 10, then ” x ” + i_-i o X 11 __ 3 a ~"*5, 29S ] S E R 2. Required the fum of the feries l* + 2* + 3b. <5 or 1, 4- 4 + ? + 16 ? J .et A 723 4- B 722 4- C 72, according to the aforefaid obfervations, be afiumed =. jz 4- 22 4- 3* n2; then, as in the preceding cafe, we ihall have A X 72 4- 1 jJ + B X 72 4" 1 |* + C X 72 4- l = I1 4* 22 + 32 722 x 7/ 4- 1 j2 ; that is, by involving 72 4“ I to its feveral pow¬ ers, A « 4-3^ 72* 4“3A724* A 4" B 722 4* 2 B 72 4- B 4-C724-C=:T4- 22 4- 32...t22 4-« 4-113; from which fubtradting the former equation, we obtain 3 A >i7 4* 3A724-A4-2 Bt2 4- B4-C (=:72-t- 1 j1) = f22 4" 2 72 4“! } and cohfequently 3 A"—T X 722 4- 3 A 4^2!^—~2 X n + A.-f- B 4“ L — 1 = 0; whence 3 A — t = c, 3 A + 2 B —■- 2 zz. o1 and A + B 4- C — 1 = 0; therefore > is _ 2 .3 A. T> A = 4, B = = 4, C = i—A — B and confequently 1 4- 4 9 4. ig ^ or ”*» + » -274- i 6 What is the fum of the ten firft terms of the feries 12 + 22+ 3% &c.? TT , «r724- I *2 72 4- l 10X11X21 Here 71= ic, then —; 1— —- — ? o t> = 38L _ 3. Required the fum of the feries i34-234-334-43 n\ or 1 >.8 4-27 4-64....72: > By putting A n* 4- B 72;’ -f C 772 -f D n =r 1 -f- 8 + 27 + 64 *... 723; and proceeding as above, we fhall have 4 A 723-f6 a 7224~4 a 7/-f-A4:3B 722 + q Bt2 4- B + 2Ct* + C + D ( = 72 4- 1 j ) — + 3 tz2 + i * and therefore 4 A— 1 X 7iJ 4- 6A4"3 B —*• 3 Xt224- 4 A4-3B f2C—3 X724-A4-B 4“ C + D— 1 zzo. Hence A = D (= 1 —A + 33 + 43 • B • C) = o ; and therefore i3 4- 1* 1 722 X/2 +l|% •72" — — -p — 4- — or = 4 2 4’ 4 In the very feme manner it will be found, that -3 I4 + 2+4-34 * n Is + 2j + 3! 16 4- 2° + 30 - S + 2.+ 3 72s rr 5n + T+7T - 11 2 725 »>' 7+ 2- 30 12 723 6 42* • * • 72C =- 4- 7 . What is the fum of the ten firft terms of the feries i3 4- 23 4- 3% &c. ? 722 x 72 4-1 j2_ tooXiar tizz ic, then = 25 X izt 4 4 = 3025; 4. Required the fum of 71 terms of the feries of trh angular numbers o, 1, 3, 6, 10 ? Let A tz 3 4- B 722 -f C tz = o, 1, 2, 3 72, = Now the 72 4- ith term of this feries, by Example 2. i» T+2* Then A. 72 4- 1 j3 4- B .TTp if . c . 72* 72 ” + I--•^ + T^+2, ^°w> firft equation be* 2 ’ 2 ing fubtradfed from this, we have 3 A 72* 4- 3 A 4-711' Xn + A 4-B+C=—4--. Or, 3A»* 4-3A« + A S E R Serififi [ 299 1 S E R A “I" C '+ t— 2 B X « — B. The difference of thefe feries is V- rd a Strlngfap#- ~r “** tam, r * Whence, by equating the homologous terms, we have 3 A — t> an£f A zz i 2B — 3A; whence 2 B t— t =■ '^ A + C = — B. Hence C =.— Nov/, thefe values being fubftituted in the above , . , r n3 n equation, gives the lum = - n q-s — 1 Xr +- a — I n r‘ 6 ~~ ,« + 1 and if n -}- 1 be put for n, the fum of n terms of this feries will be «.«-{- 1 • n 4- 2 1.2 .3 By proceeding; in the fame manner, the fum of n nuiL^B t ail„ 6„ , , terms of pyramidal numbers, i, 4, 10, 20, 35, &c Doftrine of Chances, and a Paper by the fame author in —■— . , . , -t r o • o _ c: r a i which reduced becomes To proceed farther would lead us far beyond the li¬ mits aligned for this article ; we muft therefore refer thofe who require more information on this fubjeft to the following authors-—Bertrand’s Dlveloppement, 8cc. vol. I ; Dodfon’s Mathematical Repofitory, vol. I ; E- merfon’s, Algebra ; Appendix to Gravefend’s Algebra; Hutton’s Paper on Cubic Equations and Infinite Se¬ ries, in the Philofophical Tranfaftions for 17804 Mac- laurin’s Fluxions; Malcolm’s Arithmetic ; Mafere’s An¬ nuities ; and Scriptores Logarithmic}, &c.; De Moivre’a will be found n > n -\- 1 . « 4" 2 • w “h 3- And 1.2 .3 . 4 the fum of any feries of figurate numbers is determined by a like formula, the law of continuation being obvi¬ ous. What Is the fum of the ten firil terms of triangular numbers 1, 3, 6, 10, 15, See. ? Here « =: 10; then 4- r . « 4- 2 10X 11X12 - 6 220. 1 z, -5 , 5. Let the fum of the feries “r pi TTs contl* 123 ~R + + nued to n terms be required ? If we multiply this feries indefinitely continued by R — 1 j1, or R2 — 2 R 4' 1 > the produft is R; there- R fore the amount of the indefinite feries is ^ antJ the fum of n terms may be found by fubtrafting the terms after the nth from that amount. Now, the terms n l n 4” 2 after the *th are 4- &c* which may be divided into the two following feries : 1 1 1 Fir ft, X r 4- RJ + R7 1 — R“ ^ R- 1 • J 2 3 I Second, ^ ri- ri- ~ ^ n X R t R-1’ Rn^ R — 1! and r for R — x, and fubtradl the fum of thefe two feries from the amount of the propofed feries indefinitely continued, the remain¬ der will be found — xR — n a 6. Let the fum of the feries n— 1 n — 2 i n~ 3 Tr" + ~TRi'+7R1 &c. be required ? 'Phis feries is equal to the difference of the two fol¬ lowing. 1 x 1 Firft, —p H—rr » K » R t+ « R 3, &C. == R +R» + R "j* &c. Second, —n ri* « R r, 1 1 &c. = -x - n R -+-J_ ,8cc. = ~X p 4- 1 1 R"rR5 + RI XR—- the Philotophical Tranfaftions, n° 240; Simpfon’s Al¬ gebra, Effays, Fluxions, and Mifcellanies ; Sterling’s Summatio tt Interpolatio Serierum ; Syntagma Malhefios* &c. SERINGAPATAM, the capital of Myfore, the dominions of Tippoo Sultan, is fttuated in an ifland of the Cavery river, about 290 or 300 miles from Ma¬ dras. The ifiand, upon furvey, appeared to be about four miles in length by one and a half in breadth, acrofs the middle, where it is likewife higheft, whence it gradually falls and narrows towards the extremities. The v/eft end of the ifiand, on which there is a fort of confiderable ftrength, flopes more, efpecially towards the north ; and the ground riling on the oppofitc fide of the river commands a diftinft view of every part of the fort. The fort and outworks occupy about a mile of the weft end of the ifland, and are diftinguilhed by magnificent buildings, and ancient Hindoo pagodas, contrafted with the more lofty and fplendid monuments lately raifed in honour of the Mahometan faith. The great garden, called the Laul Buug, covers about as much of the eaft end of the ifland as the fort and out¬ works do of the weft; and the whole intermediate fpace, except a fmall inclofure on the north bank near the fort, was, before the laft war, filled with houfes, and formed an extenfive fuburb, of which the greatelt part was de- ftroyed by Tippoo to make room for batteries to de¬ fend the ifland when attacked by the combined forces of Earl Cornwallis and the Mahratta chiefs in Februa¬ ry 1792. This fuburb, or town of modern ftrudfture, is about half a mile fquare, divided into regular crofs ftreets, all wide, and fhaded on each fide by trees. It is furrounded by a ftrong mud wall, contains many good houfes, and feems to have been preferved by the Sultan for the accommodation of merchants, and for the con- venience of troops ftationed on that part of the ifland for its defence. A little to the eaftward of the town is the entrance to the great garden, which was laid out in tegular fhady walks of large cyprefs trees, and abounding with fruit-trees, floweis, and vegetables of every defeription. It poffeffed all the beauty and ele¬ gance of a country retirement, and was dignified by the maufoleum of Hyder the late fultan, and a fuperb new palace built by his fon. This noble garden was devoted to deftruClion; and the trees which had fhaded their proud matter, and contributed to his pleafures, were formed into the means of protefting his enemies in fubverting his empiie. Before that event, fo glori¬ ous to the arms of England, this infulated metropolis P p 2 (fays Serinsrham II Seriphus. S E R [ 300 ] S E R (fays Major Dirom) muft have been the richeft, moll convenient, and beautiful fpot poflefl'ed in the prei'ent a^e by any native prince in India ; but when the allies left it, the Sultan’s fort and city only remained in re¬ pair amidft all the wrecks of his former grandeur, the if]and prefenting nothing but the appearance of wretch¬ ed barrennefs. Tippoo is a man of talents, enterprife, and great wealth ; but, in the opinion of our author, the remaining years of his ill-fated life will be unequal to renew the beauties of his terreftrial paradife. N. Lat. 12° 31' 45". E. Long. 96° 46'45". SERINGHAM, an ifland of Indoftan, formed about fix miles north-weft of Trinchinopoly by the river Cavery, which divides itfelf into two branches : that to the northward takes the name of Cokroon, but the fouthern branch preferves its old name the Cavery. Each of thefe rivers, after a courfe of about 90 miles, empty themfelves into the fea ; the Coleroon at Devi- cottah, and the Cavery near Tranquebar, at about 20 miles diftance from one another. In this iiland, facing Trinchinopoly, flood a famous pagoda furrounded by feven fquare walls of ftone, 25 feet high and four feet thick. The fpace between the outward and fecond walls meafured 310 feet, and fo proportionably of tjjc reft. Each inclofure had four large gates, with a high tower; which were placed, one in the middle of each fide of the incldfure, and oppofite to the four cardinal points. The outward wall was about four miles in cir¬ cumference, and its gateway to the fouth was ornament¬ ed with pillars, fome of which were fingle ttones 33 feet in length and five in diameter; while thofe that formed the roof were ftill larger ; and in the inmoft inclofure were the chapels.—About half a mile to the eaft was another large pagoda called ‘JumlihiJina, which had but one in lofure. The pagoda of Seringham was held in great venera¬ tion, from a belief that it contained the identical image of the god Wiftnou worfhipped by Brama; and pilgrims came here from all parts of India with offerings of mo¬ ney to procure abfolution. A large part of the reve¬ nue of the ifland was allotted for the maintenance of the Bramins who inhabited the pagoda; and thefe, with their families, formerly amounted to no fewer than 40,000 perfons, all maintained by the fuperftitious li¬ berality of the adjacent country. SERIOLA, in botany: A genus of plants belonging to the order of polygamia sequalis, and to the clats of fyngenefia; and in the natural fyftem ranged under the 49th order, Compcjita. The receptacle is paleaceous; the calyx Ample ; and the pappus is fomewhat plumofe. There are tour fpecies; 1. The Levigata. 2. JEthnen- fis. 3. Cretenfis. 4. Urens. The firft is a native of the ifland of Candia, and flowers in July and Auguft; the fecond is a native of Italy ; and the fourth is a na¬ tive of the fouth of Europe. SERIPHIUM, in botany; a genus of plants belong¬ ing to the order of monogamia, and to the clafs of fyn¬ genefia. The calyx is imbricated ; the corolla is mo- nopetalous and regular, with one oblong feed under it. '.['here is only one fpecies, the cinereum, which is a na¬ tive of the Cape of Good Hope. SERIPHUS (anc. geog.), one of the Cyclades or Hands in the Aigean lea, called Saxum Seripbium by Tacitus, as if all a rock ; one of the ufual places of ba- pifhment among the Romans. The people, Seriphii y who, together with the Siphnii, joined Greece againft Xerxes, were aimoft the only Handers who refufed to give him earth and water in token of iubmiffion, (Herodotus). Seribhia Rana, a proverbial faying con- cerning a perfon who can neither fing nor fay; frogs in this Hand being faid to be dumb, (Pliny). SERMON, a difco.urfe delivered in public, for the purpole of religious inftrudlion and improvement. Funeral Sbrmon. See Funeral Orations. SERON of almonds, is the quantity of two hun¬ dredweight; of anile feed, it is from three to four hun¬ dred; of Caftile foap, from two hundred and an halt to three hundred and three quarters. SEROSITY, in medicine, the watery part of the blood. SERPENS, in aftronomy, a conftellation in the northern hermfphere, called more particularly Serpens Ophiucbi. The liars in the conftellation Serpens, in Ptolemy’s catalogue, are 18 ; in Tycho’s, 13 ; in He- velius’s, 22 ; and in the Britannic catalogue, 64. Serpens Biceps, or Double-headed Snake; a monfter ©f the ferpent kind, there being no permanent fpecies of this conformation. That reprefented orv Plate CCCCXLIX. and copied from Edwards, came from the Hand of Barbadoes ; and was faid to have been ta¬ ken out of an egg of the fize of a fmall pullet’s egg by a man who found it under-ground as he was digging. The heads were not in an horizontal pofition when the fnake lay on its belly, but inclined to each other on their under-fides, leaving an opening for the throat to come in between the two heads underneath, as is ex- prelfed at A. The upper-fide, for the whole length, was covered with fmall leaks, falling one over another ; the belly was covered with fingle leaks running acrofs it, in the form of half rings. It was all over of a yel- lowilh colour, without any fpots or variation. Mr Ed¬ wards alio informs us, that a perfon brought to him a common Englifir fnake, which had two heads quite feparate from each other, the necks parting about an inch from the head. Serpens, Serpent, in the Linngean fyftem of zoo¬ logy, an, order of animals belonging to the clafs of am¬ phibia, and comprehending fix genera, viz. the crotalus, or rattk-fnake ; the boa, including ten fpecies ; the co¬ luber, or viper ; the angu's, or fnake : the amphjbana, or annulated fnake, the body and tail of which are ccm- pofed of annular fegments; and the c a cilia, or tentacu¬ lated Make, the body and tail of which are wrinkled, without fcales, and the upper part furnilhed wu’th twq feelers ; and including two fpecies. See an account of thefe genera under their refpeeftive names. r The charaders of ferpents, according to Linnaeus,Diftin- are thefe: They are amphibious animals, breathing£uiihing through the mouth by means of lungs only ; having tapering body, no diftind neck ; the jaws not articular' e!i’cu ted, but dilatable, and deftitute of feet, fins, and ears. 2 The ferpent has from the beginning been the enemy General of man; and it has hitherto continued to terrify andoh^rva" annoy him, notwithftanding all the arts which haveuulls' been pradifed to deftroy it. Formidable in itfelf, it deters the invader from the purfuit; and from its fii gure, capable of finding fhelter in a little fpace, it is not eaiily dilcovered by thofe who would venture to encounter it. Thus poffeffed at once of potent arms, and inacceffible or fecure retreats, it baffles all the arts r //f/f/Y/Zt) /ut'ie « <* ycY/ZZ /ZrJ f S E R [ 301 ] S E R arts of man, though ever fo earneflly bent upon its deftruftion. For this reafon, there is fcarce a country in the world that does not itill give birth to this poi- fonous brood, that feems formed to quell human pride, and reprefs the boafts of Security. Mankind have dri¬ ven the lion, the tiger, and the wolf, from their vicini¬ ty ; but the fnake and the viper ftill defy their power. ’ Their numbers, however, are thinned by human af- fiduity ; and it is poffible fome of the kinds are whol¬ ly deftroyed. In none of the countries of Europe are they fufficiently numerous to be truly terrible. The various malignity that has been afcnbed to Euiopean ferpents of old is now utterly unknown ; there are not above three or four kinds that are dangerous, and their poifon operates in all in the fame manner. The drowiy death, the llarting of the blood from every pore, the infatiable and burning third, the melting down the folid mafs of the whole form into one heap of putrefaction, laid to be occaftoned by the bites ot African lerpents, arc horrors with which we are entire¬ ly unacquainted. But though we have thus reduced thefe dangers, ha¬ ving been incapable of wholly removing them, in other parts of the world they Itill rage with all their ancient inalio-nity. In the warm countries that lie within the tropics, as well as in the cold regions of the north, where the inhabitants are tew, the ferpents propagate in equal proportion. But of all countries thofe re¬ gions have them in the gfeateft abundance where the fields are unpeopled and fertile, and where the climate fupplies warmth and humidity. All along the fwampy banks of the river Niger or Oroonoko, where the fun is hot, the fotefls thick, and the men but few, the fer¬ pents cling among the branches of the trees in infinite numbers, and carry on an unceafing war againft all ether animals in their vicinity, iravellers have allured us, that they have otten feen large Inakes twining round the trunk of a tall tree, encompafiing it like a wreath, aad thus riling and defeending at pleafure.— We are not, therefore, to rejedl as wholly xabulous the accounts left us by the ancients of the terrible devafta- tions committed by a lingle ferpent. It is probable, in early times, when the arts were little known, and man¬ kind were but thinly fcattered over the earth, that fer¬ pents, continuing undiilurbed poffeffors of the foreit, grew to an amazing magnitude ; and every other tribe of animals fell before them. It then might have hap¬ pened, that ferpents reigned the tyrants of a dill rid for centuries together. To animals of this kind, grown by time and rapacity to 100 or 150 feet in length, the lion, the tiger,' and even the'elephant itfelf, were but feeble opponents. That horrible feetor, which even the commonell and the molt harmlefs fnakes are Itill found to diffufe, might, in thefe larger ones, become too powerlul for any living being to withltand; and while they preyed without diltindion, they might thus alfo have poifoned the atmofphere around them. In this manner, having for ages lived in the hidden and un¬ peopled foreit, and finding, as their appetites were more powerful, the quantity of their prey decrealing, it is poffible they might venture boldly from their retreats into the more cultivated parts of the country, and carry confternation among mankind, as they had before de- folation among the lower ranks of nature. We have many hiltbries of antiquity) prefenting us fuch a pic¬ ture, and exhibiting a whole nation finking under the Serpens^ ravages of a lingle ferpent. At that time man had not y'--j learned the art of uniting the efforts of many to effeft one great purpofe. Oppofmg multitudes only added new viftims to the general calamity, and increafed mu¬ tual embarraffment and terror. The animal was there¬ fore to be fmgly oppofed by him who had the greatell llrength, the belt armour, and the moft undaunted cou¬ rage. In fuch an encounter, hundreds mull have fal¬ len ; till one, more lucky than the reft, by a fortunate blow, or by taking the monfter in its torpid interval, and furcharged with fpoil, might kill, and thus rid his country of the deftroyer. Such was the original oc¬ cupation of heroes ; and thofe who firft obtained that name, from their deltroyhig the ravagers of the earth, gained it much more defervedly than their fucceffors, who acquired their reputation only for their fkill in de- ftroying each other. But as we defeend into more en¬ lightened antiquity, we find thefe animals lefs formi¬ dable, as being attacked in a more fuccefsful manner. We are told, that while Regains led his army along the banks of the river Bagrada in Airica, an enormous fer¬ pent difputed his pafiage over. We are a {hired by Pliny, chat it was 120 feet long, and that it had deftroyed many of the army. At laft, however, the battering engines were brought out againft it; and thefe aflailing it at a diftance, it was foon deftroyed. Its fpoils were car¬ ried to Rome, and the general was decreed an ovation for his fuccefs. There are, perhaps, few fadts better afeertained in hiflory than this : an ovation was a re¬ markable honour ; and was given only for fome fignal exploit that did not deferve a triumph : no hiftorian would offer to invent that part of the flory at leaft, without being fubjedt to the moft fhameful dete&ion. The fkin was kept for feveral years after in the Capi¬ tol; and Pliny fays he faw it there. At prefent, in¬ deed, inch ravages from ferpents are fcarce feen in any part of the world; not but that, in Africa and Ame¬ rica, fome of them are powerful enough to brave the affaults of men to this day, Nequent expkri corda tuendo ‘Terribiles oculos vdlofaque fells peUore. If we take a furvey of ferpents in general, they have marks by which they are diftinguiftied from all the reft of animated nature. They have the length and the fup- plenefs of the eel, but want fins to fwim with ; they have the fcaly covering and pointed tail of the lizard, but they want kgs to walk with ; they have the crawling motion of the worm, but, unlike that animal, they have lungs to breathe with: like all the reptile kind, they are refentful when offended ; and nature has fupplied them with terrible arms to revenge every in¬ jury. Though they are poffeffed of very different degrees Cnn^,.ns. of malignity, yet they are all formidable to man, and tion 0jfi have a Itrong limilitude of form to each other. With their refpeft to theft conformation, all ferpents have a very mouth, wide mouth in proportion to the fize ol the head j and, what is very extraordinary, they can gape and fwallow the head of another animal which is three times as big as their own. However, it is noway furprifing that the {kin of the fnake fttould ffretch to receive lo large a morfel; the wonder feems how the jaws could take it. S E R Serpen?. 4-. Their teeth. 5 Eyes. <5 T«ngue. 7 Gullet. S.nnps and lieart. in. To explain tin's, it mult be obferved, that the javva of this animal do not open as .ours, in the manner of a pair of hinges, where bones arc applied to bones, and play upon one another : on the contrary, the ferpent’s jaws are held together at the roots by a ftretching muf- •cular fkin ; by which means they open as widely as the animal choofes to ftretch them, and admit of a prey much thicker than the fnake’s own body. The throat, like ftretching leather, dilates to admit the morfel ; the ftomach receives it in part, and the reft remains in the gullet, till putrefa&km and the juices of the ferptnt’s body unite to dilfolve it. Some ferpents have fangs or canine teeth, and others are without them. The teeth in all are crooked and hollow ; and, by a peculiar contrivance, are capable of being eredted or deprefted at pleafure. The eyes of all ferpents are fmall, if compared to the length of the body; and though differently co- loure in different kinds, yet the appearance of all is malign and heavy ; and, from their known qualities, they ftrike the imagination with the idea of a creature meditating mifchief. In fome, the upper eyelid is ■wanting, and the ferpent winks only with that below ; in others, the ande of the urine and the fasces, and for the purpofes of gerte-£eiieitttl0B* ration. The inftrument of generation in the male is double, being forked like the tongue : the ovaries in the female are double alfo ; and the aperture is very large, in order to receive the double inftrument of the male. They copulate in their retreats ; and it is faid by the ancients, that in this fituation they appear like one ferpent with two heads. J9 As the body of this animal is long, flender, and ca- Number of pable of bending in every direction, the number ofj0'0'8*1' joints in the back-bone are numerous beyond what onelhe hac^* would imagine. In the generality of quadrupeds, they 0011 ’ amount to not above 30 or 40 ; in the ferpent kind they amount to 145 from the head to the vent, and 2 5 more from that to the tail. The number of thefe joints mult give the back-bone a furpriling degree of pliancv; but this is ftill increafed by the manner in which each of thefe joints are locked into the other. In man and quadrupeds, the flat furfaces of the bones are laid one againft the other, and bound tight by fmews ; but in ferpents, the bones play one within the other like ball and focket, fo that they have full motion upon each other in every direction. ti Though the number of joints in the back bone is Number ot great, yet that of the ribs is ftill greater ; for, fromr:^)!'* the head to the vent, there are two ribs to every joint, which makes their number 290 in all. Thefe ribs are furnifhed with mufcles, four in number; which being inferted into the head, run along to the end of the tail, and give the animal great ftrength and agility in all its motions. The fkin alfo contributes to its motions, being com¬ pofed of a number of fcales, united to each other by a tranfparent membrane, which grows harder as it grows older, until the animal changes, which is generally done twice a-year. This cover then burfts near the head, and the ferpent creeps from it by an undulatory mo¬ tion, in a new fkin, much more vivid than the former. If the old flough be then viewed, every fcale will be diftindlly feen like a piece of net-work, and will be found greateft where the part of the body they covered was largeft. There is much geometrical neatnefs in the difpofal of the lerpent’s fcales, for aflifting the animal’s finuous motion. As the edges of the foremoft fcales lie over the ends of their following fcales, fo thofe edges, when the fcales are ereifed, which the animal has a power of doing in a fmall degree, catch in the ground, like the nails in the wheel of a chariot, and fo promote and fa¬ cilitate the animal’s progreffive motion. The erecting thefe fcales is by means of a multitude of diftiiuft mufcles with which each is fupplied, and one end of which is tacked each to the middle of the foregoing. In fome of the ferpent kind there is theexa&eft fym- metry in thele fcales ; in others they are difpofed more irregularly. In fome there are larger fcales on the bel¬ ly, and often aniwering to the number of ribs ; in others, however, the animal is without them. Upon this flight difference, I.innseus has founded his diftiu&ions of the various claffes oi the ferpent tribe. When we come to compare ferpents with each other, Their7fi*e» the 1* Scales* iJ gerpenfc 14 Glutton), And abfti- #«nce. SIR [ 3°.? 1 S E R tKe firft jJJi'cat diftinftion appears In their fize ; no other tribe of animals dififerinir fo widely in this particular. This tribe of animals, like that of fifhes, feems to have ro bounds put to their growth : their bones are in a great meafure cartilaginous, and they are confequontly capable of great extenfion : the older, therefore, a fer- pent becomes, the larger it grows ; and as they feem to live to a great age, they arrive at an enormous fize. Leguat affures us, that he law one in Java that was 50 feet long. Carli mentions their growing to above 40 feet; and we have now the ikin of one in the Bri- tift Mufasum that meafurts 32. Mr Wentworth, who had large concerns in the Berbices in America, affures us> that in that country they grow to an enormous length. He one day fent out a foldier, with an Indian, to kill wild-fowl for the table ; and they accordingly went fome miles irom the fort : in purfuing their game, the Indian, who generally marched before, beginning to tire, went to refl himfelf upon the fallen trunk of a tree, as he fuppofed it to be; but when he was juft going to fit down, the enormous monfter began to move ; and the poor favage perceiving that he had ap¬ proached a boa, the greateft of all the ferpent kind, dropped down in an agony. The foldier, who percei¬ ved at fome diftance what had happened, levelled at the ferpent’s head, and by a lucky aim fhot it dead : however, he continued his fire until he was affured that the animal was killed ; and then going up to refcue his companion, who was fallen motionleis by its fide, he, to his aftonifhment, found' him dead likewife, being killed by the fright. Upon his return to the fort, and telling what had happened, Mr Wentworth ordered the animal to be bron -ht up, when it was meafured, and found to be 36 feet long. He had the fkin fluff¬ ed, and then fent to Europe as a prefent to the prince of Orange, in whofe cabinet it w'as lately to be feen at the Hague ; but the fkin is fhrunk, by drying, twm or three feet. In the Eafl indies they grow alio to an enormous lize, particularly in the ifland of Java, where, we are af¬ fured, that one of them will deftroy and devour a buf- lalo. See Boa. But it is happy for mankind that the rapacity of thefe frightful creatures is often their punifhment; for when ever any of the ferpent kind have gorged themfelves in this manner, whenever their body is feen particularly diftended with food, they then become torpid, and may be approached and dellroyed with fafety. Patient of hunger to a furprifing degree, whenever they feize and fwallow their prey, they feetn, like forfeited gluttons, unwieldy, ftupid, helplefs, and fleepy : they at that time feek feme retreat, where they may lurk for feve- ral days together, and digeft their meal in fafety : the fmallelt effort at that time is capable of deftroying them ; they can fcarce make any reliftance ; and they are equally unqualified for flight or oppofition : that is the happy opportunity of attacking them with luccefs; at that time the naked Indian himfelf does not fear to affail them. But it is otherwife when this fleepy in¬ terval of digeftion is over; they then iffue, with fa- mifhed appetites, from their retreats, and with accu¬ mulated terrors, while every animal of the forelt flies before them. But though thefe animals are of all others the moft voracious, and though the morfel which they fwallow without chewing, is greater than what any other crea- vv_l no am- tare, eitner by iana or water, can devour j y mals upon earth bear abltinence fo long as they. A '—vr- - Angle meal, with many of the fnake kind, feems to be the adventure of a feafon ; it is an occurrence, of which they have been lor weeks, nay lometimesfor months, in patient expectation. When they have feized their prey, their induftry for feveral v/eeks is entirely difeon- tinned ; the fortunate capture of an hour often fatisfies them for the remaining period of their annual adlivitv. As their blood is colder than that of moft other terref- trial animals, and as it circulates but flowly through their bodies, fo their powers of digeftion are but feeble. Their prey continues, for a long time, partly in the ftomach, partly in the gullet, and is often feen in part hanging out of the mouth. In this manner it digefts by degrees ; and in proportion as the part below is dif- folved, the part above is taken in. It is not therefore till this tedious operation is entirely performed, that the ferpent renews its appetite and its activity. But fhould any accident prevent it from iffuing once more from its cell, it itill can continue to bear famine for weeks, months, nay for years together. Vipers * are of- * See AS* ten kept in boxes for fix or eight months, without any /?*«">«• food whatever; and there are little ferpents fometimea fent over to Europe from Grand Cairo, that live for feveral years in glaffes, and never eat at all, nor even ifain the glafs with their excrements. ^ Other creatur es have a choice in their provifion : but Foo^,'^ou* of fins or gills, remain'at the bottom, or iwim along the furface, with great eafe. From, their internal ftruc-immerfed ture, we fee how well adapted they are for either ele-'n water, ment: and how capable their blood is of circulating at the bottom as freely as in the frog or the tortoife. They ; an, however, endure to live in frelh water only; for fait is an effedual bane to the whole tribe. The greateft ferpents are moft ufuaily found in frefh water, either chooling it as their favourite element, or finding their prey in fuch places in the greateft abundance. But that all will live and fwim in liquids, appears from an experiment of Redi ; who put a ferpent into a large glafs vcffel of wine, where it lived fwimming about fix hours; though, when it was by force immerfed and put under that liquid, it lived only one hour and an half. He put another in common water, where it lived three days ; but when it was kept under water, it lived only about 12 hours Their motion there, however, is perfedly the reverfe ot what it is upon land; for, in order to fupport themfelves upon an ele¬ ment lighter than their bodies, they are obliged to in- creafe their furface in a very artificial manner. On earth their windings are perpendicular to the furface ; in wa¬ ter they are parallel to it : in other words, if a perfon fhould wave his hand up and down, it will give an idea of the animal’s pregrefs on laud ; if to the right and left, it will give fume idea of its progrefs on the water. 2r Some ferpents have a moft horrible fee tor attending Fcecor. them, which is alone capable of intimidating the brave. This proceeds from two glands near the vent, like thofe in the weafel or polecat ; and, like thofe animals, in proportion as they are excited by rage or by fear the feent grows ftronger. It would feem, however, that fuch ierpents as are moft venomous are leaft offenfive in this particular ; fince the rattlefnake and the viper have no fmell whatever ; nay, we are told, that at Caltcut and Crariganon, in the Eaft Indies, there are fome ve¬ ry noxious feipents, who are fo far from being difa- greeable, that their excrements are fought after, and kept as the moft pleafing petfume. 1 he Eiculapian ferpent is alfo of this number. 2S Some lerpents bring forth their young alive, as the S >me vi- viper; fome bring forth eggs, which are hatched by vl!'arMI'>, the heat of their iituation, as the common black fnake, ^XuS,'’V1” and the majority of the ferpent tribe. When a reader, ignorant of anatomy, is told, that fome of thofe ani¬ mals produce their young alive, and that fome produce eggs only, he is apt to fuppofe a very great difference in the internal conformation, which makes fuch a varie¬ ty in the manner ol bringing forth. But this is not the cafe : thefe animals are internally alike, in what¬ ever manner they produce their young ; and the variety in their bringing forth is rather a flight than a real dif- crimination. The only difference is, that the viper hatches her eggs, and brings them to maturity, within her body ; the fnake is more premature in her produc- tions, S E R [ 3°5 1 S E R Serpent tlons, and fends her eggs into the light fome time be- fore the young ones are capable of leaving the (hell. Thus, if either are opened, the eggs will be found in the womb, covered with their membranous (hell, and adhering to each other like large beads on a ftring. In the eggs of both, the young ones will be found, though at different ftages of maturity : thofe of the viper will crawl and bite in the moment the (hell that inclofes them is broke open : thofe of the fnake are not yet ar¬ rived at their perfeft form. Father Labat took a ferpent of the viper kind that was nine feet long, and ordered it to be opened in his prefence.- He then faw the manner in which the eggs of thefe animals lie in the womb. In this creature there were fix eggs, each of the fize of a goofe egg, but longer, more pointed, and covered with a membranous fkin, by which alfo they were united to each other. Each of thefe eggs contained from 13 to 15 young ones, about fix inches long, and as thick as a goofe- quill. Though the female from whence they were ta¬ ken was fpotted, the young feemed to have a va¬ riety of colours very different from the parent ; and this led the traveller to fuppofe that the colour was no cha- rafteriftic mark among ferpents. Thefe little mifehie- vous animals were no fooner let loofe from the (hell, than they crept about, and put themfelves into a threat¬ ening pofture, coiling themfelves up and biting the (lick with which he was dellroying them. In this manner he killed 74 young ones ; thofe that were contained in one of the eggs efcaped at the place where the female was killed, by the hurtling of the egg and their getting among the bufhes. n The fafeinating power aferibed to ferpents, efpecially Fafcinatirg^ rattlefnakes, by which they are faid to draw animals afcribid to t0 them, is very curious. Ir has been deferibed by fo ferpents. many different perfons, who affirmed that they had • ieen inftances of it, and has been believed by fo many men of penetration and difeernment, that it deferves at lead to be mentioned. The rattlefnake fixes its eyes upon any animal, fuch as a bird or fquirrel. When the animal fpics the fnake, it (kips from fpray to fpray, ho¬ vering and approaching nearer the enemy ; descending, with diftrafted geftures and cries, from the top of the loftiell trees to the mouth of the fnake, who opens his jaws, and in an inftant fwallows the unfortunate ani¬ mal. The following inftances of fafeination have fo much the appearance of fiftion, that it would require a very uncommon degree of evidence to render them credible. They are extra&ed from a paper in the Gentleman’s Magazine for the year 176:, p. 5 1 1. which was com¬ municated by Mr Peter Collinfon from a correfpondent in Philadelphia. “ A perfon of good credit was travelling by the fide of a creek or (mall river, where he faw a ground fquirrel running to and fro between the creek and a great tree a few yards diftant ; the fquirrel’s hair looking very rough, which (bowed he was feared, and his returns being ffiorter and (hotter, the man itood to obferve the caufe, and foon fpied the head and neck of a rattlefnake point¬ ing at the fquirrel through a hole of the great tree, it being hollow ; the fquirrel at length gave over running, and laid himfelf quietly down with his head clofe to the fnake’s ; the fnake then opened his mouth wide, and took in the Squirrel’s head j upon which the man gave Vol. XVII. Part I. the fnake a whip acrofs the neck, and fo the fquirrel be¬ ing releafed, he ran into the creek. “ When I was about 13 years old, I lived with Wil¬ liam Atkinfon, an honed man in Bucks county, who, returning from a ride in warm weather, told us, that while his horfe was drinking at a run, he heard the cry of a blackbird, which he fpied on the top of a failing* fluttering and draining the way he feemed unwilling to fly, and holding fo fad the fprigs he was perched upon that the fappling top bent. After he had viewed the bird a few minutes, it quitted the place, and made a circle or two higher in the air, and then refumed its former danding, fluttering and crying: Thereupon William rode the way the bird drained, and foon fpied a large black fnake in coil, deadily eyeing the bird. He gave the fnake a lafh with his whip, and this taking off the fnake’s eye from his prey, the charm was broken,^ and away ded the bird, changing its note to a Song of joy. “ Mr Nicholas Scull, a furveyor, told me, that when he was a young man, as he happened once to be lean¬ ing upon a fence, and looking over it, he faw a large rattlefnake in coil, looking dedfadly at him. He found himfelf furprifed and lifllefs immediately, and had no power for about a minute (as he thinks) but to look at the fnake, and then he had the refolution to pufh him¬ felf from the fence, and turn away, feeling fuch horror and confufion as he would not undergo again for any confideration. “ Dodlor Chew tells me, a man in Maryland was found fault with by his companion that he did not come along ; the companion depping towards him, ob- ferved that his eyes were fixed upon a rattlefnake which was gliding (lowly towards him, with his head raifed as if he was reaching up at him; the man was leaning to¬ wards the fnake, and faying to himfelf, he 'will bite me! he ivill bite me ! Upon which his companion caught him by the (boulder, and pulled him about, and cried out. What the devil ails you P He •will bite you Jure enough ! This man found himfelf very fick after his inchant- ment.” The fafeinating power of ferpents was believed by Dr Mead and other eminent men, who certainly thought they had fufficient evidence for admitting it. Incredible therefore as it appears, it ought not to be rejedted without examination -, though being of a very extraor¬ dinary nature, it cannot be received without unquedion- able evidence. Scepticifm is no lefs abfurd than incre¬ dulity ; and the true philofopher will carefully avoid both. Human knowledge is founded on oblervatioa and experience ; not, however, on every man’s perfonal obfervation and experience, but on the united ob- fervation and experience of all mankind. But this pi-efuppofes the credibility of human teftimony in every cafe that does not involve an impoffibility. All the laws of nature are not yet known, nor all the wonder¬ ful powers of which (he is poffeffed. It is not more in¬ credible a priori., that the eye of a ferpent (hould at¬ tract an animal than that a magnet ffiould attradl a piece of iron, or a piece of iron attract ele&rical mat¬ ter. The evidence of thefe fadls reds entirely on per¬ fonal obfervation or authentic tedimony. The only thing requifite with refpedl to objedls of tedimony is, when the fa£l is fo extraordinary as has not fallen within the obfervation of the generality of men, the ilrength * Qjl of Serpent* *3 How their poifon ooe yots$. S E R [ ^ Serpent cf evidence muft be in proportion to the extraordi- v nary nature of the fact. To apply this to the prefent cafe : We have the teftimony of many perfons that fome ferpents have a power of fafcination ; but the ge¬ nerality of men have never obferved this; it is therefore an extraordinary facf, and requires extraordinary evi¬ dence. But the evidence is not fatisfadhory ; therefore we do not receive it as a fadl: on the other hand, it is unphilofnphical to reject it a priori. No fubjedt has excited more philofophical controver¬ sy than the poifon of ferpents, with regard to its na¬ ture and mode of operating. Antiquity has not been fparing in conjedfure and fidtion upon this fubjeCl:, and its errors have been retained with the moft reverential obftinacy by the vulgar: among thefe we are to rec¬ kon the tidlitious fling fixed in the tail of the ferpent, as the painters fometimes have groundlefsly enough repre- fented it; fome have invented a fimilar fiction of a black forked tongue, which the ferpent vibrates on both lides, and have aferibed its power of producing fuch noxious effedt to this ; while others, affecting an air of fuperior difeernment, have, upon equally good reafdns, aferibed it to the teeth in general : tbefe are all errors of a mag¬ nitude that the molt defultory attention to the fubjedl would have been fufficient to have removed: There is a very fmall bone clofely fixed to the upper jaw, in the infide of the lip of a poifonous ferpent, which has a power of moving backward or forward ; to this two or three fanns are annexed larger than the teeth, which the ferpent, by its affiftance, when enraged, darts for¬ ward, or withdraws and conceals at his pleafure, in a fimilar manner to the claws of a cat: thefe fangs, which the common people name the large teeth of the ferpent, are excellently deferibed by Tyfon in the anatomy of the rattlefnake, which he has given in the Philofo¬ phical Tranfadbions. “ In thefe (the fangs) we obfer¬ ved a confiderable cavity near the bafe ; and near the point a very difcernible fiffure of fome length like the flit of a pen : the part of the tooth from the fifiure to the root was manifeftly channelled, which we firft dif- covered by lightly prefling the gums ; we then faw the poifon afeend through the cavity of the fang and flow out of the fiffure ; and as thefe fangs are fo very acute, fo firm and folid toward the point (the fiffure being on the external and convex, not the internal fide), nothing could be conceived more convenient either for inflidting a wound, or to infure the infufion of the poifon.” Each of the fangs is furrounded with a velicle furnifli- ed with glands fecreting a certain fluid ; which, upon the vefiele being prefled, feems to flow out of the point of the fang. The ferpent when incenfed, railing his head, extends the fmall bone armed with the langs mentioned above ; and attacking his enemy with a force combined of the.weight of his body and the adlion of the mufcles, he wounds him with the expanded fangs, and the veficle being comprefled the poifon immediately flows into the wound : this is clear from the experience of thofe who, having broken off their fangs with a pair of forceps, handled the. ferpent thus difarmed without any hurt. i he North Ameiicans, after carefully ex¬ trading thefe venomous fangs, iuffer the rattlefnake to bite and gnaw them with his teeth till the blood flows freely, with total impunity. Antiquity amuied itfelf with a fable deflitute of all appearance oi truth, that anger was excited by black 06 ] S E R bile : they applied this fid ion without hefitation to the Serpent, prefent fubjed, and founded an hypothefis upon it, to —"v——< account for the effeds of the bite of an incenfed fer¬ pent ; pretend.uig to have difeovered an ideal canal which conduded the bile from its veficle to the mouth of the ferpent, whence it flowed into the part bitten,, and produced the moft fatal fymptoms. But toward the end of the laft century, this fubjed was greatly il- hiftrated under the aufpices of Ferdinand II. Great Duke of Tufcany : 'This prince, defirous of inquiring into that myfterious qfteftion, the nature of ferpents, ini vited Steno, Rhedi, and fome other philofophers of the firil eminence, to his court ; and a multltu of the molt poifonous ferpents being colleded, Rhedi made fe¬ deral experiments upon them, which difeovered to him a number of particulars before unknown ; of which the following feem to have the befl: claim to our attention. When he either caufed a living viper to bite a do?, or wounded him with the teeth of one newly dead (the ^poifonous veficle remaining unbroken', the event was the lame. If the bite was repeated, its effed became weaker, and at laft was loft, the poifon contained in the veficle being totally exhamfted. That the teeth of fer¬ pents, when extended to bite, were moiftened over with a certain liquor ; and when the veficle at the bafe was preffed, a drop of poifon flowed to the point of the fang. When the poifon thus flowing from the veficle was received in foft bread or a fponge, an animal bitten by the ferpent received no more harm from the wound than from being pricked by a needle, till after a few days, when the venom was reftored afrefh : hut when an animal was wounded with the point of a needle dipped in the poifon, it was tormented with the fame pains as if it had been bitten by the viper itfelf. Preferving fome of this poifon in a glafs, and total! evaporating the moif- ture in the fun, when the rdiduum was diluted again with water, and the point of a needle dipped in the fo- luuon, Rhedi found to his great furprife that it had the fame effedl as when recent. But the boldnefs of Toz- zi, one who charmed vipers, flung all thefe men who were deeply verfed in natural phiiofophy into the ut- moft aftonifliment. They happening to fall into dif- courfe (while the prince was prefent) upon the certain death which would attend any perfon's fwallowing this poifon of the viper by miftake, inftead of fpirit of wine or water ; Tozzi, confiding in his art drank a conn- derable portion of it without hefitation : they were all aftonilhed at his apparent rafhnds, and prediifted inifant death to the man ; however, he efcaped as fafely as if he had drunk only fo much water. This event, which ft ruck the prince and his illuftrious affociates in thefe philofophical inqu ries by its novelty, was well known to the ancients. Lucan, in the 9th book of the Phaiv falia, (peaking of the ferpent, fays, Noxia ferpentum ejl admiflo fanguine p fth Morfu virus halent et fatum dente min ntur, Pocu/a morte carent. Phar. I. 9. v. 614. Mix’d with the blood that venom flays alone, His bite is poifon ; death is in his fang; Yet is the draught innoxious. Nor muft we omit obferving. that barbarous nations are perfe&ly acquainted with the property of the poi¬ fon of ferpents by which it retains its deadly power af¬ ter S E R f.urpeflt' 24 Symptoms attending the bite i f different ferments ter k has been long kept; they have been podefled of this fatal fecret for ages palt ; it being their culiom to tinge the points of their arrows with the juice of fpurge, putrid flefh, or oil of tobacco, but more particularly with the poifon of vipers. Some modern Indians con¬ tinue the practice to this day ; and we have the tefti- mony of Pliny, in his Natural Hiftory, that the Scy¬ thians had long ago the lame cuttom : “ The Scythians {fays that author) dip"'their arrows in the poifon of vi¬ pers and human blood ; a horrid pra&ice, as the flight- eft wound influfted by one of them defies all the art of medicine.” 'The poifon of ferpents produces fatal effefts only by mixing with the blood. To confirm this principle, the Florentine philofophers collected a quantity of poifon, and gave it to different animals without producing the leaft inconvenience ; but when applied to an external wound, every one of thofe horrid fymptoms which ac¬ company the real bite followed, viz inflammatory and malignant fevers, ending in death, unlefs nature, by a fpontaneous hemorrhage, or fome other evacuation, dif- chatged this poifon. With refpeft to the experiments of Rhedi, every one or his obfervations prove, that the liquid prefted out ot the veficle which moiftens the fangs of the ferpents is only noxious by being convey¬ ed into the blood, by means of a pumfture or wound ; and the cafe of L'ozzi, who drank, a conliderable quan¬ tity of this poifon without fuffering injury, proves that it hurts the blood only when externally mixed with it. The fymptoms of the bite of the viper have already been deferibed under Medicine, 1T408. with the cures recommended by Dr Mead for the bite of ferpents in general. Under the article Poison, p. 269'. we have mentioned the Abbe Fontana’s method of cure, viz. li¬ gatures, and the beneficial effedls of the volatile alkali. We ftiall now' therefore fupply what has been omitted in thefe articles, by deferibing the fymptoms which ac¬ company the bite of other ferpents. The fymptoms attending the bite of the coluber pref- ter^ a native of Sweden, are, pain in the wound, tumor, third, afthma, anxieties, convulfions, and death. There is a ferpent ftill more dreadful than any of the former, found in Sweden, called coluber enreia. t he bite of this is followed by immediate change of colour, . coldnefs, ftupor, palpitation of the heart, acute pain all over rite body, and death. Linnseus tried oil in this cafe*, but it proved ineffeftual. The c'otaius horrulu of Linnaeus, the rattlefnake, kills in a very fudden manner ; his bite ufually produ¬ cing death within twelve hours. The following- account of the poifon ferpent of the .Eaft Indies is given by M. d’Obfonville. “ Among the ferpents of India, that which I believe to be moft for¬ midable is but about two feet long, and very fmall. Its /kin is freckled with little traits of brown or pale red, and contrafted with a ground of dirty yellow : it is moilly found in dry and rocky places, and its bite mor¬ tal in lefs than one or two minutes. In the year 1 759, and in the province of Cadapet, I faw feveral initances of it; and among others, one very fingular, in the midft of a corps of troops commanded by M. de Bufly. An Indian Gentoo merchant perceived a Mahometan foi- dier of his acquaintance going to kill one of thefe rep¬ tiles, which he had found fleeping under his packet, r 3-7 1 S E R the Gentoo flew' to beg its life, protefting it would do no hurt if it was not fir ft provoked ; paffing at the fame time his hand under its belly to carry it out of the camp, when fuddenly it twifted round, and bit his little finger; upon which this unfortunate martyr ot a fana¬ tic charity gave a fhriek, took a few fteps, and fell down infenfible. They flew to his aflifiance, applied the (erpent-ftone, fire, and fcarifications, but they were all ineffe&ual, his blood was already coagulated. About an hour after, I faw he body as they were going to burn it, and I thought I perceived feme indications of a complete difiblution of the blood. “ The ferpens brulans, or burning ferpent, is nearly of the fame form with the laft mentioned ; its fkin is not quite of fo deep a brown, and is fpeckled with dark green fpots; its poifon is almoft as dangerous, but it is lefs a drive, and its effeds are very different: in fome perfons it is a devouring fire, which, as it circulates through the veins, prefently occafions death ; the blood diffolves into a lymphatic liquor, refembling thin broth, without apparently having paifed through the interme¬ diate Hate of coagulation, and runs from eyes, nofe, and ears, and even through the pores. In ether fubjeds, the poifon feems to have changed the very nature of the humours in diffolving them; the flrin is chapped and becomes fcaly, the hair falls off, the members are tume¬ fied, the patient feels all over his body the mo ft ‘racking pains, numbnefs, and is not long in perifhing. It is laid, however, that people have been cured by remedies well and foon applied. Be that as it may, it feems to me that the poifon of thefe different reptiles is in gene¬ ral more powerful the more they live' in hot and dry places, where they feed upon infeds that are full of fa- . line, volatile, and acrimonious particles.” We are ignorant of what fpecie the hemorrhou was, which is deferibed by Lucan as caufing by its bite a flux of blood from every part of the body. But the bite of an American ferpent named de la crux kills in the fame manner. The dipfafas is at prefent likewife unknown. Lu¬ can informs us, that the perfon wounded by it was at¬ tacked by an unquenchable thirft. 1 his is finely paint¬ ed by him ; where A. Tufcus, ftandard-bearer ofCato, is deferibed as bitten by that ierpent: ' Non decus imperii, non moejli jura Catonis Ardentem tenuere virum, quin fpargere Jtgria Auderet, totijque Jurens exquireret agris Quas pofeebat aquas Jitiens in corde venenum. Pharfal. 1. 9, His wild impatience, not his honour’d ftate, Nor forrowing Cato’s high command, reftrain ; Furious, difhonour’d in the duit, he flings "ILs (acred eagle, and o’er all the fields Rapid he bin its to feek the cooling ftream, To quench the thirfty poifon in his bread. And a few' verfes after : Scrutatur vtnas penitus fqualentis arena Nunc redd ad Syrtes, et jluclus accipit ore, Aquoreafque'placet, fed nonJibi Jujficit humor, Nec fentit fatique genus, mortemque veneni, Sed put at ejfejit'm ; ferroque aperire tumentes SuJUnuit venas, atque os implere cruore. Qjq 2 Now s E R. [ 308 ] S E R Serpent. Now tearingf up the fands, fome latent vein Fruftrate he feeks ; now to the Syrtes Ihore Return’d, he fwallows down the briny flood Mix’d with its rolling fands ; nor knows his fate And the fad poifon’s death, but calls it third; ; Then with his fword opens his fpouting veins, And drinks the burfting blood. The phytas, or amodytes of Linnreus, or, according t® others, the coluber afp'ts, feems to have been the fer- pent made ufe of by Cleopatra to deftroy herfelf. This woman, to terminate a diffipated life with an eafy death, ordered her phyficians to prepare a poifon for her which might beft effedt this purpofe. Having tried a num¬ ber of different experiments upon condemned criminals, they at lalt difcovered this fpecies of afp, which brings on death without any previous appearance of diftemper or hiccough : the face feems in a flight perfpiration, an eafy infenfibility and lethargy creeps upon the whole frame, and the perfon bitten feems altnoft totally igno¬ rant of his approaching diflblution. Having acquaint¬ ed the queen with their difcovery, fhe applied the afp either to her bofom or her arms ; or, according to fome authors,, dipping the point of a needle in the poifon, and pricking herfelf with it, fhe expired in an eafy fleep. The bite of the nnja is fo fatal, that a man dies by it in the fpace of an hour, his flefli entirely falling off his bones in a femidiffolved putrid bate : this makes it probable that it is the fame ferpent which the ancients named the fepe. The experiments of Rhedi have not, in the opinion of fome celebrated philofophers, fo far cleared the the¬ ory ol the operation of the poifon of the viper, as to leave nothing further to be defired upon that fubjeft. Fontana and Carminati have endeavoured to inveftigate its operations more clearly. Carminati, from i 1 expe¬ riments, deduces the following conclufions : 1. That if poifon be inftilled into a nerve, the animal wounded dies almoft inftantly ; and the whole nervous fyftem, to which it is rapidly conveyed, is deprived of its quality called fenjibility. 2. If a mufcle be wounded, it is de- prived of its irritability. This is confirmed by the ex¬ periments of Fontana. 3. The poifon inje&ed into a wounded mufcle or tendon is coniiderably longer in kill¬ ing an animal than that introduced into a nerve. 4. The fymptoms which precede the death of the animal bitten are, a fiupor, lethargy, tremors, convulfions, pa- ralyfis o; the legs (part wounded), entire diflblution of the limbs. The blood is not always coagulated, nor its crafis diflblved. Marks of inflammation are fometimes difcovered in certain parts of the animal after death, fometimes not : thefe are the effe&s of fpafms and con¬ vulfions, not of the poifon. 5-. Not the leafl fign of the jaundice was difcoverable in the eyes of any of the animals upon which Carminati made his experiments. <5. The ftomach in every one of them was very much inflated ; a fymptom^remarked only by Fallopius and Albertini. 7. A ligature applied inftantly above the part bitten, if it be fo placed as to admit one, was found by lome experiments a good preventative againft the diffufion of the poifon : its compreffion fhould be conliderable, but not exceffive. As few ferpents, comparatively fpeaking, are poifon- •us, iw may be interefting to our readers to know what are the chara&eriftics which diftinguifh poifonous from Serpent, harmlefs ferpents. The external charadteriftics of the —v— poifonous tribe are thefe : *5 “ 1. Abroad head, covered with fmall fcales, though^.owtn it be not a certain criterion of venomous ferpents, is, poifonous with fome few exceptions, a general charadler of them. L “ 2. A tail under one-fifth of the wdiole length Tranf, is alfo a general chara&er of venomous ferpents ; but,vo^ fince many of thofe which are not venomous have tails as ftiort, little dependence can be placed upon that cir- cumftance alone. On the other hand, a tad exceeding that proportion, is a pretty certain mark that the fpe¬ cies to which it belongs is not venomous. “ 3. A thin and acute tail is by no means to be con- fidered as peculiar to venomous ferpents ; though a thick and obtufe one is only to be found among thole which are not venomous. “ 4- Carinated fcales are, in fome meafure, chara&er- iftic of venomous ferpents, fince in them they are more common than f mooth ones, in the proportion of nearly four to one ; whereas fmooth leales are, in thofe fer¬ pents which are not venomous, more common, in the proportion of nearly three to one. “ Upon the whole, therefore, it appears, that though a pretty certain conjefture may, in many inftances, be made fiom the external charafters, yet, in order to de¬ termine with certainty whether a ierpent be venomous or not, it becomes neceflary to have recourfe to fome certain diagnoftic. This can only be fought for in the mouth : we muft therefore next confider how the fangs, with which the mouths of venomous ferpents are fur- nifhed, are to be diftinguiflied from common teeth. “ To thofe who form their ideas of the fangs of a venomous ferpent, from thofe of the rattlefnake, or even from thofe of the Fnglifh viper, it will appear ftranpe that there fhould be any difficulty in diftinguilhing thofe weapons from common teeth ; and indeed the di- ftinftion would really be very ealy, were all venomous ferpents furnifhed with fangs as large as thofe of the fore-mentioned fpecies. But the fad is, that in many fpecies the fangs are full as fmall as common teeth, and confequently cannot, by their fiz.e, be known from them; this is the cafe with the coluber laticaudatus, lacleusy and feveral others.” Linnaeus thought that tire fangs might be diftin¬ guiflied by their mobility and fituation ; but other na- turalifts have not found it a general fad that fangs are loofe in their fockets, por have they obferved any diffe¬ rence in fituation between the fangs of venomous fer¬ pents and the teeth of others. The following diftinc- tion is ettablifhed by Dr Gray in a paper inferted in the ^ Philofophical Tranfadions, Vol. Ixxix. Alt-venomous fer¬ pents have only two rows of teeth in the upper jaw, and all others have four. In the preface to the Mufeum Regis, and in the in- trodudion to the clafs amphibia in the Syjtema Nature, Linnaeus fays, that the proportion of venomous ferpents to others is one in ten ; yet, in the Syjlema Naturae, of which the fum total in fpeciss is 131, he has marked 23 as venomous, which is fomewhat more than one in fix. How he came to be fo much at variance with himfelf, it is not eafy to fay; but the laft mentioned proportion feems to be not far from the truth, as Dr Gray, after examining 154 fpecies of ferpents, found only 26 that feemed to be venomous. The ( SER [309] SER Serpent. The coluber Jlolatus and my£leriz.ans, though, mark- '—-v—- ed by Linnaeus, we are affured by Dr Gray are not poi- ionous: he thinks the fame may be faid of the leberts and dypfas. On the other hand, he obferves, that the boa contortrix, coluber cerajles, laticaudatus, and colu¬ ber fulvus, none of which are marked in the Syjlema Natura, are all poifonous. In addition to the method of cure mentioned in the articles referred to above, we i'hall fubjoin the prefcrip- • P- 3a- tion of a new author, Dr Mofeley*, who fpent 1 2 years in the Weft Indies, and whole abilities and extenfive pnvlice very juftly intitle Iris opinion to a place in this work, to the attention of the public, and to all me¬ dical gentlemen going to the Weft Indies. »6 “ The bites and flings of all venomous animals are Dr Mofe- cure(j the fame local means ; which are very Ample, thod of " ^ they were always at hand. The injured part mull cure. be inllantly deftroyed or be cut out. Deftroying it is the moft fafe, and equally certain : and the bell appli¬ cation for that purpofe is the lapis infernalis or the but- ter of antimony.— I hefe are preferable to an hot iron, which the ancients ufed, becaufe an hot iron forms a cruft, which a£ls as a defence to the under parts, in- ftead of deftroying them. The lapis infernalis is much better than any other cauftic, as it melts and penetrates during its application. The bitten part mull be de¬ ftroyed to the bottom, and where there is any doubt that the bottom of the wound is not fufficiently expo- fed, butter of antimony fhonld be introduced into it on the following day, as deep as poftible ; and inciftons fbould be made to lay every part open to the adtion of thefe applications. Befides deftroying, burning, or cut¬ ting out the part, incifions ftiould be made round the wound, to prevent the communication of the virus. The wound is to be dreffed for fome time with poultices, to aftuage the inflammation caufed by the cauftics ; and afterwards with acrid dreffings and hot digeftives to drain the injured parts. “ Where the above-mentioned cauftics cannot be procured, corrolive fublimate, oil of vitriol, aquafortis, fpirit of fait, common cauftic, or a plafter made of quicklime and foap, may be applied to the wound. Gunpowder laid on the part, and iired, has been ufed with fuccefs. When a perfon is bitten remote from any affiftance, he (hould make a tight ligature above the part, until proper application can be made. The Spanifh writers fay, that the habilla de Carthagena, or Carthagena bean, is a ipecific for poilonous bites, taken inwardly. “ Ulloa fays, it is ‘ one of the moft effettual anti¬ dotes known in that country (Carthagena) againft the bites of vipers and ferpents : for a little of it being eaten immediately after the bite, it prefently Hops the effefts of the poifon ; and accordingly all who frequent the woods, either for felling trees or hunting, never fail to eat a little of this habilla falling, and repair to their work without any apprehenfton. 4 The natives tell you, that this habilla being hot in the higheft degree, much of it cannot be eaten ; that the common dofe of it is lefs than the fourth part of a Serpent, kernel; and that no hot liquor, as wine, brandy, &c. muft be drunk immediately after taking it.’ “ The Carthagena bean, or habilla, is found in great abundance in the Weft Indian iflands, where it is gene¬ rally known by the name of Antidote or Cocoon, or An¬ tidote Cocoon. In fmall dofes it is ftomachic and dia¬ phoretic ; and in large dofes emetic and purgative. In feveral diforders it is a powerful remedy ; but its virtues are not fufficiently known, except among the Indians and negroes, who chiefly ufe an infuljon or tinfture of it made in rum. This is externally as well as internally ufed for many complaints (a). “ I have been informed by fome intelligent Indians, that any of the red peppers, Inch as bird pepper, or bell pepper, or what is called Cayenne pepper, powdered and taken in a glafs of rum as much as the ftomach can poffibly bear, fo as to caufe, and keep up for fome time, great heat and inflammation in the body and a vigorous circulation, will flop the progrefs of the poifon of fer- pefrts, even after its effects are vifible ; and that the bitten part only afterwards mortifies and feparates, and that the patient, with bark, wine, and cordials, foon re¬ covers. “ This fiery praftice is certainly agreeable to that of the ancients, and probably the only internal treatment that can have any good effedt ; as in thefe cafes the powers of life, and the adtion of the heart, are fuddenly enfeebled, and the pulfe in ftrength and frequency ob¬ ferves almoft a regular declenfion from the time of the bite until it entirely ceafes in death.” ^ Polygala fmega, or rattlefnake-root, was formerly fome- confidered as a fovereign remedy for the bite of the ferpents are rattlefnake ; but this opinion is now exploded. poii’onous. If it be afked for what purpofe were ferpents created with fuch deftrudlive weapons ? we anfwer, that they were given for felf-defence. Without thefe, ferpents, of all other animals, would be the moft expofed and de- fenceiefs ; without feet for efcaping a purfuit, without teeth capable of inffidting a dangerous wound, or with¬ out ftrength for refiftance ; incapable, from their fize, of finding fecurity in very fmall retreats like the earth¬ worm, and difgufting all from their deformity, nothing was left for them but a fpeedy extirpation. But fur- niffied as they are with powerful poifon, every rank of animals approach them with dread, and never feize them but at an advantage. Nor is this all the benefit they derive from it. The malignity of a few ferves for the protedtion ef all. Though not above a tenth of their number are adtually venomous, yet the fimilitude they ali bear to each other excites a general terror of the whole tribe ; and the uncertainty of their enemies about what ferpents are poifonous, makes even the moft harmlefs formidable. Thus Providence feems to have adted with double precaution : it has given fome of them poifon for the general defence of a tribe naturally feeble; but it has thinned the numbers of thofe which, are venomous, left they fliould become too powerful for the reft of animated nature. From (a) “ This bean is the feed of the Fevillea foliis cordatis of Flumier, Ed. Burmanni, p. 203. tab. 209" FeviUea foliis cordatis, angulatis, of Linnaeus, Spec. P. Fevillea foliis craffioribus, glabris, quandoque cordati** quandoque trilobis, or Antidote Cocoon, of Brown, p. 374.” 78 Enemies ferjents, *See Vi- ■ verra ar. £v s. 1'SYL! r. 29 Some per foi.s fa- nious for charming them. 30 Regarded Svith vene¬ ration in fome coun tries. S E R [ Fro-n thefe noxious qualities in the ferpent kind, it is no wonder that not only man, but beads and birds, nf carry on an unceafing war againil them, ’i'he ichneu¬ mon of the Indians, and the peccary * of Amer ica, de- ftroy them in great numbers. i hefe animals hdve the -d art of feizing them near the head ; and it is faid that they can fkin them with great dexterity. The vulture and the eagle alio prey upon them in great abundance ; and often, fouling down from the clouds, drop upon a long lerpent, which they fnatch up draggling and wri¬ thing in the air. Dogs alfo are bred up to oppofe them. Father Feuillee tells us, that being in the woods of Martinico, he was attacked by a large ferpent, which he could not eafily avoid, when his dog immediately came to his relief, and feized the alfailant with great courage. The ferpent entwined him, and preffed him fo violently, that the blood came out of his mouth, and yet the dog never ceafed till he had torn it to pieces. The dog was not lenfible of his wounds during the fight ; but foon after his head fwelled prodigioufiy, and belay on the~ground as dead. But his mafttr having found a banana tree hard by, he applied its juice mixed with treacle to the wounds, which recovered the dog, and quickly healed his fores. The Pfyili of old were famous for charming and de- ftroying ferpents «jj. Some moderns pretend to the fame art. Cafaubon fays that he knew a man who could at any time fummon 100 ferpents together, and • draw them into the fire. Upon a certain occafion, when one of them, bigger than the relt, would not be brought in, he only repeated his charm, and it came forward, like tire reft, to i’ubmit to the flames. Philo- ftratus deferibes particularly how the Indians charm fer¬ pents, “ They take a fcarlet robe, embroidered with golden letters, and fpread it before a ferpent’s hole. — The golden letters have a fafeinating power; and by looking ftedfaftly, the ferpent's eyes are overcome and laid afleep.” Thefe and many other feats have been of¬ ten pradtiied upon thefe animals by artful men, who had firft prepared the ferpents for their exercife, and then exhibited them as adventitioufly affembled at their call. In India there is nothing fo common as dancing fer¬ pents, which are carried about in a broad- flat veflel, fomewhat refembling a freve. Thefe erect and put themfelves in motion at the word of command. When their keeper flags a flow tune, they feem by their heads to keep time ; when he lings a quicker meafure, they ap¬ pear to move more brilk and lively. rUl animals have a certain degree of docility ; and we find that lerpents themfelves carr be brought to move and approach at the voice of tlreir mafter. From this trick, fucceisfully pra&ifed before the ignorant, it is moft probable has ariitn moft of the boalled pretentions which fome have made to charming of ferpents ; an art to which the na¬ tive Americans pretend at this very day, but the exfft- ence of which we are affured of by Mr Haflelquiti amongil the native Egyptians. Though the generality of mankind regard this for¬ midable race with horror, yet there have been fome na- . tions, and there are lome at this day, that confider them with veneration and regard. T he adoration paid by the ancient Egyptians to a ferpent is well known : many of the nations at prclent along the weftern coaft of Africa retain the fame unaccountable veneration. Up- o-1 S E R on the (told and flare coaftt, 3 flrangrr, npon enter',- Serpant. the cottages of the natives, is often lurprifed to fee the v—• roof iwarming with ferpents, that cling there without molefting and unmolefled by the natives. But his fur- pnie will mcreate upon going farther fouthward to the kingdom of Widah, when he finds that a lerpent is the god of the country. I his animal, which travellers de- fenbe as a huge overgrown creature, has its habitation, its temple, and its priefts. Thele impreis the vulgar with an r pinion of its^virtues ; and numbers are daily feen to offer not only their goods, their provilions, and their prayers, at the fhrine of their hideous deity, hut aho their wives and daughters. Thefe the priefts rea¬ dily accept of^ and after fome days of penance return them to their fnppliants, much benefited by theferpent’a fuppoled embraces. Serpent, a mufical inftrument, ferving as a bafs to the cornet, or jmad fbawm, to fuftain a chorus of lingers in a large edifice. It has its name ferpent from its figure, as confifting of feveral folds or wreaths, which lei ve to reduce its length, which would other- wife be fix or feven feet. It is ufually covered with leather, and confifts of three parts, a mouth-piece, a neck, and a tail. It has fix holes, by means whereoi it takes in the coraoafs of two ottaves. Merfennus, who has particularly deferibed this in- ftrument, mentions fome peculiar properties of it, e' Sr' that the found of it is ftrong enough to drown 2.. robuft voices, being animated merely by the breath of a boy and yet the found of it may be attempered to the foftneis of the fweeteft voice. Another peculiarity to this hiftrument is, that great as the d itance between the third and fourth hole appears, yet whether the third hole be open or fhut, the difference is but a tone. Serpent, in mythology, was a very common fymbol of the fun, and he is reprefented biting his tail, and with his body formed into a circle, in order to indicate the ordinary courfe of this luminary, and under this form it was an emblem of time and eternity. The fer- pent was alfo the fymbol of medicine, and of the gods which pi elided over it, as of Apollo and JElculapius : and this animal was the objeft of very ancient and gene¬ ral worlhip, under various appellations and characters. In moft of the ancient rites we find fome allui'on to the ferpent, under the feveral titles of Ob, .Ops, Py¬ thon, &c. This idolatry is alluded to by Mo’fes, (Lev. xx. 27.) The woman atEndor who had a familiar i'pi- rit is called Oub, or Ob, and it is interpreted Pythohif- fa. The place where Ihe refided, fays the learned Mr Bryant, feems to have been named from the worlhip then inftituted ; for Endor is compounded of En.ador, and fignifies funs Pyth nis, “ the fountain of light, the oracle of the god Ador, which oracle was probably founded by the Canaanites, and had never been totally fuppreffed. His pillar was alfo called Abbadir, or Ab¬ ac,ir, compounded of ab and adir, and meaning the ferpent deity Addir, the fame as Adorns. In the orgies of Bacchus, the perfons who partook of the ceremony ufed to carry ferpents in their hands, and with horrid fereams call upon Eva ! Eva ! Eva being, according to the writer juft mentioned, the fame as epha, or opha, which the Greeks rendered obhis, and by it denoted a ierpent. Thele ceremonies and 4 this S E R [ill ] S E R gerperit* th?* fyrnbolie worfhip bef>an among tbe Mag'5, who l| Were the fons of Chus ; and by them they were propa- gerpenta- ^atej jn varJous parts Whoever the Amonians found- TiUS' ed any places of worfhip, and introduced their rites, there was generally fume flory of a ferpent. There was a legend about a ferpent at Colchis, at Thebes, and at Delphi; and hkewife in other places. The Greeks called Apollo himfelf Python, which is the fame as Opis, Oupis, and Oub. In Egypt there was a ferpertt named Thermuthis, which was looked upon as very facred ; and the natives are faid to have made ufe of it as a royal tiara, vyith which they ornamented the ftatues of Ifis. i he kings of Egypt wore high bonnets, terminating in a round ball, and furrounded with figures of afps ; and the priefts Hkewife had the reprefentation of ierpents upon their bonnets. Abadon, or Abaddon, mentioned in the Revelations xx. 2. is fuppofed by Mr Bryant to have been the name of the Ophite god, with whofe worfhip the world had been fo long infe&ed. This worfhip began among the people of Chaldea, who budt the city ot Ophis upon the Tigris, and were greatly addi tied to divination, and to the worfhip of the ferpent. Prom Chaldea the wor¬ fhip pafied into Egypt, where the ferpent deity was called Canoph, Can eph, and C’neph. It had alfo the name ot Ob or Oub, and was the fame as the Bafdtfcus or royal ferpent, the fame as the Thermuthis, anti made ufe of by way of ornament to the itatues of their gods. The chief deity of Egypt is laid to have been Vulcan, who was ftyled Opas. He was the fame as Oiiris, the Sun, and hence was often called Ob el, or Pytho-fol; and there were pillars facred to him, with curious hie- roglyphical infcriptions bearing the fame name; whence among the Greeks, who copied from the Egyptians, every thing gradually tapering to a point was ftyled obelos, or obelifcus. As the worfhip of the ferpent began among the fons of Chus, Mr Bryant conjectures, that from thence they were denominated Ethiopians and Aithiopians, from Ath ope or Ath opes the god whom they worfhipped, and not from the-r complexion : the Ethiopes brought thefe rites into Greece, and called the ifland where they firft tftablifhed them JLllopla, Solis Serpentis infu.'a, the fame with Eu a , or Oubaia, i. e. “ the ferpent Hand.” The lame learned writer difccvers traces o1^ the ft:pent worfhio among the Hyperboreans, at Rhodes, named Ophiufa, in Phrygia, and upon the Hellefpont, in the ifland Cyprus, in Crete, among the Athenians, in the name of Cecrops, among the natives of Thebes in Boeo- tia, among the Lacedemonians, in Italy, in Syria, &c, and in the names of many places, as well as of the peo¬ ple where the Ophites fettled. One ot the molt early herefiess introduced into the Chnftian church wras that of the Ophitas. Bryant's Analyfis of Ancient My¬ thology, vol. i. p. 43, &c. p. 473, &c Sf.rpf.kt Stones. See Cornu Amrnmis, Sro-SeRPFNT. See SEA-Serpent.. SERPENT ARIA, snake-root ; a fpecies of Aristolochia. SERPENT RIUS, in aftronomy, a conftellation oc 'the northern hemifphere, catted alio Ophiuchus, and anciently JEfculapius The ftars in the conftellation Berpentarius, in Ptolemy’s catalogue, are 29 ; in Tycho’s 13; in Hevelius's 40 ; in the Britannic catalogue they are 74. v"-**- SERPENTINE, in general, denotes any thing that refembles a ferpent ; hence the worm or pipe ot a ftill, twifted in a fpiral manner, is Urrntd a w irm. S'RPKW*r.iifE Sion-y a genus of magnefian earths, of which there are different fpecies: . The brofus, eom- poftd of fibrous and coherent particles. This refem¬ bles the albedos fo much that it might he coufounded with it, were not the ebres ot the ierpentiue Jo clolely coherent, that they cannot be diftinguilhed when the (tone is cut or polifhal. The fibres themlelves are large, and feem to be twifted. There are two varieties,, a dark green and a light one ; the former from Ger¬ many, the latter from S ■. eden. 2. i he zoeblitz ter¬ pentine, found near that place, of many diffeient co¬ lours, as black, deep green, light green, red, bluifh-grey,. and white ; but the green colour is molt predominant. 3. Porcelain earth mixed whh ir n. It is met with either diffuftble in water or indurated The former is found of a red colour horn China and Montmartre. The water-clinkers, i ported fr in feme places in Ger¬ many, feem t * be made of this kind of earth 'There are two varieties of the indurated kind, viz the mar¬ tial foap-earth, of a red colour, rrorn j ulx rg and o’her places in Norway, or black iron fomeparts of Sweden. 4. The telgfton of the Swedes, the fame with the la¬ pis ollaris. it is found in various pTces ol Norway, as light grey, dark grey, whuilh yellow, and dark green. It is employed with great advantage for bund¬ ing lire places, furnaces, &c the extremities of the ftra- ta being turned towards the ere when it is flaty.. M. Magellan oblerves, that there is a great v?ri< -ty of colour as well as competition 111 th s kind of ftones ; it being found eithei white, green, brown, yellow, light- blue, black, fpotted, or Leaked with veins ot different c lours. Its texture is either indiltiudl, oblcuiely la¬ minar, or bious. The Ipecilic gravity is irom 2400 to - 65 ; and it is harder than loap-rock or fteatites ; though not hard enoui h to ftrike lire with Heel; being lefs fmooth to the touch than fteatites, but luf- ceptible of a good poluh, looking like marble; and is oiten met with in thru lemitranfparent plates. It melts in a ftrong heat without addition, and corrodes the cru¬ cibles, but hardens in a lower degree of heat. It is- flowly and partially folunlc in acids, but does not effer- vefee with them. According to Bayon’s at.alylis, ioo> parts of it contain about 41 o lilex, or raider irnea; 330 magnefia ; 00 argillaceous earth ; 1 2 of water, and about 3 of iron. 1 hit brought from Corfica contains a greater proportion of argil, and a imaller one t f filex. The' fetpentine commonly lo culled, accord¬ ing to Fabroni, is a true lapis ollaris ; but nas its name from be'ng variegated with green, yellowilh, and brown fpots, like the Hein o' fome ferpents ; great quantities of it are found in Italy and Switzerland, where it is frequently worked into difhes and other veffels. Serpentine veres, are luch as begin and end with the lame word. As, /Imbo jlorentes atntibus, Arcacles amlo. Serpentine, in the Manege. A horfe is faid to> have a lerpentine tongue, i. it is always frilking and moving, aud lometimes palling over the bit, in Head of keeping Serrarula, S E R [31 Serpicuh keeping in the void fpace, called the liberty of the tongue. SERPICULA, in botany; a genus of plants be¬ longing to the clafs of monoecia, and to the order of te- trandia. The male calyx is quadridentate, and the co rolla confiftsof four petals : The female calyx is divided into four parts, and the pericarpium is a tomentofe nut. There are two fpecies, the verticillata and repens. SERPIGO, in furgery, a kind of herpes, popularly called a tetter or ringworm. See Surgery. SERPULA, in natural hiftory ; a genus belong¬ ing to the clafs of vermes, and to the order of teftacea. The fhell is Engle,tubular, and adhering to other bodies. The animal which inhabits it is the terebella. SERRANUS (Joannes), or John de Serres, a learn¬ ed French Proteilant, was born about the middle of the fixteenth century. He acquired the Greek and Latin languages at Laufanne, and grew very fond of the phi- lofophy of Ariftotle and Plato. On his return to France he itudied divinity. He began to diftinguilh himfelf in 1572 by his writings, but was obliged to forfake his country after the dreadful maffacre of St Bartho¬ lomew. He became minifter of Nifmes in 1582, but was never regarded as a very zealous Calvinift : he has even been fufpefted, though without reafon, of having a&ually abjured the Protettant religion. Fie was one of the four clergymen whom Henry IV. confulted about the Romifh religion, and who returned for anfwer, that Catholics might be fivecl He wrote afterwards a trea- tife in order to reconcile the two communions, entitled De fide Cathohca, five de principiis religionis Chrifiiana, communi omnium Chrifiianorum confenfiu, femper' et ubique rails. This work was difliked by the Catholics, and received with fuch indignation by the Calvinifts of Ge¬ neva, that many writers have affirmed that they poifon- rd the author. It is certain at lead: that he died at Geneva in 1598, at the age of 50. His principal works are, r. A Latin tranflation of Plato, publiffied by Henry Stephens, which owes much of its reputation to the elegance of the Greek copy which accompanies it. 2. A Treatife on the Immortality of the Soul. 3 Defiatu religionis et reipublicce in Francia. 4. Me moire de la ^me guerre civile et derniers troubles de France fous Charles IX. &c. 5. Inventaire general' de VHi. Jloire de France, illufire par la conference de VEglife et de I Empire, (F c. 6. Recited de chofe memorable avenue en France fous Henri II. Franqois II Charles IX. HenrilJI Thefe three hiftorical treatifes have been julily accufed of partiality and paffion ; faults which it is next to im- poffible for a contemporary writer to avoid, especially if he bore any part in the tranfaftions which he defcrilxs. His flyle is exceedingly incorredf and inelegant; his mif- takes too and misllatements of fadls are very numerous. SERRATED, in general, fomething indented or notched in the manner of a faw ; a term much ufed in the defcription of the leaves of plants. See Botany. SERRATULA, saw wort, in botany : A genus of plants belonging to the clafs of fyngenefia, and to the order of polygamia aequalis. In the natural fyltem it is ranged under the 49th order, Compofitee. The calyx is fubcylindrical, imbricated; the fcales of it pointed, but not fpinous. There are 15 fpecies: The tinftoria, al- pina, arvenfis, coronata, japonica, falicifolia, multiflora, moveboracenfis, prsealta, glauca, fquarrofa, fcariofa, fpi- eata, amara, and centauroides. The three firft fpecies s E R I. The tinftoria is diflinguifhed by a Serratus] 2 ] are Britifh. ftem eredt and {lender, branched at the top, and three H feet high. The leaves are fmooth, pinnatitid, and fer.Servandoni rated : The flowers are purple, in umbels, and terminal. 'r“'- 1 he down of the feed is glofly, with a brown or gold tinge. It grows in woods and wet paftures. It dyes cloth of an exceeding fine yellow colour, which {lands well when fixed with alum. Goats eat this plant; horfes are not fond of it; cattle, fwine, and flieep, leave it untouched. 2 J’he alpina, or mountain faw-wort. The root and ftem are woody ; the latter being from one to two feet high. The leaves are numerous, triangu- lar, long, pointed, fubftantial, dark green above, white beneath, and ferrated, with round intervals between the teeth, on footftalks. The flowers are purple. The fcales of the calyx are very fliort and downy. It grows on high mountains, and flowers commonly in July or Auguft 3. The arvenfis, corn faW-wort, or way-thiftle. I he ftem is generally erefl, branched, and two or three feet high. The leaves are finuated, ferrated, and fpinous ; thofe above being almoft entire. The flowers aie of a pale purple ; the down is very long. This plant grows in cultivated grounds and by way- fides, and flowers m July or Auguft When burned it yields good allies for making glafs or fixed alkali. SERRAiUS, in anatomy, a name given to feve« ral mufcles, from their refemblance to a faw. See A- N atomy, Table of the Mufcles. SERTORIUS (Quintus), an eminent Roman ge¬ neral ; (fee Spain), under the hiftory of which his ex¬ ploits are related. SER 1 UL ART A, in natural hiftory, a genus belong¬ ing to the clafs of vermes, and to the order of zoophy- ta. The ftem is radicated, fibrous, naked, and jointed ; the florets are hydrae, and there is one at each joint. This genus comprehends 42 fpecies o^ corallines. SERVAL, mountain cat. See Felis, xvi. SERVANDONI (John Nicolas), was born at Flo¬ rence in 1695. He rendered himfelf famous by his exquifite taite in archite&ure, and by his genius for decorations, fetes, and buildings. He was emoloyed and rewarded by moft of the princes in Europe! He was honoured in Portugal with the order of Chrift : In France he was architect and painter to the king, and member of the different academies eftablifhed for the ad¬ vancement of thefe arts. Fie received the fame titles from the kings _ of Britain, Spain, Poland, and from the duke of Wirtemberg. Notwithftanding thefe ad¬ vantages, his want of economy was fo great, that he left nothing behind him He died at Paris in 1766. 1 ans is indebted to him for many of its ornaments. He made decorations for the theatres of London and Drefden. The French king’s theatre, called la fade des Machines, was under his management for fome time. He was permitted to exhibit {hows confifting of fimple decorations : Some of thefe were aftonifhingly fublime ; his “ Defcent of gEneas into Hell” in particular, and his “ Enchanted Foreft,” are well known. He built and embelliflicd a theatre at Chamber for Marefchal Saxe ; and furnifhed the plan and the model of the theatre royal at Drefden. His genius for fetes was remarkable ; he had the management of a great number in Paris, ancl even in London. He condu&ed one at Lifbon given on account of a vi&ory gained by the duke of Cumber¬ land. He was employed frequently by the king of 3 Portugal, Uemnt. s E R L 3 Portugal, to whom he prefented feveral elegant plans and models. The prince of Wales, too, father to the prefent king, engaged him in his fervice; but the death of that prince prevented the execution of the defigns which had been projected. He prefsded at the mag¬ nificent fete given at Vienna on account of the marriage of the archduke Jofeph and the Infanta of Parma. But it would be endlefs to attempt an enumeration of all his performances and exhibitions. SERVANT, a term of relation, fignifying a perfon who owes and pays obedience for a certain time to another in quality of a mafter. As to the feveral forts of fervants : It was obferved, under the article Liberty, that pure and proper flavery does not, nay cannot, fubfift in Britain : fuch we mean whereby an abfolute and unlimited power is given to the mafter over the life and fortune of the Have. And indeed it is repugnant to reafon, and the principles -of natural law, that fuch a ftate fhould fubfift anywhere. See Slavery. The law of England therefore abhors, and will not endure, the exiftence of ftavery within this nation : fo that when an attempt was made to introduce it, by ftaftute i Edw. VI. c. 3. which ordained, that all idle ■vagabonds fhould be made flaves, and fed upon bread, water, or fmall drink, and refufe-meat; fhould wear a ring of iron round their necks, arms, or legs ; and fhould be compelled, by beating, chaining, or otherwile, to perform the work affigned them, were it ever fo vile ; the fpirit of the nation could not brook this condition, even in the moft abandoned rogues ; and therefore this ftatute was repealed in two years afterwards. And now it is laid down, that a Have or negro, the inflant he lands in Britain, becomes a freeman ; that is, the law will proteft him m the enjoyment of his perfon and his property. Yet, with regard to any right which the mafter may have lawfully acquired to the perpetual fervice of John or Thomas, this will remain exactly in the fame ftate as before : for this is no more than the fame ftate of fubje&ion for life which every apprentice fubmits to for the fpace of feven years, or fometimes for a longer term. Hence, too, it follows, that the infamous and unchriftian pra&ice of withhold¬ ing baptifm from negro-fervants, left they fhould there¬ by gain their liberty, is totally without foundation, as well as without excufe. The law of England a&s upon general and extenfive principles : it gives liberty, rightly underftood, that is, prote&ion, to a Jew', a Turk, or a Heathen, as well as to thofe who proofs the true religion of Chrift ; and it wull not diffolve a civil obligation between maftei and fervant, on account of the alteration of faith in either of the parties ; but the Have is entitled to the fame protection in England be¬ fore as after baptifm ; and, whatever fervice the Heathen negro owed of right to his American mafter, by general, not by local law, the fame (whatever it be)*is he bound to render when brought to England and made aChriftian. 1. The firft fort of fervants, therefore, acknowledged by the laws of England, are menial fervants; fo called from being intra mcenici, or domeftics.- The contract between them and their rnafters arifes upon the hiring. If the hiring be general, without any particular time limited, the law conftrues it to be a hiring for a year; upon a principle of natural equity, that the Tervant ftiall ierve and the mafter maintain him, throughout all the Vol. XVII. Parti. 3 3 S E R revolutions of the refpeCtive feafons; as well when there is work to be done, as when there is not : but the con¬ trail may be made for any larger or fmaller term. All fingle men between 12 years old and 60, and married ones under 30 years of age, and all iingle women between 12 and 40, not having any viftble livelihood, are com¬ pellable by two juftices to go out to fervice in huf- bandry or certain fpecific trades, for the promotion of honeft indsdlry ; and no mafter can put away his fer¬ vant, or fervant leave his mafter, after being fo retained, either before or at the end of his term, without a quar¬ ter’s warning ; uniefs upon reafonable caufe, to be allowfc ed by a juftice of the peace : but they may part by con- fent, or make a fpecial bargain. 2. Another fpecies of fervants are called apprentices^ (from apprendre, to learn) ; and are ufually bound for a term of years, by deed indented or indentures, to ferve their mailers, and be maintained and inftru&ed by them. This is ufually done to perfons of trade, in order to learn their art and myftery; and fometimes very large fums are given wuth them as a premium for fuch their inftruftion : but it may be done to hulband- men, nay, to gentlemen and others. And children of poor perfons may be apprenticed out by the overfeers, with confent of tw'o juftices, till 24 years of age, to fuch perfons as are thought fttting ; who are alfb com¬ pellable to take them : and it is held, that gentlemen of fortune, and clergymen, are equally liable with others to fuch compulfton: for which purpofes our llatutes have made the indentures obligatory, even though fuch parilh-apprentice be a minor. Apprentices to trades may be difcharged on reafonable caule, either at the requeft of themfdves or mailers, at the quarter- feflions, or by one juftice, with appeal to the feffions; who may, by the equity of the ftatute, if they think it reafonable, diredl reftitution of a rateable lhare of the money given with the apprentice: and parifh-appren- tices may be difcharged in the fame manner by two juftices. But if an apprentice, with whom lefs than 10 pounds hath been given, runs away from his mafter, he is compellable to ferve out his time of abfence, or make fatisfaftion for the fame, at any time within feven years after the expiration of his original contradft. See Ap¬ prentice and Apprenticeship. 3. A third fpecies of fervants are labourers, who are only hired by the day or the w'eek, and do not live intra mania, as part of the family ; concerning whom the ftatutes before-cited have made many very good re¬ gulations ; 1. Directing that all perfons who have no vifible effe£ls may be compelled to work ; 2. Defining how long they mull continue at work in fummer and in winter: 3. Puniihing fuch as leave or defert their work : 4. Empowering the juftices at feffions, or the fheriff of the county, to fettle their wages : and, 5. In* Aiding penalties on fuch as either give or exacl more wages than are fo fettled. 4 There is yet a fourth fpecies of fervants, if they may be fo called, being rather in a fuperior, a minifte- rial, capacity ; fuch as JleiOards, j at tors, and bailiffs ; whom, however, the law conliders as lervants pro tem¬ pore, with regard to fuch of their ads as affed their mailer’s or employer’s property. As to the manner in which this relation affeds the mafter, the fervant himfelf, or third parties, fee the ar¬ ticle Mm teh and Servant. R r , For Servant. S E R [3 Servetsftf, j?or con(j;t[on Gf fervants by the law of Scotland, , lee JLaw. SERVETISTS, a name given to tbe modern An- titrinitarians, from their being fuppofed to be the fol¬ lowers of Michael Servetus ; who, in the year 1553, was burnt at Geneva, together with his books. SERVETUS (Michael), a learned Spanifh phyfi- cian, was born at Villaneuva, in Arragon, in i^og. He was fent to the univerfity of Touloufe to ftudy the civil law. The Reformation, which had awakened the moft polifhed nations of Europe, direfted the attention of thinking men to the errors of the Romifh church and to the ftudy of the Scriptures. Among the reft Ser¬ vetus applied to this ftudy. From the love of novelty, or the love of truth, he carried his inquiries far beyond the other reformers, and not only renounced the falfe opi¬ nions of the Roman Catholics, but went fo far as to queftion the do6trine of the Trinity. Accordingly, af¬ ter fpending two or three years at Touloufe, he deter¬ mined to go into Germany to propagate his new opi¬ nions, where he could do it with moft fafety. At Ba- fil he had feme conferences with Oecolampadius. He , w-ent next to Stralburg to vifit Bucer and Capito, two eminent reformers of that town. From Strafburg he went to Hugenau, where he printed a book, intided De Trmhatis Erroribus, in The enfuing year he publilhed two other treatifes on the fame fubjeft: in an advertilement to which, he informs the reader that it was not his intention to retraft any of his former fen- timents, but only to ftate them in a more diftindt and accurate manner. To thefe two publications he had the courage to put his name, not fufpe&ing that in an age when liberty of opinion was granted, the exercife of that liberty would be attended with danger. After publifhing thefe books, he left Germany, probably find¬ ing his dodftrines not fo cordially received as he expect¬ ed. He went firft to Baiil, and thence to Lyons, where he lived two or three years. He then removed to Pa¬ ris, where he ftudied medicine under Sylvius, Fernelius, and other profeflbrs, and obtained the degree of mafter of arts and doftor of medicine. His love of controverfy involved him in a ferious difpute with the phyiicians of Paris ; and he wrote an A pology, which was fupprefted by an ediCt of the Parliament. The mifunderftanding which this difpute produced with his colleagues, and the chagrin which fo unfavourable a termination occafioned, made him leave Paris in difguft. He fettled two or three years in Lyons, and engaged with the Frellons, eminent printers of that age, as a corrector to their prefs. At Lyons he met with Pierre Palmier, the archbifhop of Vienne, with whom he had been ac¬ quainted at Paris. That Prelate, who was a great en- courager ol learned men, prefied him to accompany him to Vienne, offering him at the fame time an apartment in his palace. Servetus accepted the offer, and might have lived a tranquil and happy life at Vienne, if he could have confined his attention to medicine and lite¬ rature. But the love of controverfy, and an eagernefs to eftabhfh his opinions, always poffefl'ed him. At this time Calvin was at the head of the reformed church at Geneva. With Servetus he had been acquainted at Pa¬ rrs, and had there oppofed his opinions. For 16 years Calvin kept up a correfpondence with him, endeavour, ang to reclaim him from his errors. Servetus had read „ works of Calvin, but did not think they merited the n 1 s e n high eulogies of the reformers, nor were they fufficieat S«ryetOT, to convince him of his errors. Pie continued, however, *—v— to confult him ; and for this purpofe fent from Lyons to Geneva three queftions which refpected the divinity of Jefus Chrift, regeneration, and the necefuty of baptifim To thefe Calvin returned a civil anfwer. Servetus treat¬ ed the anfwer with contempt, and Calvin replied with warmth. From reafoning he had recourfe to abulive language; and this produced a polemical hatred, the moft implacable difpofition in the world. Calvin havino- ob¬ tained fome of Servetus’s papers, by means, it is faid, not very honourable, fent them to Vienne along with the private letters which he had received in the courfe of their correfpondence. The confequence was, that Servetus was arrefted ; but having efcaped from prifon, he refolved to retire to Naples, where he hoped to praftife medicine with the fame reputation which he had fo long enjoyed at Vienne. He imprudently took his route through Geneva, though he could not but know that Calvin was his mortal enemy. Calvin informed the magiftrates of his arrival ; Servetus was apprehended, and appointed to Hand trial for herefy and blafphemy. It was a law at Geneva, that every accufer Ihould fur- render himfelf a prifoner, that if the charge fhoukbbe found falfe, the accufer fhould fuffer the punifhment in which he meant to involve the accufed Calvin not choo- fing to go to prifon himfelf, fent one of his domeflics to prefent the impeachment againft Servetus. The articles brought againft himw-ere colletftcd from his writings with great care; an employment which took up three days. One of thefe articles was, “ that Servetus had denied that Judaea was a beautiful, rich, and fertile country; and affirmed, on the authority of travellers, that it was poor, barren, and difagreeable.” He was alfo charged with “ corrupting the Latin Bible, which he was em¬ ployed to corredt at Lyons, by introducing imperti¬ nent, trifling, whimfical, and impious notes of his own through every page.” But the main article, which was certainly fatal to him, was, “ that in the perfon of Mr Calvin, minifter of the word of God in the church of Geneva, he had defamed the doftrine that is preach¬ ed, uttering all imaginable injurious, blafphemous words againft it.” Calvin vifited Servetus in prifon, and had frequent conferences with him; but finding that, in oppofition to all the arguments he could employ, the prifoner re¬ mained inflexible in his opinions, he left him to his fate. Before fentence was paffed, the magiftrates of Geneva confulted the minifters of Bale, of Bern, and Zurich ; and, as another account informs us, the magiftrates of the Proteftant Cantons of Switzerland. And to ena¬ ble them to form a judgment of the criminality of Ser¬ vetus, they tranfmitted the writings of Calvin, with his anfwers. The general opinion was, that Servetus ought to be condemned to death for blafphemy. He was ac¬ cordingly fentenced to be burnt alive on the 27th of Oftober 1553. As he continued alive in the midft of the flames more than two hours, it is faid, finding his torment thus protra&ed, he exclaimed, “ Unhappy wretch that I am ! Will the flames be inffifficient to terminate my mifery ! What then ! Will the hundred pieces of gold, and the rich collar which they took from me, not purchafe wood enough to confume me more quickly ! “ Though the fentence of death was palled againft Servetus by the magiftrates of Geneva, with the appro. SEE • C 35 fcVVm> i&ppK&atbn of a great number of the mgjftmtes and '' |j minifters of Switzerland, yet it is the opinion of moif Service, ^iftorians that this dreadful fentence was impofed at the initigatipn of Calvin. This aft of feverity for holding a Speculative opinion, however erroneous and abfurd, has left a ftain on the charaifer of this illuftrious reformer, which will attend the name of Calvin as long as hiilory (hall preferve it from oblivion. The addrefs and art which he ufed in apprehending Servetus, his inhuma¬ nity to him during his trial, his diflimulation and ma¬ levolence after his condemnation, prove that he was as much influenced by perfonal hatred as by a defire to fupport the intereft of religion, though probably, du¬ ring the trial, Calvin believed he was performing a very pious adion. This intolerant fpirit of Calvin and the jnagiftrates of Geneva gave the Roman Catholics a fa¬ vourable opportunity to accufe the Proteftants of incon- fiftency in their principles, which they did not fail to embrace. “ How could the magiftrates (fays the au¬ thor of the DiHlonnaire des Her eft a), who acknowledged no infallible interpretation of the Scriptures, condemn Servetus to death becaufe he explained them differently from Calvin ; fmee every man has the privilege to ex¬ pound the Scripture, according to his own judgment, without having recourfe to the church ? It is a great jnjuftice to condemn a man becaufe he wall not fubmit to the judgment of an enthufiaft, who may be wrong as well as himldf.,, Servetus was a man of great acutenefs and learning, and well verfed in the arts and fciences. In his own profeffion his genius exerted itfelf with fuccefs. In his trad intitledChriftiani/mi i^Ywi'io.publifhed in 1553, he remarks, that the whole mafs of blood pafles through the lungs by the pulmonary artery and vein, in oppofi- tion to the opinion which was then univerfally enter¬ tained, that the blood pafles through the partition which divides the two ventricles. This was an important ftep towards the difeovery of the circulation of the blood. His works confrft of Controverfial Writings concern¬ ing the Trinity ; an edition of Pagninus’s Verfron of the Bible, with a preface and notes, publifhed under the name of Michael Viilanevanus ; an Apology to the Phyfkians of Paris ; and a book intitled Ratio Syrupo* rum, Mofheim has written in Latin a Hiftory of the Herefy and Misfortunes of Servetus, which was publifh¬ ed at Helmftadt, in 410, in 1728. From the curious details which it gives it is extremely interefiing. SERVIA, a province of Turkey in Europe, bound¬ ed on the north by the rivers Danube and Save, which leparate it from Hungary ; on the eaft, by Bulgaria ; on the weft, by Bofnia j and on the fouth, by Albania and Macedonia. It is about 190 miles in length from eaft to weft; 95 in breadth from north to fouth ; and is divided into four fangiacates. Two of thefe were ceded to the Chriftians in 17x8, who united them into one. This continued till 1739, when the Turks were vidori- ous; and then they were abandoned to the Turks by the treaty of Belgrade. Belgrade is the capital town. SERVICE, in law, is a duty which a tenant, on account of his fee, owes to his lord. There are many divifions of fervices; as, 1. Into perfonal, where fomething is to be done by the tenant in perfon, as homage and fealty. 2. Real, fuch as wards, marriages, &c. 3. Accidental, including he- riots, reliefs, and the like. 4. Entire, where, on the £ 3 S E R alienation of any p-arf of the lands by a tenant, the Semce jfervices become multiplied. 5, Frank-fervice, which “ was performed by freemen, who were not obliged to perform any bafe fervice, but only to find a man and horfe to attend the lord into the army or to court. 6. Knight’s fervice, by which lands were anciently held of the king, on paying homage, fervice in war, &c. As in every free and well regulated fociety there muft be a diverfity of ranks, there muft be a great num¬ ber of perfons employed in lervice, both in agriculture and domeflic affairs. In this country, fervice is a contraif into which the fervant voluntarily enters; and the mailer’s authority extends no farther than to the performance of that fpecies of labour for which the agreement was made. “ The treatment of fervants (fays that refpeftable mo- paiey>s ralift Mr Paley), as to diet, difeipline, and accommoda- Moral and tion, the kind and quantity of work to be required of Political them, the intermiflion, liberty, and indulgence to be ah p^'MaPh* lowed them, muft be determined in a great meafure by1’" ' cuftom ; for where the contrail involves fo many parti¬ culars, the contrailing parties exprefs a few perhaps of the principal, and by mutual underftanding refer the reft to the known cuftom of the country in like cafes. “ A fervant is not bound to obey the unlawful com¬ mands of his mafter ; to minifter, for inftance, to his un¬ lawful pleafures; or to afiift him in unlawful prailices in his profeffion ; as in fmuggling or adulterating the ar¬ ticles which he deals in. For the fervant is bound by nothing but his own promife ; and the obligation of a promife extends not to things unlawful. “ For the fame reafon, the mailer’s authority does not juftify the fervant in doing wrong; for the fervant’s own promife, upon which that authority is founded, would be none. “ Clerks and apprentices ought to be employed entire¬ ly in the profeffion or trade which they are intended to learn. Inftrudlion is their wages ; and to deprive them of the opportunities of inftrudlion, by taking up their time with occupations foreign to their bufinefs, is to defraud them of their wages. ‘f The mafter is refponfible for what a fervant does in the ordinary courfe of his employment; for it is done under a general authority committed to him, which is in juilice equivalent to a fpecific diredlion. Thus, if l pay money to a banker’s clerk, the banker is ac¬ countable : but not if I had paid it to his butler or his footman, whofe buiiuefs it is not to receive money. Upon the fame principle, if I once fend a fervant to take up goods upon credit, whatever goods he after¬ wards takes up at the fame {hop, fo long as he conti- nues in my fervice, are juftly chargeable to my ac¬ count. “ The law of this country goes great lengths in in¬ tending a kind of concurrence in the mafter, fo as to charge him with the confequences of his fervant’s con- dudl. If an innkeeper’s fervant rob his guefts, the innkeeper muft make reftitution ; if a farrier’s fervant lame your horfe, the farrier muft anfwer for the da¬ mage ; and ftill farther, if your coachman or carter drive over a paffenger in the road, the pafienger may recover from you a fatisfadtion for the hurt he fuffers. But thefe determinations Hand, I think, rather upon the authority of the law, than any principle of natural juftice.” There is a grievance which has long and juftly R r 2 been g E R [ 3 been complained of, the giving of good chara&ers to bad fervants. This is perhaps owing to careleflhefs, to a defire of getting rid of a bad fervant, or to miita- ken compaffioh. But fnch carelefTnefs is inexcufable. When a man gives his fanftion to the character of a bad fervant, h'e ought to reflect on tlie nature and confe- quences of what he is doing, He is giving his name a falfehood ; he is deceiving the honeft man who con¬ fides in his veracity ; and he is deliberately giving a knave an opportunity of cheating an honeft man. To endeavour to get quit of a bad fervant in this way, is furely not lefs criminal than concealing the faults and difadvantages of an eftate which is advertifed for fale, and afcribing to it advantages which it does not poftefs. In this cafe, we know the fale would be reduced, and the advertifer difgraced. Many mafters give charafters to fervants out of compaffion ; but it is to this miftakcn compaffion that the diforderly behaviour of fervants is perhaps principally owing : for if the puniftrment of diftionefty be only a change of place (which may be a reward inftead of a punifhment)., it ceafes to be a fer- vant’s intereft to be true to his truft. We have faid above that a maker’s authority over his fervant extends no farther than the terms of contract; by which we meant, that a mafter could give no unrea- fonable orders to Iris fervarrt, or fuch as was inconiiftent with the terms of contract. But the relation between a mafter and fervant is certainly clofer than the mere terms of a contraft : it is a moral as well as a legal relation. A mafter of a family ought to fuperintend the morals of his fervants, and to reftrain them from vices. This he may do by his example, by his influ¬ ence, and authority. Indeed every man pefiefled of authority is guilty of criminal negligence if he does not exert his authority for promoting virtue in his inferiors; and no authority is fo well adapted for this purpofe as that of mafters of families, becaufe none operates with an influence fo immediate and conftant. It is wonder¬ ful how much good a nobleman or gentleman of for¬ tune can do to his domeftics by attending to their mo¬ rals ; and every mafter may be a blefling to individuals and to fociety, by exerting prudently that influence which his fttuation gives him over the conduft of his fervant. Choral Serpicf., in church-hiftory, denotes that part of religious worfhip which confifts in chanting and fing- ing. The advocates for the high antiquity of finging, as a part of church-mufic, urge the authority of St Paul in its favour (Ephef. chap. v. ver. 19. and Co- lof. chap. iii. ver. 16). On the authority of which paf- fages it is aflerted, that fongs and hymns were, from the eftablifhment of the church, fang in the aflemblies of the faithful; and it appears from undoubted teftimony, that fmging, which was pra&ifed as a facred rite among the Egyptians and Hebrews, at a very early period, and which likewife conftituted a confiderable part of the re¬ ligious ceremonies of the Greeks and Romans, made a part of the religious worfhip of Chriftians, not only before churches were built, and their religion eftablifhed by law, but from the firft profeffion of Chriftianity. How¬ ever, the era from whence others have dated the intro¬ duction cf mufic into the fervice of the church, is that period during which Leontius governed the church of Antioch, i. e. between the year of Chrift 347 and 356. See Antiphonv. iG ] s E R From Antioch the practice foon fpread through the Servins, other churches of the Eaft ; and io a few ag-es after its v—* firft introduction into the divine fervice, it not only re¬ ceived the fanCtion of public authority, but thofe were forbid to join in it who were ignorant of mufic. A canon to this purpofe was made by the council of Lao- dicea, which was held about the year 37 2 ; and Zorm- nas informs us, that thefe canonical fingers were rec¬ koned a part of the clergy. Singing was introduced into the weftern churches by St Ambrofe about the year 374, who was the inftitutor of the Ambrofian chant eftablilhed at Milan about the year 386; and Eufebius (lib. ii. cap. 1 7.) tells us, that a regular choir, and method of finging the fervice, were firft eftabliihed, and hymns ufed, in the church at Antioch during the reign of Conftantine, and that St Ambrofe, who had long refided there, had his melodies thence. This was about 230 years afterwards amended by pope Gregory the Great, who eftablifhed the Gregorian chant; a plain, unifonous kind of melody, which he thought confiftent with the gravity and dignity of the fervice to which it was to be applied. This prevails in the Ro¬ man church even at this day : it is known in Italy by the name of canto fermo; in France by that of plain chant; and in Germany and moft other countries by that of the cantus Gregot-ianus. Although no fatisfaftory account has been given of the fpecific difference between the Ambrofian and Gregorian chants, yet all writers on this fubjeft agree in faying, that St Ambrofe only ufed the four authentic modes, and that the four plagal were afterwards added by St Gregory. Each of thefe had the fame final, or key-note, as its relative authentic ; from which there is no other difference, than that the melodies in the four authentic or principal modes are generally confined within the compafs of the eight notes above the key-note, and thofe in the four plagal or relative modes, within the compafs of the eight notes below the fifth of the key. See Mode. Ecclefiaftical writers feem unanimous in allowing that Pope Gregory, who began his pontificate in 590, colledted the mufical fragments of fuch ancient pfalms and hymns as the firft fathers of the church had appro¬ ved and recommended to the firft Chriftians; and that he feledted, methodized, and arranged them in the or¬ der which was long continued at Rome, and foon a- dopted by the chief part of the weftern church. Gre¬ gory is alfo laid to have banifhed from the church the canto figuralOy as too light and diffolute ; and it is add¬ ed, that his own chant was called canto fermo, from its gravity and fimplicity. It has been long a received opinion, that the eccle¬ fiaftical tones were taken from the reformed modes of Ptolemy ; but Dr Burney obferves, that it is difficult to difeover any connection between them, except in their names 5 for their number, upon examination, ia not the fame ; thofe of Ptolemy being feven, the ec¬ clefiaftical eight ; and indeed the Greek names given to the ecclefiaftical modes do not agree with thofe of Pto¬ lemy in the fingle inftance of key, but with thofe of higher antiquity. From the time of Gregory to that of Guido, there was no other diftinCIion of keys than that of authentic and plagal; nor were any femitones ufed but thofe from E to F, B to C, and occafionally A to B b. With refpeCf to the mufic of the primitive church, it may S E R l 317- 1 S E R may be obfewd, that though it'confided in the finglng the knowledge of the Roman chant. At length the fuc- ^ Swu*. ^—y— of pfalms and hymns, yet it was performed in many dif- cdfors of St Gregory, and of And in his miffionary, ~ v ferent ways; fometimes the pfalms were fang by one having eftabhihed a fchool for ecclefiaftieal mafic at Can- perlon alone, whilft the veil attended in fdence ; fome- terbury, the reft of the iiland was furnifhed with ma- times they were fung by the whole aifembly ; fometimes fters from that leminary. The choral fervice was firft alternately, the- congregation being divided into fepa- introduced in the cathedral church of Canterbury ; and rate choirs ? and fometimes by one perfon, who repeated till the arrival of Theodore, and his fettlement in that the firft part of the verfe, the reft joining in the clofe of fee, the pra&ice of it feems to have been confined to the it. Of the four different methods of finging now reci- churches of Kent ; but after that, it fpread over the ted, the fecond arid third were properly diftiirguifhed by whole kingdom; and we meet with records of very the names of fymphony and ant phony; and the latter was ample endowments for the fupport of this part of public * fometimes called rejponfarh, in which women were al- worfhip. This mode of religious worfnip prevailed in lowed to join. St Ignatius, who, according to So- all the European churches till the time of the Rcforma- crates (lib. vi. cap. 8.), converfed with the apofiles; is tion : tire firft deviation from it is that which followed generally fuppofed to have been the firft who luggefted the Retormation by Luther, who, being hirr.felf a lover to the primitive Chriftians in the Eaft the method of of mufic, formed a liturgy, which was a nurfical iervice, finging hymns and pfalms alternately; or in dialogue ; contained in a work entitled PJalmodia, h. z. Cantka 1 and tire cuftom foon prevailed, in every place where facra Vrtcns Ecrltftx fekSla, printed at Norimberg in Chriftianity was eftablifhed ; though Theodoret in his 1^53, and at Wittemberg in 1561. But Calvin, in his hiftory (lib. ii. cap. 24.) tells us, that this manner of eftablifhment of a church at Geneva, reduced the whole finging was firft pra&ifed at Antioch. It fikewifo ap- of divine iervice to prayer, preaching, and finging ; the pears, that almoft from tire time when mufic was firft latter of which he reftrained. He excluded the offices introduced into the fervice of the church, it was of two of the antiphon, hymn, and motet, of the Romiffi fer- kinds, and confuted in a gentle infledtion of the voice, vice, with that artificial and elaborate mufic to which which they termed plain fong, and a more elaborate they were fung ; and adopted only that plain metrical and artificial kind of mufic, adapted to the hymns and pfalmody, which is now in general ufe among the re- folemn offices contained in its ritual; and this diftinc- formed churches, and in the parochial churches of our tion has been maintained even to the prefent day. own country. For this purpoie he made ufe ofMarot’s Although we find a very early dillin&ion made be- verfion of the Pfalms, and employed a mufician to fet tween the manner of finging the hymns and chanting them to eafy tunes only of one part. In 1553, he dl- the pfalms, it is, however, the opinion of the learned vided the Pfalms-into paufes or fmall portions, and ap- Martini, that the mufic of the firft five or fix ages of pointed them to be fung in churches. Soon after they the church confifted chiefly in a plain and fimple chant were bound, up with the Geneva catechifm ; from which of unifons and o&aves, of which many fragments are time the Catholics, who had been accnftomed to fing ftill remaining in the canto fermo of the Romiffi miflals. them, were forbid the ufe of them, under a fevere pe- For with relperft to mufic in parts, as it does not ap- nalty. Soon after the Reformation commenced in Eng- pear, in thefe early ages, that either the Greeks or Ro- land, complaints were made by many of the dignified mans were in pofitffion of harmony or counterpoint, clergy and others of the intricacy and difficulty of the which has been generally aferibed to Guido, a monk of church-mufic of thofe times : in confequence of which. Arezzo in Tufcany, about the year 1022, though others it was once propofed, that organs and curious finging have traced the origin of it to the eighth century, it is fhould be removed from our churches. Latimer, in his in vain to feek it in the church. The choral mufic, diocefe «f Worceftev, went ftill farther, and ifi'ued in- wlrich had its rife in the church of Antioch, and from junftions to the prior and convent of St Mary, forbid- thence fpread through Greece, Italy, France, Spain, and ding in their fervice all manner of finging. In the reign Germany, was brought into Britain by the fingers who of-Edward VI. a commiffion was granted to eight bi- accompanied Auftin the monk, when he came over, in fliops, eight divines, eight civilians, and eight common the year 596, charged with a commiffion to convert the lawyers, to compile a body of fuch ecclefiaftical laws as inhabitants of this country to Chriftianity. Bede tells fhould in future be obferved throughout the realm. The us, that when Auftin and the companions of his mif- refult of this compilation w-as a work firft publifned by fion had their firft audience of king Ethelbert, in the Fox the martyrologift, in 1571, and afterwards in 1640,, i£le of Thanet, they approached him in proceffion, fing- under the title of Reformatio Legum Ecclejiajlicarum* ing litanies; and that, afterwards, when they entered the Thefe 32 commiffioners, inflead of reprobating church- city of Canterbury, they fung a litany, and at the end mufic, merely condemned figurative and operofe mu- ©f it Allelujah. But though this was the firft time the fic, or that kind of finging which abounded with Anglo-Saxons had heard the Gregorian chant, yet Bede fugues, refponfive paffages, and a commixture of various likewife tells us, that our Britifh anceflors had been in- and intricate proportions ; which, whether extemporary ftnufted in the rites and ceremonies of the Gallican or written, is by muficians termed defcant. However, church by St Germanus, and heard him fing Allelujah notwithftanding the objeftions againft choral mufic, and many years before the arrival of St Auflin. In 680, the pra&ice of fome of the reformed churches, the com- John, praecentor of St Peter’s in Rome, was fent over pilers of the Englifh liturgy in 1548, and the king him- by pope Agatho to inftrudl the monks of Weremouth ielf, determined to retain mufical fervice. Accordingly in the art of finging; and he was prevailed upon to open the llatute 2 & 3 Edw. VI. cap. 1. though it contains fchools for teaching mufic in other places in Northum- no formal obligation on the clergy, or others, to ule or berland. Benedift Bifcop, the preceptor of Bede, Adrian join in either vocal or inftrumental mufic in the common the monk, and many others, contributed to difleminatc prayer, does clearly recognife the pradice of finging ; 5 anaacg0<* for the loves of Hkro and Leander, fung by the poet Mufaeus. SESUVIUM, in botany y a genus of plants belong¬ ing to the clafs of icofandria, and to the order of trigy- nia. The calyx is coloured and divided into five parts; there are no petals; the capfule is egg-fhaped, three- celled, opening horizontally about the middle, and con¬ taining many feeds. There is only one fpecies, the portu- lacajlrum, purflane-leaved fefuvium, which is a native of the Weft: Indies,. SET, or Sets, a term ufed by the farmers and gar¬ deners to exprefs the young plants of the white thorn and other fhrubs, with which they ufe to taife their quick or quick-fet hedges. The white thorn is the heft of all trees for this purpofe ; and, under proper regula¬ tions, its fets feldom fail of anfwering the farmer’s utmoft expedlations. Set-off, in law, is an aft whereby the defendant ac¬ knowledges the juftice of the plaintiff’s demand on the one hand ; but, on the other, fets up a demand of his own, to counterbalance that of the plaintiff, either in the whole, or in part: as, if the plaintiff fues for 10I. due on a note of hand, the defendant may fet off 9 1. due to himfelf for merchandife fold to the plaintiff ; and, in caf| he pleads fuch fet-off, muft pay the remain¬ ing balance into court. This anfwers very nearly to the combenfatio or ftoppage of the civil law, and depends upon the ftatutes 2 Geo. II. cap. -2-2. and 8 Geo. II. cap. 24. SETACEOUS worm, in natural hfftory, a name given by Dr Lifter to that long and fiender water- worm, which fo much refembles a horfe-hair, that it has been fuppofed by the vulgar to be an animated hair of that creature. Thefe creatures, fuppofed to be living hairs, are a peculiar'fort of infedfts, which are bred and nou- rifhed within the bodies of other infefts, as the worms of the ichneumon flies are in the bodies of the caterpillars. Aldrovand deferibes the creature, and tells us it was unknown to the ancients; but called feta aquatica, and vermis fetarius, by the moderns, either from its figure refembling that of a hair, or from the fuppofition of its once having been the hair of feme animal. We gene¬ rally fuppofe it, in the imaginary Hate of the hair, to have belonged t© a horfe ; but the Germans fay it was ence the hair of a calf, and call it by a name fignifying vitulus aquaticus, or the “ water calf.” Albertus, an author much reverenced by the common people, has declared that this animal is generated of a hair; and adds, that any hair thrown into Handing water, will, in a very little time,-obtain life and motion. Other authors have diffented from this opinion, and fup¬ pofed them generated of the fibrous roots of water- plants ; and others, of the parts of grafshoppers fallen into the water. This laft opinion is rejeefted by Al¬ drovand as the moft improbable of all. Standing and foul waters are moft plentifully ftored with them; but they are fometimes found in the cleareft and pureft fprings, and fometimes out of the water, on the leaves of trees and plants, as on the fruit-trees in our gardens, and the elms in hedges. They are from three to five inches long, of the thicknefs of a large hair ; and are brown, S E V l 321 ] • S E V Seth brown upon the back, and white under the belly, and || the tail is white on every part. Severance. SETH, the third fon of Adam, the father of Enos, 'was born 3874 B. C. and lived 912 years., SETHIANS, in church-hiftory, Chriitian heretics; fo called becauie they paid divine worfhip to Seth, whom they looked upon to be Jefus Chrift the fon of God, but who was made by a third divinity, and fub- ftituted in the room of the two families o! Abel and Cain, which had been deftroyed by the deluge. Thefe heretics appeared in Egypt in the fecond century ; and as they were addidfed to all forts of debauchery, they did not want followers; and continued in Egypt above 200 years SETIMO, a town of Italy, in the province of Pied¬ mont, fituated on the river Po, eight miles north of T urin. SETON, in furgery, a few horfe-hairs, fmall threads, or large packthread, drawn through the Ikin, chiefly the neck, by means of a large needle or probe, with a view to reftore or preierve health. « We find by experience, that fetons are very ufetul in catarrhs, inflammations, and other diforders, particularly thofe of the eyes, as a gutta ferena, cataradl, and inci¬ pient fuffufion ; to thefe we may add intenfe headachs, with ftupidity, drowfinefs, epilepftes, and even the apo¬ plexy itfelf. SETTEE, in fea-language, a veflel very common in the Mediterranean with one deck and a very long and fharp prow. They carry fome two mafts, feme three, without top-mafts. They have generally two mafts, equipped with triangular fails, commonly called lateen Jails. The leaft of them are of 60 tons burden. They ferve to tranfport cannon and provifions for ihips of war and the like. Thefe veflels are peculiar to the Medi¬ terranean fea, and are ufually navigated by Italians, Greeks, or Mahometans. SETTING, in aftronomy, the withdrawing of a ilar or planet, or its linking below the horizon. Aftrono- mers and poets make three different kinds of fetting of the ftars, viz. the Cosmical, Acronycal, and Heli¬ acal. See thefe articles. Setting, in the fea-language. To fet the land or the fun by the compafs, is to obferve how the land bears on any point of the compafs, or on what point of the compafs the fun is. Alfo when two fhips fail in fight of one another, to mark on what point the chafed bears, is termed fetiing the chace by the compafs. Setting, among fportfmen, a term ufed to exprefs the manner of taking partridges by means of a dog peculiarly trained to that purpofe. See Shooting. Act of SETTLEMENT, in Britilh hiftory, a name given to the ftatute 1 2 and 13 W. III. cap. 2. whereby the crown was limited to his prefent majefty’s illuftrious houle ; and feme new provilions were added, at the fame fortunate era, for better fecuring our reli¬ gion, laws, and liberties; which the ftatute declares to be the birthright of the people of England, according to the ancient doftrine of the common law. SEVENTH, in mufic, an interval called by the Greeks heplcuhordon. See Interval. SEVERANCE, in law, the fingling or fevering two or more that join or are joined in the fame writ or ac¬ tion. As if two join in a writ, de hbytateprobanda, sud the one be afterwards nonfuited} here feverance is Vol. XVII. Fart I. permitted, fo as notwithftand'ing the nonfuit the one, Severn the other may feverally proceed. , II There is alfo feverance of the tenants inaffize; when one, two, or more diffeifees appear upon the writ, and not the other. And feverance in debt, where two exe¬ cutors are named plaintiffs, and the one refufes to pro- fecute. We alfo meet with feverance of fummons, fe¬ verance in attaints, &c An eftate in joint tenancy may be fevered and deftroyed by deftroying any of its uni¬ ties. 1. That of time, which refpedts only the original commencement of the joint eftate, cannot indeed (being now part) be affected by any fubfequent tranfaftion. But, 2. The joint-tenants eftate may be deftroyed with¬ out any alienation, by merely difuniting their poffeffion. 3. The jointure may be deflroyed, by deftroying the uni¬ ty of title. And, 4. By deftroying the unity of intereft. SEVERIA, a province ot the Ruffian empire, with the title of a duchy, bounded on the north by Smo- leniko and Mufcovy, on the eaft by Vorotinlhi and the country of the Coffacks, pn the fouth by the fame, and on the weft by Zernegovia. It is a country over¬ run with woods, and on the fouth part is a forelt of great length. Novogrodoc, or Novogorod, is the ca¬ pital town. St SEVERINA, a town of Italy, in the kingdom of Naples, and in-Lower Calabria, with an archbiihop’s fee. It is very well fortified, and feated on a craggy rock, on the river Neeto; in E. Long. 17. 14. N. Lat. 39- l5' SEVERING, a town of Italy, in the territory of the church, and in the Marche of Ancona, with a bi- Ihop’s fee. It has fine vineyards, and is feated be- tween two hills on the river Petenza, in E. Long. 13. 6. N. Lat. 43. 16. SEVERN, a river which rifes near Plimlimmon- Hili in Montgomery (hire, and before it enters Shrop- Ihire receives about 30 ftreams, and paffes down to Laudring, where it receives the Morda, that flows from Ofweftry. When it arrives at Monford, it re¬ ceives the river Mon, paffing on to Shrewfbury, which it almoft furrounds, then to Bridgeworth ; afterwards it runs through the Ikiits of Staffordfliire, enters Wor- Luenmii's cellerlhire, and paffes by Worcefter ; then it runs to EnSllJb G<‘- Tewkefbury, where it joins the Avon, and from thence ' to Gloucefter, keeping a north-wefterly courfe, till it falls into the Briftol Channel. It begins to be naviga¬ ble for boats at Welchpool, in Montgomery (hire, and takes in feveral other rivers in its courfe, befides thofe already mentioned, and is the fecond in England. By the late inland navigation, it has communication with the rivers Merfey, Dee, Ribble, Oufe, Trent, Der¬ went, Humber, Ihames, Avon, 8cc. which naviga¬ tion, including its windings, extends above 500 miles in the counties of Lincoln, Nottingham, York, Lan- cafter, Weftmoreland, Che iter, Stafford, Warwick, Leicefter, Oxford, Worcefter, &c. A canal from Stroud-Water, a branch of the Severn, to join the Ihames, has lately been undertaken, by which great undertaking of conveying a tunnel 16 feet high and 16 feet wide, under Sapperton Hill and Hayley-Wood (very high ground), for two miles and a quarter in length, through a very hard rock, lined and arched with brick, is entirely completed, and boats paffed through it the 21 ft of May 1789. By this opening, a communication is made between the river Severn at S s Frami- S K V [ 32 Framiloatl and the Thames near LeehTade, and will be continued over the Thames near Ingldham, into deep water in the Thames below St John-Bridge, and fo to Oxford, &c. and London, for conveyance of coals, {roods, &c. It is now navigable from the Severn to Themsford, by way of Stroud, Cirencefter, Crick- jade, See. being filled with water for that purpofe near 4.0 miles. SEVERUS (Cornelius), an ancient Latin poet of the Auguftan age ; whole JElna, together with a frag¬ ment De mnrte Ciceronis, were publifhed, with notes and a profe interpretation, by Le Clerc, i2mo, Am- fferdam, 1703. They were before inferted among the Cataletln Virgil'n publifhed by Scaliger ; whofe notes, with others, Le Clerc has received among his own. Severus (Septimus), a Roman emperor, who has been fo much admired for his military talents, that fome have called him the molt warlike of the Roman emperors. Asa monarch he was cruel, and it has been obferved that he never did an a& of humanity or for¬ gave a fault. In his diet he was temperate, and he always fhowed himfelf an open enemy to pomp and fplendor. He loved the appellation of a man of let¬ ters, and he even compofed an hiftory of his own reign, which fome have praifed for its correefnefs and veracity. HovVever cruel Severus may appear in his punifhments and in his revenge, many have endeavoured to exculpate him, and obferved that there was need of feverity in an empire where the morals were fo corrupted, and where no lefs than 3000 perfons were accufed of adultery du¬ ring the fpace of 17 years. Of him, as of Auguftus, fome were fond to fay, that it would have been better for the world if he had never been born, or had never died. See Rome, n° 372. Sefkrus’s Wall, in Britifh topography, the fourth and laft barrier erefted by the Romans againft the in- curfions of the North Britons. See the articles Adri¬ an, and sIntoninus’s Wall. We learn from feveral hints in the Roman hiftorians, that the country between the walls of Hadrian and Antoninus continued to be a feene of perpetual war and fubjedt of contention between the Romans and Bri¬ tons, from the beginning of the reign of Commodus to the arrival of the emperor Septimius Severus in Bri¬ tain, A. D. 206. This laft emperor having fubdued the Maeatac, and repulfed the Caledonians, determined to eredft a ftronger and more impenetrable barrier than any of the former, againft their future incurfions. Though neither Dio nor Herodian make any men¬ tion of a wall built by Severus in Britain for the pro- teftion of the Roman province, yet we have abundant evidence from other writers of equal authority, that he really built fuch a wall. “ He fortified Britain (fays Spartian) with a wall drawn crofs the Hand from lea to fea ; which is the greateft glory of his reign. After the wall was finifhed, he retired to the next ftation (York), not only a conqueror, but the founder of an eternal peace.” To the fame purpofe, Aurelius Vidfor and Orofius, to fay nothing of Eutropius and Cafiiodo- rus : “ Having repelled the enemy in Britain, he for¬ tified the country, which was fuited to that purpofe,, with a wall drawn crofs the ifland from £ea to fea.”— Sl Sevevus drew a great ditch, and built a ftrong wall, fortified with feveral turrets, from fea to fea, to protedfc chat part of the iHand which he had recovered from i ] s e v the yet uneonquered nations.” As the rfcftdenee ef the emperor Severus in Britain was not quite four years, it is probable that the two laft of them were employed in building this wall ; according to which account, it was begun A. D. 209, and finifhed A. D. 210. i his wall of Severus was built nearly on the fame tradt with Hadrian’s rampart, at the diftance only of a few paces north. The length of this wall, from Coufins* houfe near the mouth of the river Tyne on the eaft, to Boulnefs on the Solway frith on the weft, hath been found, from two adlual menfurations, t© be a little more than 68 Englifh miles, and a little lei's than 74 Roman miles. To the north of the wall was a broad and deep ditch, the original dimenfions of which cannot now Be afeertained, only it feems to have been larger than that of Hadrian. The wall itfelf, which ftood on the fouth brink of the ditch, was built of free-ftone, and where the foundation was not good, it is built on piles of oak ; the interftices between the two faces of this wall is filled with broad thin (tones, placed not perpendicu¬ larly, but obliquely on their edges ; the running mortar or cement was then poured upon them, which, by its great (trength and tenacity, bound the whole together, and made it firm as a rock. But though thefe mate¬ rials are fufficiently known, it is not eafy to guel's where they were procured, for many parts of the wall are at a great diftance from any quarry of free (tone ; and, though (lone of another kind was within reach, yet it does not appear to have been anywhere ufed. The height of this w'all was 12 feetbefides the parapet, and its breadth 8 feet, according to Bede, who lived only at a fmall diftance from the eaft end of it, and in whofe time it was almoft quite entire in many places. Such was the w'all eredfed by the command and under the direftion of the emperor Severus in the north of England; and, confidering the length, breadth, height, and folidity, it v/as certainly a work of great magnificence and pro¬ digious labour. But the wall itfelf was but a part, and not the moft extv&ordinary part, of this work. The great number and different kinds of fortreffes which were built along the line of it for its defence, and the military ways with which it w'as attended, are dill more worthy of our admiration, and come now to be de- feribed. The fortreffes which were ere fled along the line of Severus’s wall for its defence, were of three different kinds, and three different degrees of (Length; and were called by three different Latin words, which may be tranflated Jlations, cajllts, and turrets. Of each of thefe in their order. The Jlationes, ftations, were fo called from their (la¬ bility and the dated refidence of garrifons. They were alfo called cajlra, which hath been converted into chejlres, a name which many of them dill bear. Thefe were by far the larged, ftrongelt, and moft magnificent of the fortreffes which were built upon the wall, and were defigned for the head-quarters of the cohorts of troops which were placed there in garrifon, and from whence detachments were fent into the adjoining baffles and turrets. Thefe ftations, as appears from the vef- tiges of them which are dill vifible, were not all exadl- ly of the fame figure nor of the fame dimenfions ; fome of them being exaftly fquares, and others oblong, and fome of them a little larger than others. Thefe varia¬ tions were no doubt occalioned by the difference of ii- 8, tuation Sevenji, S E V Heveru*. tuation and other circumftances. *v~- fortified with deep ditches and flrong walls, the wall itfelf coinciding with and forming the north wall of each ftation. Within the ftations were lodgings for the officers and foldiers in garrifon; the fmalleft of them being Efficient to contain a cohort, or 600 men. Without the walls of each ftation was a town, inhabit¬ ed by labourers, artificers, and others, both Romans and Britons, who chofe to dwell under the protedion of thefe fortreffes. The number of the ftations upon the wall was exadiy 18 ; and if they had been placed at equal diftaaces, the interval between every two of them would have been four miles and a few paces: but the intervention of rivers, marlhes, and mountains; the conveniency of fituations for ftrength, profped, and water ; and many other circumftances to us unknown, determined them to place thefe ftations at unequal dif- tances. The fituation which was always chofen by the Romans, both here and everywhere elfe in Britain where they could obtain it, was the gentle declivity of a hill,:neara river, and facing the meridian fun. Such was the fituation of the far greateft part of the ftations on this wall. In general, we may obferve, that the ftations flood thickeft near the two ends and in the [ 323 i ;s E v The ftations were of them which are ftill vifible, were exad fquares of Severe*. 66 feet every way. They were fortified on every fide with thick and lofty walls, but without any ditch, ex¬ cept on the north fide ; on which the wall itfelf, raifed much above its ufual height, with the ditch attending it, formed the fortification. The cattles were fituated in the intervals between the ftations, at the diftance of about feven furlongs from each other ; though parti¬ cular circumftances fometimes occafioned a little vari¬ ation. In thefe cattles, guards were conftantly kept by a competent number of men detached from the neareft ftations. The turns, or turrets, were the third and laft kind of fortifications on the wall. Thefe w’ere ftill much fmaller than the cattles, and formed only a fquare of about 12 feet, Handing out of the wall on its fouth fide. Being fo fmall, they are more entirely ruined than the ftations and cattles, which makes it difficult to difcover their exaft number. They flood in the in¬ tervals between the cattles ; and from the faint veftigea of a few of them, it is conje&ured that there were four of them between every two caftles, at the diftance of about 300 yards from one another. According to this conjecture, the number of the turrets amounted to 324. middle, probably becaufe the danger of invafion was They were defigned for watch-towers and places for greateft in thefe places. But the reader will form a fentinels, who, being within hearing of one another. clearer idea of the number of thefe ftations, their La¬ tin and Englifh names, their fituation and diftance from one another, by infpc&ing the following table, than we can give him with equal brevity in any other way. The firft column contains the number of the ftation, reckon¬ ing from eaft to weft ; the fecond contains its Latin, and the third its Englifh name ; and the three laft its diftance from the next flat ion to the weft of it, in miles, furlongs, and chains. N° Latin Name. | Engliffi Name. M Sege dunum Pons iElii Condercum Vindobala Hunnum Cilurnum 7 j Procolitia 8 [ Borcovicus 9 Vindolana iEfica Magna Coufms’-houfe Newcaftle Benwell hill Rutchefter Halton-chefters W alw ick-chefter s Carrawbrugh Houfefteeds Little-chefters Great-chefteis i Carrvoran 12! Amboglanna Burdofwald Petriana Aballaba Conga vata Cambeck YVatchcrofs Stanwix A xelodunum; Brugh Gabroientum, Brumbrugh Tunn«celum j Boulnefs I Length of the wall F. 5 c 6 9 1 1 5 3 6 1 6 2 6 1 3 o 4 o could convey an alarm or piece of intelligence to all parts of the wall in a very little time. Such weie the ftations, caftles, and turrets, on the wall of Severus ; and a very confiderable body of troops was conftantly quartered in them for its defence. The ufual complement allowed for this fervice was qa follows: 1. Twelve cohorts* of foot, confifting of 6op men each, - * 7t200 2. One cohort of mariners in the ftation;at Boul¬ nefs, - - , 600 3. One detachment of Moors,’probably equal to a cohort, - - 600 4. Four alae or wings of horfe, confiding, at the lowett computation, of 400 each, - 1,600 10,000 The capita, or caft les, were the fecond kind of for- tifications which were built along the line of this wall for its defence. Thefe caftles were neither fo large nor ftrong as the ftations, but much more numerous, being no fewer than 81. T.he firapc and dimentions of the caftles, as appears from the foundations of many For the conveniency of marching thefe troops from one part of the wall to another, with the greater eafe and expedition, on any fervice, it was attended with two military ways, paved with fquare {tones, in the molt folid and beautiful .manner. One of thefe ways was fmaller, and the other larger. The fmaller military way run clofe along the fouth fide of the wall, from turret to turret, and cattle to cattle, for the ufe of the foldiers in relieving their guards and centinels, and luch fervices. The larger way did not keep fo near the wall, nor touch at the turrets or caftles, but purfued the moll direft courfe from one ftation to another, and was defigned for the conveniency of marching larger bodies of troops. It is to be regretted, that we cannot gratify the reader’s cmioiity, by informing him by what particu¬ lar bodies of Roman troops the feveral parts of this great work were executed ; as we were enabled to do with regard to the w’all of Antoninus Pius from in- fcriptioiis. For though it is probable that there were S s 2 ftones § E V [ 324 ] S E V ftones with infcriptioris of the fame hind, mentioning' the feveral bodies of troops, and the quantity of work performed by each of them, originally inferted in the face of this Wall, yet none of them are now to be found. There have indeed been dilcovered, in or near the ruins ol this wall, a great number of fmall fquare ftones, with very fhort, and generally imperfeft, infcrip- tions upon them ; mentioning particular legions, co¬ horts, and centuries ; but without direftly after ting that they had built any part of the wall, or naming any number of paces. Oi thefe infcriptions, the reader may lee no fewer than twenty-nine among the Nor¬ thumberland and Cumberland infcriptions in Mr Horf- ley’s Britannia Romana. As the ftones on which thefe infcriptions are cut are of the fame fhape and fize with the other facing-ftones of this wall, it is almoft certain that they have been originally placed in the face of it. It is equally certain, from the uniformity of thefe in¬ fcriptions, that they were all intended to intimate fome one thing, and nothing fo probable as that the adjacent wall was built by the troops mentioned in them. This was, perhaps, fo well underftood, that it was not thought neceflary to be exprefled ; and the diftance of thefe in¬ fcriptions from one another fhowed the quantity of work periormed. If this was really the cafe, we know in ge¬ neral, that this great work was executed by the fecond and fixth legions, thefe being the only legions mention¬ ed in thefe infcriptions. Now, if this prodigious wall, with all its appendages of ditches, ftations, caftles, tur¬ rets, and military ways, was executed in the fpace of two years by two legions only, which, when moft com¬ plete, made no more than 1 z,ooo men, how greatly muft we admire the /kill, the induftry, and excellent difcipline of the Roman foldiers, who were not only the valiant guardians of the empire in times of war, but its moft a&ive and ufeful members in times of peace ? i his wall of Severus, and its fortreftes, proved an impenetrable barrier to the Roman territories for near 200 years. But about the beginning of the 5th cen¬ tury, the Roman empire being alfaulted on all Tides, and the bulk of their forces withdrawn from Britain, the Masalas and Caledonians, now called Scots and Pi8s, became more daring; and fome of them break¬ ing through the wall, and others failing round the ends of it, they carried their ravages into the very heart of Provincial Britain. Thefe invaders were indeed leveral times repulfed after this by the Roman legions fent to the relief of the Britons. The laft of thefe legions, under the command of Gallio of Ravenna, having, with the aftifiance of the Britons, thoroughly repaired the breaches of Severus’s wall and its fortreffes, and exhort¬ ed the Britons to make a brave defence, took their final farewell of Britain. It foon appeared, that the ftrong- eft walls and ramparts are no fecurity to an undifcipli- ned and daftardly rabble, as the unhappy Britons then ■were. The Scots and Pifts met with little refiftance in breaking through the wall, while the towns and caftles were tamely abanaoned to their deftruftive rage. In many places they levelled it with the ground, that it might prove no obftruftion to their future inroads.— Prom this time no attempts were ever made to repair this noble work. Its beauty and grandeur procured it no refpect in the dark and taftelels ages which fuc- ceeded. It became the common quarry for more than a thoufand years, out of which all the towns and vil¬ lages around were built; and is now fo entirely ruined, Sevigne, that the penetrating eyes of the moft poring and pa- V—-J tient antiquarian, can hardly trace its vanifhing founda¬ tions. / SEVIGNE (Marie de Rabutin, Marquifte de), a French lady, was born in 1626. When only a year old fhe loft her father, who was killed in the defcent of the Englifh on the ifle of Rhe, where he commanded a company of volunteers. In 1644 fhe married the Mar¬ quis of Sevigne, who was flain in a duel by the Cheva¬ lier d’Albret, in 1651. She had by him a fon and a daughter, to the education of whom fhe afterwards re- ligioufly devoted herfelf. Her daughter was married in 1669 to the Count of Grignan, who conduced her to Provence. Madame de Sevigne confoled herfelf by writing frequent letters to her daughter. She fell at laft the vidlim to her maternal tendernefs. In one of her vilits to Grignan, fhe fatigued herfelf fo much du¬ ring the ficknefs of her daughter, that fhe was feized with a fever, which carried her off on the 1 4th of Ja¬ nuary 1696. We have two portraits of Madame de Sevigne; the one by the Compte de Bufii, the other by Madame de la Fayette. The firft exhibits her defe&s ; the fecond her excellencies. Buffi defcribes her as a lively gay coquette, a lover of flattery, fond of titles, ho¬ nour, and diltinftion : M. de la Fayette as a woman of wit and good fenfe, as poffefled of a noble foul, form¬ ed for difpenhng benefits, incapable of debafing herfelf by avarice, and blefftd with a generous, obliging, and faithful heart. Both thefe portraits are in fome mea- fure juft. That fhe was vain-glorious, appears evident from her owm letters, which, on the other hand, ex¬ hibit undoubted proofs of her virtue and goodnefs of heart. This illuftrious lady was acquainted with all the wits of her age. It is faid that fhe decided the famous dif- pute between Perrault and Boileau concerning the pre¬ ference of the ancients to the moderns, thus, “ The an¬ cients are the fineft, and we are the prettieft.” She left behind her a moft valuable collection of letters, the belt edition of which is that of 1775, in 8 vols 1 2mo. “Thefe letters (fays Voltaire) aie filled with anec- Sink de dotes, written with freedom, and in a natural and amma.-L-uis XIV* ted ftyle ; are an excellent criticifm upon ftudied letters.tom* u' of wit, and ftill more upon thofe fictitious letters which aim at the epiftolary ftyle, by a recital of falfe fenti- ments and feigned adventures to an imaginary corre- fpondertt.” It were to be wifhed that a proper felec- tion had been made of thefe letters. It is difficult to read eight volumes of letters, which, though inimitably written, prefent frequent repetitions, and are often filled with trifles. What makes them in general per¬ haps fo interefting is, that they are in part hiftori- cal. They may be looked upon as a relation of the manners, the ton, the genius, the fafhious, the eti¬ quette, which reigned in the court of Louis XIV. They contain many curious anecdotes nowhere elfe to be found : But thefe excellencies would be ftill more ftriking, were they fometimes ftripped of that multi¬ tude of domeftic affairs and minute incidents which ought naturally to have died with the mother and the daughter. A volume entitled Sevigniana was publifhed at Paris in 1756, which is nothing more than a collection of the fine fentiments, literary and hiftorical anecdotes, and moral apothegms, featured throughout thefe letters. SEVILLE, Seville- ^Toiunf'en£ Travels t vol. ii. REV r 325 SEVILLE, a large and populous city of Spain, {lands on the banks of the Guadalquiver, in the midft of a rich, and to the eye a boundlefs, plain ; in W. Long. 50 5' N. Lat. 370 20'. This city is fuppofed to have been founded by the Phoenicians, who gave it the name of Hifpalis. When it fell under the power of the Romansj it was called Julia ; and at lall, after a variety of corruptions, was called Sebil/a or Sevilla ; both of which names are retained by the Spaniards. The Romans embellilhed it with many magnificent edifices ; of which fcarce any veilige now remains. The Go¬ thic kings for fome time made it their refidence : but in procefs of time they removed their court to Toledo ; and Seville was taken by ftorm foon after the viftory obtained at Xeres over the Gothic king Rodrigo.— In 1027, Seville became an independent monarchy ; but was conquered 70 years afterwards by Yufef Al- moravides, an African prince. At laft it was taken by Ferdinand III. after a year’s fiege ; and 300,000 Moors were then obliged to leave the place. Not- writh{landing this prodigious emigration, Seville con¬ tinued to be a great and populous city, and foon after it was enlarged and adorned with many magnificent buildings, the chief of which is the cathedral. Seville arrived at its utmoll pitch of grandeur a little after the difcovery of America, the reafon of which was, that all the valuable productions of the Well Indies were carried thither. Its court was then the moft fplendid in Europe; but in the courfe of a few years all this grandeur difap- peared, owing to the impediments in navigating the Gua¬ dalquiver. The fuperior excellence ot the port of Ca¬ diz induced government to order the galeons to be Ra¬ tioned there in time to come. Seville is of a circular form, and is furrounded by a wall about five miles and a half in circumference, con¬ taining 176 towers. The ditch in many places is filled up. The ftreets of Seville are crooked and dirty, and moft of them fo narrow that two carriages can fcarcely pafs one another abrealt. Seville is faid to contain 80,268 fouls, and is divi¬ ded into 30 parifhes. It has 84 convents, with 24 hof- pitals. r Of the public edifices of this city the cathedral is the moil magnificent. Its dimenfions are 420 feet in length, 263 in breadth within the walls, and 126 feet in height. It has nine doors, 80 altars, at which 500 maffes are daily celebrated, and 80 windows of painted glafs, each of which coft: 1000 ducats. At one angle Hands a tower of Moorifh workmanlhip 350 feet high. On the top of it is the giralda, or large brazen image, which, with its palm branch, weighs near one ton and a half, yet turns as a weather-cock with the flightell variation of the wind. The whole work is brick and mortar. The paffage to the top is an inclined plane, which winds about in the infide in the manner of a fpi- ral ilaircafe, fo eafy of afeent that a horfe might trot from the bottom to the top; at the fame time it is fo wide that two horfemen may ride abreaft. What ap¬ pears very unaccountable, the folid mafonry in the up¬ per half is juft as thick again as that in the lower, tho’ on the outfide the tower is all the way of the fame di¬ menfions. In the opinion of Mr Swinburne, this ca¬ thedral is inferior to Yorkminfter. Its treafures are ineftimable ; one altar with all its ornaments is folid fil- ver; of the fame metal are the images of St Ifidore Seville. ] S E V and St Leander, which are as large as the life ; and a tabernacle for the boll more than four yards high, v adorned with eight and forty columns. Before the choir of the cathedral is the tomb ol the celebrated Chriftopher Columbus, the difeoverer of America. His monument confills of one flone only, on which thefe t words are inferibed, si Caflella y sirragon otro mundo Bourgianne s dio Colon ; that is, “ To Callile and Arragon Col urn- v bus gave another world an infeription fimple and ex- preffive, the juftnefs of which will be acknowledged by thofe who have read the adventures of this illuftrious but unfortunate man. The cathedral was begun by Don Sancho the Brave, about the clofe of the 13th century, and finifhed by John Ily about an hundred years after. To the cathedral belongs a library of 20,000 volumes, collecled by Hernando the fon ot Co¬ lumbus ; but, to the drfgrace of the Spaniards, it has fcarcely received any addition fince the death of the founder. The organ in this cathedral is a very inge-^ v ^ ... nious piece of mechanifmf. “ I was much pleafed (lays^ * Mr Townfend in his interefting travels) with the con- itruftion of a new organ, containing 5300 pipes, with no Hops, which latter, as the builder told me, is 50 more than are in the famous one of Harlem ; yet, lo ample ar e the bellows, that when ftretched they fupply the full organ 15 minutes. The mode of filhng them with air is Angular ; for inftead of working with his hands, a man walks backwards and forwards along an inclined plane of about 15 feet in length, which is ba¬ lanced in the middle on its axis ; under each end is a pair of bellows, of about fix feet by three and an half. Thefe communicate with five other pair united by a bar ; and the latter are fo contrived, that when they are in danger of being over drained, a valve is lifted up, and gives them relief. Faffing 10 times along the inclined plane fills all thefe veflels.” The Canos de Carmone, or great aqueduct of Se- ^vitnbume s ville, is reckoned by the hiftorians of this city one TraW/* of the moil wonderful works of antiquity. Mr Swin-!‘ * ^ burne, however, remarks, that it is ugly, crooked, the arches unequal, and the architefture negledled. The conduit is fo leaky, that a rivulet is formed by the walle water. Neverthelefs, it Hill conveys to the city an ample fupply of water fufficient to turn feveral mills, and to give almoll every koufe in town the bene¬ fit of it. Many of the convents are remarkable for the beauty of their architefture ; but in Seville the eye covets only piftures, of which there is a wonderful profufion. A- mong thefe are the works of the famous painter Mu¬ rillo, with many others univerfally admired. The convent of the Francifcans contains 15 cloifters, with apartments for 2 GO monks, though, when Mr Townfend vifited them, they amounted only to 140. The annual expenditure of thefe, who are all fed on Townfeni-nr charity, is about L.4000 Sterling. “ In the principal Travels^ cloifter (fays the fame intelligent traveller), which is^ entirely inclofed by a multitude of little chapels, are re-1 J prefented, in 14 piftures, each called a Jlation, all the fufferiugs of the Redeemer. Thefe are fo arranged as to mark given diftances by walking round the eloiller from the firfl to the fecond, and fo in order to the reft. Over them is mentioned the number of fteps taken by our Lord between the feveral incidents of his paffion in his way to Calvary ; and thefe precifely are the paces mea- Seville. SEV [326] SEW meafured for the penitents xn their progrefs from one ftation to another. Over one is the following infcrip- tion : ‘ This ftation confifts of 1087 fteps. Here the blefled Redeemer fell a fecond time under the weight of his crofs, and here is to be gained the indulgence of feven years and forty quarantines. Mental prayer, the Paternofter, and the A ve Maria/ This may ferve as an example for the reft.” The principal manufa&ure of Seville is fnuff. Mr Townfend, who paid particular attention to it, informs us, that the building in which it is carried on is elegant and fimple in its form, and is about 600 feet by 480, and not lefs than 60 feet in height, with four regular fronts, incloling 28 quadrangles. It coft 37,000,000 of reals, or about L. 370,000. At prefent (1787), no more than 1700 workmen are employed, and 100 horfes or mules ; but formerly 3000 men were engaged, and near 400 horfes. This falling off is attributed by Mr Swinburne to a praftice which the directors follow¬ ed, of adulterating the tobacco with the red earth of Almazarron. When Mr Townfend vilited this manu¬ facture, they had changed their fyftem. From the year 1780, he informs us, the annual fale of tobacco from Brazil has been 1,500,000 pounds, purchafed from the Portuguefe at three reals a pound; and of ihuff from the produce of their own colonies 1,600,000 pounds, befide cigars (a) to a very confrderable a- mount. They have lying by them more than 5,000,000 of pounds of fnuff unfold ; but as it will not fuffer by age, they are not uneafy at this accumulation. Befides the peculiar kind of fnuff with which Spain was accu- ftomed to fupply the market, they have lately introdu¬ ced the manulatture of rappee. In this branch alone are employed 220 perfons, old and young, with 16 mules. “ All the workmen (continues Mr Townfend) depofit their cloaks at the door; and when they go out are fo Itriftly examined, that they have little chance of being able to conceal tobacco; yet they fometimes venture to hide it about their perfons. An officer and a guard is al¬ ways attending to take delinquents into cuftody; and that they may prevent refiftance, no workman is permitted to enter with a knife. Were it not for this precaution, the confequence of a dete&ion might be fatal. The whole bufinels is conducted by a director, with a falary of 40,000 reals a-year, and 54 fuperior officers, affifted by as many fubordinate to them. For grinding their fnuff, they have 40 mills, each confifting of a ftone roller, moved by a large horfe or mule, with the traces faften- ed to a beam of eight feet in length, in the angle of 45 degrees, confequently lofing precii’ely half his force. ” Before Mr Townfend left Seville, according to his ufual pra&ice, which was truly laudable, he enquired into the prices of labour and proviljons. As a piece of curious and ufeful information, and as an example to ..other travellers, we prefent them to our readers. They are as follow : Day-labourers - 4J reals, about L. O 01 o| Carpenters from 7 to 11 Joiners, if goodwork- men, - 24 —— or -049 Weavers, if good workmen, 15 reals, about - . L. o 3 o Bread, for 3 lb. of 16 oz. or 16quartos, or o o 44 fometiraes 28 quartos, or o o 74 Beef, 30 quartos for 32 oz. per lb. about o o 44 Mutton, 38 do. do. - - 00 544 Kid, 24 do. - - 0034 Pork from 36 to 42 quartos, do. 5" or 0 0 5;nr ( t0 0 0 5tt The price of wheat has at different periods been very remarkable. In 1652, it fold at the rate of 15 s. 34d. the buffiel ; and in J657, it fell fo low as 1 s. 4jd. per buihel, reckoning the fanega at 1094 lb. and the buffiel at 70. SEVUM Minerale, mineral tallow; a fubftance fomewhat refembling tallow, found on the fea-coafts of Finland in the year 1736. It burns with a blue flame, and fmell of greafe, leaving a black vifcid matter which cannot ealily be confumed. It is extremely light ; be¬ ing only of the fpecific gravity of 0.770 ; whereas tal¬ low is not lefs than 0.969. It is partly foluble in highly rectified fpirit of wine ; but entirely fo in ex- preffed oils when boiling. It is met with in fome of the rocky parts of Perfia, but there it appears to be mix¬ ed with petrolseum. Dr Herman of Strafburg mentions a fpring in the neighbourhood of that city which con¬ tains a fubftance of this fort diffufed through it, fepa- rating, and capable of being colledted on ebullition A fat mineral matter refembling butter or tallow has lately been extrafted from peat in Lancafhire. See Peat. SEWAURY, a Hindoo word ufed in Bengal, and fignifying the train of attendants that accompany a na¬ bob or .great man. SEWER, in the Houfehold, an officer who arranges on the table the difhes of a king or nobleman. Sewer is alfo a paffage or gutter made to carry wa¬ ter into the fea or a river, whereby to preferve the land, &c. from inundations and other annoyances. Court of Commijf oners of SsirERs in England, a tem¬ porary tribunal, erected by virtue of a eommiffion un¬ der the great feal ; which formerly ufed to be grant¬ ed pro re nata at the pleafure of the crown, but now at the difcretion and nomination of the lord chancellor, lord treafurer, and chief juftices, purfuant to the ftatute 23 Hen. VIII. c. 5. Their jurifdidtion is to overlook the repairs of fea-banks and fea-walls, and the cleanfing of rivers, public ftreams, ditches, and other conduits, whereby any waters are carried off; and is confined to fuch county or particular diftridi as the commiffion fhall exprefsly name. The commiffioners are a court of re¬ cord, and may fine and imprifon for contempts; and in the execution of their duty may proceed by jury, or upon their own view, and may take order for the remo¬ val of any annoyances, or the fateguard and conferva- tion of the fewers within their commiffion, either ac¬ cording to the laws and cuftoms of Romney-marffi, or Otherwife at their own difcretion. They may alfo af- fefs fuch rates or foots upon the owners of lands within their diftrid as they fhall judge neceffary: and if any perfon refufes to pay them, the commiffioners may levy the Sevum II Sewer. (a) Thefe arc little rolls of tobacco which the Spaniards fmoke without a pipe. SEW C 3*7 ] SEX * may. bv'ftatute 23 Hen. VIII. c. 5. fell his freehold- tions acrofs the ftreets, aqd paffed under buildings of • lands (and by the 7 Ann. c. 10. his copyhold alfo), in the greatelt antiquity. T-his derangement indeed he order to pay fuch fcots or afleffments. But their con* imputes to the hatty rebuilding of the city after its de- duft is under the controul of the court of King’s-bench, ftru&iqn by the Gauls ; but hafte, it is probable, would which will prevent or punifh any illegal or tyrannical have determined the people to build on their old foun-- proceedings. And yet in the reign of King James I. dations, or at lead not to change them fo much as to (8th Nov. 1616.), the privy-council took upon them crofs the direftion of former (treets. to order, that no aftion or complaint fhould be profe- SEX, the property by which r~ according to the modern method ; as Linnaeus, &c. SEZAWUL, a Hindoo word, ufed in Bengal to exprefs an officer employed at a monthly falary to col¬ lect the revenues. SFORZA (James), was the founder of the illuftri- ous houfe of Sforza, which afted lo confpicuousa part in Italy during the 15th and 16th centuries, which gave fix dukes to Milan, and contrafted alliances with almoft eve¬ ry fovereign in Europe. James Sforza v/as born on the 28th of May 1369, at Catignola, a fmall town in Italy, lying between Irnola and Faenza. His father was a day-labourer, or, according to Commines, a fhoemaker. ■ A company of foldiers happening one day to pais through Catignola, he was feized with the defire of ac¬ companying them to the wars. “ I will go (faid he to himfelf), and dart my hatchet againft that tree, and if it ftick faft in the wood, I will immediately become a foldier.” The hatchet accordingly ftuck fait, and our adventurer enlifled; and becaufe, fays the Abbe de Choifi, he had thrown the axe with all his force, he aflumed the name of Sforza ; for his true name was Giacomuzzo, or James Attendulo. He rofe rapidly in the army, and foon became commander of 7000 men. He defended the caufe of Jane II. queen of Naples for many years, and was made conftable of her kingdom. He was crea¬ ted Count of Catignola by pope John XXII. by way of paying a debt of 14000 ducats which the church of Rome owed him. His exploits became every day more illuftrious : he obliged Alphonfo king of Arragon to raife the fiege of Naples; and reduced feveral places that had revolted inx^bruzzo and Le Labour; but while in purfuit of his enemies he was unfortunately drowned in the river Aterno on the 3d January 1424, at the age of 54 yrears. His heroic qualities and the continual wars in which he was engaged, did not hinder him from forming an attachment to the fair fex. In his youth he fell in love with a woman called Lucia Lrezana, whom he married after fhe had born him feveral children. He married afterwards Antoinette Salembini, who brought him feveral excellent eHates ; fhe bore him Bofio Sfor¬ za, compte of Santa-Flor, a warrior and governor of Orvietca for Pope Martin V. His third wife was Ca¬ tharine Alopa, filler of Rodolpho, grand chamberlain to the fovereign of Naples. His laft wife, for he was four times married, was Mary Marzana, daughter to the duke of Sella. She bore him Charles Sforza, who was general of the order of Augultines, and archbifhop of Milan. Sforza (Francis), the fon of James Sforza by Lucia Trezana, was born in 1401, and trained up by his father to the profeffion of arms. At the age of 23 he defeated the troops of Braccio, who difputed with him the palfage of the Aterno. In this ac¬ tion his father was drowned, and Francis, though il¬ legitimate, fucceeded him. He fought fuccefsfully a- gainft the Spaniards, and contributed a great deal both towards railing the liege of Naples, and to the vi&ory which was gained over the troops of Braccio near A- quila in 1425, where that general was killed. After the death of queen Jane, in 1435, he efpoufed the in¬ ter efts of the duke of Anjou, to whom (he had left her crown, and by his courage and abilities ably fupported that unfortunate prince. He made himfelf mafter of feveral places in Ancona, from which he was driven by l II pope Eu i'enius IV. who defeated and excommunicated him ; but he loon reellablilhed his affairs by a victory. His reputation was now fo great, that the pope, the Ve¬ netians, and the Florentines, chofe him for their gene¬ ral againft the duke of Milan. Sforza had already con- dufted Venetian armies againft that prince, though he had efpoufed his daughter. The duke dying in 1447, the inhabitants of Milan invited Sforza, his fon-in-law, to lead them againft that duke. But, after fome exer¬ tions in their favour, he turned his arms againft them- lelves, laid fiege to Milan, and obliged them to re¬ ceive him as duke, notwithftanding the rights of Charles duke of Orleans, the fon of Valentine of Milan. In 1464, Louis XI. who hated Orleans, gave up to Sfor¬ za the rights which the crown of France had over Ge¬ noa, and even put into his hands Savona, a town be¬ longing to that republic. The duke of Milan foon af¬ ter made himfelf mailer of Genoa. He died in 1466, with the reputation of a man who was willing to fell his blood to the bell purchafer, and who was not too fcrupulous an obferver of his word. His fecond wife was Blanche Marie, natural daughter of Philip Marie duke of Milan. She bore him Galeas Marie, and Lu- dovie Marie, dukes of Milan, Philip Marie count of Pavia, Sforza Marie duke ol Bari, Afcagne Marie bi- ffiop of Pavia and Cremona, and a cardinal. He was taken prifoner by the troops of Louis XII. and confi¬ ned for fome time in the tower of Bourges. He was a cunning man, and deceived Cardinal d’ Amboife when that prelate afpired at the papacy. His daughters were Hyppolita, married to Alphonfo of Arragon, afterwards king ol Naples; and Elizabeth, married to William marquis of Montferrat. He had befides feveral natural children. SHACK, in ancient cuftoms, a liberty of winter- pafturage. In the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, the lord of the manor has lhack, i. e. a liberty of feeding his Iheep at pleafure in his tenants lands during the fix winter months. In Norfolk, lhack alfo extends to the common for hogs, in all men’s grounds, from the endofharveft till feed-time. Whence to go a-Jhack, is to feed at k:rge. SHACKLES, aboard a Ihip, are thofe oblong iron rings, bigger at one end than at the other, with which the ports are Ihut faft, by thrufting the wooden bar of the port through them. There is alfo a fort of lhackles to lift the hatches up with, of a like figure, but fmaller. They are faftened at the corners of the hatches. SHAD, in ichthyology, a fpecies of Clupea. SHADDOCK, a fpecies of Citrus. SHADOW, in optics, a privation or diminution of light by the interpofition ©f an opaque body ; or it is a plane where the light is either altogether obftrudled* or greatly weakened, by the interpofition of fome opaque body between it and the luminary. Shadow, in painting, an imitation of a real lhadow, effedled by gradually heightening and darkening the colours of fuch figures as by their difpofitions cannot receive any diredl rays from the luminary that is fuppo- fed to enlighten the piece. Shadow, in perfpe&ive, the appearance of an opaque body, and a luminous one, whofe rays diverge (f. gr. a candle, lamp, &c.), being given j to find the juft ap¬ pearance S H A [ 33* j S H A Shadwell pearance of the (hadow, according to the laws of per. !! fpeftive. The method is this : From the luminous bo- ghafccflm y. which is here confidered as a point, let fall a per¬ pendicular to the perfpeftive plane or table ; i. e. find the appearance of a point upon which a perpendicular, drawn from the middle of the luminary, falls on the per* ipeftive plane ; and from the feveral angles, or raifed points ot the body, let fall perpendiculars to the plane. Thefe points, whereon the perpendiculars fall, connedt by right lines, with the point upon which the perpen¬ dicular let fall from the luminary falls ; and continue the lines to the fide oppofite to the luminary. Laftly, through the raifed points draw lines through the centre of the luminary, interfedting the former ; the points of interfedlion are the terms or bounds of the fhadow. SHAD WELL (Thomas), defcended of an ancient family in Staffordihire, was born in 1640, and educated at Caius college, Cambridge. He then was placed in the Middle Temple to ftudy the laws ; where having fpent fome time, he travelled abroad. Upon his return home, he became acquainted with the moft celebrated perfons of wit in that age. He applied himfelf chiefly to dramatic writing, in which he had great fuccefs ; and upon the Revolution was made poet laureat and hifto- riographer to king William and queen Mary, in the room ofMrDryden. Thefe employments he enjoyed till his death, which happened in 1692. Befide his drama¬ tic writings, he compofed feveral other pieces of poetry; the chief of which are his congratulatory poem on the prince of Orange’s coming to England ; another on queen Mary; his tranflation of Juvenal’s 10th fatire, See. Mr Dryden treats him with great contempt, in his fatire called Mac-Fieckno. The bell judges of that age, however, gave their teftimony in favour of his co¬ medies ; which have in them fine ftrokes of humour ; the characters are often original, ftrongly marked, and well fuftained. An edition of his works, with fome account of his life and writings prefixed, was publilhed in 1720, in 4 vols 8vo. SHAFT of a Column, in building, is the body thereof between the bafe and capital; fo called from its ftraightnefs. See Architecture. Shaft, in mining, is the pit or hollow entrance into the mine. In the tin-mines, after this is funk about a fathom, they leave a little, long, fquare place, which is called a Jhamlle. Shafts are funk fome ten, fome twenty fathoms deep into the earth, more or lefs. Of thefe lhafts, there is the landing or working {haft, where they bring up the work or ore to the furface; but if it be worked by a horle engine or whim, it is called a ivhim-jhnft; and where the water is drawn out of the mine, it is indif¬ ferently named an engine-Jhafty or the rod-Jhaft. See Mine. Shaft, in ornithology. See Trochilus. SHATTESBURY, a town of Dorfetlhire in Eng- land, in W. Long. 2. 20. N. Lat. 51. o. It liaodson a high hill, and is built in the form of a bow. It en¬ joys a lerene wholefome air, and has a fine profpedt. It is a good thoroughfare, is governed by a mayor, and fends two members to parliament. This town is fup- pofed to have been built in the 8th century, and to have been enlarged by king A-lfied, and had 1 2 churches, be- fidts a Benediftine monailery, in the time of the Saxons, but has now only three. St Edward the martyr was buried here. It had three mints before the conqueft, Shaftefbury and, in the reign of Henry VIII. was the fee of a fuf- |j fragan bifhop. It was incorporated by queen Elizabeth Shake- and Charles II. and is governed by a mayor, recorder, i>e^le' a twelve aldermen, bailiffs, and a common-council. It contains about 320 houfes, many of which are of free-ftone. Water is fo fcarce, that it ufed to be fupplied from Motcomb ; but it was obtained £more commodioufly in 17(8, by means of engines, which raifed the water above 300 feet perpendicular, and conveyed it to a large ciftern in the middle of the town, from the diftance of two miles. Yet even this is laid afide, and they have dug feveral pits, in which they preferve the rain-water ; and the poor get their living to this day by fetching it in pails or on horfes. It gives the title of earl to the noble family of Cooper. Shaftesbury (earl of). See Cooper. SHAG, in ornithology. See Pelicanus. SHAGREEN, or Chagreen, in commerce, a kind of grained leather prepared of the flein of a fpecies of Squalus, much ufed in covering cafes, books, &c. Manner of preparing Shagreen. The Ikin, being flayed off, is ftretched out, covered over with multard- feed, and the feed bruifed on it ; and thus it is expofed to the weather for fome days, and then tanned. The bell is that brought from Conftantinople, of a brownifh colour; the white is the worft. It is ex¬ tremely hard ; yet, when fteeped in water, it becomes very foft and pliable ; whence it is of great ufe among cafe makers. It takes any colour that is given it, red, green, yellow, or black. It is frequently counterfeited by morocco, formed like lhagreen ; but this lall is di- ftinguiflied by its peeling off, which the firft does not. SHAIK properly fignifies an old man. In the call it is ufed to denote a lord or chief, a man of eminence and property. See Schiechs. SHAKE, in finging. See Trill. SHAKESPEARE or Shakspeare (William), the prince of dramatic writers, was born at Stratford upon Avon in Warwickfliire, on the 23d of April 1564. From the regiller of that towm, it appears that a plague broke out there on the 30th of June follow¬ ing, which raged with great violence ; but fortunately it did not reach the houfe in which this infant prodigy- lay. His father, John Shakefpeare, enjoyed a fmall patrimonial effate, and was a confiderable dealer in wool; his mother was the daughter and heir of Robert Arden of Wellingcote. Our illultrious poet being de- figned for the bufmefs of his father, received no better education than the inffruftions which the free-fchool of Stratford could afford. After applying fome time to the lludy of Latin, he was called home to afihl his father, who feems by fome accident to have been redu¬ ced in his circumftances. Before arriving at the age of 19, he married the daughter of Mr Hathawayj a fnbftantial yeoman in the neighbourhood of Stratford. This lady was eight years older than her hufband. Having the misfortune to fall into bad company, he was feduced into fome profligate aftions, which drew on him a criminal profecution, and at length forced him to take refuge in the capital. In concert with his affociates, he broke into a park belonging to Sir Thomas Lucy of Charlecote, and carried off fome of his deer. Every admirer of Shakefpeare will regret that inch a blemifli Ihould have llaioed his character : T t 2 hut, s H A [33 Shalse- but, perhaps, if any thing can extenuate his guilt, we fpcare. might afcribe it to the opinions of the age, which, per- baps, as was formerly the cafe in Scotland, might not diftinguifh the killing of deer by any mark of difgrace, or any charge of criminality. One thing at leaft is certain, that Shakefpeare himfelf thought that the pro- fecution which Sir Thomas raifed againft him was car¬ ried on with too great feverity; an opinion which he could not have entertained had this aftion been at that time viewed in the fame criminal light as it is at pre* fent. Shakefpeare teftified his refentment againft Sir Thomas, by writing a fatirical ballad, which exafpera- ted him fo much, that the procefs was carried en with redoubled violence ; and the young poet, in order to avoid the punifhment of the law, was obliged to make his efcape. This ballad would be confidered as a curi¬ ous relidh, on account of its being the firft production of Shakefpeare ; it would alfo be interefting to perufe a poem which could irritate the baronet to fo high a degree. Tradition has preferved the firft ftanza A parliamente member, a juftiee of peace, At home a poor fcare-crow, at London an afie. If lowfie is Lucy, as feme volke mifcalle it, Then Lucy is lowfie whatever befall it: He thinks himfelf greate, Yet an afi'e in his ftate, We allowe by his ears, but with afies to mate. If Lucy is lowfie, as fome velke mifcalle it, Sing lowfie Lucy whatever berall it. . If the reft of the ballad was of a piece with this ftanza, it might affift us to form fome opinion of the irritability of the baronet, but will enable us to form no idea of the opening genius of Shakefpeare. Thus expelled from his native village, he repaired to London, where he was glad to accept a fubordinate of¬ fice in the theatre. It has been faid that he was firft engaged, while the play was aching, in holding the horfes of thofe who rode to the theatre ; but this ftory refts on a flender foundation. As his name is found print¬ ed among thofe of the other players before fome old plays, it is probable that he was fome time employed as an aftor ; but we are not informed what charafters he played; we are only told, that the part which he ached beft was that of the Ghoft in Hamlet; and that he appeared in the charadter of Adam in S?s you like it. If the names of the aftors prefixed to Ben Jonfon’s play of Every Man in his Humour were ar¬ ranged in the fame order as the perfons reprefented, which is very probable, Shakefpeare played the part ot Old Knowell. We have reafon therefore to fuppofe, as far as we can argue’ from thefe few fafts, that he ge¬ nerally reprefented old men. See Malone’s Chrono¬ logy, in his edition of Shakefpeare. But though he was not qualified to ftiine as an ac- , tor, he was now in the fituation which could moft ef- fedhially roufe thofe latent fparks of genius which af¬ terwards burft forth with fo refplendent a flame. Be¬ ing well acquainted with the mechanical bufinefs of the theatre and the tafte ot the times ; pofleffed of a know¬ ledge of the characters of men refembling intuition, an imagination that ranged at large through nature, fe- leting the grand, the fublime, and the beautiful ; a ju¬ dicious caution, that difpofed him to prefer thofe plots which had already been found to pleafe j an uncommon 2 ] S H A fluency and force of expreffion ; he was qualified at ShaVe- once to eclipfe all who had gone before him. fpeare Notwithftanding the unrivalled genius of Shake-'’"“■’"V"" fpeare, moft of his plots were the invention of others ; which, however, he certainly much improved, if he did not entirely new-model. We are affured, that prior to the theatrical compofitions of Shakefpeare, dramatic pieces were written on the following fubjedts, viz. King John, King Richard II. and III. King Henry IV. and V. King Henry VIII. King Lear, Antony and Cleopatra, Meafure for Meafure, the Merchant of Venice, the Taming of a Shrew, and the Comedy of Errors. Among his patrons, the earl of Southampton is particularly honoured by him, in the dedication of two poems, Venus and Adonis, and Lucrece; in the latter efpecially, he exprefled himfelf in fuch terms as gives countenance to what is related of that patron’s diftinguifhed generofity to him. In the beginning of king James I.’s reign (if not fooner) he was one of the principal managers of the playhoufe, and conti¬ nued in it feveral years afterwards; till, having ac¬ quired fugh a fortune as fatisfied his moderate wifhes and views in life, he quitted the ftage, and all other bufinefs, and pafted the remainder of his time in an ho¬ nourable eafe, at his native town of Stratford, where he lived in a handfome houfe of his own purchafing, to which he gave the name of New Place ; and he had the good fortune to fave it from the flames in the dread¬ ful fire that confumed the greateft part of the town in 1614. In the beginning of the year 1616, he made his will, wherein he teftified his refpedt to his quondam partners in the theatre : he appointed his youngeft daughter, jointly with her hufband, his executors, and bequeathed to them the beft part of his eftate, which they came into the poflefllon of not long after. He died on the 23d of April following, being the 53d year of his age ; and was interred among his anceftors on the north fide of the chancel, in the great church of Stratford, where there is a handfome monument erefted for him, inferibed with the following elegiac diltich in Latin : 'Judicio Pyliumy genio Socratem, arte Maronem, Terra iegity Populus marety Olympus habet. In the year 1740, another very noble one was raifed to his memory, at the public expence, in Weftminfter-ab- bey ; an ample contribution tor this purpofe being made upon exhibiting his tragedy of Julius Caefar, at the theatre-royal in Drury-Lane, April 28th 1738. Nor muft we omit mentioning another teftimony of the veneration paid to his manes by the public in gene¬ ral, which is, that a mulberry-tree planted upon his eftate by the hands of this reverend bard, was cut down not many years ago; and the wood being converted to feveral domeftic ufes, was all eagerly bought at a high price, and each Angle piece treafured up by its purcha- fer as a precious memorial of the planter. The character of Shakefpeare as a dramatic writer has been often drawn, but perhaps never with more ac¬ curacy than by the pen of Dr Johnfon : “ Shakefpeare (fays he) is above all writers, at leaft above all modern writers, the poet of nature ; the poet that holds up to his readers a faithful mirror of manners and of life. c His S H A [ 333 1 S II A Shake* His chara&ers are not modified by the cuftoms ot par- iptarfi. ticular places, unpradhfed by the reft of the woild ; by the peculiarities of ftudies or profeffions, which can operate but upon fmall numbers ; or by the accidents of tranfient faihions or temporary opinions : they are the genuine progeny of common humanity, fuch as the world will always fupply, and cbfervation will always find. His perfons act and fpeak by the influence of thofe general paffions and principles by which all minds are agitated, and the whole fyftem of life is continued in motion. In the writings of other poets, a charadter is too often an individual; in thofe of Shakefpeare, it is commonly a fpecies. “ It is from this wide extenfion of defign that fo much inftrudtion is derived. It is this which fills the plays of Shakefpeare with pradfical axioms and domef- tic wifdom. It was faid of Euripides, that every verfe was a precept ; and it may be faid of Shakefpeare, that from his works may be colledfed a fyftem of civil and economical prudence. \ et his real power is not fhown in the fplendor of particular paffages, but by the pro- grefs of his fable, and the tenor of his dialogue ; and he that tries to recommend him by feledt quotations, will fucceed like the pedant in Hierocles, who, when he of¬ fered his houfe to fale, carried a brick in his pocket as a fpecimen. “ Upon every other ftage the univerfal agent is love, by whofe power all good and evil is diftributed, and every adfion quickened or retarded. But love is only one of many palfions ; and as it has no great influence upon the fum of life, it has little operation in the dra¬ mas of a poet who caught his ideas from the living world, and exhibited only what he faw before him. He knew that any other paffion, as it was regular or exorbitant, was a caufe of happinefs or calamity. “ Charadfers thus ample and general were not eafily diferiminated and preferved ; yet perhaps no poet ever kept his perfonages more diftindf from each other. “ Other dramatifts can only gain attention by hyper¬ bolical or aggravated characters, by fabulous and unex¬ ampled excellence or depravity, as the wi iters of bar¬ barous romances invigorated the reader by a giant and a dwarf; and he that fhould form his expectations of human affairs from the play, or from the tale, would be equally deceived. Shakefpeare has no heroes, his feenes are occupied only by men, who aCt and fpeak as the reader thinks that he fhould himfelf have fpoken or aCted on the fame occafion: Even where the agency is fupernatural, the dialogue is level with life. Other writers difguife the moft natural paffions and moft fre¬ quent incidents ; fo that he who contemplates them in the book will not know them in the world : Shake- Ipeare approximates the remote, and familiarizes the wonderful; the event which he reprefents will not hap¬ pen, but if it were pofiible, its effeCts would probably be fuch as he has affigned ; and it may be faid, that he has not only fhown human nature as it aCls in real exi¬ gencies, but as it would be found in trials to which it cannot be expofed. “ This therefore is the praife of Shakefpeare, that his diama is the mirror ot life ; that he who has mazed his imagination, in following the phantoms which other writers.raife up before him, may here be cured of his delirious eeftafies, by reading human fentiments in hu¬ man language ; by feenes from which a hermit may eftb mate the tranfa&ions of the world, and a confefTor pre¬ dict the progrefs of the palfions.” The learning of Shakefpeare has frequently been a fubjeCt of inquiry. That he poffeffed much clafiical knowledge does not appear, yet he was certainly ac¬ quainted with the Latin poets, particularly with Te¬ rence, as Colman has juftly remarked, which appears from his ufing the word thrafonical. Nor was he un¬ acquainted with French and Italian. We are indeed told, that the paffages in which thefe languages occur might be impertinent additions of the players ; but is it probable, that any of the players fo far furpaffed Shake¬ fpeare ? That much knowledge is fcattered over his works is very juftly obferved by Pope ; but it is often fuch knowledge as books did not lupply. “ There is, how¬ ever, proof enough (fays Dr Johnfon) that he was a very diligent reader; nor was our language then fo indigent of books, but that he might very liberally in- dulge his curiofity without excurfion into foreign lite-’ rature. Many of the Roman authors were tranftated, and fome of the Greek ; the Reformation had filled the kingdom with theological learning ; moft of the topics of human difquifition had found Englifh writers ; and poetry had been cultivated, not only with diligence, but fuccefs. This was a ftock of knowledge fufficient for a mind fo capable of appropriating and improving it.” The works of Shakefpeare confift of 35 dramatic pieces. The following is the chronological order v/hich Mr Malone has endeavoured to eftablifh, after a minute inveftigation, in which he has in general been luccefs- ful: 1. Firft Part of King Henry VI. - *5^9 Second Part of King Henry VI. - i59t Third Part of King Henry VI. - I591 A Midfummer Night’s Dream - J592 Comedy of Errors - - I595 6. Taming of the Shrew - - *594 7. Love’s Labour Loft - - I594 8. Two Gentlemen of Verona - - I59? 9. Romeo and Juliet - - I59'> 10. Hamlet - - I59<^ 11. King John - - J59^ 12. King Richard II. - - 597 13. King Richard III. - - T597 14. Firft Part of King Henry IV. - I597 15. Second Part of King Henry IV. - l59& 16. The Merchant of Venice - - 17. All’s Well that Ends Well - I59^ King Henry V. - • *599 Much Ado About Nothing - 1600 As you like it - - 1600 Merry Wives of Windfor - 1601 King Henry VIII. - - 1601 Troilus and Creffida - * 1602 Meafure for Meafure - * 1603 The Winter’s Tale - - 1604 26. King Lear ... 1625 27. Cymbelline - - 1605 28. Macbeth - - - 1606 29. Julius Caefar - - 1607 Antony and Cleopatra - - 160S Timon of Athens - - 1609 Corioiaaus « - «* 1610 Si- Shake¬ fpeare. 18. *9- 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 3°- 3Ii 32, S H A Ph^ke- li eare L 334 ] S H A 53. Othello - - - 1611 34 The Tempeft - - 1612 35. Twelfth Night - - 1614 The three firil of thefe, Mr Malone thinks, there is very Itrong reafon to believe are not the original pro- duftions of Shakefpeare ; but that he probably altered them, and added iome new fcenes. In the firft folio edition in 162 3, thefe plays were en¬ titled “ Mr William Shakefpeare’s Comedies, Hiftories, and Tragedies.” They have been publifhed by various editors. The firft folio edition by Ifaac Jaggard and Edward Blount; the fecond, folio, 1632, by Thomas Cotes for Robert Allot ; the third, 1664, for P. C. ; the fourth, 1685, for H. Herringman, E. Brewfter, and R. Bentley. Rowe publifhed an 8vo edition in 1709, in 7 vols, and a ismo edition in 1714, in 9 vols ; for which he received L. 36, ios. Pope pu¬ blifhed a 4to edition in 1725, in 6 vols, and a i2mo in 1728, in 10 vols; for which he was paid E. 2 1 7, 1 2 s. Theobald gave a new edition in 8vo in 1733, in 7 vols, another in T2mo in 1740, in 8 vols; and received for his labour L. 652, 10s. Sir Thomas Hanmer publifhed an edition in 1744,'in 6 vols 410. Dr Warburton’s 8vo edition came out in 1747, in 8 vols; for which he was paid L. 560. The editions publifhed fince that time, are Dr Johnfon’s in 1765, in 8 vols 8vo. Stevens’s in 1766, in 4 vols 8vo. Ca- pell’s in 1 768, in 10 vols, crown 8vo ; for this the au¬ thor was paid L. 300. A fecond edition of Hanmer’s in 177J, 6 vols. Johnfon’s and Stevens’s in 1773, in iovols8vo; a fecond edition in 1778; a third by Reed in 1785; and Malone’s crown 8vo edition in 1 789, in 10 vols. ft'he moft authentic of the old editions is that of 1623. “At laft (fays Dr Johnfon) an edition was undertaken by Rowe ; not becaufe a poet was to be publifhed by a poet, for Rowe feems to have thought Very little on correftion @r explanation, but that our author’s works might appear like thofe of his fraterni¬ ty, with the appendages of a life and recommendatory preface. Rowe has been clamoroufly blamed for not performing what he did not undertake, and it is time that juftice be done him, by confeffing, that though he feems to have had no thought of corruption beyond the printer’s errors, yet he has made many emendations, if they were not made before, which his fucceffors have received without acknowledgment, and whicfr; if they had produced them, would have filled pages with cen- iures of the ftupidity by which the faults were com¬ mitted, with difplays of the abfurdities which they in¬ volved, with oftentatious expofitions of the new reading, and felf-congratulations on the happinefs of difcovering it.” The nation had been for many years content enough with Mr Rowe’s periormance, when Mr Pope made them acquainted with the true ftate of Shakefpeare’s text, fhowed that it was extremely corrupt, and gave reafon to hope that there were means of reforming it. Mr Pope's edition, however, he obferves, fell below his own expectations ; and he was fo much offended, when he was found to have left any thing for others to do, that he paffed the latter part of his life in a ftate of hoftility with verbal ciiticifm. I he only talk, in the opinion of Mr Malone, for which Pope was eminently and indifputably qualified, was to mark the faults and beauties of his author.-* When he undertook the office of a commentator, every anomaly of language, and every expreffion that was cur¬ rently in ufe, were confidered as errors or corruptions, and the text was altered or amended, as it was called, at pleafure. Pope is openly charged with being one of the great corrupters of Shakefpeare’s text. Pope was fucceeded by Theobald, who collated the ancient copies, and redtified many errors. He was, however, a man of narrow coraprehenfion and of little learning, and what is worfe, in his reports of copies and editions, he is not to be trufted without examination. From the liberties taken by Pope, the edition of Theo¬ bald was juftly preferred, becaufe he profeffed to adhere to the ancient copies more ftridtly, and illuftrated a few paffages by extracts from the writers of our poet’s age. Still, however, he was a confiderable innovator ; and while a few arbitrary changes made by Pope were de- tetfted, innumerable fophiftications were filently adopt¬ ed. Sir ft’homas Hanmer, who comes next, was a man of critical abilities, and of extenfive learning. His correc¬ tions are commonly juft, but fometimes capricious. He is cenfurable, too, for receiving without examination al- moft all the innovations of Pope. The original and predominant error of Warburton’s commentary, is acquiefcence in his firft thoughts ; that precipitation which is produced by confeioufnefs of quick difcernment; and that confidence which prefumes to do, by furveying the furface, what labour only can perform, by penetrating to the bottom. His notes exhibit fometimes perverfe interpretations, and fome¬ times improbable conjectures ; he at one time gives the author more profundity of meaning than the fentence admits, and at another difcovers abfurdities where the fenfe is plain to every other reader. But his emenda¬ tions are likewife often happy and juft ; and his inter¬ pretation of obfcure paflages learned and fagacious. It has indeed been laid by his defepdeis, that his great objeft was to difplay his own learning ; and certainly, in fpite of the clamour raifed againft him for fubftitu- ting his own chimerical conceits inftead of the genuine text of Shakefpeare, his work increaled his reputation. But as it is of little value as a commentary on Shake¬ fpeare, fince Warburton is now gone, his work will pro¬ bably foon fink into oblivion. In 1765 Dr Johnfon’s edition, which had long been impatiently expeCted, was given to the public. His vi¬ gorous and comprehenfive undtrftanding threw more light on his author than all his piedecelfors had done. The character which he gave of each play is generally juft. His refutation of the falfe gloffes of ftftieobald and Warburton, and his numerous explications of involved and difficult paflages, entitle him to the gratitude of every admirer of Shakefpeare. The laft editor is Mr Malone, who was eight years employed in preparing his edition. By collating the moft authentic copies, he has been careful t© purify the text. He has been fo induftrious, in order to difeover the meaning of the author, that he has ranfacked many volumes, and trufts that, befides his additional illulira- tions, not a fingle valuable explication of any obfeure pafiage in thefe plays has ever appeared, which he has not inferted in his edition. He reje&s Titus Andro- nicus, as well as the three plays formerly mentioned, as 6 not s H A r 335 I S H A Shake- not being the authentic produftions of Shakefpeare. To fpearc wh0le he has added an appendix, and a copious II gloflary.—Of this work a lefs expenfive edition has been am ‘ ' publifhed in 7 vols 12010, in which the general intro- ductory obfervations prefixed to the different plays are preferved., and the numerous notes abridged. This judicious commentator has certainly done more for the elucidation and correction of Shakefpeare than all who came before him, and has followed with inde¬ fatigable patience the only road which a commentator of Shakefpeare ought to obferve. Within 50 years after our poet’s death, Dryden fays that he was become “ a little obfolete and in the be¬ ginning of the prefent century Lord Shaftelbury com¬ plains of his rude unpolifhed ftyle, and his antiquated phrafe and wit. Thefe complaints were owing to the great revolution which the Engliflr language has under¬ gone, and to the want of an enlightened commentator. Thefe complaints are now removed, for an enlightened commentator has been found in Mr Malone. We have only farther to add, that in the year 1790 a copious index to the remarkable pafiages and words in th^ plays of Shakefpeare was publilhed by the Re¬ verend Mr Ayfeough ; a gentleman to whom the lite¬ rary world is much indebted for feveral very valuable keys of knowledge. In fine, the admirers of Shake¬ fpeare are now, by the Lhours of feveral eminent men, furnifhed with every help that can enable them to un- derftand the fenfe and to talle the beauties of this illu- flrious poet. SHAKLES. See Shackles. SHALE, in natural hiftory, a fpecies of Schistus. It is a black llaty fubftance, or a clay hardened into a ftony confidence, and fo much impregnated with bitu¬ men that it becomes fomewhat like a coal. The acid emitted from fhale, during its calcination, uniting itfelf to the argillaceous earth of the fhale, forms alum. About I 20 tons of calcined fhale will make one ton of alum. The fhale, after being calcined, is fteeped in water, by which means the alurp, which is formed during the cal¬ cination of the fhale, is diflblved : this diffolved alum undergoes various operations before it is formed into the alum of the fhops. Watfon’s Chemical Effays, vol. ii. p. 315. See Alum. This kind of flate forms large ftrata in Derbyfhire ; and that which lies near the furface of the earth is of a fofter and more fhivery texture than that which lies deeper. It is alfo found in large flrata, generally above the coal, in molt coal counties of this kingdom. Dr Short informs us, that the fhale wades the lead ore near it, by its drong acid ; and that it corrodes and dedroys all minerals near it except iron or coal, of whole vitriol it partakes. SHALLOP, Shalloop, or Sloop, is a fmalllight veffel, with only a fmall main-mad, and fore-mad, and lug-fails, to hale up, and let down, on occafion.— Shallops are commonly good failers, and are therefore often ufed as tenders upon men of war. SHALLOT, or Eschalot. See Allium. SHAMANS are wizards or conjurers, in high re¬ pute among feveral idolatrous nations inhabiting dif¬ ferent parts of Ruffia. By their enchantments they pretend to cure difeales, to divert misfortunes, and to foretel futurity. They are great obfervers of dreams, by the interpretation of which they judge of their good or bad fortune. They pretend likewife to chiromancy, SAmNej, and to foretel a man’s good or ill fuccefs by the lines of Shamois. his hand. By thefe and fuch like means they have a very great afcendency over the underdandings, and a great influence on the conduct, of thofe people. SHAMBLES, among miners, a fort of niches or landing-places, left at fuch didances in the adits of the mines, that the fhovel-men may conveniently throw up the ore from fhamble to fhamble, till it comes to the top of the mme. SHAMOIS, Chamois, or Shammy, a kind of lea¬ ther, either dreffed in oil or tanned, much edeemed for its foftnefs, pliancy, See. It is prepared from the fkin of the chamois, or fhamois, a kind of rupicapra, or wild goat, called alfo ifard, inhabiting the mountains of Dauphiny, Savoy, Piedmont, and the Pyrenees. Be- fides the foftnefs and warmth of the leather, it has tin; faculty of bearing foap without damage ; which renders it very ufeful on many accounts. In France, See. fome wear the fkin raw, without any preparation. Shammy leather is ufed for the purifying of mercury, which is done by paiTmg it through the pores of this fkin, which are very clofe. The true chamois leather is counterfeited with common goat, kid, and even with fheep fkins, the pra&ice of which makes a particular piofeffion, called by the French chamoifure. The lad, though the lead edeemed, is yet fo popular, and fuch vad quantities of it are prepared, efpeciallv about Orleans, Marfeilles, and Tholoufe, that it may not be amifs to give the method of preparation. Manner ofjhamoijing, or of preparing Jheep, goat, or kidJkins in oil, in imitation of Jhammy.—The fkins, be¬ ing wafhed, drained, and fmeared over with quicklime on the flefliy fide, are folded in two length wife, the wool outwards, and laid on heaps, and fo left to ferment eight days, or, if they had been left to dry after Haying, then fifteen days. Then they are wafhed out, drained, and half dried ; laid on a wooden leg, or horfe, the wool dripped od' with a round HafF for that purpofe, and laid in a weak pit, the lime whereof had been ufed before, and has lod the greated part of its force. After 24 hours they are taken out, and left to drain 24 more ; they are then put in another flronger pit. This done, they are taken out, drained, and put in again, by turns ; which begins to difpefe them to take oil; and this practice they continue for fix weeks in fummer, or three months in winter : at the end where¬ of they are wafhed out, laid on the wooden leg, and the furface of the fkin on the wool fide peeled off, to render them the fofter; then made into parcels, fteeped a night in the river, in winter more, ftretched fix or feven over one another on the wooden leg, and the knife paffed ftrongly on the flefh fide, to take off any thing iuper- fluous, and reader the fkin fmooth. Then they*are fteeped, as before, in the river, and the fame operation is repeated on the wool fide ; they are then thrown into a tub of water, with bran in it, which is brewed amonu- the fkins till the greated part dicks to them, and then feparated into diftinft tubs, till they fwell, and rife of themfelves above the water. By this means the re¬ mains of the lime are cleared out; they are then wrung out, hung up to dry on ropes, and fent to the mill, with the quantity of oil neceffary to fcour them : the belt oil is that of ftock-fifh. Here they are firft thrown in bundles S H A [ 336 1 8 H A Sham6U bundles into tbe river for 1 2 hours, then laid in^ the !! mill-trough, and fulled without oil till they be well foft- ban non. , tj1gn 0j}e(i w;t;h the hand, one by-one, and thus >—~v—£ormej jnto parce]8 0f four fleins each ; which are mill¬ ed and dried on cords a fecond time ; then a third ; and then oiled again, and dried. This procefe js repeated as often as neceflity requires ; when done, if there be any moifture remaining, they are dried in a ftove, and made up into parcels wrapped up in wool ; after fome time they are opened to the air, but wrapped up again as before, till fuch time as the oil feems to have loft all its force, which it ordinarily does in 24 hours. The flcins are then returned from the mill to the chamotfer to be fcoured : which is done by putting them in a lixi¬ vium of wood-afhes, working and beating them in it with poles, and leaving them to fteep till the ley hath had its effeft ; then they are wrung out, fteeped in another lixivium, wrung again ; and this is repeated till all the greafe and oil be purged out. When this is done, they are half dried, and palled over a fiiarp edged iron inftru- ment, placed perpendicular in a block, which opens, foftens, and makes them gentle. Laftly, they are tho¬ roughly dried, and palled over the fame inftrument again ; which finifhes the preparation, and leaves them in form of fhammy. Kid and goat fleins are ftiamoifedin the fame manner as thofe of {beep, excepting that the hair is taken off without the ufe of any lime; and that when brought from the mill they undergo a particular preparation called ramallin?, the moft delicate and difficult of all the others. It conftfts in this, that, as foon as brought from the mill, they are rteeped in a fit lixivium, taken out, ftretched on a round wooden leg, and the hair is feraped off with the knife ; this makes them fmooth, and in working to caft a kind of fine knap. The dif¬ ficulty is in feraping them evenly. SHANK, or Shank-Painter, in a Ihip, is a fhort chain faftened under the foremaft-lhrouds, by a bolt, to the (hip’s fides, having at the other end a rope faftened \ to it. * On this ffiank painter the whole weight of the aft part of the anchor refts, when it lies by the Ihip’s ' fide. The rope, by which it is hauled up, is made fall about a timber-head. Shank, in the manege, that part of a horfe’s fore leg which lies between the knee and the fetlock. SHANKER, or Chancre, in medicine, a malig¬ nant ulcer, ufually occafioned by fome venereal diforder. See Medicine, nQ 350. SHANNON, the largeft river in Ireland, and one of the fineft in the Britilh dominions, not only on account of its rolling 200 miles, but alfo of its great depth in moft places, and the gentlenefs of its current, by which it might be made exceedingly ferviceable to the improvement of the country, the communication of its inhabitants, and confequently the promoting of inland trade, through the greateft -part of its long courie. But the peculiar prerogative of the Shannon is its fitu- ation, running from north to fouth, and feparating the province of Connaught from Eeiniter and Munfter, and of confequence dividing the greateft part of Ireland in- ~io what lies on the call and that on the weft ot the ri¬ ver ; watering in its paffage the valuable county of .Leitrim, the plentiful (hire of Rofcommon, the fruitful county of Galway, and the pleafant county of Clare ; the fro all but fine (hire of Longford, the King’s coun¬ ty, and fertile county of Meath in Leinfter, the popu- Shanfcnt lous county of Tipperary, the fpacious (hire of Lime- ^ li rick, and the rough but pleafant county of Kerry in .V’f-aT Munfter ; vifiting 10 counties in its pallage, and having ’ J on its banks the following remarkable places, viz. Lei- trim, Jameftown, Lanefborough, Athlone, Clonfert, Killaloe, and Limerick ; at 20 leagues below the latter it fpreads gradually feveral miles in extent, fo that fome have conlrdered its expanfion as a lake. It at laft joins its waters to the fea, being navigable all that way for the largeft veffels. SHANSCRIT, the - language of the Bramins of Hirfdoftan. See Philology, fe£l. v. SHARE of a Plough, that part which cuts the ground; the extremity forwards being covered with a fharp-pointed iron, called the point of the Jhare, and the end of the wood behind the tail of the /hare. SHARK, in ichthyology. See Squalus. SHARON, a name common to three cantons of Pa- leftine. The firft lay between mount Tabor and the fea of Tiberias ; the fecond between the city of Csefarea of Paleftine, and Joppa; and the third lay beyond Jordan. To give an idea of perfect beauty, Ifaiah faid, the glory of Lebanon and the beauty of Carmel mult be joined to the abundance of Sharon. (Ifaiah xxxiii. 9. xxxi. 2.) The plains of Sharon are of vaft extent; and, when furveyed by the Abbe Mariti a few years ago, they were fown with cucumbers ; and he informs us, that fuch a number is annually produced, as not only to fupply the whole neighbourhood, but alfo all the coaits of Cyprus and the city of Damietta. In the middle of the plain, between Arfus and Lydda, rifes a fmall mountain, upon the ridge of which there is a fmall vil¬ lage called Sharon, from the name of the ancient city whofe king was conquered by Jolhua. SHARP (James), archbilhop of St Andrew’s, was born of a good family in Banfflbire in 1618. He de¬ voted himfelf very early to the church, and was educa¬ ted for that purpofe in the Univerfity of Aberdeen. When the folemn league and covenant was framed in 1638, the learned men in that leminary, and young Sharp in particular, declared themfelves decidedly againft it. To avoid the infults and indignities to which he was fubie&ed in confequence of this conduct, he retired to England, where he contraAed an acquaintance witii fome of the moft celebrated divines in that country. At the commencement of the civil wars he returned to Scotland. During his journey thither, he accidentally met with Lord Oxenford, who was fo charmed with his con- verfation, that he invited him to his houfe. While he reii- ded with that nobleman, he became known to the earl of Rothes, who procured him a profefforlhip at St An¬ drew’s. By the intereft of the earl of Crawford he was foon after appointed minifter of Crail; where he con- duAed himfelf, it is faid, in an exemplary manner. Sharp had always inclined to the caufe of royalty, and had for fome time kept up a correfpondence with his exiled prince. After the death of the proteAor he began to declare himlelf more openly, and fee-ms to have enjoyed a great lhare of the confidence of Monk, who was at that time planning the reftoration of Charles II. When that general marched to London, the prefbyte- rians fent Sharp to attend him in order to fupport their interefts. At the requeft of general Monk and the chief prelbyterians in Scotland, Mr Sharp was fo trea- Sharp. S H A f 3- ter Tent over to the king at Breda to procure from him, if poffible, the eftablifhrnent of prefbyterianifm. On his return, he affured his friends that “ he had found the kin r very affeftionate to Scotland, and refolved not to wrong the fettled government of the church: but he aoprehended they were miftaken who went about to eftablHh the prefbyterian government.” Charles was foon after reftored without any terms. All the laws paffed in Scotland fince the year 163 3 were repealed ; the king and his minifters refolved at all ha¬ zards to reftore prelacy. Mr Sharp, who had been commifikmed by the Scotch prefbyterians to manage their interefts with the king, was prevailed upon to abandon the party; and, as a reward for his compliance, lie was made archbifhop of St Andrew’s. This conduct rendered him very odious in Scotland ; he was accufed of treachery and perfidy, and reproached by his old friends as a traitor and a renegado. The abfurd and wanton cruelties which were afterwards committed, and which were imputed in a great meafure to the archbi¬ fhop, rendered h;m ftill more deteftcd. Nor is it pro¬ bable that thefe accufations were without foundation : the very circumftance of his having been formerly of the prefbyterian party would induce him, after forfaking them, to treat them with feverity. Befides, it is certain, that when after the rout at Pentland-hills he received an order from the king to ftop the executions, he kept it for fome time before he produced it to council. There was one Mitchell a preacher, and a defperate fanatic, who had formed the defign of taking vengeance for thefe cruelties by affaffinating the archbifhop. He fired a piftol at him as he was fitting in his coach ; but the bifhop of Orkney, lifting up his hand at the moment, intercepted the ball. Though this happened in the midft of Edinburgh, the primate was fo much detefted, that nobody flopped the aflafiin ; who, having walked leifurely home, and thrown off his difguife, returned, and mixed ur.fufpefted with the crowd. Some years after, the archbifhop obferving a man eyeing him with keennef s, fufpe&ed that he was the affaffin, and ordered him to be brought before him. It was Mitchell. Two loaded- piftols were found in his pocket. The primate offered him a pardon if he would confefs the crime : the man complied ; hut Sharp, regardlefs of his promife, conducted him to the council. The council alfo gave him a folemn promife of pardon if he would confefs his guilt, and diicover his accomplices. They were much difappointed to hear that only one man was privy to his purpofe, who was fince dead. Mitchell was then brought before a court of juftice, and ordered to make a third confeffion, which he refnfed. tie was imprifoned for feveral years, and then tried. His own confeffion was urged againfl: him. It was in vain for him to plead the illegality of that evidence, and'to appeal to the promife Vol. XV11. Part 1. 7 V S H A of pardon previoufly given. The council took an oath that they had given no fuch promite; and Mitchell was condemned. Lauderdale, who at that time governed Scotland, would have pardoned him, but the primate infilled on his execution; obferving, that if affaflins were permitted to go unpunifhed, his life muff be continually in danger. Mitchell was accordingly executed. Sharp had a fervant, one Carmichael, who by his cruelty had rendered himfelf particularly odious to the zealots. Nine men formed the refolution of waylaying him in Magus-muir, about three miles from St Andrew’s. While they were waiting for this man, the primate him¬ felf appeared with very few attendants. This they look¬ ed upon as a declaration of heaven in their favour ; and calling out, “theLord has delivered him into our hands,” they ran up to the carriage. They fired at him with¬ out effetl ; a circumflance which was afterwards impu¬ ted to magic. They then difpatched him with their fwords, regardlefs of the tears and intreaties of his daughter, who accompanied him (a). Thus fell archbifhop Sharp, whofe memory is even at prefent detefted by the common people of Scotland. His abilities were certainly good, and in the early part of his life he appears with honour and dignity. But his condiuft: afterwards was too cruel and infincere to merit approbation. His treatment of Mitchell was mean and vindiftive. How far he contributed to the meafures adopted againft the preftryterians is not certain. They were equally cruel and impolitic; nor did their ef¬ fects ceafe with the meafures themfelves. The un¬ heard-of cruelties exercifed by the minifters of Cha. II. againft the adherents of the covenant, raifed fuch a flame of enthufiafm and bigotry as is not yet entirely extin- guiflied. Sharp (Dr John), archbifhop of York, wasdefeend- ed from the Sharps of Little Norton, a family of Brad¬ ford Dale in Yorkfhire ; and was fon of an eminent tradefman of Bradford, where he was born in 1644. He was educated at Cambridge, and in 1667 entered into orders. That fame year he became domeftic chap¬ lain to Sir Heneage Finch, then attorney general. In 1672 he was collated to the archdeaconry of Berkfhire. In 1675 he was inftalled a prebendary in the cathedral church of Norwich ; and the year following was infli- tuted into the reftory of St Bartholomew near the Royal Exchange, London. In 1681 he was, by the intereft of his patron Sir Heneage Finch, then lord high chancellor of England, made dean of Norwich ; but in 1C86 was fufpended for taking occafion, in fome of his fermons, to vindicate the doctrine of the church of Eng¬ land in oppofition to Popery. In 1688 he was fworn chaplain to king James II. being then probably reftored after his fufpeniron ; for it is certain that he was cha¬ plain to king Charles II. and attended as. a court cba- U u plain \ (a) Such is the account given by all our hiftorians of the murder of archbifhop Sharp ; and that he fell by the hands of fanatics, whom he perfecuted, is certain. A tradition, however, has been preferved in different fa¬ milies defeended from him, which may be mentioned, and is in itfelf certainly not incredible. I he primate, it feems, wh « when minifter of Crail, was peculiarly fevere in putiifhrrig the fin of forrfication, had, in the plenitude of his archiepifcopal authority, taken notice of a criminal amour earned on between a nobleman high in office sind a lady of fome fafliion who lived within his diocefe. This interference was in that licentious age deemed very impertinent; and the arclibifliop’s defeendants believe that the proud peer inftigated the decided rabble to murder their anceftor. S H A r 333 1 S H A , •Sharp, plain at the coronation of king James II. In 1689 he slla^er‘ was declared dean of Canterbury ; but never could be perfuaded to fill up any of the vacancies made by the deprived bifhops. Upon the death of Dr Lamplugh, he was promoted to the fee of York. In 1702 he preached the fermon at the coronation of queen Anne; and the fame year was fworn of the privy-council, and made lord almoner to her majefty. He died at Bath in 1713; and was interred in the cathedral of York, where a monument is eredted to his memory.—His fermons, which were colledted after his death and publiihed in 7 vols 8vo, are jultly admired. SHARP, in mufic. See Interval. SHASTER, or Bedang, the name of a facred book, in high eftimation among the idolaters of Hindo- ftan, containing all the dogmas of the religion of the bramins, and all the ceremonies of their worlhip ; and fcrving as a commentaiy on the-Vedam. 1 The term Shajier denotes “ faience” or “ fyflem and is applied to other works of aftronomy and philo- fophy, which have no relation to the religion of the In¬ dians. None but the bramins and rajahs of India are allowed to read the Vedam; the priefts of the Banians, called Jhuderers, may read the Shaffer; and the people, in general, are allowed to read only the Paran or Pou- ran, which is a commentary on the Shaffer. The Shaffer is divided into three parts: the firff con¬ taining the moral law of the Indians ; the fecond, the rites and ceremonies of their religion ; and the third, the diffribution of the people into tribes or claffes, with the duties pertaining to each clafs. The principal precepts of morality contained in the firft part of the Shaffer are the following: that no ani¬ mal be killed, becaufe the Indians attribute fouls to brute animals as well as to mankind; that they neither hear nor fpeak evil, nor drink wine, nor eat flefh, nor touch any thing that is unclean ; that they obferve the feaffs, prayers, and walkings, which their law preferibes; that they tell no lies, nor be guilty of deceit in trade ; that they neither opprefs nor offer violence to one ano¬ ther; that they celebrate the folemn feafts and faffs, and appropriate certain hours of ordinary fleep to cultivate a difpofition for prayer; and that they do not ffeal or defraud one another. , The ceremonies contained in the fecond part of the Shaffer are fuch as thefe : that they wafh often in the rivers, hereby obtaining the pardon of their fins; that they mark their forehead with red, in token of their re¬ lation to the Deity ; that they prefent offerings and prayers under certain trees, fet apart for this purpofe ; that they pray in the temples, make oblations to their pagodas, or idols, fing hymns, and make proceffions, &e. that they make pilgrimages to diffant rivers, and efpecially to the Ganges, there to wafh themfelves and make offerings; that they make vows to particular faints, according to their refpeftive departments ; that they render homage to the Deity at the firft fight of the fun ; that they pay their refpeft to the fun and moon, which are the two eyes of the Deity ; and that they treat with particular veneration thofe animals that are deemed more pure than others; as the cow, buffalo, &c. ; becaufe the fouls of men have tranfmigiated into thefe animals. The third part of the Shaffer records the diftribu- tion of the people into four claffes: the firft being that of the bramins or priefts, appointed to inftrudf the Shaffer, people; the fecond, that of the kutteris or nobles, who ——v—« are the magiftrates ; the third, that of the fhudderis or merchants; and the fourth, that of the mechanics. Each perfon is required to remain in the clafs in which he was born, and to purfue the occupation affigned to him by the Shaffer. According to the bramins, the Shaffer was imparted by God himfelf to Brahma, and by him to the bramins ; who communicated the con¬ tents of it to the people. Modern writers have given us very different accounts of the antiquity and importance of the Shaffer. Mr Holwell, who had made confiderable progrefs in the tranflation of this book, apprehends, that the mytholo¬ gy as well as the cofmogony of the Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans, were borrowed from the dodfrines of the bramins, contained in it, even to the copying of their exteriors of worfhip, and the diftribution of their idols, though grofsly mutilated and adulterated. With refpedl to the Vedam and Shaffer, or feriptures of the Gen- toos, this writer informs us, that Vedam, in the Mala¬ bar language, fignifies the fame as Shajier in the Shan- ferit; and that the firft book is followed by the Gen- toos of the Malabar and Coromandel coafts, and alfo of the illand of Ceylon. The Shaffer is followed by the Gentoos of the provinces of Bengal, and by all the Gentoos of the reft of India, commonly called India Proper, along the courfe of the rivers Ganges and Jum¬ na to the Indus. Both thefe books (he fays) contain the inftitutes of their refpedfive religion and worfhip, as well as the hiftory of their ancient rajahs and princes, often couched under allegory and fable. Their anti¬ quity is contended for by the partifans of each ; but he thinks, that the fimilitude of their names, idols, and great part of their worfhip, leaves little room to doubt, nay plainly evinces, that both thefe feriptures were ori¬ ginally one. He adds, if we compare the great purity and chaffe manners of the Shaffer with the great ab- furdities and impurities of the Vedam, we need not hefitate to pronounce the latter a corruption of the former. With regard to the high original of thefe feriptures, the account of the bramins is as follows. Brahma (that is, “ Mighty Spirit”), about 4866 years ago, affumed the form of man and the government of Indo- ftan. He tranflated the divine law (defigned for the refforation of mankind, who had offended in a pre-ex- iftent ffate, and who are now in their laft feene of pro¬ bation, to the dignity from which they were degraded) out of the language of angels into the well known Shan- ferit language, and called his tranflation the Chart ah Bha.de Shajlab of Birmah, ox the Six Scriptures of Divine Words of the Mighty Spirit. He appointed the bramins, deriving their name from him, to preach the word of God; and the dodfrines of the Shaffer were according¬ ly preached in their original purity 1000 years. About this time there was publifhed a paraphrafe on the Char- tah Bhade ; and about 500 years afterwards, a fecond expofition, called the Aughlorrah Bhade Sha/la, or Eigh¬ teen Books of Divine Words, written in a character com¬ pounded of the common Indoftan and the Shanfcrit. This innovation produced a fchifm among the Gen¬ toos ; on which occafion, it is faid, thofe of Coroman¬ del and Malabar formed a feripture of their own, which they pretended to be founded on the Chartah Bhade Shaker. S H A [ 339 1 s H A afcfifter. Bhade of Bramah, and called it the Vedam of Bir* v mah, or Divine I-Vorch of the Mighty Spirit. The ori¬ ginal Chartah Bhade was thrown afidc, and at length wholly unknown, except to a few families ; who can ftill read and expound it in the Shanfcrit charafter. With the eftablifhment of the Aughtorrah Bhade, and Vedam, which, according to the Gentoo account, is 3366 years ago, their polytheifm commenced ; and the principles of religion became fo obfcure, and their ce¬ remonies fo numerous, that every head of a family was obliged to keep a bramin as a guide both in faith and practice. Mr Hollwell is of opinion, that the Chartah Bhade, or Original Scriptures, are not copied from any other fyllem of theology, promulgated to or obtruded upon mankind. The Gentoos do not attribute them to Zoroafter; and Mr Holwell fuppofes, that both Zo- roafter and Pythagoras vifited Indoftan, not to inftruft, but to be initrudled. From the account of Mr Dow, we learn, that the books which contain the religion and philofophy of the Hindoos are diilinguilhed by the name of Bedas ; that they are four in number, and, like the facred writings of other nations, faid to be penned by the Divinity. Beda, he fays, in the Shanfcrit language, literally fig- nifies fcience ; and thefe books treat not only of religion and moral duties, but of every branch of philofophic knowledge. The bramins maintain, that the Bedas are the divine laws, which Brimha, at the creation of the world, delivered for the inltru&ion of mankind ; "but they affirm, that their meaning was perverted in the firft age by the ignorance and wickednefs of fome princes, whom they reprefent as evil fpirits, who then baunted the earth. The firft credible account we have of the Bedas is, that about the commencement of theCal Jug, of which era the year 1768 was the 4886th year, they were written, or rather collefted, by a great philofopher and reputed prophet, called Beafs Muni, or Be'dfs the In- Jpired. The Hindoos, fays Mr Dow, are divided Into two great religious fedls: the followers of the doftrine of Bedang, which is the original Shatter, or commentary upon the Bedas 1 and thofe who adhere to the princi¬ ples of the Neaditfen. The original Shatter is called Bedang, and is a commentary upon the Bedas. This book, he fays, is erroneoufly called in Europe the FV- dam. It is afcribed to Beafs Muni, and is faid to have been revifed fome years after by one Serrider Swami, fince which it has been reckonedJacred, and not fubjeft to any farther alterations. Almoft all the Hindoos of the Decan, and thofe of the Malabar and Coromandel coafts, are of this feft. The followers of the Bedang Shatter do not allow that any phyfical evil exifts ; they maintain that God crea¬ ted all things perfeftly good ; but that man, being a free agent, may be guilty of moral evil, which may be injurious to himfelf, but can be of no detriment to the general fyftem of nature. God, they fay, being per- feiftly benevolent, never puniffied the wicked otherwife than by the pain and afflidlion which are the natural oonfequeaces of evil actions-; and hell, therefore, is no other than a confcioufnefs of evil. The Neadirien Shatter is faid to have been written by a philofopher called Goutam, near four thoufand years ago. The bramins, from Mr Dow’s account of their facred books, appear to believe invariably in the unity, eternity, omnifcience, and omnipotence of God ; and the polytheifm of which they have been accufed is no more than a fymholical worffiip of the divine attributes, which they divide into three clattes. Under the name of Brimha, they worfhip the wifdom and creative power of God ; under the appellation of Bi/hen, his providen¬ tial and preferving quality ; and under that of Shibah, that attribute which tends to deftroy. As few of our readers may have an opportunity of perufing the Shatter, we (hall, by way of fpecimen, fub- join a paflage from it, which, though it contains fome metaphyftcal myfteries concerning the creation, yet dif- covers views of God fo enlightened that they would not difgrace more refined nations. The paflage which we {hall quote is the firft chapter of the Shatter, which is a dialogue between Brimha the Wifdom of the Divini¬ ty, and Narud or Reafon, who is reprefented as the fon of Brimha. Narud defires to be inttrudfed by his fa¬ ther ; and for that purpofe puts the following queftions to him : “ Narud. O father ! thou firft of God, thou art faid to have created the world, and thy fon Narud, aftonifh- ed at what he beholds, is defirous to be inftrutled how all thefe things were made. “ Brimha. Be not deceived, my fon ! do not imagine that I was the creator of the world, independent of the Divine Mover, who is the great original eflence and creator of ail things. Look, therefore, only upon me as the inftrument of the great will, and a partrof his being, whom he called forth to execute his eternal de« figns. “ Narud. What fhall we think of God ? “ Brimha. Being immaterial, he is above all concep¬ tion ; being invifible, he can have no form ; but, from what we behold in his works, we may conclude that he is eternal, omnipotent, knowing all things, and prefent everywhere. “ Narud. How did God create the world ? “ Brimha. Affection dwelt with God from all eter¬ nity. It was of three different kinds ; the creative, the preferving, and the deftru&ive. This firft is reprefent¬ ed by Brimha, the fecond by Bifhen, and the third by Shibah. You, O Narud! are taught to worffiip all the three in various fhapes and likeneffes, as the Crea¬ tor, the Preferver, and the Deftroyer. The affe&ion of God then produced power, and power, at a proper con- jun&ion of time and fate, embraced goodnefs, and pro¬ duced matter. The three qualities then afting upon matter, produced the univerfe in the following manner: From the oppofite actions of the creative and deftruc- tive quality in matter, felt-motion firft arofe. Self- motion was of three kinds ; the firft inclining to plafti- city, the fecond to difcord, and the third to reft. The difcordant actions then produced the Akaflr (a kind of celeftial element), which invifible element poffeffed the quality of conveying found ; it produced air, a palpable element ; fire, a vifible element; water, a fluid element; and earth, a folid element. “ The Akafh difperfed itfelf abroad. Air formed the atmofphere ; fire, collecting itfelf, blazed forth in the hoft of heaven ; water rofe to the furface of the earth, being forced from beneath by the gravity of the latter element. Thus broke forth the world from the veil of darknefs, in which it was formerly comprehend- U u a ed S H A [ Shatter, ed by God. Order rofe over the unlverle. The fevea “— ' heavens were formed, and the feven worlds were fixed in their places; there to remain till the great diffolution, when all things fhall be abforbed into God. “ God feeing the earth in full bloom, and that vege¬ tation was ftrong from its feeds, called forth for the fril time intelleff, which he endued with various organs and fhapes, to form a diverlity of animals upon the earth. " He endued the animals with five fenfes; feeling, feeing, fmelling, tailing, and hearing ; but-to man he gave re¬ flection, to raife him above the beads of the field. “ The creatures were created male and female, that they might propagate their fpecies upon the earth. Every herb bore the feed of its kind, that the world might be clothed with verdure, and all animals pro- vided with food- “ Narud. What doft thou mean, O father! by In¬ tellect ? “ Jir.mha. It is a portion of the great foul of the nniverfe breathed into all creatures, to animate them for a certain time. “ Narud. What becomes of it after death ? Brimha. It animates other bodies, or returns, like a drop, into that unbounded ocean from which it firit • arofe. “ Narud. Shall not then the fouls of good men re¬ ceive rewards ? nor the fouls of the bad meet with pu- »ifhment ? “ Brimha. The fouls of men are diftinguifhed from thofe of other animals ; for the flrft are endued with reafon, and with a confcioufnefs of right and wrong. If therefore man fhall adhere to the firfl, as far as his (lowers fliall extend, his foul, when difengaged from the body by death, fnall be abforbed into the divine effence, and fhall never more reanimate flefh : But the fouls of thofe who do evil are not, at death, difengaged from all the elements. They are immediately clothed with a body of lire, air, and akafh, in which they are for a time punifhed in hell. After the feafon of their grief Is over, they reanimate other bodies ; but till they fhall arrive at a ftate of purity they can never be abiorbed into God. “ Narud. What is the nature of that abforbed flate which the fouls of good men enjoy after death ? “ Brimha. It is a participation of the divine nature, where all paffions are utterly unknown, and where con- feioufnefs is loft in blifs. “ Narud. Thou fayeft, O father, that unlefs the foul is perfectly pure it cannot be abforbed into God: now, as the aClions of the generality of men are partly good and partly bad, whither are their fpirits fent im¬ mediately after death ? “ Brimha. They muft atone for their crimes in hell, where they muft remain for a fpace proportioned to the degree of their iniquities ; then they^ rife to heaven to be rewarded for a time for their virtues; and from thence they wall return to the world to reanimate other bodies. “ Narud. What is time ? “ Brimha. Time exifted from all eternity with God : but it can only be eftimated fince motion was produ¬ ced, and only be conceived by the mind, from its own conftant progyefs. “ Narud. How long fhall this wmrld remain ? “ Brimha. Until the four lugs fhall have revolved. 340 1 SHE Then Rudder (the fame with Shihah> the deftroying quality of God), with the ten fpirits of diffolution, fhall roll a comet under the moon, that fhall involve all Sheading, things in fire, and reduce the world into afhes. God fhall then exift alone, for matter will be totally annihi¬ lated.” '1 hofe wdio defire more information on this fubieCl may confult Dow's Hijlory of Indojtan, and HolweWt Inter fling Hijlorical Events. SHAW (Dr Thomas), known to the learned wmrld by his travels to Barbary and the Levant, was born at Kendal in Weftmoreland about the year 1692. He was appointed chaplain to the Englifh conful at Al¬ giers, in which ftation he continued for fever al years ; and from thence took proper opportunities of travel¬ ling into different parts. He returned in 1733; was eleCled fellow of the Royal Society ; and pubiiihed the account of his travels at Oxford, folio, 173K, In 1740 he was nominated principal of St Edmond-hall, which he railed from a ruinous ffate by his munincence ; and was regius piofeflbr of Greek at Oxford until his death, which happened in 1751. Dr Clayton, Bp. ofClogher’ having attacked thefe Travels in his Defcription of the Eaft, Dr Shaw publifhed a fupplement by way of vindication, wEich is incorporated into the fecond edition of his Travels, prepared by himfelf, and publifh- ed in qto, 1 757, SHAWLS, are woollen handkerchiefs, an ell wide, and near two long. The wool is fo fine and filky, that the whole handkerchief may be contained in the two hands doled. It is the produce of a Tibet fheep ; but fome, lay that no wool is employed but that of lambs torn from the belly of their mother before the time of birth. The moll beautiful fhawls come from Caihmire : their price is from 150 livres (about fix guineas) to 12 :0 livres (or L. 30 Sterling.) In the TranfaCtions of the Society for Encourainnrr Arts, Manufactures, &c. for the year 1792, we are in¬ formed that a fhawl counterpane, four yards fquare, manufactured by Mr T. J. Knights of Norwich, was prefented to the fociety ; and that, upon examination, it appeared to be of greater breadth than any goods of" equal finenefs and texture that had ever before been preiented to the lociety, or to their knowledge woven in this country. The fhawls of Mr Knights’s manu% iaCture, it is faid, can fcarcely be diftinguiihed from In¬ dian fhawls, though they can be afforded at one-twen¬ tieth part of the price. When the fhawl is 16 quarters fquare, Mr Knights fays it may be retailed at L. 20 ; if it conlifted of 1 2 quarters, and embroidered as the former, it will coft L. 15 ; if plain, with a fringe only, a fhawl of 16 quarters fquare may be fold at L. 8, 8 s.; if 12 quarters and fringed, at L. 6, 6s. Mr Knights maintains, that his counterpane of four yards fquare is equal in beauty, and fuperior in ftrength, to the Indian counterpanes which are fold at 200 gui¬ neas. The principal confumption of this cloth is in tratn-drefies for ladies ; as hkewife for long fcarfs, in imitation of the real Indian fcarfs, which are fold from L. 60 to L. 80 ; whereas, fcarfs of this fabric are fold for as many fhillings, and the ladies fquare lhawls in proportion. ^ SHEADING, a riding, tything, or divifion, in the I lie of Man ; the whole illand being divided into fix {headings ; in every one of which is a coroner or chief 2> conltablcj. S H Shaw SHE f 341 ] SHE Shearbill conllable, appointed by the delivery of a rod at the an¬ il nual convention. sheep. SHEARBILL, the Rhynchops Nigra of Linnaeus, J’" the Black Skimmer of Pennant and Latham, and Cut¬ water of Catelby. Its bill is much comprefTt'd 5 the edpes are fharp; the lower mandible is four inches and a half long ; the upper only three ; the bafe red ; the reft is black : the forehead, chin, front of the neck, the breaft, and belly, are white : the head and whole upper part of the body are black : the wings are of the fame colour: the lower part of the inner webs of the pri¬ maries is white : the tail is fhort, and a little forked 5 the middle feathers are dufky ; the others are white on their fides : the legs are weak and red : the length is one foot eight inches : the extent is three feet feven inches. It inhabits America from New York to Gui¬ ana. It fkims nimbly along the water, with its.under mandible juft beneath the furiace, feeding on the infedts and fmall fifh as it proceeds. It frequents alfo oyfter- banks ; its bill being partly like that of the oyfter- catcher, adapted for preying on thofe fhell-fifh. SHEATHING) in the fea-language, is the cafing that part of a fhip which is to be under water with fir- board of an inch thick ; firft laying hair and tar mixed together under the boards, and then nailing them on, in order to prevent worms from eating the fhip’s bot¬ tom.—Ships of war are now generally fheathed with copper : but copper fheathing is liable to be corroded by the aft ion of fait water, and fomething is {fill want¬ ing to effeft this purpofe. It is very probable that tar might anfwer very well. In the Cornifh mines, copper or brafs pumps are often placed in the deepeft parts, and are confequently ejcpofed to the vitriolic or other mineral waters with which fome of thefe mines abound, and which are known to have a much ftronger effeft; on copper than fea-wa- ter. Thefe pumps are generally about fix feet long, and are {crewed together, and made tight by the inter- pofition of a ring of lead, and the joinings are after¬ wards tarred. One of thefe pumps was io much cor¬ roded as to render it unfit for ufe ; but the fpots of tar, which by accident had dropped on it, preferved the parts they covered from the aftion of the water. Thefe projefted in fome places more than a quarter of an inch; and the joints were fo far defended by the thin coat of tar, that it was as perfeft as when it came from the hands of the manufafturer. If tar thus effeftually de¬ fends copper from thefe acrimonious waters, can there remain a doubt of its preferving it from the much mild¬ er waters of the fea ? SHEATS, in a (hip, are ropes bent to the clews of the fails ; ferving in the lower fails to haul aft the clews of the fail; but in topfails they ferve to haul home the clew of the fail clofe to the yard-arm. SHEEP, in zoology. See Ovis and Wool. Amongft the various animals with which Divine Pro¬ vidence has ftored the world for the ufe of man, none is to be found more innocent, more ufeful, or more valu¬ able, than the fhetp. The fheep fupplies us with food Sheep, and clothing, and finds ample employment for our poor at all times and feafons of the year, whereby a ^]lefp variety of manufaftures of woollen cloth is carried on ferve a without interruption to dcmeftic comfort and lofs to wonderful' friendly fociety or injury to health, as is the cafe with variet7 many other occupations. Every lock of wool that pur^°fcs* grows on its back becomes the means of fupport to ftaplers, dyers, pickers, fcourers, fcriblers, carders, comb¬ ers, fpinners, fpoolers, warpers, queelers, weavers, fullers, tuckers, burlers, fhearmen, preffers, clothiers, and packers, who, one after another, tumble and tofs, and twift, and bake, and boil, this raw material, till they have each extrafted a livelihood out of it; and then comes the merchant, who, in his turn, (hips it (in its higheft ftate of improvement) to all quarters of the globe, from whence he brings back every kind of riches to his country, in return for this valuable commodity which the fheep affords. Befides this, the ufeful animal, after being deprived of his coat, produces another againft the next year j and when we are hungry, and kill him for food, he gives us his Ain to employ the fell-mongers and parch¬ ment-makers, who fupply us with a durable material for fecuring our eftates, rights, and poffeffions ; and if our enemies take the field againft us, fupplies us with a powerful inftrument for roufing our courage to repol their attacks. When the parchment-maker has taken as much of the {kin as he can ufe, the glue-maker comes after and picks up every morfel that is left, and there¬ with fupplies a material for the carpenter and cabi¬ net-maker, which they cannot do without, and which- is effentially neceffary before we can have elegant furni¬ ture in our houfes ; tables, chairs, leoking-glaffes, and a hundred other articles of convenience : and when the winter nights come on, while we are deprived of the cheering light of the fun, the fheep fupplies us with an artificial mode of light, whereby we preierve every plea- fure of domeftic fociety, and with whofe affiftance we can continue our work, or write or read, and improve our minds, or enjoy the focial mirth of our tables. An¬ other part of the flaughtered animal fupplies us with an Ingredient neceffary for making good common foap, a ufeful {tore for producing cleanlinefs in every family, rich or poor. Neither need the horns be thrown away ; for they are converted by the button-makers and. turners into a cheap kind of buttons, tips for bows, and many ufeful ornaments. From the very trotters an oil Is extrafted ufeful for many purpofes, and they afford good food when baked in an oven. Even the bones are ufeful alfo ; for by a late inven¬ tion of Dr Higgins, they are found, when reduced to afhes, to be an ufeful and effential ingredient in the com- pofition of the fineft artificial ftone in ornamental work for chimney-pieces, cornices of rooms, houfes, &c. which renders the compofitkm more durable by effec¬ tually preventing its cracking (a). If it is objefted to the meek inoffenfive creature, that he (a) Any curious perfon would be much entertained to fee tire manufaftory of bone-a(h, now carried on by Mr Minifh of White chapel, New Road, wherein the bones of fheep and cows undergo many ingenious procefles. 1 • There is a mill to break them ; 2. A cauldron to extraft their oil, marrow, and fat; 3. A reverberatory to heat Ttem red-hot; 4. An oven for thofe bones to moulder to alhes} 5. A ftiU to culled the fumes of the burnt bones-'' a Account of the S[ anifli fiieep iQf Sego¬ via, Sourgo- anne s Tra¬ vels, vol. i. jP' S3* SHE [ 342 ] SHE he is expcnfive while living, in eating up our grafs, &c. it may be anfwered that it is quite the contrary; for he can feed where every other animal has been be¬ fore him and grazed all they could find ; and that if he takes a little grafs on our downs or in our fields, he amply repays us for every blade of grafs in the richnefs of the manure which he leaves behind him. He pro- tefts the hands from the cold wintry blaft,~by providing them with the fofteft leather gloves. Every gentle¬ man’s library is alfo indebted to him for the neat bind¬ ing of his books, for the (heath of his fword, and for cales for his inftruments ; in (hort, not to be tedious in mentioning the various ufes of leather, there is hardly any furniture or utenfil of life but the (heep contri¬ butes to render either more ufeful, convenient, or orna¬ mental. As the fheep is fo valuable an animal, every piece of information concerning the proper method of managing it mud be of importance. It will not therefore be ufe- lefs nor unentertaining to give fome account of the man¬ ner' of managing (heep in Spain, a country famous for producing the bed wool in the world. In Spain there are two kinds of (heep : the coarfe- woolied fheep, which always remain in their native country, and are houfed every night in winter; and the fine-wooled (heep, which are always in the open air, and travel every fummer from the cool mountains of the northern parts of Spain, to feed in winter on the fouth- ern warm plains of Andalufia, Mancha, and Edrama- ‘ved for is rather inexplicable, Mr Parkinfon of Quarndon let thei'nf one the fame year for twenty-five guineas; a price which then adonifhed the whole country. From that time to 1786 Mr BakewelPs dock rofe rapidly from ten to a hundred guineas ; and that year he let two thirds of one ram (referving one third of the ufual number of ewes to himfelf) to two principal breed¬ ers, for a hundred guineas each, the entire lervices of the ram being rated at three hundred guineas ! Mr Bakewell making that year, by letting twenty rams on¬ ly, more than a thoufand pounds ! Since that time the prices have been dill riling. Four hundred guineas have been repeatedly given. Mr Bake- XT C o r r r r ’ V. 11^iveil. mr uaKe- ™iarJ J *aw a fore quarter of mutton, fatted well, this year (1789) makes, fays Mr Marfhall, twelve by Mr rnneep of Croxall, and which meatured upon hundred guineas by three rams (brothers, we believe)• the ribs tour inches of fat It mud be acknowledged, two thoufand of feven ; and of his whole letting, full however, that the Leicederftiire breed do not produce three thoufand guineas ! lo much wool as mod other long-woolled dieep. As the practice of letting rams by the feaibn is now become profitable, it may be ufeful to mention the me¬ thod of rearing them. ^ “ The principal ram-breeders fave annually twenty, thirty, or perhaps forty ram lambs; cadration being feklom applied, in the fird indance, to the produce of a valuable ram . for in the choice of thefe lambs they are Jed more by blood, or parentage, than by form ; on which, at an early age, little dependence can be placed. Their treatment from the time they are weaned, in Ju¬ ly or Aiuguft, until the time of fhearino, the fird week in June, confids in giving them every indulgence of keep, in order to pufti them forward for the fhow ; it being the common practice to let fuch as are fit to be let the firft feafon, while they are yet yearhugs—pro- vineially ‘ (harhogsrP “ Their fit d padure, after weaning, is pretty generally, I believe, clover that has been mown early, and has ;rot a fecor.d time into head ; the heads of clover being con- fidered as a mod forcing food of iheep. After this goes off, turnips, cabbages, colewort, with hay, and (report fays) with corn. But the ufe of this the breeders feve- r-dly deny, though collectively they may be liable to the charge. “ Be this as it may, fomething confiderable depends on Belide this extraordinary fum made by Mr Bakewell, there are fix or feven other breeders who make from five hundred to a thoufand guineas each. The whole amount of monies produced that year in the Midland Counties, by letting rams of the modern breed for one feafon only, is eft {mated, by thofe who are adequate to the fubjed, at the aimed incredible fum of ten thoufand pounds. Rams previous to the feafon are reduced from the The treat- cumbrous fat date in which they are ftiown. The ufual ment of time of fending them out is the middle of September.the ra,Tr' They are conveyed in carriages of two wheels with ^dhc.h°1Cie?p. into its component parts, winch at other times is perfectly innocent, although brought to its utmolt rtrength and maturity by the genial influence of the fun. Befides, the conilant practice of moft farmers in the kingdom, who with the greateft fecurity feed their meadows in the fpring, when the grafs {hoots quick and is full of juices, militates dire&ly againft this opinion. Mr Arthur Young, to whom agriculture fs much in¬ debted, afcribes this difeafe to moifture. In confirma. tion of this opinion, which has been generally adopted, , we are informed, in the Bath Society papers*, by a cor- * Voh f. tefpondent, that there was a paddock adjoining to his^ x^v'* park which had for feveral years caufed the rot in moft of the flteep which were put into it. In 1769 he drained it, and from that time his fheep were free from this malady. But there are faifts which render it doubtful that moifture is the foie caufe. We are told, the dry limed land in Derbyfhire will produce the rot as well as water meadows and ftagnant marfhes ; and that in fome wet grounds fheep fuftain no injury for many weeks. 30 Without attempting to enumerate other hypothefes Its caufe, which the ingenious have formed on this fuhjedt, we fhall purfue a different method in order to difcover the caufe. On diffedting fheep that die of this diforder, a great number of infedts called flukes (fee Fasciola) are found in the liver. That thefe flukes are the caufe of the rot, therefore, is evident; but to explain how they come into the liver is not fo eafy. It is probable that they are fwallowed by the fheep along with their food while in the egg ftate. The eggs depofited in the tender germ are conveyed with the food into the ftomach and inteftines of the animals, whence they are received into the ladteal veffels, carried off in the chyle, and pafs into the blood ; nor do they meet with any obftrudlion until they arrive at the capillary veffels of the liver. Here, as the blood filtrates through the ex¬ treme branches, anfwering to thofe of the 'vena porta in the human body, the fecerning veffels are too minute to admit the impregnated ova, which, adhering to the membrane, produce thofe animalculae that feed upon the liver and deftroy the fheep. They much referable the flat fifh called plaice, are fometimes as large as a fil- ver two-pence, and are found both in the liver and in the pipe (anfwering to that of the vena cava) which conveys the blood from the liver to the heart. The common and moft obvious obje&ion to that opinion is, that this infeft is never found but in the li¬ ver, or in fome parts of the vifcera, of flteep that are difeafed more or lefs; and that they muft therefore be bred there. But this objeftion will lofe its force, when we confider that many infefts undergo feveral changes, and exift under forms extremely different from each other- Some of them may therefore appear and be well known under one fhape, and not known to be the fame under a fecond or third. The fluke may be the laft ftate of fome aquatic animal which we at prefent very well know under one or other of its previous forms. If this be admitted, it is eafy to conceive that ftieep may, on wet ground efpecially, take multitudes of thefe ova or eggs in with their food; and that the fto¬ mach and vifcera of the ftieep being a proper nidus for them, they of courfe hatch, and appearing in their fluke X x 2 or SHE [ 348 1 S H E Sheep, it And mod h,, icvtd in 12 Hed-wa- ttr. Foot-rot. »4 Stab. cr laft ftate, feed on the liver of the animal, and occa- fion this diforder. It is a fingular fa£f, “ that no ewe ever has the rot while flie has a lamb by her fide.” The reafon of this may be, that the impregnated ovum pailes into the milk, and never anives at the liver. The rot is fatal to fheep, hares, and rabbits, and fometiraes to calves ; but never infelfs animals of a larger hze. Miller fays that parfley is a good remedy for the rot fhetp. Perhaps a ftrong decodtion of this plant, or the oil extracted from its feeds, might be of fervice. Salt is alfo a itfeful remedy. It feems to be an ac¬ knowledged fa ft that fait mar flies never produce the rot. Salt indeed is pernicious to moll infects. Com¬ mon fait and water expel worms from the human body; and fea-weed, if laid in a garden, will drive away infecta ; but if the fait is feparated by fteeping it in the pureft fpring-water for a few days, it abounds with aninialculae of various fpecies. Life, in his.book of hufbandry, informs us of a far¬ mer who cured his whole flock of the rot by giving each fheep a handful of .Spanish fait for five or fix morn¬ ings fucceflively. The hint was probably taken from the Spaniards, who frequently give their fheep fait to keep them healthy. On fome farms perhaps the ut- moit caution cannot always prevent this ddordcr. In wet and warm feafons the prudent farmer will remove his fheep from the lands liable to rot. Thofe who have it not in their power to do this may give each fhetp a fpoonful of common fait, with the fame quan¬ tity of flour, in a quarter of a pint of water, once or twice a-week. When the rot is recently taken, the fame remedy given four or five mornings fucceffively will in all probability effeft a cure. The addition of the flour and water (in the opinion of Mr Price of Salifbury, to whofe excellent paper in the Bath Socie¬ ty’s Tranfaftions we own ourfelves much indebted) will not only abate the pungency of the fait, but dii- pofe it to mix with the chyle in a more gentle and effi¬ cacious manner. A farmer of a confiderable lordfhip in Bohemia vi- fiting the hot-wells of Carlfbad, related how he prefer¬ red his flocks of fheep from the mortal diftemper which raged in the wet year 1 769, of which fo many pet ifhed. His prefervative was very Ample and very cheap : “ He fed them every night, when turned under a filed, cover, or ftables, with hafhed fodder flraw ; and, by eating it greedily, they all efcaped.” “ Reil-wattr is a diforder moil prevalent on wet grounds. I have heard (fays Mr Arthur Young) that it has fometimes been cured by tapping, as for a drop- £y. This operation is done on one fide of the belly to¬ wards the flank, juft below the wool. “ The foot-rot and hoving, which is very common on low fenny grounds, is cured by keeping the part clean, and lying at reft in a dry pafture.” The fcab is a cutaneous difeafe owing to an impuri¬ ty of the blood, and is moft prevalent in wet lands or in rainy feafons. It is cured by tobacco-water, brim- I— y ftone, and alum, boiled together, and then rubbed over the fheep. If only partial, tar and greafe may be iut- ftcient. But the ftmplelt and moft efficacious remedy for this dileafe was communicated to the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, &c. by Sir Joleph Banks. Take one pound of quickfilver, half a pound of RemedYre.. Venice turpentine, half a pint of oil of turpentine, andcoramend- lour pounds of hogs lavd ( c). Let them be rubbed in a mortar till the quickfilver is thoroughly incorporated with the other ingredients ; for the proper mode of do¬ ing which, it may be proper to take the advice, or even the affiftance, of fome apothecary or other perfon ufed to make fnch mixtures. “ The method of ufing the ointment is this : Begin¬ ning at the head of the fheep, and proceeding from be¬ tween the ears along the back to the end of the tail, the -wool is.to be divided in a furrow tilt the fkin can be touched ; and as the furrow is made, the finger (lightly dipped in the ointment is to be drawn along the bottom of it, where it will leave a blue ftain on the fkin and adjoining wool : from this furrow fimihr oret muft be drawn down the fhoulders and thighs to the legs, as far as they are w'oolly ; and it the anitnctl is much infefted, two more fhould be drawn along each fide parallel to that on the back, and one down each fide between the fore and hind legs “ Immediately after being drefled, it is ufuai to turn the fheep among other flock, without any fear of the infeftion being communicated ; and there is fcarcely an inftance of a fheep fuffering any injury from the appli¬ cation. In a few days the blotches dry up, the itch¬ ing ceafes, and the animal is completely cured : it is ge¬ nerally, however, thought proper not to delay the ope¬ ration beyond Michaelmas. “ The hippvbofca irwktf,called in Lincolnfhireflieep fnggv an animal well known to all fhepherds, which lives a- mong the wool, and is hurtful to the thriving of flieep’ both by the pain its bite occafions and the blood it fucks, is deftroyed by this application, and the wool is not at all injured. Our wool-buyers purchafe the fleeces on which the ftain of the ointment is viiible, rather in preference to others, from an opinion that the ufe of it having preferved the animal from being vexed either with the icab or faggs, the wool is Ids liable to the de- fefts of joints or knots ; a fault obferved to proceed from every balden flop in the thriving of the animal* either b om want of food or from diieaie. “ This mode of curing was brought into that part of Lincolnfhire where my property is lituated about 1 2 years ago, by Mr Stephenfon of Mareham, and is now fo generally received, tliat the fcab, which ufed to be the terror of the farmers, and which frequently deter¬ red the more careful of them from taking the advan¬ tage of pafturing their fheep in the fertile and exten- five commons with which that diftrift abounds, is no longer regarded with any appreheniion : by far the moft of them have their flock anointed in autumn, when they return from the common, whether they fhow any fymptons of fcab or not; and having done fo, conclude them (c) By fome unaccountable miftake the laft ingredient, the four pounds of hogs lard, is omitted in the re¬ ceipt publifhed in the Tranfaftions of the Society ; a circumftance that might be produftive of bad effeds.-— The leaf which contained the receipt has fmee been cancelkd, and a new one printed. !!ke«P 56 The dunt, »7 Rickets, 58 FJy-iiruck, *9 flux, . 30 And burft- SHE r : them ftfe for fome time from either frivinf or reeeivW infedion. 'I'hare are people who employ themfelves in t!ie bu fine is, and contract to anoint our large fhetp at five (hillings a fcore, infuting for that price the fiue- cefs of the operation ; that is, agreeing, in cafe manv of the fineep break out afrefh, to repeat the operation gra¬ tis even fome months afterwards ” The dunt is a diitemper caufed by a bladder of wa¬ ter gathering in the head. No cure for this has yet been difeovered. The rlcLfti ia a hereditary difeafe for which no anti¬ dote is known. The firfl fymptom is a kind of light- beadedneis, which makes the affetted fheep appear wild¬ er than ufual when the Ihepherd or any perfon an- proaches him. He bounces up fuddenly from his lare, and runs to a diftance, as though he were purfued by dogs. In the fecond llage the principal fymptom is the Iheep’s rubbing himfelf againft trees, &c. with fuch fiu;y as to pull off his wool and tear away his flefh. ‘‘ The diftreffed animal has rtow a violent itching in his fkin, the effect of an highly inflamed blood ; but it does not appear that there is ever any cutaneous eruption or falutary critical difeharge. In fhort, from all circwn- ftances, the +'ever appears, now to be at its height.” 1 he laft ft aye of this difeafe “ feems only to be the pro- grefs of diffolution, after an unfavourable crifis. The poor animal, a? condemned by Nature, appears ftupid, walks irregulai-ly (whence probably the name rickets), (generally lies, and cats little: thefe fymptoms increafe in degree till death, which follows a general confiimption, as appears upon diffe&ion of the carcafe ; the juices and even folids having fuffered a general diffolution.” In order to difeover the feat and nature of this dif¬ eafe, fheep that die of it ought to be differed. This is fat’d to have been done by one gentleman, Mr Beal; and he found in the brain or membranes adjoining a maggot about a quarter of an inch long, and of a brownifh colour. A few experiments might ealily de¬ termine this faft. The fly./buck is cured by clipping the wool off as far as infected, and rubbing the parts dry with lime or V’ood-afhes ; curriers oil will heal the wounds, and pre¬ vent their being ffruck any more ; or they may be cu¬ red with care, without clipping, with oil of turpentine, which will kill all the vermin where it eroes • but the former is the fureft way. * The flux is another difeafe to which fheep are fub- je&. The beft remedy is laid to be, to houfe the fiheep immediately when this diftemper appears, to keep them very warm, and feed them on dry hay, giving them fre¬ quent ghfters of warm milk and water. The caufe of that diftemper is either their feeding on wet lands, or on grafs that is become rnoffy by the lands havino- been fed many years without being ploughed. When the farmer perceives his fheep-walks to become moffy, or to produce bad grafs, he ftiould either plough or ma- puie with hot lime, making kilns either very near or in the ftieep walks, becaufe the hotter the lime is put on, the fweeter the grafs comes up, and that early in the year. 1 Burfling, or as it is called in fome places the blafl, at. tacKs fheep when driven into frefh grafs or youncr cl0. ver. They overeat themfelves, foam at the mouth, Jwe 1 exceedingly, breathe very quick and fhort, then jump up, and inftantly fall down dead. In this cafe, S49 ] S II E the only chance of favlng their life is by ftabbing them ^httv. in the maw with an inftniment made for the purpofc, ( he inftrument is a hollov/ tube, with a, pointed wea- -- pon palling through it. A hole is made with the pointed weapon; which is immediately withdrawn, and the hole is kept open by infecting the tube till the wind is difeharged. * Sheep are infefted with worms in therr nofe called Account of cr/lnss eves, and produced from the egg of a large two- the nofe* wunged fly. The frontal linufes above the Hole in fheep ^™in. and other animals are the places where thefe worms live fell fheep', and attain their full growth. Thefe fmufes are alw’ays full of a foft white matter, which fnrniflies thefe worms w itli a proper nounfhment, and are iufflciently larg'e for their habitation; and when they have here acouired their deftined growth, in which they are fit to undergo their changes for the fly-ftate, they leave their old habi¬ tation, and, falling to the earth, bury themfelves there ; and when thete are hatched into flies, the female, vvhea fhe has been impregnated by the male, know>s that the nofe of a fheep or other animal is the only place for her to depolit her eggs, in order to theii coming to maturi¬ ty. Mr "Vallifiueri, to whom the world owes fo many difeoveries in the infea clafs, is thediift who has given any true account of the origin of thefe worms. But though their true hiitory had been till that time un¬ known, the creatures themfelves were very early difeo- vered, and many ages fince were efteemed great medi¬ cines in epilepfies. . 1 % produced from this worm has all the time of its Ike a very lazy difpofition, and does not like to make any ufe either of its legs or wings. Its head and corielet tog ".her are about as long as’ its body, which is competed of five rings, itreaked on the back ; a pale yellow and brown are there diipoied in irregular fpots ; the belly is of the fame colours, but they are there mere regularly diipofed, for the brown here makes three lines, one in the middle, and one on each fide, and all the " intermediate fpaces are yellow. The wings are nearly of the fame length with the body, and are a little inclined m their pofition, fo as to lie upon the body : they do not, however, cover it ; but a naked ipace is left between them. I he ailerons or petty wings which arc found un¬ der each of the wings are of a whitifh colour, and per- fcflly cover the balancers, fo that they are not to be feen without lifting up thefe. i he fly will live two months after it is firft produ¬ ced, but will take no nourifitment of any kind ; and pof- fibly it may be of the fame nature with the butterflies, which never take any food during the whole time of their living m that ftate. Reaumur, Hut. Inf. vol iv. p. 552, See. To find a proper compofition for marking fheep is a matter of great importance, as great (quantities of wool tion for are every year rendered ulelefs by the pitch and tar markh1S with which they are ufually marked. The requifite qualities for fueh a compofition are, that it be cheap, that the colour be ftrong and lading, fo as to bear the changes of weather, and not to injure the wool. Dr .Lewis recommends for this purpofe melted tallow, with io much charcoal in fine powder llirred into it as is fuf- ficient to make it of a full black colour, and of a thick confiftence. This mixture, being applied warm with a marking iron, on pieces of flannel, quickly fixed or har¬ dened, bore moderate rubbing, refilled the fun and rain. SHE t 350 1 and yet conld be wafted out freely with foap, or ley, it had a c&Hle . . tr 1 j J **. iXill r\ f 11 V*q1^ 1 or Hale urine. In order to render it {till more durable, and prevent its being rubbed off, with the tallow may be melted an eighth, fixth, or fourth, of its weight of tar, which will readily wafh out along with k from the wool. Lewis’s Com. Phil. Techn. p. 361. SHKFF-Stealing. See Iheft. * , SHEERING, in the fea-language. When a (hip is ipot fleered fteadily, they fay fhe fheers, or goes flieer- rjng ; or when, at anchor, fhe goes in and out by means of\he current of the tide, they alfo fay fhe fheers. . SHEERNESS, a fort in Kent, feated on the point where the river Medway falls into the Thames. It was built by king Charles II. after the infult of the Dutch, who burnt the men of war at Chatham. The buildings .belonging to it,in which the officers lodge, make a pretty little neat town ; and there is alio a yard and a dock, a chapel and a chaplain. Mr Lyons, who faded with the Honourable Captain Phipps in his voyage towards the pole, fixed the longitude of Sheeraefs to o. 48 . E. -its latitude 510 25', . . J SHEERS, a name given to an engine ufed to hoitt or difplace the lower malls of a fhip. The fheers em- ployed for this purpofe in the royal navy are compofed of fevcral long mails, whole heels reft upon the fide of the hulk, and having their heads declining outward from the perpendicular, fo as to hang oyer the veffel whofe mails are to be fixed or difplaced. The tackles, which extend from the head of the mail to the fheer- heads, are intended to pull in the latter toward the maft- head, particularly when they are charged with the weight of a mad after it is raifed out of any fhip, which is performed by ftrong tackles depending from the fiieer-heads. The effort of thefe tackles is produced by two capfterns, fixed on the deck for this purpofe. In merchant fhips this machine is compofed of two malls or props, ereded in the fame veffel wherein the mall is to be planted, or from whence it is to be remo¬ ved. The lower ends of thefe props reft on the oppo¬ site fides of the deck, and their upper parts are fallen- cd acrofs, fo as that a tackle which hangs from the m- terfe&ion may be almoft perpendicularly above the ilation of the maft to which the mechanical powers are applied. Thefe fheers are fecured by flays, which ex¬ tend forward and aft to the oppofite extremities ©f the veffel. SHEET-Lead. See Plumbery. Sheet, in fea-language, a rope fattened to one or both the lower corners of a fail, to extend and retain it in a particular flation. When a fhip fails with a lateral wind, the lower corner of the main and fore fail are faf- tened by a tack and a fheet; the former being to wind¬ ward, and the latter to leeward ; the tack, however, is entirely diffufed with a Hern wind, whereas the fail is never fpread without the affiflance of one or both of the ffieets. The ftay-fails and ftudding-fails have only one tack and one fheet each : the flay-fail tacks aie always fattened forward, and the fheet drawn aft; but the ttud- ding-fail tack draws the under clue of the fail to the ex¬ tremity of the boom, whereas the fheet is employed to extend the inmoft. SHEFFIELD, a town in the weft riding of Yorkfhire, about 162 miles from London, is a large, thriving, populous town on the borders of Derbyfhire; has a fine ftone bridge over the Don, and another over jhe Sheaf, and a church built in the reign of Henry I. S H E built in the reign of Henry III. in Sheffield which, or elfe in the manor-houfe of the Park, Mary ~ Q_neen of Scots was prifoner 1 6 or 17 years ; but after the death of Charles L it was, with feveral others, by order of parliament demolifhed. In 1673 an hofpital was erefited here, and endowed with 200I. a-year. There is a charity-fchool for 30 boys, and another for 30 girls. This town has been noted feveral hundred years for cut¬ lers and fmiths manufactures, which were encouraged and advanced by the neighbouring mines of iron, parti¬ cularly for files and knives, or whittles ; for the laft of which efpecially it has been a flaple for above 300 years; and it is reputed to excel Birmingham in thefe wares, as much as it'Is furpaffed by it in locks, hinges, nails, and polifhed fteel. The firlt mills in England for turning grindftones were alfo fet up here. The houfes look black from the continual fmoke of the forges. Here are 600 mailer cutlers. Incorporated by the ftyle of the Cutlers of Hallamjhire (of which this is reckoned the chief town), who employ' not lefs than 40,000'perf°ns in the iron manufaftures ; and each of the mailers gives a particular itamp to his wares. There is a large market on Tuefday for many commodities, but efpecially for. corn, which is bought up here for the whole Weft Ri¬ ding, Derbyfhire, and Nottinghamfhire. It has fair# on Tuefday after Trinity-Sunday, and November 2S. In the new market-place, ere&ed by the Duke of Nor¬ folk, the fhambles are built upon a moft excellent plan, and ftrongly inclofed. There are feveral other new good buildings, fuch as a large and elegant oftagon chapel belonging to the hofpital or almshoufes ; likewife a good affembly-room and theatre. We mull not omit the large fleam-engine, lately finifhed, for the purpofe of poltih- ing and grinding the various forts of hardware. The pariffi being very large, as well as populous, Mary I. incorporated 12 of the chief inhabitants, and their fucceffors for ever, by the flyle of the Twelve Capital Burgeffes of Sheffield, empowering them to ele£t and ordain three priefls to affift the vicar, who were to be paid out of certain lands and rents which fhe gave out of the crown ; and fince this fettlement two more cha¬ pels have been built in two hamlets of this parifh, which are ferved by two of the affiftants, while the third, in his turn, helps the vicar in his parifh-church, James I. founded a free grammar-fehool here, and ap¬ pointed 13 fchool burgeffes to manage the revenue, and appoint the mailer and uffier. A new chapel was built lately by the contributions of the people of the town and of the neighbouring nobility and gentry. Water is conveyed by pipes into Sheffield, whofe inhabitants pay but a moderate rent for it. In the neighbourhood there are fome mines of alum. The remains of the Ro¬ man fortification between this town and Rotheram, which is fix miles lower down the river, are flill vifible,; and here is alfo the famous trench of five miles long, by fome called Devil's or Dane's Bank, and by others Kemp Bank and Temple's Bank. W. Long. 1. 29- N. Lat. 53. 20. Sheffield (John), duke of Buckinghamfhire, an eminent writer of the laft' and prefent century, of great perfonal bravery, and an able minifter of Hate, .was born about 1650. He loft his father at nine years of age; and his mother marrying lord Ofiul- flo,n, the care of his education was left entirely to a governor, who did not greatly improve him in his Indies. Finding that he was deficient in many parts of SHE Sheffield, gheffiel. dia. of literature, he rcfolved to devote a certain number of hours, every day to his ftudies; and thereby im- — proved himfelf to the degrree of learning he afterwards attained. Though poflefied of a good eftate, he did not abandon himfelf to pleafure and indolence, but entered a volunteer in the fecond Dutch war; and accordingly was in that famous naval engagement where the duke of York commanded as admiral: on which occafion his lordfhip behaved fo gallantly, that he was appointed commander of'the Royal Catharine. He aftet w ard made a campaign in the b rench fervice under M. de Turenne. As I angier was in danger of being taken by the Moors, he offered to head the forces which were fent to defend it ; and accordingly was appointed to command them. He was then earl of Mulgrave, and one of the lords of the bed-chamber to king Charles II. The Moors retired on the ap¬ proach of his majefty’s forces ; and the refult of the ex¬ pedition was the blowing up of Tangier. He continu¬ ed in feveral great pods during the fhort reign of king James II. till that unfortunate prince was dethroned. Lord Mulgrave, though he paid his refpe&s to king William before he was advanced to the throne, yet did not accept of any poft in the government till fome years after. In the iixth year of William and Mary he was created marquis of Normanby in the county of Lincoln. He was one of the mod a&ive and zealous oppofers of the bill which took away Sir John Fen¬ wick s life ; and exerted the utmod vigour in carrying through the Treafon Bill, and the bill for Triennial Par¬ liaments. He enjoyed fome confiderable pods under king William, and enjoyed much of his favour and confidence! In 1702 he wasfworn lord privy-feal; and in the fame year was appointed one of the commiffioners to treat of an union between England and Scotland. In 1703 he was created duke of Normanby, and foon after duke of Buckinghamfhire. In 1711 he was made deward of her majefly s houfehold, and prefident of the council. Durino- queen Anne’s reign he was but once out of employ! ment; and then he voluntarily refigned, being attached to what were called the Tory principles. Her majefty offered to make him lord-chancellor; but he declined the office.. He was indrumental in the change of the mi- r.idry in 1710.. A circumdance that refle&s the high- ed honour on him is, the vigour with which he aifted in favour of the unhappy Catalans, who afterward were fo inhumanly facrificed. He was furvived by only one le¬ gitimate fon (who died at Rome in 173 <;) ; but left fe¬ veral natural children. His word enemies allow that he lived on veiy good terms with his lad wife, natural daughter to king James IL the late duchefs of Buck¬ ingham, a lady who always behaved with a dignity fuit- able to the daughter of a king. He died in 1721. He was admired by the poets of his age ; by Dryden,* Prior, and Garth. His Effay on Poetry was. applauded by Addifon, and his Rehearfal is dill read with pleafure. His writings were fplendidly printed in 1723, in-two volumes 410 ; and have dace been reprinted in 1729, in two vols 8vo. The fird contains his poems on various iubjects : the fecond, his profe works ; which confift of r.oncal memoirs, fpeeches in parliament, chara&ers, dialogues, critical obfervations, effiays, and letters. It may be proper to obferve, that the edition of 1729 is, cadrated ; iome particulars relathig to the revolution in tuat of 1723 having given offence. SHEFFIELDIA, in botany ; a genus of plants 1 351 1 SHE Sheik II Shell. belonging to the clafs of pentandria, and to tlie order of monogynia. The corolla is bell-ffiaped; the fila¬ ments are 10, of which every fecond is barren. The capfule confifts of one cell, which has four valves. There ^ is only one fpecies, the repens. SHEIK, in the oriental cudoms, the perfon who has the care of the mofques in Egypt; his duty is the lame as that of the imams at Condantinople. There are more or fewer of thefe to every mofque, according to its fize or revenue. One of thefe is head over the red, and anfwers to a parifh-prieft with us; and has under him, in large mofques, the readers, and people vyho cry out to go to prayers; but in fmall mofques the iheik is obliged to do all this himfelf. In fuch it is their bufmefs to open the mofque, to cry to prayers, and to begin their fhort devotions at the head of the congregation, who Hand rank, and file in great order, and make all their motions together. Every Friday the iheik makes an harangue to his congregation. SHEiK-Be/let, the name of an officer nTthe Oriental nations. In Egypt the fheik-bellet is the head of a city, and is appointed by the pacha. The bufmefs of this officer is to take care that no innovations be made which may be prejudicial to the Porte, and that they lend no orders which may hurt the liberties of the people. But all his authority depends on his credit and intereft, not his-office : for the government of Egypt is of fuch a kind, that often the people of the leail pow¬ er by their polls have the greatefl influence ; and a" caia of the janizaries or Arabs, and fometimes one of their meaneft officers, an oda-bafha, finds means, by his part* an* abilities, to govern all things. SHEILDS. See Shields. SHEKEL, the name of a weight and coin current among the ancient Jews. Dr Arbuthnot makes the weight of the fhekel equal to 9 pennyweights 2j- grains I roy weight; and the value equal to 2 s. 3|d. Ster¬ ling. The golden fhekel was worth L. 1 : 16: 6. SHELDRAKE, in ornithology. See Anas. SHELF, among miners, the fame with what they- otherwife call faft ground ox faft country ; being that part of the internal ftruaure of the earth which they find lying even and in an orderly manner, and evidently- retaining its primitive form and fituation. SFIELL, m natural hiftory, a hard, and, as it were, irony covering, with which certain animals are defend¬ ed, and thence called Jhell-fiJh. The Angular regularity, beauty, and delicacv in the* 1 - ftruaure of the fhelh of animals, and the variety and^ET brilliancy in the colouring of many of them, at the lame time that they ftrike the attention of the moft in¬ curious obfervers, have at all times excited philofophers to inquire into and detea, if poffible, the caufes and. manner of their formation. But the attempts of natu- rahlts, ancient and modern,. to difeover this procefs have conftantly proved unfitccefsful. M. de Reaumur hitherto appears alone to have given a plaufible.account, at lealt, of the formation of the. fheJl of the garden-fnail m particular, founded on acourfe of very ingenious ex¬ periments,.related in the Paris Memoirs He ther^# o endeavours to ffiow, that this fubftance is produced merely by the perfpirable matter of the animal condemn 1709, fmg and afterwards hardening on its furfaee, and accord-P- 475- mgly taking the figure of its body, which has perform- * ed the office of a mould to it; in ihort, that the ffiell in ^moV cf a Inail, and, as he fuppofed, of all other aaimals pof, feffed Shell, Are com- yofed of an earthy anvl an ani- rnal fub- ftance. 3 Thtir membra¬ nous ftruc- ture pro¬ duces i!?reat variety of colours. SHE r .15 fefTed of {Mis, was only the produft of a viscous tra'nf- udation from the body of the animal^ containing earthy particles united by mere juxtapofition. This hypo- theSs, however, is liable to very great and infur- mountable difficulties, if we apply it to the formation of fome of the moft common ffiells: for how, accord- ing to tins fyftem, it may be afked, can the oyifer, for inftance, confidered fimply as a mould, form to it- felf a covering fo much exceeding its own body in di- menlions ? f M. Heriffant, in the Memoirs of the Academy of Sciences for 1766, has difeovered the ftrufture of (hells to be organical. In the numerous experiments that he made on an immenfe number, and a very great va¬ riety, of animal (hells, he conftantly found that they were compcfed ot two ditfindf fubftances ; one o( which is a cretaceous or earthy matter; and the other ap¬ peared, from many experiments made upon it by burning, diftillation, and otherwife, to be evidently of an animal nature. Thefe two fubifances he dexteroui- ly feparated from each ether by a very eafy chemical analylis ; by the gentle operation of which they were exhibited diilindly to view, without any material alte¬ ration from the adtion of the folvent, or inftrument em¬ ployed for that purpofe. On an entire (hell or a fragment of one, contained in a glafs vcdel, he poured a fufficient quantity of the nitrous acid, conhderably diluted either with water or ipirit of wine. After the liquor has diffolved all the earthy part of the (hell (which maybe collefted after precipitation by a fixed or volatile alkali), there remains floating in it a i®ft fub- ftance, confiding of innumerabk membranes of a rcti- ferm appearance, and difpofed, in different (hells, in a variety of pofitions, which conditutes the animal-part of it. This, as it has not been affe&ed by the folvent, retains the exact figure of the (hell; and, on being 'view¬ ed through a microfcope, exhibits fatvsfaAory proofs of a vafcular and organical ftruedure. He (hows that this membranous fub(lance is an appendix to the body of the animal, or a continuation of the tendinous fibres that compote the ligaments by which it is fixed to its (hell; and that this lad owes its hardnefs to the earthy par¬ ticles conveyed through the veflels of the animal, which fix themfelves into, and incrud, as it were, the mefhes formed by the reticular filaments of which this mem¬ branous fiibdance is compofed. In the (hell called por- celaine, in particular, the delicacy of thefe membranes was fo gieat, that he was obliged to put it into fpirit of wine, to which he had the patience to add a fingle drop of fpirit of nitre day by day, for the (pace of two months ; led the air generated, or kt k>ofe by the ac¬ tion of the acid on the earthy tubilance, ihould tear the compares of its fine membranous ftrufture into Tat¬ ters ; as it certainly would have done in a more hady and lefs gentle diffolution. ’I he delicate reticulated film, left after this operation, had all the tenuity of a Ipider’s web ; and accordingly he does not attempt to delineate its organization. In other (hells he employed even five or fix months in demon drafting the complica¬ ted membranous ftrufture of this animal-fubftance by this kind of chemical anatomy. In general, however, the procefs does not require much time. Of the many lingular configurations ai\d appearances of the membranous part of different (hells, which are deferibed in this memoir, and are delineated in feveral well executed plates, we (hall mention only, as a fpe- 2 ] SHE cimen, the curiam membranous ftrufture obferved jr» She!!. the laminae of mother-of-pearl^ and other fhell'3 of the fame kind, after having been expofed to the operation of the author’s folvent. Befide the great variety of fixed or permanent colours with which he found the animal filaments of thefe (hells to be adorned, it is known, that the (hell icfelf prefents to the view a iuc- ceffion of rich and changeable colours, the produftion of which he eafily explains from the configurations of their membranes. Nature, he obierves, always nificent in her defigns, but Angularly frugal in the exe¬ cution of them, produces thefe brilliant decorations at a very fmall expence. The membranous fubftance a- bove-mentioned is plaited and rumpled, as it were, in fuch a manner, that its exterior laminae, incrufted with their earthy and femi-tranfparent matter, form an infi¬ nite number of little pnfms, placed in all kinds of direc¬ tions, which refraft die rays of light, and produce all the changes of colour obfervable in thefe fiicils. With re fpe ft to the figures and colours of (bells, it is obferved, that river (hells have not fo agreeable or di- verfified a colour as the land and fea (hells; but the va¬ riety in the figure, colours, and other charafters of fea (hells, is almoft infinite, l he number of diftinft fpecies we find in the cabinets of the curious is very great; and doubtkfs the deep bottoms of the fea, and the ffiorea vet unexplored contain multitudes (till unknown to us. Even the fame fpecies differ in fome degree in almoft every individual; fo that it is rare to find any two ftiells which are alike in all refpefts, . . This wonderful variety, however, is not all the P™-\vhei,cQ duce of one fea or one country ; the different parts of-he m a the world afford us their different beauties. Bonamheauufui obierves, that the moft beautiful (hells we are acquaint- ed with come from the Eaft Indies and from the Red fea. This is in fome degree countenanced by what is found to this day; and from the general obfervations of the curious, it (eons, that the fun, by the great heat that it gives to the countries near the line, exalts the colours of the (hells produced there, and gives them a luftre and brilliancy that thole of colder climates always want: and it may be, that the waters of thole vail eas, which are not fubjeft to be weakened by freffi rivers, give a nouriftrment to the fiffi, that may add to the ->nl- iiancy of their ftiells. . „ . 5 The (bores of Afia furniffi us with the pearl-oyftera shfll« and fcalloos in great perfeftion. About Amboy naare found in found the"moft beautiful fpecimens of the cabbage-fhell, Aua. the armfoir, the ducal mantle, and the coral oyiters, or echinated oyfters. Here alfo are found a great variety ©f extremely beautiful mufeks, tellina*, and volutie; fome fine bnecinums, and the Ihell called the Ethiopian crown, in its greateft perfeftion. I he doha, the mu- rices, and the caftandne, are alfo found on thefe coaiis in great beauty. Many elegant fnails and (crew-(hells are alfo brought from thence ; and finally, the ferapion and ipider-ftiells. The Maidive and Philippine iftands, Bengal, and the coaft Malabar, abound with the moft elegant of all the i'pecies of binds, and furniffi many other kinds of (hells in great abundance and perfeftion. China abounds in the fineft (peck, of porcelain ffiells, and has alfo a great variety of beautiful fnails. Japan furmffies us with all the thicker and larger bivalves ; and foe ilk of Cyprus is famous above all other parts of the world for the beauty and variety of the patella or limpet found there. Africa SHE Shell*. In Africa 3 in fome Elands of ;he Medi- :erraiiean ind the oafts fur. ounding America affords many very elegant ffells, but neither in fo great abundance nor beauty as the fhores of Afia. Panama is famous for the cylinders or rhombi, and we have befide, from the fame place, fome good porcelains, and a very fine fpecies of dolium, or concha globofa, call¬ ed from this place the Panama purple Jhell. One of the moft beautiful of the cylinders is alfo known among our naturalifts under the name of the Panama /hell. About Brafil, and in the gulf of Mexico, there are found mu- rices and dolia of extreme beauty ; and alfo a great va¬ riety of porcelains, purpuras, pe&ens, neritae, bucardiae f 3S3 1 SHE or heart-fhells, and elegant limpets. The ifle of Cay enne affords one of the moft beautiful of the buccinum kind, and the Midas ear is found principally about this place. Jamaica and the ifland of Barbadoes have their fhores covered with porcelains, chamas, and buccina ; and at St Domingo there are found almoft all the fame Ipecies of fhells that we have from the Eaft Indies; only they are lefs beautiful, and the colours more pale and dead. The pearl-oyfter is found alfo on this coaft, but fmaller than in the Perfian gulf. At Martinico there are found in general the fame (hells as at St Domingo, but yet lefs beautiful. About Canada are found the violet chamas, and the lakes of that country abound with mufcles of a very elegant pale blue and pale red colours. Some fpecies of thefe are remarkably light and thin ; others are very thick and heavy. The Great Bank of Newfoundland is very barren in (hells: the principal kind found there are mufcles of feveral fpecies, fome of which are of confidetable beauty. A- bout Carthagena there are many mother-of-pearl (hells, but they are not of fo brilliant colours as thofe of the Perfian gulf. The ifland of Magellan, at'the fouthern point of America, furniihes us with a very remarkable fpecies of mufcle called by its name ; and feveral very elegant (pecies of limpets are found there, particularly the pyramidal, . In Africa, on the coaft of Guinea, there is a prodi¬ gious quantity' of that fmall fpecies of porcelain which is ufed there as money ; and there is another fpecies of porcelain on the fame coaft which is all over white: the women make bracelets of thefe, and the people of the Levant adorn their hair with them. The coaft of Zanguebar is very rich in (hells: we find there a vaft variety of the large porcelains, many of them of great beauty ; and the nux marts or fea-nut is very frequent there. Befide thefe, and many other (hells, there are found on this coaft all the fpecies which are very beautiful. The with a vaft variety of the murices good (hells; and we have from Madeira great va¬ riety of the echini or fea-eggs different from thofe of the European feas. Several fpecies of mufcles are alfo common there, and the auris marina is nowhere more abundant. The Red fea is beyond all other parts of the world abundant m fnells, (carce anyr kind is want- ing there; but what we principally have from thence are the purpuras, porcelains, and echini marini. Phe Mediterranean and Northern ocean contain a great variety o( (hells, and many of very remarkable ele¬ gance and beauty ; they are upon the whole, however, greatly inferior to thofe of the Eaft Indies. The Me¬ diterranean abounds much more in (hells than the O- cean. 1 he gulf of I arentum affords great variety of purpura, of porcelains, nautili, and elegant oyftersj the coafts of Naples and Sardinia afford alio the fame, and Vol. XVII. Fart. I. with them a vail number of the folens of all the known Shelf#, fpecies. 1 he ifland of Sicily is famous for a very ele- gant kind of oyfter which is white all over; pinnae ma- rinae and porcelains are alio found in great plenty there, with tellinae and chamas of many fpecies, and a great variety of other beautiful (hells. Corfica is famous, beyond all other places, for vaft quantities of the pinna* marinas; and many other very beautiful (hells are found there. (Lifter, Haft. Conchyl.) About Syracufe are found the gondola (hell, the alated murex, and a great variety of elegant fnails, with fome of the dolia and ne- ntas. The Adriatic fea, or gulf of Venice, is lefs fur- nifhed with fhells than almolt any of the feas there¬ about, Mufcles and oyfters of feveral fpecies are how¬ ever found there, and fome of the cordiform or h^art- (hells; there are alfo fome tellins. About Ancona there are found vaft numbers of the pholades buried in (lone ; and the aures marinas are particularly frequent about Puzzoli. fBonani, Recreat. iVIent. et Ocui). $ I he ports of Marfeilles, Foulon, and Antibes, are^1*^ full of pinnae marinae, mufcles, tellinae, and chamae. cR0dfl: The coatts of Bretagne afford great numbers of the C &c> I here are, according to Tavernier and others, fome ri¬ vers m Bavaria in which there are found pearls of a fine water. About Cadiz there are found very large pinme marina;, and fome fine buccina. The ifles of Maiorca and Minorca afford a great variety of extremely elegant (hells. The pinnae marinas are alfo very numerous there, and their fiik is wrought into gloves', dockings and other things. The Baltic affords a great many beautiful fpecies, but particularly an orange-coloured peften, or fcallop-lhell, which is not found in any other part of the world. 1 The fiefli water (hells are found much more fre- Freff wa- quent.y, and _ in much greater plenty than the fea ter (hells, kinds; there is fcarce a pond, a ditch, or a river of freflt water in any part of^ the world in which there ^ 7 are Shells. *3. Art of po- lifhing Ihells. SHE are not found vaft numbers of thefe (hells fifh living in them. All thefe (hells are fmall, and they are of very little beauty, being ufually of a plain greyifh or browniib colour. Our ditches afford us rhamae, buccina, neritae, and fome patellae ; but the Nile? and fome other rivers, furnifhed the ancients with a (pecies of tellina which was large and eatable, and fo much fuperior to the common fea telhna in flavour, that it is commonly known by the name of teliina regia, « royal tellina.” We have a fmall fpecies of bucci- num common in our fre(h waters, which is very ele- oant, and always has its operculum in the manner of the larger buccina ; a fmall kind of mufcle is alfo vety common, which is fo extremely thin and tender, that it can hardly be handled without breaking to pieces, the larye frefh water mufcle, commonly called in England theborfe-mufcle, is too well known to need a defcnption; and the fize fuffxciently diffinguifhes it from all other frefh wrater (hells. _ . .r , , , In colle&ing (hells, it is mod advifable, whenever it can be done, to get thofe which have in them the li¬ vin'* animals ; becaufe we (hall thus obtain the natural hiitory of the animals, and the (hells themfelves in their natural beauty, and the full glow of their colouis. Shells fheuld be alfo procured from the deeper parts of their reforts, and immediately after (forms on the fea beaches and (hores; becaufe, by being much expofed to the fun, their colours fade, and they are liable to other accidents that injure them. In order to kill the fifli that inhabits them, Mr Da Coda advifes to give them a quick dip in boiling water, and when they are cooled, to lay them in cold water till they are cleaned; and in this operation they fhould not be touched with aquafortis, or any other acid, nor expofed to the heat of the fire and fun. # . The art of polifhing (hells arrived but lately at its prefent date of perfedion ; and as the love of (ea-(hells is become fo common among us, it may not be difagree- able to the reader to find fome indrudions in executing fo pleafing a method of adding to their natural beauty, the rules for which are at prefent fo little known, though the effed of them be fo much edeemed. Among the immenfe variety of ihells which we are acquainted with, fome are taken up out of the fea, or found on its (hores in all their perfedion and beauty; their colours being all fpread by nature upon the fur- face, and their natural polilh fuperior to any thing that art could give. Where nature is in herielf thus perfed, it were madnefs to attempt to add any thing to her charms: but in others, where the beauties are latent and covered with a -coarfer outer (kin, art is to be caded in ; and the outer veil being taken off, all the internal beauties appear. Among the (hells which are found naturally polifhed are the porcelains, or cowries; the caffanders ; the do- lia, or conchas globoise, or tuns; fome buccina, the vo¬ lutes, and the cylinders, or olives, or, as they are gene¬ rally though improperly called, the rhombi; excepting only two or three, as the tiara, the plumb, . and the butter-tub rhombus, where there is an unpromifing film on the furface, hiding a very great (hare of beauty with¬ in. Though the generality of the (hells of thefe genera are taken out of the fea in all their beauty, and in their utmoil natural polifh, there are feveral other genera, in which all or mod of the fpecies are taken up naturally rough and foul, and covered with an epidermis, or coarfe [ 354 ]. . .. s H E with the outer (kin, which is in many rough and downy or hairy. The tellime, the mufcles, the cochleae, and many others, ^ are of this kind. The more nice colleftors, as natura- lifts, inlift upon having all their (hells in their native and genuine appearance, as they are found when living at fea ; but the ladles, who make collections, hate the difagreeable outfides, and will have all fuch poliflied. It would be very- advilable, however, for both kinds of collectors to have the fame (hells in different fpecimens both rough and poliihed: the naturalift would by this means, befides knowing the outfide of the (hell, be better acquainted with its internal characters than he otherwife could be, and the lady would have a pleafure in comparing the beauties of the (hell, in its wrought (late, to its coarfe appearance as nature gives it. How many elegancies in this part of the creation muft be wholly loft to us, if it were not for the afliftance of an art of this kind ! Many (hells in their native (late are like rough diamonds ; and we can form no juft idea of their beauties till they have been polifhed and wrought into form. ' Though the art of poliihing (hells is a very valuable one', yet it is very dangerous to the (hells ; for without the utmoft care, the means ufed to polilh and beautify a (hell often wholly deftroy it. When a (hell is to be polifhed, the firft thing to be examined is whether it have naturally a fmooth furface, or be covered with tu¬ bercles or prominences. A (hell which has a fmooth furface, and a natural dull polifh, need only be rubbed with the hand, or with a piece of chamoy leather, with fome tripoli, or fine rotten (lone, and will become of a perfectly bright and fine polifh. Emery is not to be tiled on this occafion, becaufe it wears away too much of the fhell. This operation requires the hand of an experienced perfon, that knows how fuperficial the work muft be, and where he is to flop ; for in many of thefe (hells the lines are only on the furface, and the wearing away ever fo little of the (hell defaces them. A (hell that is rough, foul, and crufty, or covered with a tartareous coat, muft be left a whole day deeping in hot water: when it has im¬ bibed a large quantity of this, it is to be rubbed with rough emery on a (lick, or with the blade or a knife, in order to get of!' the coat. After this, it may be dipped in diluted aquafortis, fpirit of fait, or any other acid; and after remaining a few moments in it, be again plunged into common water. This will add greatly to the (peed of the work. After this it is to be well rubbed with linen cloths, impregnated with common foap ; and when by thefe feveral means it is made per- fe&ly clean, the polifhing is to be finifhed with fine emery and a hair-brufh. If alter this the (hell when dry appears not to have fo good a polifti as was defired, it muft be rubbed over with a folution of gum arabic ; and this will add greatly to its glofs, without doing it the fmalleft injury. The gum-water muft not be too thick, and then it gives no fenfible coat, only heighten¬ ing the colours. The white of an egg anfwers this purpofe alfo very well; but it is fubjeft to turn yellow. If the (hell has an epidermis, which will by no means admit the poliftiing of it, it is to be dipped feveral times in diluted aquafortis, that this may be eaten off; and then the (hell is to be polifhed in the ufual way with, putty, fine emery, or tripoli, on the hair of a fine bru(h. When it is only a pellicle that hides the colours, the (hells muft be fteeped in hot water, and after that the rj (kin Shell*. Shells S H E worked off by degrees with an oM file. the cafe with feveral of the cylinders, which have not the natural polifh of the reft. When a iheli is covered with a thick and fatty epi¬ dermis, as is the cafe with feveral of the mufcles and tellina;; in this cafe aquafortis will do no fervice, as it will not touch the fkin: then a rough brufh and coarfe emery are to be ufed ; and if this does not fucceed, feal-fkin, or, as the workmen call it, JiJh-Jhn and pu¬ mice-ji one, are to be employed. When a ibeil has a thick cruft, which will not give way to any of thefe means, the only way left is to plunge it feveral times into ftrong aquafortis, till the ftubborn cruft is wholly eroded. The limpets, auris marina, the helmet-lhells, and feveral other fpecies of this kind, muft have this fort of management; but as the defign is to fhow the hidden beauties under the cruft, and not to deftroy the natural beauty and polifh of the infide of the Ihell, the aquafortis muft be ufed in this manner : A long piece of wax muft be pro¬ vided, and one end of it made perfectly to cover the whole mouth of the ftiell; the other end will then ferve as a handle, and the mouth being flopped by the wax, the liquor cannot get in to the infide to fpoil it ; then there muft be placed en a table a veffel full of aquafortis, and another full of common water. The fhell is to be plunged into the aquafortis ; and after remaining a few minutes in it, is to be taken out, and plunged into the common water. The pro- grefs the aquafortis makes in eroding the furface is thus to be carefully obierved every time it is taken out: the point of the Ihell, and any other tender parts, are to he covered with wax, to prevent the aquafortis from eating them away ; and if there be any worm- holes, they alfo muft be flopped up with wax, other- wife the aquafortis would foon eat through in thofe places. When the repeated dippings into the aqua¬ fortis fhow that the coat is fufficiently eaten away, then the fhell is to be wrought carefully with fine emery and a brufh ; and when it is polifhed as high as can be by this means, it muft be wiped clean,^ and rubbed over with gum-water or the white of an egg. In this fort of work the operator muft always have the caution to wear gloves; otherwife the leaft touch of the aquafortis will burn the fingers, and turn them yellow ; and often, if it be not regarded, will eat off the fkin and the nails. Thefe are the methods to be ufed with fhells which require but a moderate quantity of the furface to be taken off; but there are others which require to have a larger quantity taken off, and to Ire uncovered deeper: this is called entirely fealing a fhell. This is done by means of a horizontal wheel of lead or tin, impreg¬ nated with rough emery; and the fhell is wrought down in the fame manner in which ftones are wrought by the lapidary. Nothing is more difficult, however, than the performing this work with nicety: very often fhells are cut down too far by it, and wholly fpoiled ; and to avoid this, a coarfe vein muft be often left Handing in fome place, and taken down afterwards with the file, when the cutting it down at the wheel would have fpoiled the adjacent parts. After the ffiell is thus cut down to a proper degree, it is to be polifhed with fine emery, tripoli, or rotten ttone, with a wooden wheel turned by the fame machine J 355 1 S H E This is as the leaden one, or by the common method of work¬ ing with the hand with the fame ingredients. When a fhell is full of tubercles, or protuberances, which muft he preferved, it is then impoffible to ufe the wheel: and if the common way of dipping into aquafortis be at¬ tempted, the tubercles being harder than the reft of the fhell, will he eat through before the reft is fuffici¬ ently fealed, and the fhell will be fpoiled. In this cafe, induflry and patience are the only means of effe&ing a pohfh. A camel’s-hair pencil muft be dipped in aqua¬ fortis ; and with this the intermediate parts of the fhell muft he wetted, leaving the protuberances dry : this is to be often repeated; and'after a few moments the fhell is always to be plunged into water to flop the erofiont of. the acid, which would otherwife eat too deep, and deftroy the beauty of the fhell. When this has fuffici¬ ently taken off the foulnefs of the fhell, it is to he po¬ lifhed with emery of tire fineft kind, or with tripoli, by means of a fmall flick, or the common polifhing-ftone uled by the goldfmiths may he ufed. . This is a very tedious and troublefome thing, efpe- cially when the echinated oyfters and muriejes, and fome other fuch fhells, are to be wrought: ami what is worfl of all is, that when all this labour has been em¬ ployed, the bufinefs is not u'dl done ; for there Hill re¬ main feveral places which could not be reached by any inflrument, lo that the fliell muft neceffarily be rubbed over with gum-water or the white of an egg afterwards, in order to bring out the colours and give a glofs; in fome cafes it is even neceffary to give a coat of varnifh. Shells. 14 J O VZA v tn 1111 Ji. J Ihefe are the means ufed by artifls to brighten tlieSome ffe,fs I 1 ^.J . J a.. ^ 1 _ 1 . f * /"V vv — . y'' 11*v ivv 11 /- colours and add to the beauty of fhells ; and the^" fo ,m,uch changes produced by poliffiing in this manner are fo hy poliffi- great, that the fhell can fcarcely be known afterwards in^ as not to be the fame it was ; and hence we hear of new fhellsco be in the cabinets of colledors, w hich have no real exiftence kn ’wn» as feparate_ fpecies, but are fhells well known, difgui- 35 fed by polifhing. To caution the reader againft er¬ rors of this kind, it may he proper to add the moll re¬ markable fpecies thus ufually altered. 15 The onyx-fhell or volute, called by us the purp/e orThe violet-tip, wftiich in its natural flate is of a fimple palelhe11' brown, when it is wrought flightly, or polifhed with juft the fuperficies taken off, is of a fine bright yellow; and when it is eaten away deeper, it appears of a fine milk-wffiite, with the kwer part bluifh : it is in this flate that it is called the onyx-Jbell ; and it is preferved in many cabinets in its rough Hate, and in its yellow' appearance, as different fpecies of fhells. iff The violet Jhells, lo common among the curious, isvio'et a fpecies of porcelain, or common cowry, which does not appear in that elegance till it has been polifhed; and the common auris marina fhows itfelf in two or three different forms, as it is more or lefs deeply wrought. In its rough Hate it is dufky and coarfe, of a pale brown on the outfide, and pearly wuthin ; when it is eaten down a little way below the furface, it fhows variegations of black and green ; and when ft ill farther eroded, it appears of a fine pearly hue within and without. The nautilus, when it is polifhed down, appears all over of a fine pearly colour; but when it is eaten aw'ay but to a Imall depth, it appears of a rine yellowdfh colour with dulky hairs. The burgau, when entirely cleared of its coat, is of the moil beautiful pearl-co- Y y 3 lour 5 17 Nautilus. Shells T8 Jurquil- qhama 19 The affes- car fhelL 40 Dutch me¬ thod of £0 Jifhing fedls. SHE < I 356 lour 5 but when but flightly eroded, tt appears of a variegated mixture of green and red ; whence it has been called the parroquet Jhell. The common helmet- fhell, when wrought, is of the colour or the fined; agate ; and the mufcles, in general, though very plain fhells in,their common appearance, become very beauti¬ ful when polilhed, and fhow large veins of the molt ele¬ gant colours. The Perlian {hell, in its natural Hate, is all over white, and covered with tubercles ; but when it has been ground down on a wheel, and polilhed, it appears of a grey colour, with fpots and veins of a very bright and highly polifhed white. 1 he limpets, in general, become very different when poliihed, moll of them fhowing very elegant colours ; among thefe the tortoife-fhell limpet is the principal; it does not appear at all of that colour or tranfparence till it has been wrought. That elegant fpecies of Ihell called the junquil-chama, which ha" deceived fo many judges of thefe things in¬ to an opinion ol its being a new fpecies, is only a white chama with a reticulated furface ; but when this is po¬ lilhed, it loi'es at once its reticular work and its colour, and becomes periedtly fmooth, and of a fine bright yellow. The violet-coloured chama of New Eng¬ land, when worked down and polilhed, is of a fine milk-white, with a great number of blue veins, diipo- fed like the variegations in agates. The ajf s-ear Jhell, when polilhed after working it down with the file, becomes extremely gloffy,^ and ob¬ tains a fine role-colour all about the mouth. Thefe are fome of the molt frequent among an endlefs variety of changes wrought on Ihells by poliihing ; and we find there are many of the very greateft beauties oi this part of the creation which mult have been loll but for this method of fearching deep in the fubltance of the Ihell for them. The Dutch are very fond of Ihells, and are very nice in their manner of working them : they are under no rellraint, however, in their works; but ufe the molt SheH»» 21 Imperfec¬ tions of ] SHE Shells are fuhjeft to feveral imperfeftions | fome of which are natural and others accidental. The natural defetts are the effect of age, or ficknefs in the filh. The greatell mifehief happens to Ihells by the filh dying in tic ... them. The curious in thefe things pretend to be al-ftielbna- ways able to diftinguilh a Ihell taken up with the filhtur^ ancl alive from one found on the Ihores : they call the gr^accluenta * a living, the feeond a dead Ihell ; and lay that the co¬ lours are always much fainter in the dead Ihells. When the Ihells have lain long dead on the Ihores, they are fubjedt to many injuries, of which the being eaten by fea-worms is not the leall: age renders the fineft Ihells livid or dead in their colours. Befides the imperfections a riling from age and fick¬ nefs in the filh, Ihells are fubje£t to other deformities, fuch as morbid cavities, or protuberances, in parts where there Ihould be none. When the Ihell is va¬ luable, thefe faults may be hid, and much added to. the beauty of the fpecimen, without at all injuring it as an object of natural hiltory, which Ihould always be the great end of collecting thefe things. The cavities may be filled up with mattic, diffolved in fpirit of wine, or with ifinglafs : thefe fubftances mult be either coloured to the tinge of the Ihell, or elfe a pencil dipped in wa¬ ter-colours mull finilh them up to the refemblance of the reft ; and then the whole Ihell being rubbed over with gum-water, or with the white of an egg., fcarce any eye can perceive the artifice : the fame fubllances may alfo be ufed to repair the battered edge of a Ihell provided the pieces chipped off be not too large. And when the excrefcences of a Ihell are faulty, they are to be taken down with a fine file. If the lip of a fhell be fo battered that it will not admit of repairing by any ce¬ ment, the whole mult be filed down or ground on the wheel till it become even. FoJJ'il Shells. Thole found buried at great depths in the earth. Of thefe fome are found remaining almolt entirely in their native Hate, but others are varioully altered by no renraim, nowevci, m mtn .... , . , • , r a 1 r violent methods, fo as often to deltroy all the beauty of being impregnated with particles of Itone and of other , -> 11 r- 1 1 r* _ * 4-1^ *-.1^,-.^ »c frvnnn mere itnnf* the Ihell. 't hey file them down on all fides, and often take them to the wheel, when it mult deltroy the very charafters of the fpecies. Nor do they Hop at this : but, determined to have beauty at any rate, they are for improving upon nature, and frequently add fo.me lines and colours with a pencil, afterwards covering them with a fine coat of varnifh, fo that they feem the natural lineations of the Ihell : the Dutch cabinets are by theie means made very beautiful, but they are by no means to be regarded as inllruftors in natural hiltory. There are lome artificers of this nation who have a way of covering ihells all over with a different tinge from that which nature gives them ; and the curious are of¬ ten enticed by thefe tricks to purchafe them for new fpecies. There is another kind of work bellowed on certain fpecies of Ihells, particularly the nautilus; namely, the engraving on it lines and ciicles, and figures of liars, and other things. This is too obvious a work of art to fuffer any one to fuppofe it natural. Buonani has figured feveral of thefe wrought Ihells at the end of his work ; but this was applying his labour to very little purpofe; the fhells are fpoiled as objects of natural hiltory by it, and the engraving is feldom worth any thing.-— They are princrpally done in the Ealt Indies. foffifs ; in the place of others there is found mere Itone or.fpar, or fome other native mineral body, exprelfmg all their lineaments in the molt exaft manner, as having been formed wholly from them, the fhell having been firlt de- pofited in fome folid matrix, and thence diffolved by very flow degrees, and this matter left in its place, on the cavities of Itone and other folid fubltances, out of which Ihells had been diffolved and walhed away, be¬ ing afterwards filled up lefs flowly with thefe different fubllances, whether fpar or whatever elfe : thefe fub¬ llances, fo filling the cavities, can neceffarily be of no other form than that of the Ihell, to the abfence of which the cavity was owing, though all the nicer li¬ neaments may not be fo exa&ly expreffed. Befides thefe, we have alfo in many places maffes of Hone formed within various Ihells ; and thefe having been received into the cavities of the Ihells while they were perfectly fluid, and having therefore nicely filled alii their cavities, mult retain the perfedt figures of the in¬ ternal part ©f the Ihell, when the Ihell itfelf Ihould be worn away or perilhed from their outfide. The va¬ rious fpecies we find of thefe are, in many genera, as numerous as the known recent ones ; and as we have in our own ifland not only the Ihells of our own (hores, but thofe of many other very diftant ones, fo we have g alfo S H E . [ 3S Shells, alfo many fpecies, and thofe in great numbers, which >—~ are in their recent hate, the inhabitants of other yea unknown or unfearched Teas and fhores. The cockles,, mufcles, oyfters, and the other common bivalves of our own feas, are very abundant : but we have alio an amazing number of the nautilus kind, particularly of the nautilus grascorum, which though a (hell not found living in our own or any neighbouring feas, yet is found buried in all our clay-pits about London and elfewhere ; and the moft frequent of all foffil (hells in feme of our counties are the conchas anormas, which yet we know not of in any part of the world in their recent ftate. Of this fort alfo are the cornua ammo- nis and the gryqphitae, with leveral of the echinitae and others. The exacf fimilitude of the known (hells, recent and foffil, in their feveral kinds, will by no means fuffer us to believe that thefe, though not yet known to us in their living Hate, are, as fome have idly thought, a fort of lufus natural. It is certain, that of the many known (hores, very few, not even thoie of our own ifland, have been yet carefully fearched for the fhell-fifli that inhabit them ; and as we fee- in the nautilus grtecortim an inftance of (hells being brought from very diftant parts of the world to be buried here, we cannot won¬ der that yet unknown (hores, or the unknown bottoms of deep feas, (hould have furnilhed us with many un¬ known (liell-fifh, which may have been brought with the red ; whether that were at the time of the general deluge, or the effect of any other cataftrophe ot a like kind, or by whatever other means, to be left in the yet unhardened matter of our llony and clayey ilrata. Shells, in gunnery, are hollow iron balls to throw out of mortars or howitzers, with a fufe-hole of about an inch diameter, to load them with powder, and to receive the fufe. The bottom, or part oppofite to the fufe, is made thicker than the reil, that the fufe may fall uppermoft. But in imall elevations this does not always happen, nor indeed is it neceffiary ; for, let the ihell fall as it will, the fufe fets fire to the powder with¬ in, which burfts the (hell, and caufes great devaftation. The (hells had much better be of an equal thicknefs ; for then they burlt into more pieces. Mejfage Shells, wtz nothing more than howitz-(hells, in the infidfe of which a letter or other papers are put; the fufe hole is Hopped up with wood or cork, and the ffiells are fired out of a royal or howitz, either into a garrifon or camp. It is (uppoied, that the perlon to whom the letter is fent knows the time, and according¬ ly appoints a guard to look out for its arrival. Suhi.L-FiJh. Thefe animals are in general ovipa¬ rous, very few inftances having been found of fuch as are viviparous. Among the oviparous kinds, anato<- mills have found that fome fpecies are of difierent fexes, in the different individuals of the fame fpecies; but others are hermaphrodites, every one being in itfelf both male and female. In both cafes their increafe is very nume¬ rous, and fcarce inferior to that of plants, or of the moff fruitful of the infect clafs. The eggs are very Imall, and are hung together in a fort of duffers by means of a glutinous humour, which is always placed about them, and is of the nature of the gelly of frog’s fpawn. By means of this, they are not only kept to¬ gether in the parcel, but the whole duller is fattened to the rocks, Ihells, or other folid fubffances j and thus 7 ] SHE they are prefervedfrom being driven on fhore by the waves, Shejtts and left where they cannot fucceed. See Te stage a. shenftoiic. Shell-GoM. Sec Gold. .-y'■■w SHELT1E, a fmall but ffrong kind of horfe, fo called from Shetland, or Zetland, where they are pro- duced. SHELVES, in fea-language, a general name given ta any dangerous (hallows, fand banks, or rocks, lying immediately under the furface of the water, fo as to- intercept any (hip in her paffage, and endanger her de- Hrudion. SHENAN. See Dying of Leather, vol. ix. p.- 750, foot-note. SHENSTONE (William), an admired Englifh poet, the eldeff fon of a plain country gentleman, who farmed his own effate in Shropfhire, -was born in No¬ vember 1714. He learned to read of an old dame,. whom his poem of the “ School miff refs” has deliver¬ ed to pofterity ; and foon received fuch delight from books, that he was always calling for new entertain¬ ment, and expected that, when any of the family went to market, a new book fhould he brought him, which, when it came, was in fondnefs carried to bed, and laid by him. It is laid, that when his requeff had been ne- glecled, his mother wrapped up a piece of wood of the fame form, and pacified him for the night. As he grew older, he went for a while to the grammar-fehool in Hales-Owen, and was placed afterwards with Mr Crumpton, an eminent fchool-matter at Solihul, where heBdiffingui(hed himfelf by the quicknefs of his progrefs. When he was young (June 1724), he was deprived of his father; and foon after (Auguft 1726) of his grandfa¬ ther; and was, with his brother, who died afterwards unmarried, left to the care of his grandmother, who managed the ettate. From fchool he was fent, in i732» to Pembroke college in Oxford, a fociety which for half a century has been eminent for Enghfh poetry and ele¬ gant literature. Here it appears that he found delight and advantage ; for he continued his name there ten years, though he took no degree. After the iirft four- years he put on the civilian’s gown, but without (bow¬ ing any intention to engage in the profeffiom About the time when he went to Oxford, the death of his grandmother devolved his affairs to the care of the reverend Mr Dolman, of Brome,- in Staffordfhirc, whole attention he always mentioned with gratitude. — At Oxford he applied to Engliih poetry ; and, in 173'', publifhed a fmall Mifcellany, without his name. He then for a time wandered about, to ac¬ quaint himfelf with life, and was fometimes at Lon¬ don, fometimes at Bath, or any place of public refort ; but he did not forget his poetry. He publifhed, in 1740, his “ Judgment of Hercules,” addreffed to Mr Lyttleton, whofe intereft he fupported with great warmth at an eleftion ; this was two years afterwards followed by the “ School miftrefs.” Mr Dolman, to whofe care he was indebted for his eafe and leifure, died in 1745, and the care of his fortune now fell upon himfelf. He tried to efcape it a while, and lived at his houfe with his tenants, who were diftantly related ; but, finding that imperfeft poffeffion inconvenient, he took the whole eftate into his own. hands, an event which rather improved its beauty than increafed its pro¬ duce. Now began his delight in rural pleafures, and his paflfoa of rural elegance ; but in time his expences occaffoned’ SHE [ 3J8 ] SHE Sher ftonc occafioned clamours that overpowered the lamb’s bleat II and the linnet’s fong, and his groves were haunted Sherbet. beings very different from fawns and fairies. He fpent his eftate in adorning it, and his death was probably haftened by his anxiebes. He was a lamp that fpent its oil in blazing. It is faid, that if he had lived a little longer, he would have been affilled by a penfion ; inch bounty could not have been more properly beftowed, but that it was ever alked is not certain ; it is too certain that it never was enjoyed — He died at the Leafowes, of a putrid fever, about five on Friday morning, Feb. 11. 1763; and was buried by the fide of his brother, in the churchyard of Flales- Owen. In his private opinions, our author adhered to no particular ledl, and hated all religious dilputes. Ten- dernefs, in every fenie of the word, was his peculiar charaderiitic ; and his friends, ciomeftics, and poor neighbours, daily experienced the effeds of his benevo¬ lence. This virtue he carried to an excefs that ieemed to border upon weaknefs; yet if any of his friends treated him ungeneroufly, he was not eafily reconciled. On iuch occafions, however, he ufed to fay, “ I never will be a revengeful enemy; but I cannot, it is not in my nature, to be half a friend.” He was no economill ; for the generality of his temper prevented his paying a proper regard to the ufe 6f money: he exceeded there¬ fore the bounds of his paternal fortune. But, if we confider the perfed paradife into which he had con¬ verted his eftate, the hofpitality with which he lived, his charities to the indigent, and all out of an eftate that did not exceed $00 1. a-year, one fhould rather wonder , that he left any thing behind him, than blame his want of economy : he yet left more than fufficient to pay all his debts, and by his will appropriated his whole eftate to that purpofe. I hough he had a high opinion of many of the fair fex, he forbore to marry. A paf- fion he entertained in his youth was with difficulty fur- mounted. The lady was the fubjed of that admirable paftoral, in four parts, which has been fo univerfally and fo juftly admired, and which, one would have thought, mull have foftened the proudeft and moft ob¬ durate heart. His works have been publilhed by Mr Dodfley, in 3 vols Bvo. The firft volume contains his poetical works, which are particularly diftinguifhed by an amiable elegance and beautiful limplicity ; the fecond volume contains his profe works; the third his let¬ ters, &c. Biographical DiBionary. SHEPPEY, an ifland at the mouth of the river Medway, about 20 miles in circumference. It is fepa- rated from the main land by a narrow channel, and has a fertile foil, which feeds great flocks of flieep. The borough-town of Queenborough is leated thereon ; be- fides which it has feveral villages. bHERARDIA, in botany : A genus of the mono- gynia order, belonging to the tetrandria clafs of plants; and in the natural method ranking under the 47th or¬ der, Stel/ata;. The calyx is fmall, quadridentate; the corolla monopetalous, long, and funnel-flxaped. The two feeds are naked, and crowned with the calyx. There are three ipecies, viz. 1. Arvenlis ; 2. Muralis ; 3. Fruticofa. SHERBE 1, or Sherbit, a compound drink, firft In ought into England from Turkey and Perfia, confift- mg of water, lemon-juice, and fugar, in which are dif- folved perfumed cakes made of excellent Damafcus fr uit, Sheridan, containing an infufion of fome drops of role water. ——v— Another kind of it is made of violets, honey, juice of raifins, &c, SHERIDAN ( Thomas), D. D. the intimate friend of Dean Swift, is faid by Shield, in Cibber’s “ Lives of the Poets,” to have been born about 1684, in the county of Cavan, where, according to the fame autho- rityr, his parents lived in no very elevated ftate.- They are deferibed as being unable to afford their fon the ad- • vantages of a liberal education; but he, being obferved to give early indications of genius, attra&ed the notice of a friend to his family, who fent him to the college of Dublin, and contributed towards his fupport while he remained there. He aftewards entered into orders, and fet up a fchool in Dunlin, which long maintained a very high degree of reputation, as well for the attention beftowed on the morals of the fcholars as for their pro¬ ficiency in literature. So great was the eftimation in which this feminary was held, that it is afferted to have produced in fome years the fum of L 1000. It does not appear that he had any confiderable prefer¬ ment; but his intimacy with Swift, in procured for him a living in the fouth of Ireland worth about L. (50 a-year, which he went to take poffeffion of, and, by an ant's SHERIFF, an officer, in each county in England, norni'nate(i by the king invefted with a judicial and ^ 23^ ' minifterial power, and who takes place of every noble¬ man in the county during the time of his office. The fheriff is an officer of very great antiquity in this kingdom, his name being derived from two Saxon words, flgnifying the reeve, bailiff, or officer of the fhire He is called in Latin vice-comes, as being the deputy of the earl or comes, to whom the cuftody of the fhire is find to have been committed at the firft di- Sheriff, vifion of this kingdom into counties. But the earls, in — procefs of time, by reafon of their high employments and attendance on the king’s perfon, not being able to tranfadt the bufmefs of the county, were delivered of that burden ; referving to themfelves the honour, but the labour was laid on the fheriff. So that now the fhe¬ riff does all the king’s bufinefs in the county ; and tho’ he be ftill called vice-comes, yet he is entirely indepen¬ dent of, and not fubjedt to, the earl; the king, by his letters patent, committing cujlodiam comitatus to the fhe¬ riff, and to him alone. Sheriffs were formerly chofen by the inhabitants of the feveral counties. In confirmation of which it was ordained, by ftatute 28 Edw. I. c. 8. that the people fhould have an eledlion of fheriffs in every fhire where the fhrievalty is not of inheritance For anciently in fome counties the fheriffs were hereditary ; as we apprehend they were in Scotland till the ftatute 20 Geo. II c. 43 and ftill continue in the county of Weftmoreland to this’ day ; the city of London having alfo the inheritance of the fhrievalty of Middlefex veiled in their body by char¬ ter. The reafon of thefe popular ele&ions is affigned m the lame ftatute, c. 13. '* that the commons mLht choofe fuch as would not be a burden to them.” And herein appears plainly a ftrong trace of the democrati- cal part of our conftitution ; in which form of govern¬ ment it is an indifpenfable requifite, that the people fhould choofe their own magiftrates- This eledion was in all probability not abfolutely veiled in the com¬ mons, but required the royal approbation. For in the Gothic conftitution, the judges of their county-courts (which office is executed by the fheriff) were eleded by the people, but confirmed by the king; and the form of their eledion was thus managed ; the people,, or incola territorii, chofe twelve eledors, and they no¬ minated three perfons, ex quibus rex unum conjirmabat^ But, with us in England, thefe popular eledions, grow¬ ing tumultuous, were put an end*to by the ftatute 9 Edw. II. ft. 2. which enaded, that the fheriffs fhould from thenceforth be affigned by the chancellor, trea- furer, and the judges; as being perfons in whom the fame truft might with confidence be repofed. By fla- tutes 14 Edw. III. c. 7. 23 Hen. VI. c. 8. and 21 Hen. VIII. c. 20. the chancellor, treafurer, prefident of the king’s council, chief juftices, and chief baron, are to make this eledion ; and that on the morrow of All Souls, in the exchequer. And the king’s letters patent, appointing the new fheriffs, ufed commonly to- bear date the lixth day of November. The ftatute of Cambridge, 12 Ric II. c. 2. ordains, that the chan¬ cellor, treafurer, keeper of the privy leal, fteward of the king s hou!e, the king’s chamberlain, clerk of the rolls, the juftices of the one bench and the other, barons of the exchequer, and all other that fhall be called to or¬ dain, name, or make juftices of the peace, fheriffs, and other officers of the king, fhall be fworn to ad indiffe¬ rently, and to name no man that fueth to be put in of¬ fice, but fuch only as they fhall judge to be the beft and moft fufficient. And the cuttom now is (and has. been at lealt ever fmee the time of Fortefcue, who wa? chief juftice and chancellor to Henry the fixth), that all the judges, together with the other great officers,, meet in the exchequer chamber on the morrow of All' Souls yearly, (which day is now altered to the morrow ■off Sheriff- SHE t 360 1 SHE of St Martin by the laft ad for abbreviating Michael- tinue in their office no longer than one year; and yet it Sheriff, mas term), and then and there propofe three perfons to hath been faid that a fheriff may be appointed durante '—^ the king/who afterwards appoints one of them to be beneplacito, or during the king’s pleafure ; and fo is the {heriff. This cuftom of the twelve judges propofing form of the royal writ. Therefore, till a new fheriff be three perfons feems borrowed from the Gothic confti- named, his office cannot be determined, unlefs by his tution before-mentioned : with this difference, that own death, or the demife of the king ; in which laft cafe among the Goths the 12 nominors were firft ele&ed by it was ufual for the i'ucceffor to fend a new writ to the the peoole themfelves. And this ufage of ours, at its old fheriff; but now, by ftatute 1 Anne ft. 1. c. 8. all firft introdudion, there is reafon to believe, was found- officers appointed by the preceding king may hold their ed upon fome ftatute, though not now to be found offices for fix months after the king’s demife, unlefs among our printed laws ; firft, becaufe it is materially fooner difplaced by the fucceffor. We may farther ob- different from the di'redion of all. the ftatutes before- ferve, that by ftatute j Ric. II. c. 11. no man that has mentioned ; which it is hard to conceive that the judges ferved the office of ffieriff for one year can be compelled would have countenanced by their concurrence, or that to ferve the fame again within three years after. Fortefcue would have inferted in his book, unlefs by the We ffiall find it is of the utmoft importance to have authority of fome ftatute ; and alfo, becaufe a ftatute the fheriff appointed according to law, when we confi- is exprefsly referred to in the record, which Sir Ed- der his power and duty. Thefe are either as a judge, ward Coke .tells us he tranfcribed from the council-book as the keeper of the king’s peace, as a miniderial officer of 3d March, 34 Hen. VI. and which is in fubftance of the fuperior courts of juftice, or as the king’s as follows. The king had of his own authority ap- bailiff. pointed a man fheriff of Lincolnfhire, which office he In his judicial capacity he is to hear and determine refufed to take upon him ; whereupon the opinions of all caufes of 40 {hillings value and underpin his county- the judges were taken, what fhould be done in this be- court: and he has alfo a judicial power in divers other half/ And the two chief juftices, Sir John Fortefcue civil cafes. He is likewife to decide the eledions of and Sir John Prifot, delivered the unanimous opinion of knights of the fhire, (fubjeA to the controul of the them all; “ that the king did an error when he made a Houle of Commons), of coroners, and of verderors; perfon fheriff that was not chofcn and prefented to him to judge of the qualification of voters, and to return according to the ftatute ; that the perfon refilling was fuch as he ffiall determine to be duly elefted. liable to" no fine for difobedience, as if he had been As the keepers of the king’s peace, both by corn- one of the three perfons chofen according to the te- . mon law and fpecial commiffion, he is the firft man in nor of the ftatute ; that they would advife the king to the county,_ and fuperior in rank to any nobleman have recourfe to the three perfons that were chofen accord- therein, during his office. He may apprehend, and ing to the ftatute, or that fome other thrifty man be in- commit to prilon, all perfons who break the peace, or treated to occupy the office for this year ; and that, the attempt to break it; and may bind any one in a recog- nextyear, to efchew fuch inconveniences, the order of the nizance to keep the king’s peace. He may, and is dlatUte in this, behalf made be obferved.” But,-notwith- bound, ex officio, to purfue and take all traitors, mur- ftanding this unanimous refolution of all the judges of derers, felons, and other mifdoers, and commit them Emriand, thus entered in the council-book, and the ftatute to gaol for fate cuftody.. He is alio to defend his coun- 34'and 35 Hen. VIII. c. 26. § 61. which exprefsly ty again!! any of the king’s enemies when they come recognizes this to be the law of the land, fome of our into the land ; and for this purpofe, as well as for writers have affirmed, that the king, by his prerogative, keeping the peace and purfuing felons, he may com- mav name whom he pleafes to be ffieriff, whether cho- maud all the people of his county to attend him; which -fen" by the judges or not. This is grounded on a very is called the poffie'comitatus, or power of the county; particular cafe° in the fifth year of queen Elizabeth, which fummons, every perfon above f <; years old, and when, by reafon of the plague, there was no Michael- under the degree of a peer, is bound to attend upon mas term kept at Weftminfter ; fo that the judges could warning, under pain of fine and imprifonment. But not meet there in crajlino animarum to nominate the ffie- though the ffieriff is thus the principal confervator of riffs : whereupon the queen named them herfelf, with- the peace in his county, yet, by the exprefs dire&ions out fuch previous affembly, appointing for the mod part of the great charter, he, together with the con liable, one of two remaining in the laft year’s lift. And this coroner, and certain other officers of the king, are for- cafe, thus circumftanced, is the only authority in our bidden to hold any pleas of the crown, or, in other books for the making thefe extraordinary ffieriffs. It words, to try any criminal offence. For it would be is true, the reporter adds, that it was held that the queen highly unbecoming, that the executioners of j all ice by her prerogative might make a Iheriff without the ffiould be alfo the judges ; ffiould impofe, as well as levy, election of the judges, won objlante aliquoJiatuto in contra- fines and amercements ; ffiould one day condemn a man. rium; but the do&rine of non objlante, which fets the to death, and perfonally execute him the next. Neither prerogative above the laws, was effectually demoliffied may he aft as an ordinary juftice of the peace during by the bill of rights at the revolution, and abdicated the time of his office; for this would be equally incon- Weftminfter-hall when king James abdicated the king- fiftent, he being in many reipeds the fervant of the juf- dom. However, it muft be acknowledged, that the tices. pradice of occafionally naming what are called pocket- In his minifterial capacity, the ffieriff is bound to ex- Jberiffs, by the foie authority of the crown, hath uni- ecute all procefs iffuing from the king’s courts of juf- formly continued to the reign of his prefent majetiy ; tree. In the commencement of civil caufes, he is to in which, it is believed, few°(if any) inftances have oc- ferve the writ, to arrelt, and to take bail; when the curred. caufe comes to trial, he muft fummon and return the Sheriffs, by virtue of fevcral old ftatutes, are to con- jury ; when it is determined, he muft fee the judgment of S H E f 361 ] S H E ' of th«f eowt carried into execution. In criminal mat- “ftherlock. ter8j air0 arrefts and imprifon*, he returns the jury, he has the cufltidy of the delinquent, and he executes the fentence of the court, though it extend to death itfclf. As the king’s bailiff, it is his bufmefs to prelerve the rights of the king within his bailiwick ; for fo his coun¬ ty is frequently called in the writs : a word introduced by the princes of the Norman line ; in imitation of the French, whofe territory is divided into bailiwicks, aS that of England into counties. He muff feize to the king’s ufe all lands devolved to the crown by attainder or efeheat; mull levy all fines and forfeitures, muff feize and keep all waifs, wrecks, eftrays, and the like, unlefs they be granted to fome fuv je6t; and muff alfo collect the king’s rents within his bailiwick, if commanded by procefs from the exchequer. To execute thefe various offices, the fheriff has'under him many inferior officers; an under-fheriff, bailiffs, and gaolers, who muff neither buy, fell, nor farm their offices, on forfeiture of 5001. The under-fheriff ufually performs all the duties of the office ; a very few only excepted, where the per- fonal prefence of the high-fheriff is neceffary. But no under-fheriff fhall abide in his office above one year; and if he does, by flatute 23 Hen. VI. c. 8. he for¬ feits 200I. a very large penalty in thofe early days. And no under-fheriff or fheriff’s-officer fhall praftifeas an at¬ torney during the time he continues in fuch office : for this would be a great inlet to partiality and oppreffion. But thefe falutary regulations are fhamefully evaded, by praftifing in the names of other attorneys, and putting in fham deputies by way of nominal under-fheriffs : by reafon of which, fays Dalton, the undet-fheriffs and bai¬ liffs do grow fo cunning in their feveral places, that they are able to deceive, and it may well be feared that ma¬ ny of them do deceive, both the king, the high-fheriff, and the county. Sheriff, in Scotland. See Law, Part iii. fe£b 3. SHERLOCK (William), a learned Englifh divine in the 17th century, was born in 1641, and educated at Eaton febool, where he diftinguifhed himfelf by the vigour of his genius and his application to ftudy. Thence he was removed to Cambridge, where he took his degrees. In 1669 he became reftor of the parifh of St George, Botolph-lane, in London; and in 1681 was collated to the prebend of Pancras, in the cathedral of St Paul’s. He was likevvife chofen mafter of the Temple, and had the reftory of Therfield in Hertferd- Ihire. After the Revolution he was fufpended from his preferment, for refufing the oaths to king William and queen Mary ; but at lad he took them, and public¬ ly juftified what he had done. In 1691 he was inftal- led dean of St Paul’s. His Vindication of the Doftrine of the Trinity engaged him in a warm controverfy with Dr South and others. Bifhop Burnet tells us, he was “ a clear, a polite, and a ftrong writer ; but apt to af- fume too much to himfelf, and to treat his adverfaries with contempt.” He died in 1 707. His works are very numerous ; among thefe are, 1. A Difcourfe con¬ cerning the Knowledge of Jefus Chrift, againft Dr Owen. 2. Several pieces againft the Papifts, the So- cinians, and Diffenters. 3. A practical Treatife on Death, which is much admired. 4. A pra&ical Dif¬ courfe on Providence. 5. A practical Difcourie on the future Judgment; and many other works. Vol. XVII. Part I. Sherlock (Dr Thomas), bifhop of London, was SherWIt, the fon ot the preceding Dr William Sherlock, and Shernffe. was born in 1678. He was educated in Catharine-hall, T Cambridge, where he took his degrees, and of which he became mafter : he was made mafter of the Temple very young, on the refignation of his father ; and it is remarkable, that this mafterftiip was held by father and ion fucceffively for more thatr 70 years. He was at the head of the oppofition againft Dr Hoadley bifhop of Bangor ; during which conteft he publiihed a great number of pieces. He attacked the famous Collins’s “ Grounds and Reafons of the Chriftian Religion,” in a courfe of fix fennons, preached at the Temple church, which he intitled “ The Ufe and Intent of Prophecy in the feveral Ages ofthe World.” In 1728, Dr Sherlock was promoted to the biihopric of Bangor ; and was tranflated to Salifbury in 1734. In 1747 he refufed the archbiihopric of Canterbury, on account of his ill ftate of health ; but recovering in a good degree, ac¬ cepted the fee of London the following year. On oc- cafion of the earthquakes in 1 750, he publiihed an ex¬ cellent Paftoral Letter to the clergy and inhabitants of London and Weftminiter : of which it is-faid there were printed in 4to, 5000 ; in 8vo, 20,000 ; and ia i2mo, about 30,000 ; befide pirated editions, of which not ‘ lefs than 50,000 were fuppofed to have been fold. Under the weak ftate of body in which he lay for feveral years, he revifed and publiihed 4 vols of Sermons in 8vo, which are particularly admired for their ingenuity and elegance. He died in 1762, and by report worth 150,000!. “ His learning,” fays Dr Nicholls, “ was ' very extenfive : God had given him a great and an un- derftanding mind, a quick compreheniion, and a folid judgment. Thefe advantages of nature he improved by much induftry and application. His ikill in the civil and canon law wras very confiderable ; to which he had added fuch a knowledge of the common law of England as few clergymen attain to. This it was that gave him that influence in all caufes where the church was con¬ cerned ; as knowing precifely what it had to claim from its conftitutions and canons, and wffiat from the com¬ mon law of the land.” Dr Nicholls then mentions his conftant and exemplary piety, his warm and fervent zeal in preaching the dpties and maintaining the doftrines of Chriftianity, and his large and diffulive munificence and charity ; particularly by his having given large funis of money to the corporation of clergymens fons, to feveral of the hofpitals, and to the fociety for propagating the gofpel in foreign parts : alfo his bequeathing to Catha- rine-hall in Cambridge, the place of his education, his valuable library of books, and his donations for the founding a librarian’s place and a fcholarfhip, to the a- mount of feveral thoufand pounds. SHERRIFFE of Mecca, the title of the defeen- dants of Mahomet by Haffan Ibn Ali. Thefe are di¬ vided into feveral branches, of which the family of Ali Bunemi, confiftingat leaftof three hundred individuals, enjoy the foie right to the throne of Mecca. The Ali Bunemi are, again, fubdivided into two fubordinate branches, Darii Sajid, and Darii Barkad; of whom fometimes the one, fometimes the other, have given l"o- vereigns to Mecca and Medina, when thefc were fepa- rate ftates. Not only is the Turkiih Sultan indifferent about the order of fucceffion in this family, but he feems even to Z z . foment Shernffe. SHE [ 362 1 SHE foment the diffenfions which arife among them, and fa¬ vours the ftrongeft, merely that he may weaken them all. As the order of fucceffion is not determinately f.xed, and the therriffes may all afpire alike to the fo- vereign power, this uncertainty of right, aided by the intrigues of the Turkifh officers, occalions frequent re¬ volutions. The grand ffierriffe is feldom able to main¬ tain himfelf on the throne ; and it ftill feldomer happens that his reign is not difturbed by the revolt of his near- eft relations. There have been inftances of a nephew fucceeding his uncle, an uncle fucceeding his nephew; andtometimes of a perfon, from a remote branch, coming in the room of the reigning prince of the ancient houfe. When Niebuhr was in Arabia, in 1763, the reigning Sherriffe Mefad had fitten fourteen years on the throne, and, during all that period, had been continually at war with the neighbouring Arabs, and with his own near eft relations fometimes. A few years before, the Pacha of Syria had depofed him, and raifed his younger brother to the fovereign dignity in his {lead. But after the departure of the caravan, Jafar, the new ffierriffe, not being able to maintain himfelf on the throne, was obli¬ ged to refign the fovereignty aqain to Mefad. Achmet, the fecond brother of the Iherriffe, who was much belo¬ ved by the Arabs, threatened to attack Mecca while Nie¬ buhr was at Jidda. Our traveller was foon after informed of the termination of the quarrel, and of Achmet’s re¬ turn to Mecca, where he continued to live peaceably in a private charafter. Thefe examples (how that the Muftulmans obferve not the law which forbids them to bear arms againft their holy places. An Egyptian Bey even prefumed, a few years fince, to plant fome fmall cannons within the compafs of the Kaba, upon a fmall tower, from vrhich he fired over that facred manfion, upon the pa¬ lace of Sherriffe Mefad, with whom he was at variance. The dominions of the fherriffe comprehend the cities of Mecca, Medina, Jambo, Taaif, Sadie, Ghunfude, Hali, and thirteen others lefs confiderable, all fituated in Hedjas. Near Taaif is the lofty mountain of Gazvan, which, according to Arabian authors, is covered with fnow in the midft of fummer. As thefe dominions are neither opulent nor extenfive, the revenue of their fovereign cannot be confiderable. He finds a rich refource, however, in the impofts le¬ vied on pilgrims, and in the gratuities offered him by Muffulman monarchs. Every pilgrim pays a tax of from ten to an hundred crowns, in proportion to his ability. The Great Mogul remits annually fixty thoufand rou- pees to the fherriffe, by an affignment upon the govern¬ ment of Surat. Indeed, fince the Engliffi made them- felves mafters of this city, and the territory belonging to it, the Nabob of Surat has no longer been able to pay the fum. The Iherriffe once demanded it of the Englifh, as the poffdTors of Surat.; and, till they ffiould fatisfy him, forbade their captains to leave the port of Jidda. But the Englifn difregarding this prohibition, the ffierriffe complained to the Ottoman Porte, and they communicated his complaints to the Englifh ambaffa- dor. He at the fame time opened a negociation with the nominal Nabob, who refides in Surat. But thefe fteps proved all fruitlefs : and the fovereign of Mecca, feems not likely to be ever more benefited by the con¬ tribution from India. The power of the fherriffe extends not to fpiritual matters ; thefe are entirely managed by the heads of the clergy, of different feels, who are refident at Mecca- Rigid Muffulmans, fuch as the Turks, are not very fa¬ vourable in their fentiments of the fherriffes, but fufpedt their orthodoxy, and look upon them as fecretly attach¬ ed to the tolerant fe£t of the Zeidi. SHETLAND, the name of certain iflands belong¬ ing to Scotland, and lying to the northward of Orkney. There are many convincing proofs that thefe ifiands were very early inhabited by the Pitls, or rather by thofe nations who were the original poffeffors of the Orkneys ; and at the time of the total deffrudlion of thefe nations, if any credit be due to tradition, their woods were entirely ruined (a). It is highly probable that the people in Shetland, as well as in the Orkneys, floimfhed under their own princes dependent upon the crown of Norway ; yet this feems to have been rather through what they acquired by fifhing and commerce, than by the cultivation of their lands. It may alfo be reafonably prefumed, that they grew thinner of inhabi¬ tants after they were annexed to the crown of Scotland; and it is likely that they revived again, chiefly by the very great and extenfive improvements which the Dutch made in the herring-fifhery upon their coafts, and the trade that the crews of their buffes, then very numerous, carried on with the inhabitants, neceffarily refulting from their want of provifions and other conveniences, which in thofe days could not be very confiderable. There are many reaLns which may be affigned why tbefe iflands, though part of our dominions, have not hitherto been better known to us. They were com¬ monly placed two degrees too far to the north in all the old maps, in order to make them agree with Ptolemy’s defeription of Thule, which he afferted to be in the la¬ titude of 63 degrees ; which we find urged by Camden as a reafon why Thule muft be one of the Shetland ifles, to which Speed alfo agrees, though from their being thus wrong placed he could not find room for them in his maps. Another, and that no light caufe, was the many falfe, fabulous, and impertinent relations publifli- ed concerning them (b), as if they were countries in- hofpitable and uninhabitable ; and laftly, the indolence, or rather indifference, of the natives, who, contenting themfelves (a) The tradition is, that this was done by the Scots when they deftroyed the Pi&s; but is more probably referred to the Norwegians rooting out the original poffeflbrs of Shetland. (b) They reprefented the climate as intenfely cold ; the foil as compofed of crags and quagmire, fo barren as to be incapable of bearing corn ; to fupply which, the people, after drying fifh-bones, powdered them, then kneaded and baked them for bread. The larger fifh-bones werefaid to be all the fuel they had. Yet, in fo dreary a country, and in fuch miferable circumftances, they were acknowledged to be very long-lived, cheerful, and con¬ tented. Shetland. -—v——^ SHE [ 363 I SHE Gte#tUn* S1, and pennies. He alfo urges the different value of the Saxon (hilling at different times, and its uniform pro¬ portion to the pound, as an argument that their dril¬ ling vyas a coin ; and the teftimony of the Saxon gof- pels, m which the word we have tranflated feces of liL ver is rendered Jhillings, which, he fays, they would hardjy have done, if there had been no fuch coin as a (hilling then in ufe. Accordingly the Saxons expreffed their (hilling in Latin by flclus and argenteus. He far- thci adds, that the Saxon (hilling was never expreded by folidus till after the Norman fettlements in Eng¬ land ; and howfoever it altered during the long period that elapfed from the conqueft to the time of Hen¬ ry VII. it was the moft conftant denomination of mo¬ ney in all payments, thouuh it was then only a foecies of account, or the twentieth part of the pound"Ster¬ ling : and when it was again revived as a coin, it le(Ten- ed gradually as the pound Sterling leftened, from the 28th of Edward III. to the 43d of Elizabeth. In the year 1560 there was a peculiar fort of (hil- h'ng ft ruck in Ireland, or the value of ninepence Enf- h(h, which palled in Ireland for twelvepence. The motto on the reyerfe was, pofui Deum adjutorem rneum. Eighty-two of thefe (hillings, according to Ma- 1}nes, went to the pound ; they therefore weighed 20 grains, one-fourth each, which is fomewhat heavier in proportion than the Englidi (hilling of that time, 62 whereof went to the pound, each weighing qz grains feven-eighths ; and the Iridv dulling being valued at the Tower at ninepence Englifh, that is, one-fourth part lefs than the Enghfh dulling, it (hould therefore pro- portionably weigh one fourth part lefs, and its full weight be fomewhat more than 62 grains ; but fome of them found at this time, though much worn, weighed 69 grains. In the year 1598, five different pieces of money of this kind were (truck in England for the fervice of the kingdom of Ireland. Thefe were (hil- lings to be current in Ireland at twelvepence each ; half (hillings to be current at fixpence, and quarter (hillings at threepence. Pennies and halfpennies were alfo (truck of the fame kind, and fent over for the payment of the army in Ireland. 1 he money thus coined was of a very bafe mixture of copper and fiber ; and two years after there were more pieces of the fame kinds (truck for the fame fervice, which were (till worfe; the former being three ounces of fiber to nine ounces of copper; and thefe latter only two ounces eighteen pennyweights to nine ounces two pennyweights of the alloy. 1 he Dutch, Hemifh, and Germans, have hkewife their (hilling, called fchehn, fchilling, fcalin, See. but thefe not being of the fame weight or finenefs with the Eng¬ lidi (hilling, are not current at the fame value. The Englidi (hilling is worth about 23 French Cols; thofe of Holland and Germany about 11 fols and an half} thofe of Flanders about nine. The Dutch (hillings are alfo called fols de gros, becaufe equal to twelve gros. The Danes have copper diillings worth about one- fourth of a farthing Sterling. SHILOH is a term tamous among interpreters and commentators upon Scripture. It is found (Gen. xlix. 10.) to denote the Meffiah. The patriarch Ja¬ cob foretels his coming in thefe words; “ The feeptre (hall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from be¬ tween his feet, until Shiloh come; and unto him (hall the gathering of the people be.” The Hebrew text reads, nbw id' ony until Shi/oh come. All Chriftian com¬ mentators agree, that this word ought to be underftood of the Meffiah, or Jefus Chrift j but aH arc not agreed about Selling Shiloh. Sh'loh. de Dieu. ^ Le Clerc in Genef. SHI [ 367 abou? its literal and grammatical fignification. St Jerome, who trandates it by Qui mlttendus ejl, manifeftly reads Shi- loach “ fent,,} inllead of Shiloh. The Septuagint have it Eof «v txS'H to. aTroHii/JLwa. aura; or, E»f av ea.^m a avoy-UTCti, (as if they had read l1^ inftead of nbiy), ■}. e. “ Until the coming of him to whom it is referved ©r, “ Till we fee arrive that which is referved for him.” It muit be owned, that the fxgnincation of the He¬ brew word Shi/oh is not well known. Some trandate, “ the fceptre fhall not depart from J udah, till he comes to whom it belongs Fib'S1 or inftead of ibx 'b Q- thers, “ till the coming of the peace-maker or, “ t1>e pacific or, “ of profperity,” rtrv prof per atus eft. Sha- lah figniftes, “ to be in peace, to be in profperity others, “ till the birth of him who fhall be born of a wroman that fhall conceive without the knowledge of a ^Arab- LuJ man,” biir or x'bu/ fecundina, fluxus-\ ; otherwife, “ the fceptre fhall not depart from Judah, till its end, its ruin ; till the downfal of the kingdom of the Jews,” bxii' or nbif it has ceaftd, it has JiniJhed Some Rabbins have taken the name Siloh or Shiloh, as if it dignified the city of this name in Paleftine : “ The fceptre fhall not be taken away from Judah till it comes to Shiloh ; till it fhall be taken from him to be given to Saul at Shiloh.” But in wdiat part of Scripture is it faid, that Saul was acknowledged as king or confecrated at Shiloh ? If we would underftand it of Jeroboam the fon of Nebat, the matter is ftill as uncertain. The Scripture mentions no adcmbly at Shiloh that admitted him as king. A more modern author derives Shiloh from Fibw, fatigare, which fometimes fignifies to le 'weary, to fujfer ; “ till his la¬ bours, his fufferings, his paffion, fhall happen.” But not to amufe ourfelves about feeking out the grammatical fignification of Shiloh, it is fufficient for us to fhow, that the ancient Jews are in this matter agreed with the Chriftians: they acknowledge, that this word ftands for the MeJJiah the King. It is thus that the paraphrafts Onkelos and Jonathan, that the an¬ cient Hebrew commentaries upon Genefis, and that the Talmudifts themfelves, explain it. If Jefus Chrift and his apoftles did not make ufe of this paffage to prove the coming of the Meffiah, it was becaufe then the com¬ pletion of this prophecy was not fufficiently manifeft. The fceptre ftill continued among the Jews ; they had ftill kings of their own nation in the perfons of the He- rods ; but foon after the fceptre was entirely taken away from them, and has never been reftored to them fince. The conceited Jews feek in vain to put forced mean¬ ings upon this prophecy of Jacob ; faying, for example, that the fceptre intimates the dominion of ftrangers, to which they have been in fubjeftion, or the hope of fet¬ ing one day the fceptre or fupreme power fettled again among themfelves. It is eafy to perceive, that all this is contrived to deliver themfelves out of perplexity. In vain likewife they take refuge in certain princes of the captivity, whom they pretend to have fubfifted beyond the Euphrates, exercifing an authority over their nation little differing from abfolute, and being of the race of David. This pretended fucceffion of princes is per- fedily chimerical; and though at certain times they could fhow a fucceffion, it continued but a fhyrt time, and their authority was too obfeure, and too much li¬ mited, to be the objedi of a prophecy fo remarkable as this was. 1 , , s H 1 SHINGLES, in building, fmall pieces of wood, or quartered oaken boards, fawn to a certainfcantling, or, as is more ufual, cleft to about an inch thick at one end, and made like wedges, four or five inches broad, and eight or nine inches long. Shingles are ufed inftead of tiles or Hates, efpecially for churches and fteeples ; however, this covering is dear ; yet, where tiles are very fcarce, and a light co¬ vering is required, it is preferable to thatch; and where they are made of good oak, cleft, and not fawed, and well feafoned in water and the fun, they make a fure, light, and durable covering. The building is firft to be covered all over with boards, and the fhingles nailed upon them. SHIP, a general name for ail large veffels, particu¬ larly thofe equipped with three mafts and a bowfprit j the mafts being compofed of a lowermaft, toprnaft, and top-gallant-maft : each of thefe being provided with yards, fails, See. Ships, in general, are either employ¬ ed for war or merchandize. Ships of IVat are veffels properly equipped with ar¬ tillery, ammunition, and all the neceffary martial wea¬ pons and inftruments for attack or defence. They are diftinguifhed from each other by their feveral ranks or claffes, called rates, as follows : Ships of the firft rate mount from 100 guns to 110 guns and upwards ; fe- cond rate, from 90 to 98 guns ; third rate, from 64 to 74 guns; fourth rate, from 50 to 60 guns ; fifth rate, from 32 to 44 guns ; and fixth rates, from 20 to 28 guns. See the article Rate. Veffels carrying lefs than 20 guns are denominated floops, cutters, fire-Jhips, and bombs. It has lately been propofed to reduce the number of thefe rates, which would be a faving to the nation, and alio produftive of feveral material advantages. In Plate CCCCL. is the reprefentation of a firft: rate, with rigging, &c. the feveral parts of which are as follow ; Parts of the hull.—A, The cathead ; B, The fore¬ chain-wales, or chains; C, The main-chains; D, The mizen-chains ; E, The entering port; F, The hawfe- holes ; G, The poop-lanterns ; H, The chefs-tree ; I, The head ; K, The item. 1, The bowfprit. 2, Yard and fail. 3, Gammon¬ ing. 4, Manrop. 5, Bobftay. 6, Spritfail-ftieets. 7, Pendants. 8, Braces and pendants. 9, Halliards. 10, Lifts. 11, Clue-lines, j 2, Spritfail-horfes. 13, Buntlines. 14, Standing lifts. 15, Bowfprit-ffiroud. 16, Jib-boom. 17, Jibftay and fail. 18, Halliards. 19, Sheets. 20, Horfes. 21, Jib-guy. 22, Spritfail- topfail yard. 23, Horfes. 24, Sheets. 25, Lifts. 26, Braces and pendants. 27, Cap of bowfprit. 28, Jack ftaff. 29, Truck. 30, Jack flag.— ^ 1, Fore- maft. 32, Runner and tackle. 33, Shrowds. 34, Laniards. 35, Stay and laniard. 36, Preventer-ftay and laniard. 37, Wooldmg of the mail. 38, Fore¬ yard and fail. Llories. 40, Top. 41, Crowfoot. 42, Jeers. 43, Yard-tackles. 44, Lifts. 45, Braces and pendants. 46, Sheets. 47, Foretacks. 48, Bow¬ lines and bridles. 49, Fore bunt-lines. 50, Fore leech¬ lines. 51, Preventer-brace. 52, Futtock-fhrouds.—. 53, Foretop-majl. 54, Shrouds and laniards. 57, Fbre- top-fail yard and fail. 56, Stay and fail. 57, Runner. 58, Back-ftays. 59, Halliards. 60, Lifts. 61, Braces and pendants. 62, Horfes. 63, Clew-lines. 64, Bow¬ lines and bridles. 65, Reef-tackles. 66, Sheets. 67, 6 Buntlines. S H I r 368 1 s h 1 ‘hip. Bunt-lines. Crofs trees. Cap. 7°* Bnvetop- gallant-maft. 71, Shrouds. 72, Yard and fail. 73, Backltays. 74> Stay- 7?> Ltfts. 7^, Ckw-hnes. 77, Braces and pendants. 78, Bowlines and bridles- 79, Flag-ftaff. 80, Truck. 8.1, Flag-ftay-ftaff. 82, Flag of the lord high admiral,—83, Mammaji. 84, Shrouds. 85, Laniards. 86, Runner and tackle. 87, Futtock- ihrouds. 88> Top-lantern. 89, Crank of ditto. 90, Stay. 91, Freventer flay. 92, 'Stay-tackles. 93, Woolding of the mall. 94, Jeers. 95, \ ard-tackles. 96, Lifts. 97, Braces and pendants. 98, Horfes.^ 99, Sheets. 100, Tacks. 101, Bowlines and bridles. 502, Crow-foct. 103, Cap. 104,1 op. 105, Bunt¬ lines. 106, Leech lines. 107, Yard and fail.—108, Main-topmajl. 109, Shrouds and laniards. 1 10, \ard and fail. 111, 'Futtock fhrouds. 112, Backftays. 113, Stay. 114, Stay fail and halliards. 115, lye. 116, Halliards. 117, Lifts. 118, Ciewdines. 119* Braces and pendants. 120, Horfes. 121, Sheets. 122, Bowlines arid bridles. 123, Buntlines. 124, Reef- tackles. 1 25>_Crofs-trees. 126, Cap.— \ 27, Main-top- gallant-mnjl. 128, Shrouds and laniards. I29,.'lt'ard and fail. 130, Backftays. 13!, Stay. 132, Stay- fail and halliards. 133, Lifts. _ 134, Braces and pen¬ dants. 13^, Bowlines and bridles. 136, Clew-lines. 137, Flagftaff. 138, Truck. 139, FlagHaff-ftay. 140, Flag ftandard.—141, Mizen-maji. 142, Shrouds and I45» Pen- laniards. 143, Cap. I44> Yard and fail. Block for fignai halliards. 146, Sheet. 147 dant lines. "148, Peck-brails. 149, Stayfail. 150, Stay. 15(, Derrick and fpan. 132, Top. 153, Crois jack-yard. 154, Crofs-jack lifts. 155, Crofs- jack braces. 156, Crofs jack flings. —157, Mizen-top- maft. 158, Shrouds and laniards. 159, Yard and fail. 160, Backftays, x61, Stay. 162, Halliards. 163, Lifts. 164, Braces and pendants. 165, Bowlines and bridles. 166, Sheets. 167, Clew-lines. 168, Stayfail. x 69,-Crofs-trecs. 170, Cap. 171, Flag- itaff. 172, Flagftaff-ftay. 173, Truck. 174. Flag, union. 173, Enfign-ftaff. 176, Truck. 177, En- fign. X78, Stern ladder. 179, Bower cable. . Fig. 2. Plate CCCCLI. is a vertical longitudinal fettion of a firft rate fhip of war, with references to the principal parts : which are as follow': A, Is the head, containing,— 1, The ftem ; 2, The knee of the head or cutwater. ; 3, The lower and^up¬ per cheek ; 4, The trail-board ; 5, The figure ; 6, The gratings; 7, The brackets; 8, The falfe ftem ; 9, The breaft hooks; 10, The haufe holes ; TJ, The bulkhead ■vforward ; 12, The cat-head : x 3, The pat-hook ; 14, NeceFary feats; 15, The manger within board; 16, The bowfprit. B, Upon the forecattle—17, The gratings ; 18, The partners of the mail ; 19, The gunwale ; 20, The bel¬ fry ; 2 1, The funnel for fmoke ; 22, The gangway go¬ ing off the forecaftle ; 23, The forecaftle guns. ’ °C, In the forecaftle—24, The door of the bulkhead forward ; 25, Officers cabins; 26, Staircafe ; 27, Fore¬ top-fail ffieet bits; 2'8, The beams 529, The callings. D, The middle gundeck forward—30, The fore- jeer bits ; 31, The oven and furnace of copper ; 32, The captain’s cook room,; 33, The ladder or way to the forecaftle. E, The lower gun-deck forward—34, The knees fore rind aft; 35, The fpirketings, or the firft ftreak next to each deck, the next under the beams being called clamps; 36, The beams of the middle gun deck fore and ■“ aft; 37, The callings of the middle gun deck fore and aft; 38, The fore-bits; 39, The after or main bits ; 40, The hatchway to the gunner’s and boatfwain’s ftore-rooms ; 41, The jeer capftan. F, The orlop—4 2, 43, 44, The gunner’s, boatfwain’s, and carpenter’s ftore-rooms ; 47, The beams of the lower gun-deck ; 46, 47, The pillars and the riders, fore and aft; 48, The bulkhead of the ftore-rooms. G, The hold—49, 50, 51, The foot-hook rider, the •floor rider, and the ftanctard, fore and aft ; 52, The pillars ; 53, The ftep of the foremaft ; 54, The kdfon, or falfe keel, and dead riling ; 55, The dead-wood. H, At midfhips in the hold —56, The floor-timbers ; 57, The keel; 58, The well ; 59, The chain-pump ; 60, The ftep of the mainmaft ; 61, 62, Beams and car- lings of the orlop, fore and aft. I, The orlop amidfhips—63, The cable tire ; 64, The main hatchway. K, The lower gun-deck amidffiips—65', The ladder leading up to the middle gun-deck; 66, The lower tire of ports. L, The middle gun-deck amidfhip—67, The middle tire of ports ; 68, The entering port ; 69, The main jeer bits ; 76, Twilled pillars or ftanchions ; 71, The capftan; 72, Gratings; 73, The ladder leading to the upper deck. M, The upper gun-deck amidfhips—74, The maintop- fail-lheet bits ; 7 5, The upper partners of the mainmail; 76, The gallows on which fpare topmafts &c. are laid ; 77, The forefheet blocks ; 78, T he rennets ; 79, The gunwale; 80, The upper gratings ; 81, The drift brackets; 82, The pifs dale; 83, The capftan pall. N, Abaft the mainmaft—84, The gangway off the quarterdeck; 85, The bulkhead of the coach; 86, The ftaircafe down to the middle gun-deck ; 87, The beams of the upper deck ; 88, The gratings about the main¬ maft ; 89, The coach or council-chamber; 90, The ftaircafe up to the quarterdeck. O, The quarterdeck —91, The beams.; 92, The car- lings ; 93, The partners of the mizenmaft ; 94. The gangway up to the poop; 95»’ I'lie bulkhead of the cuddy. P, The poop—96, The trumpeters cabin ; 97, The tafforel. Q, The captain’ii cabin. R, The cuddy, ufually divided for the mafter and fe- cretary’s officers. S, The Itate-room, out of which is made the bed¬ chamber and other conveniences for the commander in chief; 98, The entrance into the gallery; 99, The bulkhead of tire great cabin; 100, The Hern lights and after galleries. T, The ward-room, allotted for the lieutenants and ma¬ rine officers : 101, The lower gallery ; 102, The fteer- age and bulkhead of the wardroom ; 103, The whip- ftaff, commanding the tiller; 104, The after ftaircafe leading down to the lower gun-deck. V, Several officers cabins abaft the mainmaft, where the foldiers generally keep guard. W, The gun-room— 105, The tiller commanding the rudder; 106, The rudder; .107, The ftern-pofl; 108, The tiller-tranfom ; 109, The feveral tranfoms, viz. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.; 1x0, The gun-room parts, or ftem-chafe^ r MI* Ship. 9 ') /3< ////rtri. /lu/- r fry/^n/oi -/■< ■//. Plate GCCOL & Ship &/■ the kelfon is often entirely deftroyed, and the large hole the head makes materially wounds the floors ; and fre¬ quently, when the bolt is much corroded, it fcarfs, and the bolt comes out of the fide of the keel.—Thirdly, 1 he dead-wood bolts that are driven with two or three drifts, are feldom or never got out, by which means the dead-wood is condemned, when fome of it is really ler- viceable. — Fourthly, In drawing the knee of the head- bolts, fametimes the knee Harts off, and cannot be got to again, but furs up, and with this machine may be drawn in ; for it has been proved to have more power in flarting a bolt than the maul.” In fig. 1. “ A, A, reprefent two ftrong male fcrews, piate working in female fcrews near the extremities of theCCCCLIUo cheeks, againll plates of iron E, E. C C is the bolt to be drawn ; which, being held between the chaps of the machine at DD, is, by turning the fcrews by the lever B, forced upwards out of the wood or plank of the fhip. E, F, are two dogs, with hooks at their low¬ er extremities; which, being driven into the plank, ferve to fupport the machine till the chaps have got faff hold of the bolt. At the upper patt of thefe dogs are rings pafiing thro’ holes in a collar, moveable near the heads of the fcrews. Fig. 2. is a view of the upper fide of the cheeks when joined together; a, a, the holes in which the fcrews work; b, the chaps by which the bolts arc drawn. Fig. 3. The under fide of the cheek : a, a, the holes in which the fcrews work ; b, the chaps by which the bolts are drawn, and where the teeth that gripe the bolt are more diftinftly fhown. Fig. 4. One of the cheeks feparated from the other, the letters refer¬ ring as in fig. 2. and 3. This machine was tried in his majefty’s yard at Dept¬ ford, and was found of the greatell utility.—“ Firft, it drew a bolt that was driven down fo tight as only to go one inch in fixteen blows with a double-headed maul, and was well clenched below : the bolt drew the ring a confiderable way into the wood, and wire drew itfelf through, and left the ring behind. Secondly, it drew a bolt out of the Venus’s dead-wood that could not be got out by the maul. That part of it which went through the keel was bent clofe up to the lower part of the dead-wood, and the machine drew the bolt ffraight, and drew it out widi cafe. It alio drew a kelfon bolt out of the Stanley Weft Indiaman, in Meffrs Wells’s yard, Deptford ; which being a bolt of two drifts, could not be driven out. 3 A Management SHI [ 37° 3 S H I '* Taylor's InJlruFiisns to Young JVlariners Hiding at Anchor in moderate Weather. When the ihip will Isaci., Management of Shits at Jtngle anchor, is the method of taking care of a (hip while riding at fingle anchor in a tide-way, by preventing her from fouling her anchor, Sec. The following rules for this purpofe, with which we have been favoured by Mr Henry Taylor* of North Shields, will be found of the utmoft confequence. Riding in a tide-way, with a frefh-of-wind, the fhip fliould have what is called a fhort or nutnd’ward fervice, fay 45 or 50 fathoms of cable, and always fheered to windward (a), not always with the helm hard down, but more or lefs fo according to the ftrength or weak- nefs of the tide. It is a known fad!, that many (hips fheer their anchors home, drive on board of other fhips, and on the fands near which they rode, before it has been difcovered t'hat the anchor had been moved from the place where it was let go. When the wind is crofs, or nearly crofs, off fhore, or in the oppofite direction, (hips will always back. This is done by the mizen-topfail, affifted, if needful, by the mizen-ftayfail; fuch as have no mizen-topfail com¬ monly ufe the main-topfail, or if it blows Irefh, a top¬ gallant-fail, or any fuch fail at the gaff. In backing, a fhip fhould always wind with a taught cable, that it may be certain the anchor is drawn round. In cafe there is not a fufficiency of wind for that pur¬ pofe, the (hip fhould be hove apeak. Riding with the wind afore the beam, the yards yards ou^ht fhould be braced forward; if abaft the beam, they are ced 6 ke braced all aback. 4 ‘ 3 If the wind is fo far aft that the fhip will not back Riding (which fhould not be attempted if, when the tide eafes, windward the fhip forges ahead, and brings the buoy on the lee tu}e in dan qUarter) {he mult be fet ahead : if the wind is far aft, and blows trefh, the utmolt care ana attention is necel- fary, as fhips riding in this fituation often break their fheer, and come to windward of their anchors again. It fhould be obferved, that when the fhip lies in this ticklifh fituation, the after-yards mult be braced for¬ ward, and the fore-yards the contrary way : fhe will lay fafe, as the buoy can be kept on the lee quarter, or fup- pofe the helm is aport, as long as the buoy is on the larboard quarter. With the helm thus, and the wind right aft, or nearly fo, the flarboard main and fore bra¬ ces fhould be hauled in. This fuppofes the main braces to lead forward. "r When the fhip begins to tend to leeward, and the leeward buoy comes on the weather-quarter, the hrit thrng to when the be done is to brace about the fore-yard ; and when the fhip mu ft win(j CC)mes near the beam, fet the fore-ftayfail, and be fet a • bead. a How the ger of breaking her Iheer. keep it Handing until it fhakes; then brace all the yards Ship- fharp' forward, elpecially if it is likely to blow ftrong. ~ — If laying in the aforefaid pofition, and firebreaks her [-jov/to fheer, brace about the main-yard immediately; iHhe manai another. The whole fabric being completed, it was fortified with pitch, and fornetimes a mixture of rofin, to fecure the wood from the waters; whence it comes that Ho¬ mer’s fhips are everywhere mentioned with the epithet of ju.(\our«i, or “ black.” The firft that made ufe of pitch were the inhabitants of Phseacia, fmee called Cor- fica; fometimes wax was employed in- the fame ufe; whence Ovid, .373 Hiftory. Ceerulea ccratas accipil undo, rates. The azure waves receive the waxed fhips. After all, the fhip being bedecked with garlands' and flowers, the mariners alfo adorned with crowns, fhe was launched into the fea with loud acclamations and other expreffions of joy ; and being purified by a prielt wfith a lighted torch, an egg and brimftone, or after fome other manner, was confecrated to the god whofe image fhe bore. The fhips of wrar of the ancients wrere diftinguifhed from other kinds of veffels by various turrets and accef- (ions of building, fome to defend their own foldiers, and others to annoy the enemy ; and from one another, ia latter ages, by feveral degrees or ranks of oars, the moft ufual number of which was four or five, which appear not to have been arranged, as fome imagine, on the fame level in different parts of the fhip; nor yet, as others have fuppofed, direftly above one another’s heads ; but their feats being placed one behind another, afeended gradually, like itairs. Ptolemy Philopater, urged by a vain-glorious defire of exceeding all the w'orld betides in naval architedlure, is faid to have far¬ ther enlarged the number of banks to 40 ; and the fhip being otherwife in equal proportion, this raifed her to fuch an enormous bulk, tfiat fhe appeared at a diftance like a floating mountain or ifland ; and, upon’ a nearer view, like a prodigious caftle on the ocean. She was 280 cubits long, 38 broad, and 48 high (each cubit be¬ ing 1 Englifh foot 5^ inches), and carried 400 rowers, 400 failors, and 3000 foldiers. Another which the fame prince made to fail on the Nile, we are told, w'as half a fladium long. Yet thefe were nothing in compa- rifon of Hiero’s fhip, built under the diredtion of Ar¬ chimedes ; on the itrudture whereof Mofchion wrote a. whole volume. There was wood enough employed in it to make 50 galleys ; it had till the variety of apart¬ ments of a palace ; »uch as banqueting-rooms, galleries, garden!, fifh-ponds, ftables, mills, baths, and a temple to Venus. 1 he floors of the middle apartment wet e all inlaid, and reprefented in various colours the flories of Homer’s Iliad. The ceilings, windows, and all other parts, were finifhed with wonderful art, and embellifhed w'ith all kinds of ornaments. In the uppermoft apart¬ ment there was a fpacious gymnafium, or place for ex-, ercife, and water was conveyed to the garden by pipes,, foms- 374 Hillory fjedera, ^ol. ii. P‘943* Jb. vol. §). 664. S H I P - B U • fome of hardened clay, and others of lead. The floors - 0f the temple of Venus were inlaid with agates and other precious (tones ; the infide lined with cyprefs wood ; the windows adorned with ivory paintings and fmali ftatues. d here was likewife a library. T his vef- Tel was adorned on all (ides with fine paintings. It had 20 benches of otirs, and was encompafied with an iron rampart, eight towers, with walls and bulwarks, furnifli- ed with machines of war, particularly one which threw a (tone of 300 pounds, or a dart 12 cubits long, the fpace of half a mile, with many other particulars related by Athenseus. Caligula likewife built a veffel adorned w ith jewels in the poop, with fails of many colours, and furniihed with large porticoes, bagnios, and banquet- ing-rooms, befides rows of vines, and fruit-trees of va¬ rious kinds. But thefe, and all fuch mondrous fabrics, ferved only for (how and oftentation, being rendered by their vaft bulk unwieldy and unfit for fervice. Athe- rueus informs us, the common names they were known by, were Cyclades, or /Etna, i. e. “ iflands, or moun¬ tains,” to which they feemed nearly equal in bignefs; confiding, as fome report, of as many materials as would have compofed 50 triremes, or (hips of three 'banks. The vefiels employed by the northern nations appear to have been dill more imperfeft than thofe of the Ro¬ mans ; for a law was enafted in the reign of the em¬ peror Honorius, 24th September, A. D. 4.18, infliff- ing Capital puniflrment on any who (hould indruft the barbarians in the art of (hip-building ; a proof at once of the great edimation in which this fcience was then held, and of the ignorance of the barbarians with re¬ gard to it. The fleet of Richard I. of England, when he weighed anchor for the holy war from Medina, in Si¬ cily, where he had paffed the winter, A. D. 1190-1, is faid to have confided of 150 great (hips and 53 gal- leys, befides barks, tartans, &c. What kinds of (hips thefc were is not mentioned. To the crufades, however pernicious in other refpe&s, this fcience (eems to owe fome improvements; and to this particular one we are indebted for Richard’s marine code, commonly called the Law; of Oleron, from the name of a fmali ifland on the coad of France, where he compofed them, and which mod of the nations in Europe have made the ba- fis of their maritime regulations. Thofe (hips, if they merited the name of (hips, were probably very fmall, as we find that fo long after as the time of Edward I. anno 1 304, 40 men were deemed fufficient to man the iv. bed and larged vefiels in England ; and that Edward the Third, anno 1335, ordained the mayor and (heriffs of London to “ take up all (hips in their port, and all other ports in the kingdom, of the burden of 40 tons and upwards, and to furnifh the fame with armed men and other neceflaries of war, againd the Scots his ene¬ mies, confederated with certain pCrfons of foreign na¬ tions.” Edward the Third’s fleet before Calais, anno 1347, confided of 738 EngliCh (hips, carrying 14,956 mariners, being on an average but 20 men to each (hip ; 15 (hips and 459 mariners, from Bayonne in Guienae, being 30 men to each (hip; 7 drips and 184 men from Spam, which is 26 men to each (hip ; one fiom Ireland, carrying 25 men; 14 from Flanders, with 133 men. I L D T N G. being fcarcely 10 men to each (hip ; and one from Guel- derland, with 24 mariners. Fifteen of thefe were call¬ ed the king’s own (hips, manned with 419 mariners, being fomewhat under 17 to each (hip. Flidorians reprefent the veflels of Venice and Genoa as the larged and the bed about this time, but they were focn exceeded in iize by the Spaniflr veflels called carrichs, fome of which carried cannon ; and thefe again wrere exceeded by the veflcls built by the northern peo¬ ple, particularly thofe belonging to the Hanfe-towns.— In the 14th century, the Hanfiatics were the lovereigns of the northern feas, as wrell without as within the Bal- Hiflory. tic ; and their (hips were fo large, that foreign princes often hired them in their w'ars. According to Hak¬ luyt, an Englifh drip from Newcadle, of 200 tons bur¬ den, was feized in the Baltic by thofe of Wifmar and Rodock, anno 1394 ; and another Englifli veflel of the JW,™, fame burden was violently feized in the port of Li(bon,tfal- v*u. anno 1412. P-7*7- Soon after (hips of a much larger fize were con-73. vol. *i, ftru&ed. It is mentioned that a very large (hip wasr* l38- built, anno 1449, by John Taverner of Hull ; and in lb. vol. xi, the year 1455, king Henry IV. at the requed of p. 364. Charles king of Sweden, granted a licence for a Swedifh (hip of the burden of a thoufand tons or under, laden with merchandize, and having 120 perfons on board, to come to the ports of England, there to difpofe of their lading, and to relade back with Englifli merchandize, paying the ufual cufloms. The infeription on the tomb of William Canning, an eminent merchant, who had been five times mayor of Bridol, in Ratclitf-church at Bridol, arim 1474, mentions his having forfeited the king’s peace, for which he was condemned to pay 300 merks ; in lieu of which film, king Edward IV. took of him 2470 tons of (hipping, amongd wdiich there was one (hip of 900 tons burden, another of 500 tons, and one of 400 tons, the red being fmaller. In the year 1506, king James IV. of Scotland built the larged (hip which had hitherto been Been, but which was led in her way to France in the year 1512, owing probably to a defe&ive condruftion, and the un- (kilfulnefs of the crew in managing fo large a (hip.— About this time a very large (hip was likewife built in France. In the fleet fitted out by Henry VIII, anno 1512, there was ©ne (hip, the Regent, of icoo tons burden, one of 500, and three of 400 each. A (hip dill larger than the Regent was built foon after, called Henri Grace Dieu ! In the year 1522 the fird voyage round the globe was finiflied. The Englifli naval hidorians think that (hips carried cannon on their upper decks only, and had net gun- ports before the year 1545 : and it is certain that many of the larged (hips in former times were fitted out from harbours, where (hips of a moderate fize now would not have water enough to float them. In 1575 the whole of the royal navy did not exceed 24 (hips, and the number of merchant (hips belonging to England amounted to no more than 135 veflels above 100 tons, and 656 between 40 and 100 tons. At queen Eliza- beth’s death, anno 1603, there were not above four^JJ^ merchant-fliips in England of 400 tons burden each. — ? ^94! The larged of queen Elizabeth’s (hips of war was icoo tons burden, carrying but 340 men, and 40 guns, and the S H I P - B U Hiflory. tlie fmalleft 6co tons, carrying 150 men and 30 guns. Smaller veflels were oecafionally laired by her from pri¬ vate owners. In the memorable fea-fight of Lepanto between the ^ urks and Chriltians, anno 1 110 velfels were em¬ ployed but galleys ; and it would appear from the car- cafes of fome of them, which are ftill preferved in the arfenal at Venice, that even theie were not fo large or fo well conftruded as thofe of our times. The Invin¬ cible Armada, as Spanifh vanity ftyled it, once the terror and admiration of nations, in the pompous and exaggerated deferiptions of which the Spanilh authors of thofe times dwelt with io much apparent pleafure, confided of 130 fhips, near 100 of which were the ftatelieft that had yet been feen on the ocean. The lar¬ ged of thefe, however, would be no more than a third rate veflel in our navy, and they were fo ill conftrufted, that they would neither move eafily, fail near the wind, nor be properly worked in tempeftuous weather. The whole of the naval force collected by Queen Elizabeth to oppofe this formidable fleet,, including hired veffels, tenders, ftore-lhips, &c. amounted to no more than I4V. Ship-building began now to make a confiderable pro- grefs in Britain. Both war and trade required an in- creafe of flopping ; fo that, in the year 1670, the an¬ nual charge or the navy was reported to be L. 5:0,000; and in 1678 the navy confided of 83 fhips, of wdiich 58 were of the line. At this time the exports amount¬ ed to ten millionsannum ; and the balance of trade was two millions. In 1689 there were 173 fliips, great and fmall, in the royal navy, and it has been condant- ly increafing; fo that in 1761 the fliips in the navy amounted to 372, of which 129 were of the line; and in the beginning of the year 1795, the total amount was above 430. As fliips of the common conftru&ion are found to be very defeftive in many particulars, various methods tnon form J^ve therefore from time to time been propofed to re- fea!ivede" move *'ome of the bacl tliey poffefled. As it 4 ’ would be an endlefs tafk to enumerate the different in- And im- ventions for this purpofe, therefore a few of them only provements will be mentioned. propofed. jn Sir William Petty conftrufted a double fhip, Double or lather a Angle fhip with a double bottom, which was fliips in- found to fail confiderably falter than any of the fhips with troduced^ which it had an opportunity of being tried. Herfird I lam* Petty voyaS>e was from Dublin to Holyhead; and in her return European ’ “ turned into that narrow harbour againd wind and Magazine tide, among rocks and fliips, with fuch dexterity as many forAiiguft ancient feamen confeffed they had never leen the like.” This veflel with 70 more were lod in a dreadful tempeft. ^ . This fubjeft was again revived by Mr Gordon, in his ropoied'11 Pi-inciples of Naval Archite&ure, printed at Aberdeen anno 1784; where, having delivered his ientiments on the conftrudtion of large mads, he fays: “ Thefe ex- . 3 Ships of the com- by Mr Gordon, 54- I L D I N G. 375 periments likewife point out to us methods by which Hifu ry. two veffcls may be laterally conne&ed together, though ——'Nr—'"' at a confiderable diitance from each other, in a manner fufficiently drong, with very little increafe of weight or expence of materials, and without expoiing much fur- face to the adlion or influence of the wind or the waves, or obfirutding their motion in any confiderable denree, and conlequtntly without being much oppofed by them on that account under any circumdances ; and if veflels are judicioufly condrudled with a view to fuch a junc¬ tion, it would be no eafy matter to enumerate all the advantages that may be obtained by this means.” He then enumerates the advantages that double vefi’els would have over thofe of the common condruftion. jat > Soon after double fliips were a&ually built by Mr Mil-conftrudtedc ler of Dalfwintoi^. byMrMU- Another plan was propofed by Mr Gordon to make pr; a fliip fail fall, draw little water, and to keep a goodnf "Naval wind. For this purpofe, “ the bottom (he fays) {hovX&Arcbitc*- be formed quite flat, and the tides made to rife perpen-#“^» P- 7*5. dicular from it, without any curvature ; which would 8. „ not only render her more fteady, as being more oppofed wlter pr,?- to the water in rolling, but likewife more convenient forpofe lto be dowage, &c. while the fimplicity of the form would d>miniflied contribute greatly to the cafe and expedition with111 <',r.der t£> which fhe might be fabricated. Though diminifhing^"1 the draught of water is, cateris paribus^ undoubtedly *' the mod effeftual method of augmenting the velocity |nconyC with which veflels go before the wind ; yet, as it pro- foency of portionally diminiflies their hold of the water, it ren- this plan, ders them extremely liable to be driven to leeward, and 10. altogether incapable of keeping a good wind. Thisfemedied deleft may, however, be remedied, in a fimple and ef- minting feftual manner, by proportionally augmenting the.the depth depth of keel, or, as fo large a keel would be inconve-0^the nient on many accounts, proportionally increafing their^1. number; as, in place of adding a keel eight feet deepcrcafing* to a veffel drawing fix feet water, to affix to different the num~. parts of her flat bottom, which would be well adapted ^ for receiving them, fix different keels of two feet deepkeel8* each at equal didances from each other, with proper intervals between ; which will be found equally ef¬ fectual for preventing thefe pernicious effefts. Four fuch, indeed, Would have anfwered the purpofe as well, as the eight feet keel, were it not for the fuperior pref- fure or refidanee of the lower water (a). Thus then it appears, that a veflfel drawing eight feet water only, keels and all, may be made to keep "as good a wind, or be as little liable to be driven to leeward, a&. the {harped built vefiel of the fame length drawing ^ nay 20 or upwards, if a few more keels, are added, at the fame time that die would be little more refided in moving in the line of the keels than a veffel drawing- fix feet water only. Thefe. keels, belides, would drengthen the veffel confiderably, would render her* more deady, and lefs liable to be overfet, and thereby enable; (a) This is frequently repeated on the authority of Mr Gordon and others. Theory fays otherwife ; and the experiments of Sir Ifaac Newton fliow in the mod unexceptionable manner, that the refiflance of a ball de-» feending through the water is the fame at all depths ; nay, the heaping up of the water on the bow, occafionin^r a iiydrodatical preffure m addition to the real refidance, will make the whole oppofition to an equal furface=> but of greater horizontal dimenfions, greater, becaufe it bears a greater proportion to the refiftance. » xz The plan farther im¬ proved by the adap¬ tion of Hi¬ ding keels. 13 The utility of Aiding keels pro¬ ved by ex¬ periment. T4 And adlu- ally put in practice upon a larger fca!e s H I P-B U enable Tier to carry more fall; and Mr Gordon then enumerates the feveral advantages that a hup of this conftrudtion will poffefs. . • u r1 This plan has lately been put into execution by Cap¬ tain Schank, with this difference only, that inftead of the keels being fixed as propofed by Mr Gorelon, Cap¬ tain Schank conffruded them fo as to Hide down to a certain depth below the bottom, or to be drawn up within the fhip as occafion might require. _ Captain Schank having communicated his plans to the Navy Board, two veffels were in confequence or¬ dered to be built of 13 tons each, and fimilar in dimen- fions, one on the old conftru&ion, and the other flat- bottomed, with fliding keels. In179° a compara¬ tive trial in prefence of the commiffioners of the navy was made on the river Thames, each having the fame quantity of fail; and although the veffel on the old conflrudion had leeboards, a greater quantity of bal¬ lad and two Thames pilots aboard, yet Captain Schank’s veffel with three fliding keels beat the other veffel, to the afloniihment of all prefent, one halt of the whole diftance failed; and no doubt fhe would have beat her much more had fire been furmfhed with a Thames pilot. t 1 • .? This trial gave fo much fatisfachon, that a king s cutter of 120 tons was immediately ordered to be built on the fame conftru&ion, and Captain Schank was re- quefted to fuperintend its building. This veffel was launched at Plymouth in 1791, and named the Trial. The lenoth of this veffel is 66 feet, breadth 21 feet, and depth of the hold feven feet : her bottom is quite flat and draws only fix feet water, with all her guns, ftores, &c. whereas all other veffels of her tonnage on the old conftruaion draw 14 feet ; fo that fhe can go with fafety into almoft any harboffr or creek. She has three fliding keels inclofed in a cafe or well; they are each 14 feet in length ; the fore and the after keels are three feet broad each, and the middle keel is fix feet broad. The keels are moveable by means of a winch, and may be let down feven feet below the real keel; and they woik equally well in a ftorm as in ftill wa¬ ter Her hold is divided into feveral compartments, all water tight, and fo contrived, that ihould even a plank or two ftart at fea in different parts of the veffel, fhe may be navigated with the greateft fecunty to any place. If fbe fhould be driven on flrore in a gale of wind* fbe will not foon become a wreck, as her keels will be driven up into their cafes, and the fhip being flat-bottomed, will not be ealily overfet ; and bring able to go into fuch fballow water, the crew may all be cafily faved. By means of her fliding keels Ibe is kept fteady in the greateff gale ; fbe is quite eafy in a great fea, does not ftrain in the leaft, and never takes in wa¬ ter on her deck ; and when at anchor, fhe rides mote upright and even than any other fbip can do : fbe fails very faff either before or up >n a wind ; no veffel fhe has ever been in company with, of equal hze, has been able, upon many trials, to beat her in failing ; and yet her fails feem too fmall. , It has alfo been propofed to conflruT veflels of other materials than wood ; and lately a veffel was built whole bottom, inftead of bring plank, was copper. I L D I N G. Book I. Book I. Containing the Method of delineating tfThips?* the feveral Sections of a Ship. v”””* Chap I. Of the Properties of Ships. A s h 1 p ought to be conftrufted fo as to anfwer the par- General ticular purpofe for which {he is intended. It would be an principles eafy matter to determine the form of a fhip intended to fail by means of oars ; but, when fails are ufed, a fhip ' 'l 1 is then a£led upon by two elements, the wind and wa¬ ter : and therefore it is much more difficult than is com¬ monly imagined to afeertain the form of a fhip fo as to anfwer in an unfavourable as well as a favourable wind ; the fhip at the fame time having a cargo of a certain weight and magnitude. l6 Every fhip ought to fail well, but particularly when properties the wind is upon the beam ; for this purpofe aconfider- chat a (hip able length in proportion to the breadth is neceffary, V°f- and the plane of refiftance fhould be the leaft poffible. The main frame fhould alfo be placed in a proper fitua- er> tion ; but according to the experiments of Mr Chap¬ man *, its plane is variable with the velocity of the* Trait e de fhip : the mean place of the main frame has, however, been generally eitimated to be about one twelfth of the '"j* “ ^ length of the keel before the middle. Without a fufv * ficient degree of (lability a fhip will not be able to car¬ ry a prefs of fail: a great breadth in proportion to the length and low upper-works will augment the liability. The following particulars being attended to, the above property will be gained, and the fhip will alfo fleer well. The wing tranfom fhould be carried pretty high; the fafnion-pieces well formed, and not full below the load water-line : the lower part of the flem to be a por¬ tion of a circle, and to have a confiderable rake: the fternpoft to be nearly perpendicular to the keel; and all the upper works kept as low as poffible. Many fliips from conflrudlion are liable to make much p0 make leeway. This may in a great meafure be avoided by gi-a ftiip keep ving the fhip a long keel, little breadth, and a confider-a g0O(i able depth in the hold : whence the bow will meet with Wlli * little refiftance in comparifon to the fide, and therefore the {hip will not fall much to the leeward. _ jg Another very great retardation to the velocity of a And to fail fhip is her pitching. The principal remedy for this is to fmexithly increafe the length of the keel and floor, to diminifh^^ the riling afore and abaft, and to conftrurit the hull in jiard- 5 fuch a manner that the contents of the fore-body may be duly proportioned to the contents of the after- body. t n*-9 f In a fhip of war the lower tier of guns ought to be 01 of a fufficient height above the water, otherwife it will j^er deck be impoffible to work the lee-guns when it blows hard, guns to be This property will be obtained by giving her a longfufficiet tly floor-timber, little rifing, a full midfbip frame, light up- per works, and the wing tranfom not too high : A nd in every fhip the extreme breadth ought always to be higher afore and abaft than at midfhips. ao A merchant fh;p, befides being a fall failer, ought Propertiss to carry a confiderable cargo in proportion to its°fam',r; length, to fail with little ballaft, and to be navigatedLhant ^ with few hands. _ aj That a fhip may take in a conftderable cargo, it To take in 8 A fhoulda car \nd to ive fta- nlity. Principles of hat) il Architec¬ ture, p. 100 *3 Advanta¬ ges of a fhip of a fma'.l d rau a water. Book!. S H I P-B U Proper ties{h(3»Jd have 2 ^rer.t breadth and depth in proportion to rf Ships. ;ts ien^th, a full bottom, and a long and flat floor. But a (hip of this conitruftion will neither fail fait, nor carry much fail. If a lliip be filled out much towards the line of float¬ ation, together with low upper works, file will require little ballatl : and that drip which is flirf from conftruc- tion is much better adapted for failing fait than one which, in order to carry the fame quantity of canvas, is obliged to be loaded with a much greater weight : for the reliitance is as the quantity of water to be re¬ moved, or nearly as the area of a tranfverie fection of the immerfed part of the body at the midfhip frame ; and a body that is broad and fhallow is much differ than one of the fame capacity that is narrow' and deep. “ The advantages (fays Mr Gordon) are numerous, important, and obvious. For it is evident, that by en¬ larging, perhaps doubling, the breadth of velfels, and forming their bottoms fiat and well furnilhed with keels, they mud, in the firjl place, become much hea¬ dier, roll little, if •any,, and be enabled to carry greatly more fail, and that in a better direction, at the fame I'ma'.l ^ tjme t]iat they would be in no danger of being dilmad- draught if ^ Qr over(et> unlefs the mads were of a mod extraor¬ dinary height indeed. Secondly, They would have little or no occafion tor ballad, and d any was ufed, could incur lefs danger from its Ihifting. Thirdly, That there would be much more room upon deck, as well as ac¬ commodation below' ; tne breadth being fo much in- Creafed without any diminution of the height above the load-water line. Foutthly, 1 hat they would deviate much lefs from the intended courfe, and penetrate the water much eafier in the proper dire&ion ; for doubling the breadth, without any increafe of weight, would di- minifh the depth or draught of w’ater one had ; and though the extent of the direftly oppofmg furtace would be the fame as before, yet the veflel in moving would meet with half the former reliftance only : for io great is the difference between the preffure, force, or reaftion, of the upper and the under water. Fifthiy. That they would by this means be adapted for lying tmfupported in docks and harbours when dry, be icn- dered capable of being navigated in fhallaw w'ater, and of being 'benefited by all the advantages attending that very important circumilance ; and it is particularly to be obferved, that making veffels which may be naviga¬ ted in (hallow water, may, in many refpeds, juftly be regarded as a matter of equal importance with increa- fmg the number of harbours, and improving them, as ha¬ ving identically the fame effects with regard to navi ra¬ tion ; at the fame time, that the benefits which would re- fult from fueh circumftances are obtained by this means without either expence, trouble, or inconveniency : be- fides, it would not only enable veffels to enter many ri¬ vers, bays, and creeks, former!)' inaccefiible to (hips of burden, but to proceed to fuch places as are moft land locked, where they can lie or ride moft fecure, and w'ith leaft Sixpence of men and ground tackle. As (hips of war would carry their guns w'ell by being lo Heady, there could be but little occalion for a high top.fide, or much height of hull above w'ater ; and as . little or no ballaft would be required, there would be bo neceffity, as in other veffels, for increafmg their weight on’ that account, and thereby preffing them deeperinto the w'ater. Thefe are very important civcum- Vol. XVII. Part I. I L D I N G. 377 fences, and would contribute much to improve the failing ‘>‘'ore !1C8 of fuch veffels.’, f rom whence it appears, that there u ~/ 'y would be united, what has hitherto been deemed irrecon- cileable, the greateft pofiibie {lability, which is nearly as the area of a tranverie lettion of the immerfed part of the body at the midfhip frame : and a body that is broad and fhallow is much ftiffer than one of the fame capa¬ city that is narrow and deep. A (hip of this conftruc- tion may take in a confiderahle cargo in proportion to her fize ; but if deeply loaded will not iail fail, for then the area of a fedtion of the immerfed part at the mid¬ fhip frame will be very confiderable -, and as the fails of fuch a fhip mull neceflarily be large, moie hands will therefore be required. ' _ 24 The lefs the breadth of a fhip, the fewer hands will And ti be be neccffary to work her; as in that cafe the quantity of fail will be lefs, and the anchors alio of lefs weight. i,antis. We fhall gain much (fays M. Bouguer) by making the Traitc du extreme breadth no more than the fifth or fixth part Nwite. of the length, if, at the fame time, we diminilh the depth proportionally ; and likewife this moft iurprifing circumilance, that by diminiihing thele two dimeniions, or by increafirg the length, a fhip may be made to go fometimes as fall as the wind. In order to obtain the pieceding properties, very op-rmpofllMe^ pofite rules mull be followed ; and hence it appears to'f ^ be impoffible to conftrudt a (hip fo as to be poffefled °f them all. 'The body, however, mult be fo formed, thatfanie as many of thefe properties may be retained as polTible, always obferving to give the preference to thole which are moft required. If it is known what particular trade, the ftiip is to be employed in, thofe qualities are then principally to be adhered to which are molt efientiaily neceffary for that employment. if. It may eafily be demon ft rated that fmall fh'ps will 'mall fiiips not have the fame advantages as large ones of a iimilar i::^r!or !f* form, when employed in the fame trade; f°r a latffe ,n point of fnip will not only iail fafter than a fmall one of a lirai- failing, lar form, but will alfo require fewer hands to work her. Hence, in order that a fmall fliip may poffefs the fame advantages as a large one, the correfponding dimenfions wall not be proportional to each other. rl he reader will lee in Chapman’s Architeilura Navails Mircatorva ample tables of the feveral dimeniions of Bops, of dix- fereht claffes and lizes, deduced from theory combined with experiment. Tables of the dimeniions of the principal Bips of the Britifb navy, and of other Bip >, are contained in the Ship builder’s Repohtory, and in Murray’s Treatife on Ship-building. Chap. II. Of the different Plans cf a Ship. When it is propofed to build a Bip, the propor¬ tional fuze of every part of her is to be laid down ; from whence the form and dimeniions of the timbers, and of every particular piece of wood that enters i-ito the eon- ftrudlion, is to be found. As a Bip has length, breadth, and depth, three different plans at lead are neeceffary to exhibit the form of the feveral parts of a Bip : c-hefe are uHally denominated the Jheer plan, the half breadth and tody plans. ^ T£\\t fleer flan ox draught, otherwife called the plan beer of elevation, is that fedfion of the Blip which is made B aught, of by a vertical plane ’ palling through the keel. Upon eitVa'lon* this plan are laid down the length of the keel; the height and rake of the ilem and iternpou ; the fituation 3 B and 378 D iferent Plans of a Ship. SHIP-BUILDING. a8 Half breadth {dan or lorizon- tal plane. Body plan or pr-uiec- taon. 30 The vari¬ ous lines laid down on thele plans. and height of the midfhip and other frames; the place of the malts and channels ; the projection of the head and quarter gallery, and their appendages ; and in a fhip of war the polition and dimenfions of the gun-ports. Several imaginary lines, namely, the upper and lower height of breadth lines, water line's, &c. are alfo drawn in this plan. 1 he halj breadth or Jloor plan, or, as it is frequently called, the horizontal plane, contains the feveral half- breadths of every frame of timbers at different heights ; ribbands, water lines, &c. are alfo defcribed on this plane. j he body plan, or plane of projection, is a feCtion of the fhip at the midfhip frame or broadeft place, perpen¬ dicular to the two former. The feveral breadths, and the particular form of every frame of timbers, are defcribed on this plane. As the two iides of a fhip are fimilar to each other, it is therefore unneceffary to lay down both; hence the frames contained between the main frame and the Item are defcribed on one fide of the middle line, commonly on the right hand frde, and the after frames are deicibed on the other fide of that line. Several lines are defcribed on thefe planes, in order the more readily to affilt in the formation of the tim¬ bers ; the principal of which are the following : The top-timber line, is a curve limiting the height of the fir ip at each timber. The top-timber half breadth tine, is a .feaion of the ffiip at the height of the top-timber line, perpendicular to the plane of elevation. The height of breadth lines, are two lines named the upper' and lower heights of breadth. Thefe lines are defcribed^ on the plane of elevation to determine the height of the broadeft part of the fhip at each timber ; and being defcribed in the body plan, limits the height and breadth of each frame at its broadeft part. Mam half breadth, is a fetfion of the fhip at the broadeft part, perpendicular to the fheer plan, and reprefents the greateft breadth at the outiide of every timber. Water lines, are lines fuppofed to be defcribed on the bottom of a fhip when afloat by the furface of water ; and the uppermoft of thefe lines, or that defcribed by the water on the fhip’s bottom when fufficiently load¬ ed, is called the load water line. According as the fhip is lightened, fhe will rife higher out of the water ; and hence new water lines will be formed. If fhe be lightened in fuch a manner that the heel may prcferve the fame inclination to the furface of the water, thefe lines will be parallel to each other ; and if they are pa¬ rallel to the keel, they will be reprefented by ftraight lines parallel to each other in the body plan ; otherwife by curves. In the half breadth plan, thefe lines are curves limiting the half breadth of the fhip at the height of the correlponding lines in the fheer plan. In or- der to diftinguiflj thefe lines, they are ufually drawn in green. Ribband lines, are curves on a fhip’s bottom by the in- terfedtion of a plane inclined to the plane of elevation ; and are denominated diagonal or horizontal, according a.s the7 are meafured upon the diagonal, or in a direc¬ tion perpendicular to the plane of elevation. Both ttiele anfwer to the fame curve on the fhip’s bottom, ’Ut give very different curves when defcribed on the naif breadth plan. r . . . „ , B°ok r. r rames, are circular pieces of timber bolted toge- Different ther, and railed upon the keel at certain diftances, and to ^ans of a which the planks are faftened. A frame is compofed 6hift Oi one floor-timber, two or three futtocks, and a top- v timber on each fide : which being united together, form F. aine? a circular incloiure, and that which inclofes the greateft CornP°* fpace is called the midfhip or main frame. The arms*^ °^a of the floor-timber of this frame form a very obtufej^f""1* angle ; but in the other frames this angle decreafes with tocks^aruj the diilance of the frame from midfhips. Thofe floor liniber, timbers vyhich form' very acute angles are called crutches. The length of the midftiip floor timber is in general about half the length of the main frame. - 32 A frame of timbers is commonly formed by archesS'vecFs of circles called fweeps. There are generally fivethe fevml fweepsy \jl, V\\t floor fweep ; which is limited by a line & in the body plan perpendicular to the plane of eleva- * tion, a little above the keel; and the height of this line above the keel at the midfhip frame is called the dead nfing. The upper part of this arch forms the head of the floor timber. . id. The lower breadth fweep ; the centre of which is in the line reprefenting the lower height of breadth. 31/, The reconciling fweep. This fweep joins the two former, without interfering ei¬ ther ; and makes a fair curve from the lower height of breadth to the rifing line. If a ftraight line is drawn from the upper edge of the keel to touch the back of the floor fvveep, the form of the midfhip frame below the lower height of breadth will be obtained. rpthr The upper breadth fweep; the centre of which is in the line reprefenting the upper height of breadth of the timber. This fweep delcribed upwards forms the lower part of the top timbers gth. The top timber fweep is that which forms the hollow of the top timber. This hollow is, however, very often formed by a mould, io placed as to touch the upper breadth fweep, and pafs through the point limiting the half breadth of the top timber. r The main frame, or as it is ufually called dead fat, is Names of denoted by the charadler (J). The timbers before dead-frames. fLt aie maiked A, B, C, &c. in order ; and thofe abaft dead-flat by the figures 1, 2, 3, &c. The timbers ad¬ jacent to dead-flat, and of the fame dimenfions nearly, are diflinguifhed by the charadeis (A), (B), &c. and (O’ (O’ ^iic* -1 hat part of the fhip abaft the main frame is called the after body ; and that before it the fore body. All timbers are perpendicular to the half breadth plan, i hofe timbers whofe planes are perpendicular to the fheer plan, are called Jquare timbers; and thofe whofe planes are inclined to it are called canted timbers. The rifing line, is a curve drawn in the fheer plan, at the heights of the centres of the floor fweeps in the body plan. As, however, this line, if drawn in this manner, would extend beyond the upper line of the fi¬ gure, it is therefore ufually fo drawn that its lower part may touch the upper edge of the keel. This is per¬ formed by taking the heights of each of the centres in the body plan, from the height of the centre of the fvveep of dead-flat, and fetting them off on the correfponding timbers in the fheer plan from the upper edge of the keel. . >~ Half breadth of the rifing, is a curve in the floor plan, which limits the diftances of the centres of the floor fweeps from the middle line of the body plan. 1 The Pla te C C C C LM1 , ' .K-f'Cy. i .~. Book I. S H I P-B U Prelimina-are frames, including the main and ftern frames. Up- rr on ME defcribe the equilateral triangle MSE, and draw blemt- Hnes from the vertex S to each point of divilion ; then ' 'r^~' the line SM will be that anfwering to the main frame, and SEthat correfponding to the poft ; and the other lines will be thofe anfwering to the intermediate frames in order. Let fig. 23. be the proje&ion of part of the ftern on the plane of elevation, together with the eighth and ninth frames. From the points L, N, G, (fig. 2J.) draw the lines LO, NP, GQ^, perpendicular to the plane of the upper edge of the keel. Make AB (fig. 23 ) equal to AF (fig. 21.), and draw the water line BCD. Draw the line BC (fig. 22.) fo that it may be parallel to the bafe of the triangle, and equal to CD (fig, 23.), which produce indefinitely towards H. Make BD equal to BC (fig. 23.), and draw the dotted line SD (fig. 22.) The ribband FC (fig. 21.) is to be ap¬ plied to the triangle, fo that it may be parallel to the bafe, and contained between the line MS and the dot¬ ted line SD. Let r/ reprefent this line ; then transfer the feveral divifions from r/ to the ribband CF (fig. 21.), and number them accordingly. Agam, make EF (fig. 23.) equal to LO (fig. 21.), and draw the waterline FGH; make BF (fig. 22.) equal to FG (fig. 23.), and draw the dotted line SF; apply the fecond ribband LK to the triangle, fo that the extremity K may be on the line SM, and the other extremity L on the dot- ted line SF, and making with SM an angle of about 624 degrees. Let/7 be this line, and transfer the divi¬ fions from it to the ribband KL. In like manner make IK (fig. 23.) equal to NP (fig. 21.), and dravwthe wa¬ ter line KLM. Make BG (fig. 22.) equal to KL (fig. 23.), and draw the dotted line SG ; then the ribband MN is to be applied to the triangle in fuch a manner that its extremities M and N may be upon the lines SM, SG refpedtively, and that it may make an angle of about 68 degrees with the line’ SM; and the divi¬ fions. are to be transferred from it to the ribband MN. The fame procefs is to be followed to divide the other ribbands, obferving to apply the fourth ribband to the triangle, fo that it may make an angle of 86 degrees with the line SM ; the fifth ribband to make an angle of 6 3 degrees, and the fixth an angle of 60 degrees with the line SM. The quantities ef thefe angles are, however, far from being precifely fixed. Some conftruftors, in applying the ribbands to the triangle, make them all parallel to its bafe ; and others vary the meafures of thefe angles according to fancy. It may alfo be remarked, that a. different method of dividing the bafe of the triangle is ufed by fome. It is certainly proper to try different methods; and that is to be preferred whichbeft; anfwers the intended purpofe. Befide the frames already mentioned, there are other two laid down by fome conftru&ors in the feveral plans, called balance frames. The after balance frame is placed at one fourth of the length oi the fhip before the ttern- poft • and the other, commonly called the loof frame, at one fourth of the fhip’s length aft of a perpendicular to Vol-XVII. Part I. I L D I N G. 3S5 the keel from the rabbet of the ftem. Let the dotted Prebnuna- line at X, between the fifth and fixth frames, (fig. 23.) ^lemr"" be the place of the after balance frame in the plane of elevation. Then, in order to lay down this frame in the plane of proie&ion, its reprefentation muff be previoufly drawn in the triangle. To accompliih this, draw the line SV (fig. 22.) fo that the interval 5V may have the fame ratio to 5 6 (fig. 22.) that 5 X_ has to_ 5 6 (fig. 23.) (d). Then the feveral points in the ribbands in the plane of projedtion anfwering to this frame are ta be found by means of the triangle in the fame manner as before. The loof frame is nearly of the fame dimenfions as the after balance; frame, or rather of a little greater ca¬ pacity, in order that the centre of gravity of that part of the fiiip may be nearly in the plane of the midfhip frame. Hence the loof frame may be eafily drawn in , the plane of projeftion, and hence alfo the other frames in the fore body may be readily deferibed. Prob. X. To defcribe the frames in the fore body. Draw the middle line of the ftem AB (fig. 24.) ; make AC, BD each equal to half the thicknefs of the ftem, and draw the line CD ; defcribe alfo one half of the main frame CEFGHI. Let eE, fF,gG, ^H, be water lines at the heights of the ribbands on the main frame ; alfo let a be the termination of the floor ribband, and b that of the breadth ribband on the ftem. Divide the interval a b into three equal parts in the points c, 7, and draw the ribbands tfE, cF, r/G, and £H. Make e i, fh, gl, hm (fig. 24.) equal to ei, f k, g l, bm (fig. 21.) refpeftively, and draw the curve Ciklm, which will be the proje&ion of the loof frame. Or fince it is neceffary that the capacity of the loof frame fiiould be a little greater than that of the after balance frame, each of the above lines may be increafed by a propor¬ tional part of itfelf, as one-tenth or one-twentieth, as may be judged proper. Conflrud the triangle (fig. 25.) in the fame manner as fig. 22. only obferving, that as there are fewer frames in the fore than in the after body, its bafe will therefore be divided into fewer parts. Let there be eight frames in the fore body, then there will be eight divifions in the bafe of the triangle befide the extremes. Let fig. 26. reprefent the ftem and part of the fore¬ body in the plane of elevation, and let O be the place of the loof frame. Divide the interval 4, 5 (fig. 25.) fo that 4, 5 may be to 4Z as 4, 5 to 4, o (fig. 26. )* and draw the dotted line SZ, which will be the line de¬ noting the loof frame in the triangle. Draw the lines AB, CD, EF, GH (fig. 26.) paral¬ lel to the keel, and whofe perpendicular diftances there¬ from may be equal to C a, Cr, C 7, C b, (fig. 24.) the interfeftions of thefe lines with the rabbet of the ftem, namely, the points I, K, L, M will be the points of termination of the feveral ribbands on the ftem in the plane of elevation. Divide 8 A (fig. 25.) fo that 8B, 8 C, 8 D, and 8 E, may be refpe&ively equal to BI, DK, FL, and HM (fig. 26.), and draw the dotted lines SB, SC, SD, SE (fig. 25.) Apply the edge of a flip of card to the firft ribband (fig. 24.), and mark. 3 C thereon (d ) It is evident, from the method ufed to divide the bafe of the triangle, that this proportion does not agre« exactly with, the conftru£lion : the difference, however, being fmall, is therefore neglected in practice. 386 S H I P - B U Prf.Hmit.a tliereftn the extrerriitics of the ribband a* E, and alfo the point of interfedfion of the loof frame. Then ap.- ply this flip of card to the triangle in fnch a manner that the point a may be on the dotted line SB, the point E on the line SM, and the point anfwering to the loof frame on the dotted line SZ ; and mark upon the >card the feveral points of interlediion of the lines Si, S 2, &c. Now apply the card to the ribband «E (fig. 24.) as before, and transfer the feveral points of divi-. fion from it to the ribband. In like manner proceed with the other ribbands ; and lines drawn through the correfponding points in the ribbands will be the projec¬ tion of the lower part of the frames in the fore body. The projections of the top-timbers of the ieveral frames may be taken from the half breadth plan ; and hence -each top-tiipber may be eafily defcribed. In large (hips, particularly in thofe of the French navy, a different method is employed to.form the top* timbers in the fore body, which is as follows : "Plate ^ BI (fig. 27.) be one fourth of the breadth of CCCCLIX.jd^ fhip, and draw IK parallel to AB. Take the height of the foremoft Ffame from the plane of eleva¬ tion, and lay it off from A to B : from the point B draw BH perpendicular to AB, and equal to half the length of the wing tranfom. Let E be the place of the breadth ribband on the main frame, and F its place On the ftem at the height of the wing tranfom. With a radius equal to five-fixths of half the greateft breadth of the fhip defcribe the quadrant EFG (fig. 28.) : Make EH equal to FG (fig. 27.), the point F being at the height of the wing tranfom. Through H draw HO perpendicular to EH, and interfefting the circum¬ ference in O ; then draw OE parallel to HE, and EL parallel to HO. Divide EL into as many equal parts as there are frames in the fore body, including the main frame, and from thefe points of divifion draw the per¬ pendiculars 1 r, 22, &c. meeting the circumference as in the figure. Take the diftance U, and lay it off from G (fig. 27.) towards F to the point 1 ; and from the fame point G lay off towards F the feveral per¬ pendiculars contained between the ftraight line and the curve to the points 2, 3, &c. and through thefe points draw lines parallel to EG. Take any line AB (fig. 29.) at pleafure : divide it equally in two in the point 8 ; divide 8 B in two parts in the point 7, and continue this method ot divifion un¬ til there are as many points as there are frames in the fore body, including the main frame. Upon AB con- ftruA the equilateral triangle ACB, and draw the lines C8, C7, &c. Place a flip of card on the parallel K 8 (fig. 27.), and mark thereon the points oppofite to a, K, and 8 ; and let them be denoted accordingly. Then apply this flip of card to the triangle, fo that the point a, which is that anfwering to the rabbet of the ftem, may be on the line AC ; that the point anlwer- ing to K may be on C 8, and the extremity 8 on the line CB ; and mark on the card the points of interfec- tion of the lines C 7, C6, &c. and number them ac¬ cordingly. Now apply this flip of card to the ieventh parallel (fig. 23.), the point a being on the line CD, and mark on this parallel the point of interfe&ion 7 ; flide the card down to the fixth parallel, to which tvanf- fer the point n° 6. In like manner proceed with the -ether parallels. The point K, at the interfedtion of the line IK with I L D I N G. Book I, the eighth parallel, is one point through which the Prdimina* eighth fiame paffes. From this point upwards a curve ry 1>ro- " is to be defcribed fo as to reconcile with the lower part of this frame already defcribed, and the upper part, forming an inverted arch, which is to terminate at FI. This top-timber may he formed by two fweeps, whofe radii and centres are to be determined partly from cir- cumftances and partly according to fancy. It how¬ ever may be more readily formed by hand. Let LM (fig, 27.) he the line of the fecond deck at the main frame, and let LN be the difference of the draught of water, if any. Make GN (fig. 28.) equal to LN ; draw NM perpendicular to GN, meeting the circle in M ; and through the points G and M draw the parallels GV and MV ; divide GN as before, and from the ieveral points of divifion draw perpendiculars terminating in the curve. Transfer thefe perpendicu¬ lars from L upwards (fig. 27^), and through the point* thus found draw the lines 1 r, 7i, &c. parallel to LM. Apply a flip of card to the eighth parallel, and mark upon it the point anlwering to the ftem, the eighth and main frames : carry this to the triangle, and place it fo that thefe points may be on the correfpondirig lines. Then the points of interfe&ion of the lines C 7, C 6, &c. are to be marked on the card, which is now to be applied firft to the eighth parallel (fig. 27.), then to the feventh, &c. transferring the feveral points of divi¬ fion in order as before. Draw the line HO (fig. 27.) ; mark its length on a flip of card, and apply it to the triangle, fo that it may be parallel to its bafe, and its extremities one on the eighth and the other on the main frame : mark on the card the points of interledlion of the feveral intermedi¬ ate lines as before ; then apply the card to HO, and transfer the divifions. There are now three points determined through which each top-timber mult pafs, namely, one in the breadth ribband, one in the fifth, and one in the upper ribband. Through thefe curves are to be defenbed, fo as to reconcile with the lower part of the frame, and partake partly of the curvature of the eighth frame, and partly of that of the main frame, but mod of that of the frame to which ft is neareft : and hence the plane of projection is fo far finifhed, that it only re¬ mains to prove the feveral frames by water lines. Another method of deferibing the frames in the body plan is by fweeps. In this method it is neceffary, in the firft place, to defcribe the height of the breadth lines, and the rifing of the floor, in the plane of eleva¬ tion. The half breadth lines are next to be defcribed in the floor plan. The main frame is then to be deferi- bed by three or moie fweeps, and giving it fuch a form as may be molt fuitable to the fervice the Ihip is deilgn- ed for. The lower, upper, and top-timber heights of breadth, and the rilings of the floor, are to be fet upon the middle line in the body plan, and the feveral half breadths are then to be laid off on lines drawn through thefe points perpendicular to the middle line. A mould may then be made for the main frame, and laid upon the feveral rifings, as in whole mouldings, explained in Chapter V. with this difference, that here .an under breadth fweep is defcribed to pafs through the point which limits the half breadth of the timber, the centre of which will be in the breadth line of that timber. The proper centres for all the frames being found, and the. SHIP i MG Plate CCCCPVin. 1 / V ( l it Book I. S H I P-B U biems. I'xelimina. the fii'chas defcribed, the bend mould mult be fo pla- ry i'ro- ce(^ on J.j;ie r;fing line Qf the floor, that the back of it _ may touch the back of the under breadth fweep. But the general practice is, to defcribe all the floor fweeps with compafl’es, as well as the under breadth fweeps, and to reconcile theie two by a mould which is an arch of a circle, its radius being the fame with that of the reconciling fweep by which the midihip frame was formed. It is ufual for all the floor fweeps to be of the fame radius ; and in order to find their centres a line is formed on the floor plan for the half breadth of the floor. As this line cannot be defcribed on the furface of a Ihip, it is therefore only an imaginary line. In- llead of it fome make uic of a diagonal in the body plane to limit the half breadth of the floor upon every riling line, and to eredl perpendiculars at the ieveral in- terfetfions, in the fame manner as for the midfhip frame. After the fwTeeps are all defcribed, recpurfe is had to moulds, or fome fuch contrivance, to form the hollow of the timbers, much in the lame manner as in whole moulding ; and when all the timbers are formed, they mull be proved by ribband and water lines, and altered, it neceflary, to make lair curves. The preceding methods of defcrihing the feveral planes or iedtions of a Ihip being well underftood, it will be a very eafy matter to conftrutl draughts for any propofed Ihip : and as the above planes were de¬ fer ibed feparately and independent of each other, it is therefore of little confequence which is firfl: defcribed. In the following application, however, the plane ol ele¬ vation will be liril drawn, then part of the floor plan, and laftly the body plan : and in connecting thefe plans the moll rational and Ample methods will be employed. Chap. IV. application of the foregoing Rules to the ConJlruEhon of Ships. Sect. I. Tb conjlmd. a Ship intended to carry a confi- deruble Barden in Proportion to her general l)imerfitnst and to dram little IVater. Dimensions. Length between the wing tranlom and a perpendicular from the rabbet of the idem at the height F. In. of breadth line - - Boo Main half breadth moulded - no Half breadth at the height of breadth line at the Hern - - 1 & Top-timber half breadth - lo 6 Height of the Item above the upper edge of the keel - - 17 O Height of the breadth line at the flem 13 6 Height of the breadth line at the ftern - 123 Upper height of breadth at the main frame 7 4 Lower height of breadth - - 5 10 Height of middle line of wales at the ftem 10 o Height of middle line of wales at the main frame - - -610 Height of middle line of wales at the ftern 10 6 Breadth of the wales - - 1 9 Height of top-timber at midlhips 140 at ftern » j 8 o I L D I N G. 387 Draw the line a l (fig. 30.) equal to 80 feet, from Applxation a convenient icale : divide it into as many equal parts'^ ^ore' plus one as there are to be frames, which let be 16, and through each point of divifion draw perpendiculars, ftruilion of Make be equal to 17 ieet, the perpendicular height of Ahips. the top of the item above the upper edge of the keel, v and defcribe the Item by Prob. II. Make a d equal cc£ht£;g to lo-l- feet, the height of the middle line of the wales at the item, and a e equal to the propofed rake of the poll, which may be about 2 feet ; join d e ; and draw the line Jg reprelenting the aft-fide of the poll. De¬ fcribe the counter and item by Problem VI. and VII. Make 0 h equal to 14 leet, the top-timber height at the main frame, and i k equal to 18 feet, the height at the (tern ; and through the three points r, A, i, defcribe the curve limiting the top-timbers by Problem I. Make. b d equal to 1 o- ieet, the height of the middle line of the wales at the (tern, and ®H equal to 6 feet 10 inches, the height at the main frame ; and the curve d H d being defcribed will reprefent the middle line of the wales. At the diftance of loj- inches on each fide of this line draw two curves parallel thereto, and the wales will be completed in this plan. Make b l equal to i 31 feet, the height of the breadth line at the fte*n ; « m equal to 1 2^ feet, the height at the ftern ; and I® K® equal to 5 feet xo inches and 7 feet 4 inches re» fpeCftively ; and draw the upper breadth line l Km and lower breadth line /1 m. From, the line ab lay down¬ wards the breadth of the keel, which may be about one foot, and draw the line L t parallel to a t. I^et the line I. r, which is the lower edge of the keel, reprefent alfo the middle line of the floor plan. Pro¬ duce all the perpendiculars reprefenting the frames : make ® M (fig. 31.) equal to 11 feet, the main half breadth at midlhips ; through m (fig. 30.) draw the line m N perpendicular to a b, and make p N equal to. 7i feet, and draw the main hall breadth line NM r by Problem IV. Deicribe alio the top-timber half breadth line PO r, vf) O being equal to to^ ieet, and form the projedling part of the ftem q r s t. In order that the top-timber line may look fair on the bow, and to prevent the foremoft top-timbers from being too ft.ort, it is neceflary to lift or raife the Iheer from the round of the bow to the ftem. For this pur- pofe the following method is ufually employed : Pro¬ duce the circular fheer before the ftem in the plane of elevation at pleafure ; then place a batton to the round of the bow in the half breadth plan, and mark on it the ftations of the fquare timbers and the fide of the ftem ; apply the batton to the fheer plan, and place it to the fheer of the {hip,, keeping the ftations of the timbers on. the batton well with thole on the fheer plan for feve¬ ral timbers before dead-flat, where they will not alter;, then mark the other timbers and the Item on the fheer line produced ; through thefe points draw lines parallel to the keel, to interfedt their correfponding timbers and the ftem in the fheer plan : then a curve defcribed. thefe laft points will be the Iheer of the fhip round the bow, lilted as required : and the heights of the tim¬ bers thus lengthened are to be transferred to the body plan as before. Draw the line AB (fig. 32.) equal to 22 feet, the whole breadth ; from the middle of which draw the perpendicular CD : make CF equal to half the thicknefs 3 G 2 o£ 388 S H I P - B U .Aprlkationof the poll, and CF equal to half that of the ftein, and of the fore from tjie p0{nts A, E, F, B, draw lines parallel to CD. to The c“ “ Make AG, BG each equal to 14 feet, the height at ftriofbon >fthe main frame, and draw the line GG parallel to AB. Ships. Make GH, GH each equal to half a foot, the difference ‘"“-v— be tween the main and top timber half breadths. From A and B fet up the heights of the lov/er and upper breadth lines to 1 and K, and draw the ftraight lines IK, IK. Let CL be the riling at the main frame, and fj), 0 the extremities of the floor timber. Hence, as there are now five points determined in each half of the main frame, it may be very eafily deferibed. Make CM equal to L0, join M0, and draw the other ribbands NO, PQ^ In order, however, to fim- plify this operation, the redlilineal diltance fj^I was trife&ed, and through the points of divifion the lines NO, PQ were drawn parallel to the floor ribband M®. Take the diftance be (fig. 30.), and lay ;t off from F to (fig. 32.); alfo make F^ (fig. 32.) equal to Vu (fig. 30.) ; through b draw be parallel to AB, and equal to FR (fig. 31)* In like manner take the heights of each top-timber from fig. 30. and lay them off from C towards D (fig. 32) ; through thefe points draw lines parallel to AB, and make them equal each to each, to the correfponding half breadth lines taken from the floor plan; Then through the feveral points <7, c, &c. thus found, draw a line a c H, which will be the projeftion of the top-timber line of the fore body in the body plan. Proceed in the fame manner to find the top-timber line in the after body. Transfer the height of the main-breadth line on the Item bl (fig. 30.) from F to ^ (fig. 3:). Transfer alfo the heights of the lower and upper breadth lines at timber F (fig. 30.), namely, FW, FX, from F to 1? iu.l f (fig. 32.) ; through which draw the parallels fh ; make them equal to FS (fig. 31.), and draw the flraiglit line g h. In this manner proceed to lay down the portions of the extreme breadth at each frame, both in the fore and in the after body in the body plan, and draw the upper and lower breadth lines d h K, dg I in the fore body and K /, I i in the after body. Hence the portions of the feveral top-timbers contained be¬ tween the top-timber and main breadth lines may be t’afily. ’deferibed. It was before remarked that their forms were partly arbitrary. The midfhip top-timber has generally a hollow, the form of which is left entire¬ ly to the artiif, though in fome {hips, efpecially fmall ones, it has none. It is the common practice to make a mould for this hollow, either by a fweep or fome other contrivance, which is produced conliderably above the top-timber line, in a ftraight line »r very near one; The midfhip top-timber is formed by this mould, which is to placed that it breaks in four with tire back of the tipper breadth fweep. The other top-timbers are farm¬ ed by the fame mould, obferving to place it fo that the ftraight part of it may be parallel to the ftraight part of the midfhip timber, and moved up or down, ftill keeping it in that direction till it juft touches the back of the upper breadth fweep. Some conftruftors begin at the after timber, after the mould is made for the mid¬ ihip top-timber, becaufe they think it eafier to keep the ftraight part of the mould parallel to this than to the midfhip timber j and by this means the top fide is kept from winding. Others, again, make a mark upon I L D I N G, Book F. the mould where the breadth line of the midfhip tim- Application her croffes it, and with the fame mould they form the of di' fore, i after timber : this will occafion the mark that was inade^0'”? Ru,rS on the mould when at the main frame to fall below the breadth line of the after timber, and therefore another Ships. | mark is made at the height of the breadth line at the v——' after timber ; the ftraight part of tire mould is then kid obliquely acrofs the breadth lines of the top-timbers, in fuch a manner that it may interfedt the breadth line of the midftrip timber at one of thefe marks and the breadth line of the after timber at the other mark ; then the feveral interfeftions of the breadth lines of the timbers are marked upon the mould ; which muft now be fo placed in forming each timber, that the proper mark may be applied to its proper breadth, and it mult be turned about fo as juft to touch the upper breadth fweep. Any of thefe methods may make a fair fide, and they may be eafily proved by forming another in¬ termediate half breadth line. The remaining parts of the frames may be deferibed by either of the methods laid down in Problems IX. and X. In order, however, to illuftrate this ftill far¬ ther, it is thought proper to fubjoin another method of forming the intermediate frames, the facility of which will recommend it. Take FZ (fig. 30.), and lay it from F to ^ (fig. 32.) ; then deferibe the lower part of the foremofl frame, making it more or lefs full according as pro- pofed ; and interfering the ribbands in the points /, m, n. Deferibe alfo the aftermoft frame 0, p, q. Make <*-P> (fig. 30.) equal to F r (fig. 32.), and pro¬ duce it to a (fig. 31.) ; alfo draw and £ f (fig. 30.) equal to Er and E j (fig. }2.) refpeftivtly ; and pro¬ duce them to b and c : Make F e, Ff, FR (fig. 31.) equal to M/, Not, Pn (fig. 32.) each to each. Let alfo ®t, ®/', and 9/, 9 ot, (fig. 31.) be made equal to M 0, NO, PQ^_ and Mo, N y, Vp (fig. 32 ) ; then through thefe points trace the curves a e nh lb, rfime, and rKknp, and they will be the projections of the ribbands in the floor plane. Now transfer the feveral intervals of the frames contained be¬ tween the middle line and the ribbands (fig. 31.) to the correfponding ribband's in the body plan (fig. 32). Hence there will be five points given in each frame, namely, one at the lower breadth line, one at each rib¬ band, and one at the keel; and confequently thefe frames may be eafily deferibed. In order to exemplify this, let it be required to lay down the frame E in the plane of projection. Take the interval E n (fig. 31.), and lay it from M to u (fig. 32). Lay off alfo E v, Ef (fig. 31.) from N to s; and from P to » (fig* 32 ) ; then through the points F, u, v, n and the lower breadth line delcribe a curve, and it will be the reprefentation of the frame E in the body plan. In like manner the other frames may be deferibed. The ribbands may now' be transferred from the body plan to the plane of elevation, by taking the feveral heights of the interfeCtion of each ribband with the frames, and laying them off on the correfponding frames in the floor plan ; and if the line drawn through, thefe points make a fair curve, it is prefumed that the curves of the frames are rightly kid down in the body plan. Only one of thefe ribbands, namely, the firft, is kid down in fig. 30. Thele curves may alfo be far¬ ther proved, by drawing water lines in the plane of ele- 3 vation. SHIP-B UlLDIM G Plate CCCCLXX ' ' Book I. s H I P-B u Application vation, and in thebodyplan, at equal diftances from the of the fir e- Upper edge of the keel. Then the diftances between the te the c'oil-1ntddle line of the body plan, an4- the feveral points of ftr,(ftiou of interfeftion of thcfe lines with the frames, are to belaid Ships, off from the middle line in the floor plan upon the correfponding frames; and if the line drawn through thefe points form a fair curve, the frames are truly drawn in the body plan. In figs. 30. and 32. there are drawn four water lines at any equal diftances from the keel, and from each other. Thefe lines are then transferred from fig. 32. to fig. 31.; and the lines paffing through thefe points make fair curves. f The tranfoms are defcribed by Problem VIII. it is therefore unheceffary to repeat the procefs. A rifing line of the floor timbers is commonly drawn in the plane of elevation. As this is intended only as an introduftory example, feveral particulars have therefore been omitted ; which, however, will be exemplified in the following feftion. Sect. IV. To defcribe the feveral Plans of a Ship of War propofed to carry 80 Guns upon two Decks. As it is propofed in this place to (how the method of defcribing the plans of a fhip of a very confiderable fize, it therefore feems proper to give the dimenfions of every particular part neceffary in the delineation of thefe plans. The feveral plans of this fhip are contained in Plate CCCCLXI. figs 33, and 34. But as it would very much confufe the figures to have a reference to every operation, and as the former example is deemed a fuf- ficient illuftration, the letters of reference are upon thefe accounts omitted in the figures. Ship built?* tr'j Rtpc* fitery. 4 Principal Dimensions. Lengths.—Length on the gun or lower deck F. In. from the aft part of the rabbet of the ftem to the aft part of the rabbet of the poll 182 o Length from the foremoft perpendicular to dead flat - - 63 11|- Length from the foremoft perpendicular to timber Y - - - 40 Length from after perpendicular to tim¬ ber 37 - * - 3 Room and fpace of the timbers - 2 Length of the quarter-deck from the aft part of the ftern - - " 95 0 Length of the forecaftlc from the fore part of the beak-head - - 49 Q Length of round-houfe deck from the aft part of the ftern . - 51 8 Heights.—Height of the gun or low-er deck Irom the upper edge of the keel to the under fide of the plank at dead flat 24 O Height of the gun or lower deck from the upper edge of the keel to the under fide of the plank at foremoft perpendicular 26 3 Height of the gun or lower deck from the upper edge of the keel to the under fide of the plank at after perpendicular - 26 3 Height from the upper fide of the gun-deck plank to the under fide of the upper deck plank, all fore aad aft - - 7 <3 I L D I N G. Height from the upper fide of the"! upper deck plank to the under fide > a^apt of the greater deck plank J Height to the under fide of foreeaftle plank, afore and abaft Height from the upper fide of the! f quarter-deck plank to the under fin. fide of the round-houfe plank ^ a a Height of the lower edge of the main wales at foremoft perpendicular Height of the lower edge of the main wales at dead flat Height of the lower edge of the main wales at after perpendicular Height of the lower edge of the channel wales at foremoft perpendicular Height of the lower edge of the channel wales at dead flat Height of the lower edge of the channel wales at after perpendicular Height of the upper fide of the wing tran- fom ... Height of the touch of the lower counter at the middle line Height of the touch of the upper counter at the middle line Height of the top-timber line at the after part of the ftern timber Breadths.—Main wales in breadth from lower to upper edge - = Channel wales in breadth from lower to up¬ per edge - - - Waift rail in breadth Diftance between the upper edge of the chan¬ nel wales and the under edge of the waift rail ... Sheer rail in breadth Diftance between the (beer rail and the rail above from timber 13 to the ftern Dittance between the flieer rail and the rail above from timber 7 to timber x 1 Diftance between the fheer rail and the rail above from timber C to the forepart of beak-head And the faid rail to be in breadth Plank fheer to be in thicknefs Centres of the majls.—From the foremoft per¬ pendicular to the centre of the mainmaft on the gun-deck From the foremoft perpendicular to the centre of the forenuft on the gun-deck From the after perpendicular to the centre of the mizenmaft on the gun-deck Stem.—The centre of the fweep of the ftem abaft timber P Height of ditto from the upper edge of the keel Stem moulded Foremoft part of the head afore the perpen¬ dicular Height of ditto from the upper edge of the keel Stern-poJl.—A.i{. part of the rabbet afore the F. In. 6 10 6 xi 6 6 6 9 6 10 24 6 20 o 26 6 32 6 29 o 34 o 389 28 33 26 1 36 2 44 7 4 ^ 2 9 o 6 2 5 1 4 103 2 20 5 28 6 ° 4 Application of the fore¬ going Rule* to the Con- ftrinftion of Ships. 2 6 2 r 2 4 38 3 per- S H I P - B perpendicular on the upper edge of the F. 3<3° Application of the fore- ked feoiv g Kul?S A r r , 1 r 1 to the Con- Att P3rt °‘ tiie Fort abaft the rabbet at the (lru(51 ion of upper edge of the keel iillips. Aft part of the port abaft the rabbet at the ^ t. ■ yr~—. w;ng tranfoin Stern-port fore and aft on the keel Ditto fquare at the head Counter*.—The touch of the lower counter at the middle line, abaft the aft part of the ■ wing tranfom Round aft of the lower counter Round up of the lower counter The touch of the upper counter at the middle line, abaft the aft part of the win or tran¬ fom ... Round aft of the upper counter Round up of the upper counter Aft part of* the ftern-timber at the middle line, at the height of the top-timber line, abaft the aft part of the wing tranfom Round aft of the wing tranfom Round up of the wing tranfom u In. 4 2 6 ^7 afore ' ^ abaft I 2 O o 9 3t io 6 6 5^ I L D I N G. Draught of water.—Load draught of' water from the up Ar edge of the keel Channels.—Foremoft end of the fore chan¬ nel afore timber R - The channel to be in length . And in thicknefs at the outer edge The dead eyes to be 12 in number and in diameter « Foremolt end of the main channel afore tim¬ ber 9 - . The channel to be in length And in thicknefs at the outer edge - I he dead eyes to be 14 in number and in diameter Foremolt end of the mizen-channel abaft tim¬ ber 27 - . The channel to be in length And in thicknefs at the outer edge The dead eyes to be 7 in number and in dia¬ meter Book F, F. In. Application of the f< r p. 20 5 going Rulei e to the Con. ftrtuftion of Ships. 20 37 ° o 44. i 6 o 10 38 o o 4*- 2 4 20 o o 4 Dimensions of the feveral Party of the Bodies. Fore Body. Lower height of breadth Upper height of breadth Height of the top-timber line Height of the rifing line * Height of the cutting down Main half breadth Top-timber half breadth Half breadth of the riling Length of the lower breadth fvveeps Firft diagonal line Second ditto Third ditto Fourth ditto Fifth ditto Sixth ditto . - Seventh ditto . Timbers Nanies. © Ft. In. | Ft. In. 22 6 22 6 24 IO 37 5 o o 2 si 24 5» 20 11 8 7 19 7 13 120 23 4i 24 8 4 10 37 7 ° it 2 3? 24 St 20 10 8 4 18 9 7 8 !3 8 19 11 23 4? 24 8 24 1*24 if Ft. 22 *4 38 3 2 24 20 6 18 7 '3 T9 23 24 24 In. 7 10 o IQ. 3t 4r 9 5i 7 4i 2 o 4i T Ft. In. 23 O 24 I Of 38 5 9 10 2 8 24 of 20 6 Ft. In. j Ft. In. 23 11 I25 7 25 3t26 4i 23 5t 23 9 59 i 18 6 3 10 23 2f 20 o 5 7 Outfide 15 11 6 3 10 3 ‘5 1 18 11 21 2f 22 10 39 10 6 20 18 '4 3 7 11 14 84 17 1 W Ft. In. 2d 10 27 4l 40 4 17 o 17 10 12 7 4 6 8 3i 11 5 13 8f 20 1 of 18 61 Ft. In. 28 8 29 o 40 9 11 of 16 6* 12 3 4i 6 o 7 11 14 7 * Rifing height n feet 10 inches at dead flat, from which all the other rifings mull be fet off. Baotr, SHIP-BUILDING. After ScJy Lower height of breadth Upper ditto Height of the top-timber line Height of the cutting down Height of the rifmg Main half breadth Half breadth of the riling Top-timber half breadth Topfides half breadth Length of lower breadth fweeps Firft diagonal Second ditto Third ditto Fourth ditto Fifth ditto Sixth ditto Seventh ditto 'Timbers Names. 39-t Ft. In, 22 6 24 IO 37 5 2 3i O 24 5i 8 6 20 11 19 2 7 9 T3 9 Ft. In. 22 6 24 IO 5 3f 8^ 37 2 o 24 4 8 3 20 10 19 2 7 8? 13 8f 20 o 119 1 23 ^>3 3 24 8 |2 4 7 22 24 37 2 I 24 7 20 19 7 T3 '9 2? 24 In. 6 10 6 3i 9f 9 J3 Ft. 22 24 37 2 3 24 6 9120 o j8 7 7 6 13 7i !9 if 22 6 24 if23 In. 7: I I IO 3: 6j 3a: I of 9 7 5 1 o 6f 17 Ft. 22 25 38 2 6 24 5 20 17 7 12 18 21 Ft. 23 25 38 2 10 23 2 20 r9 16 6 11 _ 16 11 I20 6f 22 In. 9 1 3f 4 o 1 3' 7 1 2f 6 1 21 25 In. Ft. of 23 4 125 II 7i 1 8f 8 3 7 o 7 2 6 3 39 3 17 23 2 r9 18 H 5 9 J4 18 3f 20 I23 9^23 In. 7i 8 8 5 o Of 6 S 4 5 9 7 2 of 6f 29 Ft. In. Ft. 24 6 |25 2(5 3 ,'27' 40 6 [41 5 8 21 10 Outfide 18 2 4 7 11 lS 18 33 In. 10; I 5 7 o 5 7 7 5 Sii11 2 114 r8 21 8f20 35 37 8 10 1 of 1 o 8] 8f 4 4 8f o Ft. 26 27 42 In'. Ft. 91 28 28 42 15 tof 14 I I 7 n 8f J5 of *4 3 18 11 4 » o 7 o 11 2 4 7 1 r J7 if 64: o 8 Diagonal Dines for both the Tore and Aeter Bodies. Fore and After Bodies. Height up the middle line Dillance from the middle line on the bafe line Height up the fide line Names of the Diagonal Lines. 2d Ft. In. ir 4 9 1 3d Ft. In. 16 5t 15 6 4th Ft. In. 20 8 5th Ft. In. 2 3 Si 6th Ft. In. 27 5 12 Pf 7 th Ft. In. 43 9 32 8f L &f the Sheer Draught or Plane of Elevation. Draw a ftraight line (fig. 33d to reprefent the up¬ per edge of the keel, erect a perpendicular on that end to the right, and from thence fet off 18 2 feet, the length on the gun-deck, and there eredl another perpendicular; that to the right is called the/ormo/? perpendicular, and the other the after one : upon thefe two perpendiculars all the foremoft and aftermoft heights muff be fet off, which are expreffed in the dimenfions. Then fet off the diftance of the main frame or dead fiat from the foremoft perpendicular, and at that place ereft a third perpendicular, which mull be diftinguiflied by the charafter ©. From dead flat the room and foace of all the timbers muft be fet off; but it will on¬ ly be neceffary to eretf a perpendicular at every frame timber ; which in the fore body are called chad fat, A, C, E, &c. and in the afterbody (2), 1, 3, 5, &c. : hence the diftance between the frame perpendiculars will be double the room and fpace exprefled in the dimen¬ fions. Then fet off the heights of the gun-deck afore at midfhip or dead flat, and abaft from the upper fide of the keel ; and a curve deferibed through thefe three points will be the upper fide of the gun-deck. Set off the thicknefs of the gun-deck plank below that ; and another curve being drawn parallel to the former, the gun-deck will then be deferibed at the middle line of the fheer plan. The centre of the ftem is then to be laid down by means of the table of dimenfions ; from which centre with an extent equal to the neareft diflance of the nope? edge of the keel, deferibe a circle upwards: deferibe alfo another circle as much without the former as the ftem is moulded. Then fet off the height of the'head ofthe item, with the diftance afore the perpendicular, and there make a point; and within that fet off the moulding of the ftem, and there make another point • from this laft mentioned point let a line pafs downwards! interiedting the perpendicular at the height ofthe gun- deck, and breaking in fair with the inner circle, and the after part ofthe ftern is drawn. Draw another line from the foremoft point downwards, parallel to the for. mer, and breaking in fair with the outer circle ; then the whole ftem will he formed, except the after or low. er end, which cannot be determined till hereafter. The ftern-poft muft be next formed. Set off "on the upper edge of the keel a> fpot for the aft part of the rabbet ta^en from the dimenfions, and from that for¬ ward fet off another point at the diftance of the thick neft of the plank of the bottom, which is indies : and from this laft mentioned point draw a line upwards interfering the perpendiculars at the height ofthe lower 392 S H I P-B U Application £eck ; then fet up the perpendicular the height of the of the (ore w;ng tranfom, and draw a level line, and where that fo’the (.ton- ^ne interfedls, the line firft drawn will be the aft fide of ftru&ion of the wing tranfom ; on the upper part of the middle line ship*, fet off from that place the diitance of the aft tide of the f*-" y""*- ftein-poft ; fet off alfo the diftance of the after part from the rabbet on the upper edge of the keel, and a line drawn through thefe two points will be the aft fide of the poll. A line drawn parallel to the firlt drawn line at the diftance of inches, the thicknefs of the plank on the bottom, will be the aft fide of the rabbet : and hence the ftern-poft is defcribed, except the head, which will be determined afterwards. From the dimenfions take the feveral heights of the upper deck above the gun-deck, afore, at midihip, and abaft, and fet them off accordingly; through thefe points defcribe a curve, which will be the under fide of the upper deck ; defcribe alfo another curve parallel thereto, at the diftance of the thicknefs of the plank, ant! the upper deck will be then reprefented at the middle line of the ffiip. Set off the height of the lower counter, at the mid' die line, from the upper edge of the keel, and draw a horizontal line with a pencil; then on the pencil line fet off the diftance the touch of the lower counter is abaft the aft fide of the wing tranfom: from this point to that where the fore part of the rabbet of the ftern- poft interfefts the line drawn for the ujlper part of the wing tranfom, draw a curve at pleafure, which curve will reprefent the lower counter at the middle line. The height of the upper counter is then to be fet off from the upper edge of the keel, and a horizontal line is to be drawn as before, fetting off the diftance the touch of the upper counter is abaft the aft fide of the wing tranfom ; and a curve defcribed from thence to the touch of the lower counter will form the upper counter at the middle line. Both counters being formed at the middle line, the up¬ per part of the ftern timber above the counters is to be defci ibed as follows : On the level line drawn for the up¬ per fide of the wing tranfom fet off the diftance of the aft fide of the ftern timber at the middle line from the aft fide of the wing tranfom, at the height of the top- timber line, and ere£t a perpendicular: then upon this perpendicular, from the upper edge of the keel, fet off the height at the middle line of the top-timber line at the after fide of the ttern timber ; through this point draw a ftraight line to the touch of the upper counter, and the upper part of the ftern timber will be defcribed. As the ffern rounds two ways, both up and aft, the ffern timber at the fide will confequently alter from that at the middle line, and therefore remains to be re¬ prefented. Take the round up of the upper counter from the dimenfions, and fet it below the touch at the middle, and with a pencil draw a level line ; take alfo the round aft, and fet it forward from the touch on the touch line, and fqnare it down to the pencil line laft drawn, and the point of interfcdlion will be the touch of the upper counter at the fide. In the fame manner find the touch of the lower counter; and a curve, fi- xnilar to that at the middle line, being defcribed from the one touch to the other, will form the upper counter at the fide. 'lake the round up of the wing tranfom, and fet it ©ff below the line before drawn for the height of the I L D I N G, Book I. wing tranfom, and draw another horizontal line in pen- Apnlication cil: then take the round aft of the wing tranfom, and0f fore, fet it forward on the upper line from the point iepre-l?r>!n^ R;l!e, fenting the aft fide of the wing tranfom ; fquare it dwwn to the lower line, and the interfeftion will be the touch ships, of the wing tranfom: then a curve, fimilar to that at the middle line, being drawn from the touch of the wing tranfom to the touch of the lower counter at the fide, will be the lower counter at the fide. Draw a line from the upper counter upwards, and the whole ftern timber at the fide will he reprefented. But as the ftraight line drawn for the upper part of the fide tim¬ ber fhould not be parallel to that at the middle line, its rake is therefore to be determined as follows. Draw a line at pleafure, on which fet off the breadth of the ftern at the upper counter ; at the middle of this line fet off the round aft of the upper counter, then through this point and the extremities of the ftern de¬ fcribe a curve. Now take the breadth of the ftern at the top-timber line, and through the point where that breadth will interfeft the curve for the round aft of the ffern draw a line parallel to that ftrft drawn, and the di¬ ftance from the line laft drawn to the curve at the mid¬ dle of the line is the diftance that the fide timber muff be from the middle line at the height of the top-tiinber line. The fheer is to be defcribed, which is done by fet¬ ting off the heights afore, at midfhips, and abaft, and a curve defcribed through tbrefe three points will be the fheer. Butxin order that the fheer may correfpond exactly with the dimenfions laid down, it will be necef- fary to proceed as follows : The perpendicular repre- fenting timber dead flat being already drawn, fet off from that the diltances of the other frame timbers, which is double the room and fpace, as the frames are only every other one ; and ereft perpendiculars, writing the name under each : then on each of thefe perpen¬ diculars fet off the correlponding heights of the top- timber line taken from the table of dimenfions for con- ftrufxing the bodies ; and through thefe points a curve being defcribed, will reprefent the fheer of the fhip or top timber line agreeable to the dimenfions. The quarter-deck and forecaftle are next to be de¬ fcribed, which may be done by taking their refpeftive heights and lengths from the dimenfions, and deferibing their curves. In the fame manner alfo, the round- ' houfe may be drawn. The decks being defcribed re- prefenting their heights at the middle, it is then ne- ceffary to reprefent them alfo at the fide. For this purpofe take the round of the decks from the dimen- lions, and fet them off below the lower line drawn for the middle, and a curve defcribed both fore and aft, ob- ferving to let it be rather quicker than the former, will be the reprelentation of the decks at the fide. The ports come next under confideration. In the placing of them due attention muff be paid, fo as to preferve ftrength.; or that they fhall be lo difpofed as not to weaken the fhip in the leaft, which is often done by cutting off principal timbers, placing them in too large openings, having too fliort timbers by the fide of them,. &c. The frames reprefented by the lines al¬ ready drawn muff be firft confulted. Then with a pencil draw two curves, for the lower and upper parts of the lower deck polls, parallel to the line reprefent- ing the lower deck; the diftances of thefe lines from. the w f \ SHIP-BUILDING. Plate CCCCUV. riKCES of tie HTTli J.. v . FRAME Sofa SHIP. Book T. S H I P - B U JDiffereJit Flans of a Ship. . 34 Principal Thu rtfing of th floor, is a curve drawn in the fheer plan, at the height of the ends of the floor timbers. It is limited at the main frame or dead flat by the dead riling, and in flat (hips is nearly parallel to the keel lor fome timbers afore and abaft the midihip frame ; for which reafon thefe timbers are called fiats : but in (harp Ihips it rifes gradually from the main frame, and ends on the Item and poll:. Cutting down line, is a curve drawn on the plane of elevation. It limits the depth of every floor timber at the middle line, and alfo the height of the upper part of the dead wood afore and abaft. Timber and room, or room and [pace, is the diftance between the moulding edges of two timbers, which mull always contain the breadth of two timbers and an inter¬ val of about two or three inches between them. In forming the timbers, one mould ferves for two, the fore- lide of the one being fuppofed te unite with the aftfide of the other, and fo make only one line, which is called the joint of the timbers. ieces"that or^er to hhiftrate the above, and to explain more compile a Particularly the principal pieces that compofe a (hip, it e Hup. will be necefl'ary to give a defeription of them. Thefe pieces are for the molt part repreiented according to the order ot their difpofition in fig. i. Plate CCCCLIV. A, Reprefents the pieces of the keel to be fecurely bolted together and clinched. B, The fternpoit, which is tenanted into the keel, and conne&ed to it by the knee G. E, The back of the poll, which is alfo tenanted into the keel, and fecurely bolted to the poll; the intention of it is to give fufficient breadth to the port, which fel- dom can be got broad enough in one piece. C is the falfe poft, which is fayed (b) to the fore part of the iternpoft. C, The ftem, in two pieces, to be fcarfed together. The ftem is joined to the fore foot, which makes a part of both. H, The apron, in t\yo pieces, to be fcarfed together, and fayed on the infide of the ftem, to fupport the fcarf thereof; and therefore the fcarf of the apron muft be at Pome diftance from that of the ftem. I, The ftemfon, in two pieces, to fupport the fcarf of the apron. D, The beams which fupport the decks; and F the knees by which the beams are fattened to the Tides of the fhip. K, The wing tranfom : it is fayed acrofs the ftern- poft, and bolted to the head of it, and its extremities are fattened to the faihion pieces. L, Is the deck tran¬ fom, parallel to the wing tranfom. M, N, Two of the lower tranfoms : thefe are fattened to the fternpoft and fafliion pieces in the fame manner as the wing tranfom. Q^> The knee which fattens the tranfom to the (hip’s fide. And, O, The fafhion piece, of which there is one on each fide. The keel of the fafhion piece is con- nedled with the dead wood, and the head is fattened to the wing tranfom. R, S, Breaft-hooks : thefe are fayed in the infide to the ftem, and to the bow on each fide of it, to which they are fattened with proper bolts. There are gene- I L D I N G. ^79 rally four or five in the hold, in the form of that mark- Different ed R, and one in the form of that marked S, into which plans of a the lower deck planks are rabbeted : There is alfo one Shlp' immediately under the haufe holes, and another under the fecond deck. T, The rudder, which is joined to the fternpoft by the rudder irons, upon which it turns round in the googings, fattened to the fternpoft for that purpofe. There is a mortife cut in the head of the rudder, into which a long bar is fitted called the tiller, and by which the rudder is turned. U, A floor timber : it is laid acrofs the keel, to which it is fattened by a bolt through the middle, v, V, V, V, The lower, the fecond, third, and fourth futtocks. W, W, The top timbers. Thefe reprefent the length and fcarf of the feveral timbers in the mid- fhip frame. X, The pieces which compofe the kelfon. They are fcarfed together in the fame manner as the keel, and placed over the middle of the floor timbers, being fco- red about an inch and a half down upon each fide of them, as reprefented in the figure. Y, i he feveral pieces of the knee of the head ; the lower part of which is fayed to the ftem, and its keel is fcarfed to the head of the forefoot. It is faftened to the bow by two knees, called cheehs, in the form of that reprefented by Z ; and to the ftem, by a knee called a Jlamlard, in the form of that marked (J). a. The cathead, of which there is one on each fide of the bow, projecting fo far as to keep the anchor clear of the fhip when it is hove up. b, The bits, to which the cable is faftened when the ftiip is at anchor. d. The fide counter-timbers, which terminate the fhip abaft within the quarter gallery. e, e, Two pieces of dead wood, one afore and the other abaft, fayed on the keel. Fig. 2. is a perfpe&ive reprefentation of a fliip fra¬ med and ready for the planking; in which A, A is the keel; B, the fternpoft ; C, the ftem ; K, L, M, the tran¬ foms ; F, F, F, F, F, F, the ribbands. Chap. III. Containing Prelimmary Problems, &c. The general dimenfions of a (hip are the length, breadth, and depth. ' ' To afeertain thofe dimenfions that will beft anfwer Propor- the intended purpofe is, no doubt, a problem of confi- tioiial dx- ^ VAW LAWL, a jJlUUACIU UI CiUIllI- '**v,“‘** derable difficulty; and, from theory, it may be drown n’er,Plons r-i ^ .4 . ^ ^-1.. X * r 1 X* n • * ^ ^ llljp that there are no determinate proportions fubfifting be-° a„5' tween the length, breadth, and depth, by which thefe To be in- dimenfions may be fettled ; yet, by combining theory ferrc4 from and practice, the proportional dimenfions may be ap- the"r>’ , proxfmated to pretty nearly. ^ combined As (hips are conltiudted for a variety of different tice; purpofes, their principal dimenfions muft therefore be altered accordingly, in order to adapt them as nearly as poffible to the propofed intention ; but fince there is no fixed ftandard whereby to regulate thefe dimenfions, the methods therefore introduced are "numerous, and in a great meafure depend upon cuftom and fancy. With regard, however, to the proportional dimen- 3 & 2 lions, (b) To fay, is to join two pieces of timber clofe together. S H 1 P - B U circle. Vrclimina- £0us they p?rhsps may he inferred from the circle, ry ^ro- Thus, if the extreme breadth be made equal to the dia- L!ems- meter, the length at the load water line, or the diftance between the rabbetsof the ftem and poft at that place,may And tiro be made equal to the circumference of the fame, circle ; from the ancj t}ie depth of the hold equal to the radius, the upper works being continued upwards according to circum- ftarce?. A Or ip for rued from thefe dimenfions, with a bot¬ tom more or Ids full according as may be judged nepefla- ry, will no doubt anfwer the propofed intention. Never- thdefs, one or other of thefe dimenfxons may be varied in order to gain fome effential property, which the tiade that the veffd is intended for may require.. The following hints are given by Mr Hutchinfon f towards fixing rules for the belt conftru&ion of flops bottoms. ■| Pr.iSlhal Searn.ttijhip, page ij. [. “ I would recommend (fays he), to prevent fhips * See Book bottoms from hogging * upwards amidflup, to have the ii. Chap. 2. fore and after part of their keels deep enough, that the upper part may be made to admit a rabbet tor the gam board ilreak, that the main body and bearing part of the fhips bottoms may be made to form an arch^ down¬ wards in their length, fuppofe with the fame thee, as their bends, at the rate of about 2 inches for every 30 feet of the extreme length of the keel towards the mid- fhip or main frame, which may be reckoned the crown of the arch ; and the lower part of the keel to be made ftraight, but laid upon blocks fo that it may form a re- puiar convex curve downwards at the rate of an inch for every 30 feet of the extreme length of the keel, the lowed, part exadtly under the main frame ; which curve, I reckon, is only a fufficient allowance for tne keel to become ftraight below, after they are launched afloat, by the preffure of the water upward againft their floors amidftib, which caufes their tendency to'hog. And certainly a ftraight keel is a great advantage in fading, a8 well as to fupport them when laid upon level ground or on ftraight blocks in a repairing dock, without ta¬ king damage. 2. *‘As fquare ftevned fhips, from experience, aie found to anfwer all trades and purpofes better than round or pink itemed fhips, I would recommend the fore part of the fternpoft, on account of drawing the water lines in the draught, only to have a few inches rake, that the after part may Hand quite upright per¬ pendicular to the keel: and for the rake oi the tiem I Would propofe the rabbet for the budding ends for the entrance, and bows from the keel upwards, to form the fame curve as the water line from the Item at the har- pin towards the main breadth, and the bows at the Kar¬ pin to be f ormed by a fvveep of a circle oi bait the tlvree- fourths of the main breadth; and the main tranfom to be three-fourths of the main-breadth ;. and the buttocks, at the load 01 failing mark aft, to be formed, in the fame manner as the bows at the harpin, with a fweep of a . ircle of half the three fourths of the mam breadth, to extend iuft as far from the ftem and ftern poft as to ad¬ mit a regular convex curve to the main frame, and from thefe down to the keel to form regular convex water- lines, without any ot thofe unnatural, hollow, concave, ones, either in the entrance or run ; which rules, in my opinion, will agree with the main body of the flip, whether (lie is defigned to be built full for burden or fharp below for failing. “ This rule for raking the ftem will admit all the I L D I N G. Book I. water-lines in the fhip’s entrance to form convex curves Vrefimina- all the way from the ftem to the midfhip or main frame, which anfwera much better for failing as well as ma- _J|‘A.8'. t king'a fhip more eafy and lively in bad weather. And v -J the bows (hould flange off, rounding in a circular form from the bends up to the gunwale, in order to meet the , main breadth the fooner, with a fweep of half the main breadth at the gunwale amidfhips; which will not only prevent them greatly from being plunged under water in bad weather, but fpread the Handing fore-iigging the more, to fupport thefe material malls and fails forward to much greater advantage than in thofe over fharp bowed fmps, as has been mentioned. And as the fail¬ ing trim or ihips in general is more or leis by the ftern, this makes the water lines of the entrance in proportion the (harper to divide the particles of water the eaiier, fo that the (hip may prefs through it with the teaft re¬ finance. 4. “ The run ought to be formed (horter or longer, ^ fuller or (harper, in proportion to the entrance and main body, as the fhip is defigned for burden or failing fall. The convex curves of the water lines (hould lefien gra¬ dually from the load or failing mark aft, as lias been mentioned, downwards, till a fair ftraight taper is form¬ ed from the after part of the floor to the flernpoft be¬ low, without any concavity in the wuiter lines ; which will not only add buoyancy and burden to the after body and run of the (hip, but, in my opinion, will help both her failing and fleering motions ; for the preflure of the water, as it dotes and rifes upon it to come to its level again, and fill up that hollow which is made by the fore and main body being preffed forward with fail, will impinge, and atft with more power to help the fhip forward in her progressive motion, than upon thofe unnatural concave runs, which have fo much more flat dead wood, that muit, in proportion, be a hinderance to the ftern being turned io eaiily by the power of the helm to fleer the (hip to the greateil advantage.” Many and various are the methods which are employ¬ ed to deleribe the feveral parts of a flup. In the follow¬ ing problems, however, thpfe methods only are given which appear to be rnoft eaiily applied to praAice, and which, at the fame time, will anfwer any propofed pur- pofe. PaoB. I. To deferibe in the plane of elevation the fheer or curvature of the top timbers. Let QR (fig. 3.) be the length of the (hip between c ^ the wing tranfom and the rabbet of the ftem. Then J fmee it is generally agreed, efpeeially by the French The place conllruQors, that the broaddl part of the (hip ought T the to be abo-ut one-twelfth of the length before the frame or dead flat; therefore make RT) equal to five- twelfth bc, twelfths of QR, and 0 will be the ftation of the main f()re the frame; fpace the other frames on the keel, and from middle of thefe points let perpendiculars be drawn to the keel.the I.J Hwiv. V' jr J ^ rto Let 0P be the height of the (hip at the mam frame, Mc;ho,ltf VF the height at the aftermoft frame, and RIv the ieftribing height at the ftem. Through P draw LPL paral. the topum. lei to the keel; deferibe the quadrants PGI, PMK, the -A'1 ll1'* radius being FT); make PH equal to EF, and PO equal KL, and draw the parallels GH, OM : Divide GH fimilar to ©C, and OM flmilar to ©Pv. Through thefe points of divifion draw lines perpendicular to EL, and the feveial portions of thefe perpendiculars contain¬ ed between EL and the arch will be the riflings of the o top- Book!. S H I P-B U Ptclin itia top-timber line above EL. A curve drawn through ry Pro- p0;ul8 wj[l form the toptimber line, v This line is more eafily drawn by means of a curved or bent ruler, lb placed that it may touch the three points F, P, and K. 40 Prob. II. To deferibe the ftem. The item, Tet K (fig. 3.) be the upper part of the ftem, thro* whicli draw KS parallel to the keel, and equal to twice K R : Tlrrough the termination of the wales on the Item draw TW parallel to Qdl. 1 hen from the centre S, with the diftance SK, deferibe an arch : Take an extent equal to the nearelt didance between the paral¬ lels WT, QR ; and find the point W,r fuch that one pxrint of the compafs being placed there, the other point will juft touch the neareft part of the above arch; and from this point as a centre deferibe an arch until it meets the keel, and the item will be formed. 41 Prob.. III. To deicribe the iternpoit. And pod. Sec off QV (fig. 3.) for the rake of the poll: draw VX perpendicular to the keel, and equal to the height of the wing tranfom, join QX> and it wdl reprefent the aft fide of the port. 4-t Prob. IV. To deferibe the half breadth line. Mun half Let MN (fig- 4.) be the given length : Make N(>?) line*eP, deferibe the quadrant PUS ; deferibe alto the quadrant PC f. Through the point O draw ORU parallel to MN ; divide the ftraight line RU fimilar to M^1; and through t-hefe points of di- viiion draw lines perpendicular to MN, and meeting the arch. 'I ransfer thefe lines to the correfpondent frames each to each, and a curve drawn through the extremities will reprefent that part of the fide contain¬ ed between the main frame and the ftern. Again, thro’ Q , the extremity of the foremoit frame, draw QV pa- ralkl to MN. Or make PV a fourth or third part of ITT, according as it is intended to make the fliip more or lefs full towards the bow. Divide VC fimilar to (P^iC ; through thefe points draw lines perpendicular to MN, and terminating in the quadrantal arch : Transfer thefe lines to the correfponding timbers in the fore part, and a curve drawn through the extreme points will li-' mit that part of the fhip’s fide contained between P and Q. Continue the curve to the next timber at X. From Q draw QZ perpendicular to QX ; make the angle ZNQjqual to ZQN, and the point Z will be the cen¬ tre of the arch forming the bow. Remark, if it is pro¬ pofed that the breadth of the fhip at the frames adja¬ cent, to the main frame fhall be equal to the breadth at the main frame ; in this cafe, the centres of the qua¬ drantal arches will be at the points of interfeclion of thefe frames with the line MN ; namely at (A) and (1). Alfo, if the height of the fhip at the frames (A) and (i) is to be the fame as at dead flat, the quadrantal arches in fig. 3. are to be deferibed from the points of mterfectiou of thefe frames with the line EL. I L D I N G. 3S5 Thefe rules, it is evident, are variable at pleafure; and Prelimina-' any perfon acquainted with the firft principles of mathe- matics may apply calculation to find the radii of the . ^ feveral fweeps. Prob. V. To deferibe the main frame or dead- flat. 43 This frame is that which contains the greateft fpace, Of the and the particular form of each of the other frames de-jp^’P pends very much on it. If the ftiip is intended to carry a great burden in proportion to her principal dimen- fions, this frame is made very full ; but if file is intend¬ ed to fail fart, it is ufually made fharp. Hence arifes diverfity of opinions refpec'ting its form ; each conttruc- tor ufing that which to him appears preferable. In or¬ der to lave repetition, it is judged proper to explain certain operations which neceffarily enter into all the different methods of conftru&ing this frame. 44 In the plane of the upper tide of the keel produced, Gene-al draw the line AB (fig. s •) equal to the propofed breadth Pri“f'T of the fhip ; bifeeft AB in C, and draw AD, CE, and BF, perpendicular to AB. Then, fince the two fides 6f a fliip are fimilar, it is therelore thought fufficient to deferihe the half of each frame between the main frame and the ftem on one fide of the middle line CE, and the half of each of thole be‘ore the main frame on the other fide of it. The firft halt is called the aJier-lodyy and the other the fore-body. The after-body is com¬ monly deferibed on the left fide of the middle line ; and the fore-body on the right lide of it : hence the line AD is called the fide line of the after body, and BF the fide line of the fore body. Make AD and BF each equal to the height of the fhip at the main frame. Make AG, BG, and AH, EH, equal to the lower and upper heights of breadth refpedtively, taken from the filter plan. Let I I be the load water line, or line of floatation when the fhip is loaded, and KKthe height 6f the rifmg line of the floor at this frame. Make CN, CO, each equal to half the length of the floorr timber, and N, O, will be the heads of the floor timber, thro’ which draw' perpendiculars to A B. Make C m, E m, each equal to half the thickrefs of the fternpoft, and C k, E n, equal to half the thicknefs of the flern, and join m rn, n n. Method I. Of chfriling amain frame.— From the centre <7 (fig. 5.), in the lower breadth '"Kne, deferibe the lower breadth Iwctp Ge ; make N b equal to the propofed radius of the floor fweep, and from the centre b deferibe the floor fweep N f. Let the radius of the reconciling fweep be Kg, equal to about the half of AX ; then make A h equal to N b, and A m equal to- O a Now from the centre a, with an extent equal to g m, deferibe an arch, and from the centre b, with the extent g h, deferibe an arch inttrfe&ing the former in c, which will be the centre of the reconciling fweep ef. Join N m by an inverted curve, the centre of which may be in the line b N produced downwards ; or it may be joined by two curves, or by a ftraight line if there is little riling ; and hence the lower part of the main frame wall be deferibed. In order to form the top timber, make F k equal to fuch part of the half breadth, agreeable to the propo¬ fed round of the fide, as one-feventh ; join H k, and make k i equal to about two-thirds of H ^ : make the angle H i / equal to i H /; and from the centre ! at the diiiai.ee- 3%l S H I P - B U ^ry Pro*3" ^’^ance dcfcnbe the arch H i; and from the cen- blems. tre t^ie intcrfcftion of // and i F produced, defcribe the arch /' /■, and the top timber will be formed. II. To defcribe a main frame of an intermediate capacity, that is, neither too flat nor toofharp. — Divide the line AX (%• 6), which limits the head of the floor timber, into three equal parts ; and make a h equal to one of them. Divide the line d B, the perpendicular diftance between the load water line and the plane of the upper fide of the keel, into feven equal parts ; and fet off one of thefe parts from d to r, and from o to m. Let GH be the lower deck, join G m, and produce it to q. Draw the Itraight line V a, bifedi it in «, and from the points .n, a, defcribe arches with the radius Gq interfering each tojdier in P, which will be the centre of the arch na. Phe centre of the arch V n is found by deferibing arches downwards with the fame radius. With an extent equal to once and a half of B e, de¬ fcribe arches from the points b, e, interfering each other in A, and from this point as a centre defcribe the arch e b ; make a l equal to d m, and join Am, A/. Then, in order to reconcile two arches fo as to make a fair curve, the centres of thefe arches and of the points of contad mull be in the fame Itraight line. Hence the point i will be the centre of the arch dm, and o the centre of the arch a l. The arch l m is dtferibed from the centre A. To form the top timber, fet back the tenth part of the half breadth from K to S upon the line of the fe- cond deck ; then with an extent equal to two-thirds of the whole breadth defcribe an arch through the points S and H, the upper height of breadth. Again, make MI equal to the fifth part of the half breadth ; defcribe an arch of a circle through the points-S and T, taking the diagonal GB for the radius. As this arch is in¬ verted in refped of the arch d S, the centre will be without the figure. Hence one-half of the main frame is formed, and the other half is deferibed by fimilar operations. Remark. This frame may be made more or lefs full by altering the feveral radii. III. To defcribje a main frame of a circular form.— Let the feveral lines be drawn as before : Then make Plate O a (fig. 7.) equal to the half breadth G a, and from cccclvi. , the centres, with the radius G a, defcribe the arch £ G c O. Let d be the head of the floor-timber, and dx the rifing. A flume the point / in the arch, ac¬ cording to the propofed round of the fecond futtock, and defcribe the arch df the centre of which may be found as in the former method : from the centre a, with the diftance a d, defcribe the arch d c O •, make d c equal to one-third of d O, and the angle deb equal to c d h, and from the centre h defcribe the arch d c. The inverted arch c O may be deferibed as before. IV To dejeribe a very full main frame. Let the vertical and horizontal lines be drawn as before : let b, fig. 8. be the floor-head, and b x the rifing. Divide G r into two equal parts in the point d, and upon c d de¬ fcribe the fquare d b a c,m which inferibe the quadrant d e a. Divide the line b d into any number of equal parts in the points O, N, M, L, and draw the lines Ltk, Mf, N*, Ob, perpendicular to d b. Divide the lint G C, jJie depth of the hold, the rifing being deducted, into the lame number of equal parts in the points E, F,I, K, ignd make the lines E p, F q, I r} K s} in the frame, X L D I N G. Book I cquat to the lines O b, N«, M r, Lm, in the fquare, each t’relimina- to each rdpe&ively ; and through the points G, p, q,r r> lJro* s, b, defcribe a curve. The remaining part of the frame ^'ems' . ma}- be deferibed by the preceding methods. v - y defcribe the main frame of a Jhip intended to be a faft foxier. The principal lines being drawn as before, let the length cd the floor-timber be equal to hah the breadth ot the flup, and the rifing one-fifth or one-fixthof the whole length ofthe floor-timber, which lay off from X to E, fig. 9. Through the point E draw the line T x perpendicular to GC, and d E perpendicular to A G. Join T d, which bifed in B, and draw BE perpendicu- lar thereto, and meeting C G produced in F, from the centre I, at the diifance F T, defcribe the femicircie 1 d D. Divide G T into any number of parts, V W, &c. and bifed the intervals . DV, DW, &c. in the points X, Z, &c.; then, from the centre X, with the extent XV, defcribe the femicircie D bV, interfeding AG in b. Let VP be drawn perpendicular to GT, and b P perpendicular to AG, and the point of inter- fedion P will be one point through which the curve is to pafs. In like manner proceed for the others, and a curve drawn through all the points of interfedion will be pait Oi the curve of the mam frame. The remain- ing part of the curve from E to Y will be compofed of two arches, the one to reconcile with the former part of the curve at E, and the other to pafs through the point Y, the centre of which may be found by any of the preceding methods. In order to find the centre of that which joins with the curve at E, make TR equal to the half ot GD, and join ER, in which a proper centre for this arch may be eafily found. I he portion G £ E of the curve is a parabola, whofe vertex is G and parameter GD. For GD : G b 1 : Gb : GV by conftrudion. Hence Dv-r XGV G£z, which is the equation for a parabola. VI. To defcribe a main frame of a middling capacity Let the length of the floor timber be equal to one-half of the breadth of the fliip. Make O d, fig. 10. equal to one-fourth of the length of the floor timber, and draw the perpendicular d c equal to the rifing, and divide it into two equal parts in the point e. Defcribe an arch through e, and the extremity a of the floor timber, the radius being equal to the half breadth, or more or lefs according to the propofed round of the floor head.— Then with the radius O /, half the length of the floor timber, defcribe the arch e Y. Draw / m perpendicular to OA : bifett A n in p, ‘and draw the perpendicular p q. From the middle of A p draw the perpendicular r s, and from the middle of A r draw the perpendicular t u. Make nz, pg, each equal to In: make the diftances py, rb, each equal to ag ; r F, t E, each equal to a b \ and t x equal to dE. Then a curve drawn through the points a, z,yt F, x, 1 , will form the under part of the midfhip frame. We flrall finifh thefe methods of deferibing the main frame of a fhip with the following remark from M. Vial du Clairbois J. “ It feems (fays he) that they t drebi/ec* have afte&ed to avoid ftraight lines in naval architec-ture Na~ ture; yet, geometrically fpeaking, it appears that a maiaW*,P' U’ frame formed of ftraight lines will have both the ad¬ vantage and fimplicity over others.” To illuflrate this, draw the firaight line M N (fig. 9.) in fuch a manner that the mixtilineal fpace Mad may be equal to the mix- I Book I. S H I P- B U frelimina- mixtilineal fpacc D N Y. J-Ience the capacity of the ry t’r0 main frame formed by the ftraight lines MN, NY will be equal to that of the frame formed by the curve M a D Y ; and the frame formed by the ftraight lines will for the molt part be always more fufceptible of recei- Friite Ju ving a bow that will eafily divide the fluid. It is alfo Navire de evJ'^ent, that the cargo or ballad, being lower in the p. 601. * frame formed of ftraight lines than in the other, it will therefore be more advantageoufly placed, and will ena¬ ble the fhip to carry more fail (c) ; fo that having a bow equally well or better formed, fhe will fail fader. Pros. VI. To defcribe a dern having afquaretuck. Let AB (fig. ix.) be the middle line of the pod, and let CD be drawm parallel thereto at a didance equal to half the thicknefs of the pod. Make CE equal to the height of the lower part of the fafhion- piece above the keel: make CT equal to the height of the extremity G of the tranfom above the plane of the keel produced, and CH equal to the height of the tran¬ fom on the pod, HT being equal to above one-ninth or one-tenth of GT, and defcribe the arch GH, the centre of which will be in BA produced : make EK equal to five-twelfths of ET: through K draw KL perpendicular to CD, and equal to EK ; and with an extent equal to EL defcribe the arch EL. Make GI equal to the half of ET, and from the centre I defcribe the arch GM, and draw the reconciling curve ML.— Let the curve of the fafhion-piece be produced upwards to the point reprefenting the upper height of breadth, as at O. Make ON equal to the height of the top- timber, and BN equal to the half breadth at that place, and join ON. Through N and the upper part of the counter, let arches be deferibed parallel to GH, The tafferel, windows, and remaining part of the dern, may be finilhed agreeable to the fancy of the artid. In fig. x 2. the projection of the dern on the plane of elevation is laid down, the method of doing which is obvious from infpeCtion. If the tranfom is to round aft, then fince the fafiiion pieces are always iided draight, their planes will in- terfeCt the fheer and floor planes in a draight line. Let Plate G .y (fig. 14.) be the interfeCtion of the plane of the cccclvii, fafhion-piece wfith the floor plane. From the point g dr aw g W perpendicular to g M : make y k equal to the height of the tuck, and W k being joined will be the interfedtion of the plane of the fafhion-piece with the fheer plane. Let the wrater lines in the fheer plane pro¬ duced meet the line ^ W in the points a,r, h, and draw the perpendicularsuis,/V, hh. Fromthe points a,x, h (fig. 14.) draw lines parallel to G^ to interfedt each correlpond- ing water line in the floor plane in the points 3, 2, x. From the points G, 3, 2, 1 in the floor plane draw lines perpendicular to g M, interfering the water lines (fig. 13.) in the points G, 3, 2, 1 ; and through thefe points defcribe the curve G 3 2 \ k \ and WG 3 2, x k will be the projection of the plane of the fafhion- piece on the fheer plane. Through the points G, 3, 2, 1 (%• 1 3’) draw the lines GF, 3 A, 2 S, 1 H, per¬ pendicular to W £ ; and make the lines WF, a A, ^ S, I L D I N G. 383 h H, equal to the lines £ G, 3, J 2, h 1 (fig. 14.) Prelimina- refpeCtively, and WFASH ^ will be the true form of 1''ro“ the plane of the aft fide of the fafhion-piece. When it f is in its proper pofition, the line WF will be in the -1 fame plane with the fheer line ; the line a A in the fame- plane with the water line a 3 ; the line r S in the fame plane wfith the water line s 2 ; and the line h FI in the fame plane with the water line h\. If lines be drawn from the feveral points of interfeCFon of the water lines with the rabbet of the port (fig. 13), perpendicular to g M, and curved lines being drawn from thefe points to G* 3, 2, 1 (fig. >4.) refpeCtively, will give the form and dimenfions of the tuck at the ieveral.water lines. Prob. VII. To bevel the fafhion-piece of a fquare tuck by water-lines- As the fafhion-piece both rakes and cants, the planes of the water-lines will therefore interfeCt it higher on the aft than on the fore-fide : but before the heights on the fore-fide can be found, the breadth of the timber muft be determined ; which let be bn (fig. 15.) Then, as it cants, the breadth in the direction of the water¬ line will exceed the true breadth. In order to find the true breadth, form the aft-fide of the fafhion-piece as direded in the lafl problem. Let (fig. 13.) be the aft-fide of the rabbet oa the outfide of the poft, WM the common ieCtion of the plan of the fafhion-piece and the fheer-plan. Before this lait line can be determined, the feveral water-lines 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5, muft be drawn parallel to the keel, which may repreient fo many tranfoms.—- Let thefe water lines be formed and ended at the aft- fide of the rabbet, as in fig. 14. where the rounds aft of the feveral tranfoms are deferibed, limiting the curves of the water lines. Now the line WM muft rake fo as to leave room for half the thicknefs of the poft, at the tuck : in order to which, produce W ^ to r ^ make rg. half the thicknefs of the poft ; through r draw a line parallel to ^ M to interfeCt £ G in £ : then with the ra¬ dius r l, from x the point of the tuck as a centre, de-r feribe an arch, and draw the line WM juft to touch the back of that arch. The line WM being, drawn, let any point h. in it be affumed at pleafure : from k draw k y perpendicu¬ lar to g M : throughy drawy f (fig. 14.) parallel to g G, interfeCting the line M / drawn perpendicular to g M in the point/. From M draw M 1 perpendicular toy/, and fromy drawy n perpendicular to WM (fig, 13.) Make M n (fig. 15.) equal to Mi (fig. 14.) ; then MI (fig. 15.) being equal toy h (fig. 1 3 ), join n 1, and the angler n M will be the bevelling to the horizontal plane. Again, make Mz, My (fig. 15.) refpeCtively equal toy « (fig. 13.) and M/ (fig. 14.), and join * J ; and the angle M z j will be the bevelling to the"flieer plane. The bevelling* being now found, draw the line ah (fig- 1 5-) parallel to z w, a 2; or 3 « being the fcant- ling of the timber. Then n x will be the breadth of the timber on the horizontal plane, and 2 e its breadth on the fheer plane, and a c what it is within a fquare. Now as the lines g G, a 3, s 2, /j 1, y i, reprefent 1 the (c) It is not a general rule, that lowering the cargo of a fhip augments her {lability. This is demonftrated by the Chevalier de Borda, in a work pubiiflxcd by M. de Goimpy upon this iubjeCt. See alfo VArchittblum No* vale par AL Vial du Clair boh, p. 23. * #4 S H 1 p-B U J^ellhiina- tlie aft fide of the fa{hion-piece on the horizontal plane ry I4 ^ dotted lines may be drawn parallel to them v !llerni to reprefent the fore-iide, making n x (fig. 15.) the perpendicular didance between the lines reprefenting fore and aft fides of the fafhion-piece. By thefe lines form the fore-flde of the falhion-piece in the fame man- ‘lier as the aft-fide was formed. The water lines on the fore-fide of the plane ot the fafhion piece muft, however, be firft drawn in fig. 1 3, thus : Draw the lines e b, c cl parallel to W M, and whole perpendicular didances therefrom may be equal to ac and 2. e (fig. 15.) re- fpe&ively. Draw a line parallel to WF (fig. 13.) through the point where the line c d interfefts the fifth water line. Draw a line parallel to a A through the point where the fourth water line interfefts the line cd; in like manner proceed with the other water lines. The fore-fide of the fafhion piece is now to be defcribed by means of thefe new water lines, obferving that the dif- tances in the door plane mud be fet off from the line e by and not from WM, as in the former cafe; and a curve defcribed through the points 5, 3, 5, 1, where thefe didances reach to, will reprefent the fore-fide of the fafhion-piece. The neared didance between the points 5, 3, 2, 1 and the aft fide of the fafhion piece is what the bevelling is beyond the fquare when both dock and tongue of the bevel are perpendicular to the timber. Make M p (fig. 16 ) eopral to the breadth of the timber, and M5 equal to the perpendicular didance of the point 5 (fig. 13.) from the aft fide of the fafhion piece, and join 5 p. In like manner proceed with the others, and the bevellings at thefe parts will be obtained ; but, in order to avoid confufion, the perpendiculars 4, 3, 2, (fig. 13.), indead of being laid off from M (fig. ifi ), were fet off from points as far below M as the other ex¬ tremities of the lines drawn from theie points are below the point p. Prob. VIII. To defcribe the tranfoms of a round poop. The tranfoms are faftened to the ftem-pod in the fame manner that the floor-timbers are fadened to the keel, and have a riling called the flight fimdar to the ri¬ ling of the door-timbers. The upper traniom is called the nuing tranfom, the next the deck tranfom, and the Others the firfl, fccond, and third tranfoms in order. The wing tranfom has a round aft and a round up : the round tip of the deck tranfom is the fame as that of the beams. The falhion-piece of a fquare tuck mud be fird de¬ fcribed, together with the three adjacent frames, by the method to be explained. The part of the dern above the wing tranfom is to be deferibed in the fame manner as before, and may therefore be omitted in this place. The part below the keel of the lafhion-piece is alio the \>!ate fame in both wrfes. Let fig. 17. reprefent the falhion- ccccLvin/piece of a fquare tuck, arid the three adjoining frames. Dhide the interval AB into four equal parts in the points C, D, E, and draw the perpendiculars AF, CG, DPI, FT, and BK : thefe wall be portions of water ■ lines anfvvering to the feveral tranfoms. Let thefe water lines be defcribed on the floor plan (fig. 18.), in.which ABC reprefents the wing tran¬ fom. Defcribe the arch b C to reconcile tire curves A b and CE. Let LEG be the water-line anfwering to the lower part of the fafhion-piece, the didance be* r L d 1 N G. Bock T. tween the points I. and A being equal to the fexcefs of s the projeclion of the point A beyond that of B (fiq. 70.). Draw CK (fig. i8.) perpendicular to AM, and make the angle KCM equal to about 25 degrees, and CN will be the p^ojeftion of the falhion-piece on the floor-plane. Make AB (fig. 19.) equal to AB (fig. 17.) Divide it into four equal parts, and draw the perpendiculars AF, CH, DI, EK, and BG. Make AF equal to CM, and BG equal to MN, and draw the curve FHIKG, having a lefs curvature than the falhion piece of the fquare tuck s c p g n. Make MO, MP, equal to CH, DI, and EK refpedfiveiy. Divide AL (fig. 18.) into four equal parts, and to thefe points of divifion draw curves through the points O, P, Q^, fo as to partake partly of the curvature of A £ C E and partly of that of LNF, but mod of the curvature ot that to which the propofed curve is neared ; and hence the form of the feveral tranfoms will be obtained. In order to reprefent the curve of the falhion-piece on the plane of projection, make the lines AF, CG, DH, El, and BK (.fig. 17.) refpeCtrvely equal to the perpendicular diftance ot the points C, O, P, Q, and N. From the line AN (fig-1 8.), and through the extremities of thefe lines, draw the curve FGHIK. Ir remains to lay down the projection of the falhion- piece on the plane of elevation. In order to which, di¬ vide the line AB, fig. 20. (equal'to A.B, fig. 17.) into four equal parts, and through the points of divifion draw the perpendiculars AF, CG, DH, El, and BK ; make AF(fig. 20.) equal to the perpendicular didance of the point C from the line BL (fig. 18.) In like manner make the linesCG, DH,EI, and BK (fig. 20.) refpeCtive- ly equal to the perpendicular didances of the points O, P, Q, and N, from the lih?BL(fig. 18.); and a curve drawn through thefe points will be the prqjeClian of the lalhion- piece on the plane of elevation. Prob. IX. To defcribe the intermediate frames in the after body. For this purpofe the mid (hip and deni frames mud be drawn in the plane of projection. As the main frame contains the greated capacity, and the dern frame is that having the lead, it hence follows that the form and dimenfions of the intermediate frames will be be¬ tween thefe ; each frame, however, partaking mod of the form of that to which it is neared. Let ACDE (fig. 21.) be the main frame on the plane of projeClion, and FGH the dern frame ; and let there be any convenient number of intermediate frames, as nine. Draw the floor ribband CF, and the breadth ribband GD. Divide the curves CD, EG, each into the fame number of equal parts, as three, in the points K, M ; L, N ; and draw the feeond and third ribbands KL, MN. In order to divideThefe ribbands fo as to form fair curves in different ieCtions, various nurthods have been propofed. One of the bed of thefe, being that which is chiefly employed by the French con dr ac¬ tors, is by means of an equilateral triangle, which is con- druCted as follows. Draw the line ME (fig. 22.), limited at M, but produced towards E: take M 1 equal to any convenient extent ; make 1, 2 equal to thrice that extent, 2, 3 equal to five times, and 3, 4 equal to feven times the above extent ; and continue this divifion to E, always increafmg by two, until there be as many points as there reliniina- Ty Pro¬ blems. Book!. S H I P-B U Application the deck are to be taken from the dimenfions, obfer- of the f'ore-v;n,^ however, to add to thefe heights the thicknefs of going Rules the deck, as the deck line at the fide reprdents the to trie con- r j i (irinftio.n of under part ot the deck. . Ships. The foremoft port is then to be deferibed, ob- -Wrv-—'.jferving to place it as Far aft as to give fufficient room for the wanger; the utoft convenient place will v therefore be to put it between the frames R and T, and equally dillant from each. It will then be placed in the moft confpicuous point of ftrength, as it will have a long top-timber on the aft fide and a long fourth futtock on the fore fide of it. The fecond port may be . placed in like manner between the next two frames, v which will be equally well fituated for ftrength as the ' ■ former; and by proceeding in this manner, the ports on the gun-deck may alfo be placed, taking care to have two frames between every two ports, all fore and '■ aft. The upper deck ports are then to be deferibed; and in order to difpofe of them in the ftrongeft fituation - pofiible, they muft be placed over the middle between the gun-deck ports, fo that every frame in the fhip will run up to the top of the fide, by their coming between a gun and upper deck port; and every port will be between the frames, which wull in a great meafure con¬ tribute towards the ftrength of the fhip. With regard to the ports on the quarter deck, it is not of fuch ma¬ terial confequence if they cut the head of the frame, as in placing them the fituation of the dead eyes muft be confidered, placing a port where there is a vacancy be¬ tween the dead eyes large enough to admit of one ; ob- ferving always to place them as nearly as poftible at equal diftances from each other; and where it happens that they do not fall in the wake of a frame, then that frame muft by all means be carried up to the top of the iide.-x The ncceflary length of the round houfe being de¬ termined in the dimenfions, it may be fet off; obferving, ' however, to let it be no longer than is juft fufficient for the neceffary accommodations, as the fhorter the round-houfe the works abaft may be kept lower, and a low fnug . ftern is always accounted the handfomeft. Then fet off the round of the deck at the foremoft end, below the line drawn ; the deck at the fide may be de¬ feribed by another curve drawn quite aft. Now, from the point for the round of the deck to the ftern timber, draw a curve parallel to the top-timber line, and that will be the extreme height of the top of the fide abaft, which height continues to range fair along to the fore¬ moft end of the round houfe, and at that place may have a fall about 14 inches, which may be turned off with a drift fcroll. At the fore part of the quarter¬ deck, the topfide may have a rife of 14 inches, which -may alfo be turned off with a fcroll. But as the railing of the topfide only 14 inches at that place will not be fufficient to unite with the heights abaft, it will there¬ fore be neceffary to raife 14 inches more upon that, and break it off with a fcroll inverted on the firft fcroll, and continue thefe two lines, parallel to the top-timber line, to the diftance of about feven feet aft. At the foremoft end of the round-houfe there is a break of 14 inches already mentioned; and in order to make that part uniform with the breaks at the forenroft end of the quarter-deck, there muft be fet down 14 inches more below the former ; and at tlrefe two heights continue*two Vol. XVII. Part I. I L D I N G. 393 curves parallel to the top-timber line, from the aft part Applicatiolt of the ftern to the ends of the two curves already drawn f at the foremoft end of the quarter-deck. If they fhould t,, ^ Con* happen not to break in fair with them, they muft be ftru&ion of turned off with a round; but to make them appear Ships, more handfome, the lower line may be turned off with a ——y—"- fcroll. Thefe linesjbeing drawn will reprefent the up¬ per edges of the rails. The height of the top fide at the fore part of the fhip muft next be conlidered; which, in order to give proper height for the forecaftle, muft have a rife there of 14 inches, the break being at the after end of the fore¬ caftle, and turned off as before. But as this part of the fhip is ftill confiderably lower than the after part, it will be neceffary to give another of eight inches upon the former, and turn it off with a fcroll inverted. Hence this part of the fhip will appear mere uniform to the af¬ ter part. The finiftiinj* parts, namely the wales, ftern, head, rails, &c. remain to be deferibed. The wales may be firft drawn ; and as the ftrength of the fhip depends very much on the right placing of them, great care muft therefore be taken that they may be as little as poffible wounded by the lower deck ports, and fo placed that the lower deck bolts fhall bolt in them, and alfo that they come as near as poffible on the broadeft part of the fhip. In the firft place, therefore, the height of breadth lines muft be chofen for our guide. Thefe heights of breadth are to be taken from the di¬ menfions, and fet off’ on the refpeftive frames, and curves drawn through thefe points will be the upper and lower heights of breadth lines. The height of the wale® may now be determined ; which in general is in fuch a maimer that the upper height of breadth line comes about fix inches below their upper edge, and the wales are then placed right upon the breadth lines. Take the heights and breadths of the walea afore, at midfhips, and abaft from the table of dimenfions; draw curves through the points thus found, and the wales will be reprel'ented. The channel wales are then to be deferibed. They are principally intended to ftrengthen the top fide, and muft be placed between the lower and upper deck poits; and the lower edge of them at midfhips fhould be placed as low as pofiible, in order to prevent them from being cut by the upper deck ports afore and abaft. Take their heights and breadths from the dimenfions ; lay them off, and deferibe curves through the correfponding points, and the channel wales will be reprefented. Lay off the dimenfions of the wafte rail found in the table ; and through the points draw a line parallel to the top-timber line all fore and aft. This rail terminates the lower part of the paint work in the top fide, as all the work above this rail is generally painted, and the work of the top fide below it payed with a varnifh, ex¬ cept the main wales, which are always payed with pitch. Take the draught of water from the dimenfions, and draw the load water-line, which is always done in green. Divide the diftance between the load water-line and the upper edge of the keel into five equal parts, and through thefe points draw four more water-lines. Set off the centres of the mafts on the gun-deck $ their rake may likewife be taken from the dimenfions- Set off alfo the centre of the bowfprit, letting it be 3 ^ four 394 S H I P - B U /^pplicatior four feet from the deck at the after part of the ftem, of.thc^fo^e-^Jeh wj]i g;ve fufficient height for alight and airy li- ITthe 0)n-gure* itruetion of Draw the knight-heads fo as to be fufficiently high ahips above the bowfprit to admit of a chock between them for the better fecurity of the bowfprit. The timber heads may alfo be drawn above the forecaftle, obferving to place the moft convenient for the timbers of the frame, being thofe which come over the upper deck ports, as they may be allowed long enough to form handfome heads. There fhould be one placed abaft the cat-head, to which the fore moll block is to be bolted, and there may be two ports on the forecaftle formed by them, and placed where it is moft convenient to the dead eyes. Defcribe the channels, taking their lengths and thicknefies from the dimenfions, and place their upper edges well with the lower edge of the iheer rail. The dead eyes may then be drawn, bbferving to place them in luch a manner that the chains may not interfere with the ports ; and the preventer plates muft all be placed on the channel wales, letting them be of fuch a length that the preventer bolt at each end may bolt on each edge of the channel wales. It muft alfo be obferved to give each of the chains and preventer plates a pro¬ per rake, that is, to let them lie in the dire£lion of the (brouds, which may be done in the following man¬ ner: Produce the mail upwards, upon which fet off the length of the mail to the. lower part of the head ; thefe ftraight lines drawn from that point through the centre of each dead eye will give the diredlion of the chains and preventer braces. The fenders may be then drawn, obferving to place them right abreaft of the main hatchway, in order to prevent the fnip’s fide from being hurt by whatever may be hoifted ©n board. The proper place for them will therefore be at timber 3 ; and the diftance between them may be regulated by the diftance between the ports. The cheft-tree may alfo be drawn, which muft be placed at a proper diftance abaft the fore mail, for the conveniency of hauling home the fore tack. It may therefore be drawn at the aft fide of timber C, from the top of the fide down to the upper edge of the channel wales; and the fenders may reach from the top of the fide down to the upper edge of the main wales. As the fenders and cheft-tree are on the outfide of the planks, wales, &c. the lines repre- fenting the wales, See. ftiould not be drawn through them. Draw the Heps on the fide, which muft. be at the fore part of the main drift or break, making them as long as the diftance between the upper and lower deck ports will admit of. They may be about fix inches afunder, and five inches deep, and continued from the top of the fide down to the middle of the main wales. In order to defcribe the head, the height of the beak- head muft be firft determined, which may be about two feet above the upper deck. At that place draw a horizon¬ tal line, upon which fet off the length of the beak-head, which may be 7^ feet abaft the fore part of the ftem, and from thence fquare a line up to the forecaftle deck ; which line will reprefent the aft part of the beak-head, and will likewife terminate the foremoll end of the fore- callle. The length of the head may now be determined, which by the proportions will be found to be 15 feet fix inches from the fore part of the ftem. Set it off from I L D I N G. Book I, the fore part of the ftem, and ereft a perpendicular, which Application will be the utmoft limits of the figure forward : then take ''f .'^e forc- the breadth of the figure from the proportions, which is four feet four inches, and i’et it off forward ; and another ftru<9k>n of" perpendicular being drawn will fhow the utmoft extent of Ships. the hair bracket forward, or aft part of the figure. Then —— draw the lower cheek, letting the upper edge be well with the upper edge of the main wales, and the after end ranging well with the beak-head line ; fet off the depth (?f it on the ftem; which is about 1 1 inches, and let a curved line pafs from the alter end through the point on the ftem, and to break in fair with the perpendicular firft drawn for the length of the head, the fore part of the curve will then reprefent the pofition of the figure. The upper cheek may be next drawn ; but, in order to know the exaft place of it on the ilem, the place of the main rail muft firft: be fet off on the llem, the upper edge of which may be kept on a level with the beak- head ; then fetting off the depth of it below that, the place for the upper cheek may be determined, letting it be exatlly in the middle between that and the lower cheek : then, by drawing curves for the upper and lower edges of the cheek from the after end parallel to the lower cheek, to break in fair with the perpendicular, drawn for the back of the figure : then the upper cheek will be formed. The upper part may run in a lerpen- tine as high as where the ihoulder of the figure is fuppo- fed to come, at which place it may be turned off with a fcroll. The diftance from the fcroll to the heel of the figure is called the hair-bracket. The head of the block may be formed by continuing the line at the breaft round to the top of the hair-brac¬ ket, obferving to keep the top of it about fix inches- clear of the under fide of the bowfprk. Having the diftance fet off on the ftem for placing the main rail, it may next be deferibed, keeping the bag of it as level as poffible for the conveniency of the gratings, and letting the foremoft end rife gradually according to the rile of the upper cheek and hair bracket, and may turn off on the round of the fcroll before drawn for the hair-bracket. To form the after end, fet off the iize ol the head of the rail abaft the beak-head line, and ereft a perpendicular ; then defcribe the arch of a circle from that perpendicular to break in fair with the lower fide of the rail in the middle, and alfo another from the beak-head perpendicular, to break in fair with the up¬ per fide of the rail at the middle, obferving to continue the head of it fufficiently high to range with the tim¬ ber heads above the forecaftle. The head timbers are next to be drawn, placing the ftem timber its own thicknefs abaft the ftem, and the foremoft muft be fo placed that the fore fide may be up and down with the heel of the block or figure, which has not yet been fet off. Take therefore the diftance from the breaft to the heel on a fquare which is ieven feet, and ereft a perpendicular from the lower part of the lower cheek to the lower part of the upper cheek ; which per¬ pendicular will terminate the foremoft end of the lower cheek and the heel of the figure, and will alfo termi¬ nate the lower end of the hair-bracket : then, by conti¬ nuing the fame perpendicular from the upper part of the lower deck to the under part of the main rail, the fore fide of. the foremoft: head timber will be deferibed ; and by fetting off its thicknefs aft, the other fide may be drawn. ‘ The middle head timber may be fpaced be¬ tween the two former ones j and there may alfo be one 6 timber Book I. S H I P - B U application timber placed abaft the ftem, at a dlftance from the of the fere ftem| equa| to that between the others, and the lower ^!"the Con -en<^ ^ may fteP on the upper edge of the lower ftrmftii n of rail. -Ships. To defcribe the middle and lower rails, divide the t*—'V”““ diftance between the lower part of the main rail and the upper part of the upp er cheek equally at every head timber ; and curves being defcribed through thefe points will form the middle and low er rails. The after end of the lower rail mull terminate at the after edge of the after head timber. The cat-head ought to be reprefented in fuch a man¬ ner as to come againft the aft fide of the head of the main rail, to rake forward four inches in a foot, and to fteeve up inches in a foot, and about one foot fix inches fquare. The lower part of it comes on the plank of the deck at the fide, and the fupporter under it muft form a fair curve to break in wdth the after end of the middle rail. The hawfe holes muft come between the cheeks, which is the moft convenient place for them ; but their place fore and aft cannot be exaftly determined until they are laid down in the half-breadth plan. The knee of the head is to projeft from the breaft of the figure about two inches; and particular care muft be taken that in forming it downwards it be not too full, as it is then liable to rub the cable very much : it may there¬ fore have no more fubftance under the lower cheek at the heel of the figure than is juft fuiftcient to admit of the bobftay holes, and maybe 3^ feet diftant from the ftem at the load water-line, making it run in an agreeable fer- pentine line from the breaft down to the third w'ater Jine, where it maybe i-J- feet from the ftem. By con¬ tinuing the fame line downwards, keeping it more di¬ ftant from the ftem as it comes down, the gripe will be formed. The lower part of it muft break in fair with the under part of the falfe keel; and the breadth of the gripe at the broadeft place will be found by the proportions to be 44 feet. As the aft part of the gripe is terminated by the fore foot, or foremoft end of the keel, it wall now be proper to finifh that part as fol¬ lows : From the line reprefenting the upper edge of the keel fet down the depth of the keel, through which draw a line parallel to the former, and it will be the lower edge of the keel. From that point, where the aft fide of the ftem is diftant from the upper edge of the keel by .a quantity equal to the breadth of the keel at midfhips, eredf a perpendicular, which will, limit the foremoft end of the keel; and the after or lower end of the ftem may be reprefented by fetting off the length of the fcarf from the foremoft; end of the keel, which may be fix feet. Set down from the line repre- fenting the lower edge of the keel the thicknefs of the falfe keel, which is feven inches ; and a line drawn through that point parallel to the lower edge of tfte keel will be the under edge of the falfe keel, the fore¬ moft end of which may be three inches afore the fore¬ moft end of the main keel. The head being now finifhed, proceed next to the ftern, the fide and middle timbers of which are already drawn. From the fide timber fet off forward 14 feet, the length of gallery, and draw a pencil line parallel to the fide timber ; draw alfo a line to interfedt the touch of the upper counter at the fide, producing it forwards parallel to the ftieer as far as the pencil line firit drawn; J I L D I N G. 395 •e and this line will reprefent the- upper edge of .the gal-Application ;r lery rim. From which fet down eight inches, the ort^ep01if’' •r breadth of the gallery rail, and draw the lower edge Con* of the rail. At the diftance of eight inches from the ftruAion of e fore fide of the fide timber draw a line parallel thereto ; Ships, d and from the point of interfedtion of this line with the d upper edge of the gallery rim, draw a curve to the ;s middle timber parallel to the touches of the upper couil- F ter, which line will reprefent the upper edge of the up- e per counter rail as it appears on the fheer draught. The lower edge of this rail may be formed by fetting - off its depth from the upper edge. In the fame man- n ner the lower counter rail may be defcribed : then take e the diftance between that and the upper counter rail, e and let it off below the rim rail; and hence the rail e that comes to the lower ftool may be drawn, keeping a it parallel to the rim rail. Underneath that, the lower e finiihing may be formed, making it as light and agree¬ able as poffible. 1 Set off from the middle timber on the end of the e quarter-deck the projedtion of the balcony, which may e be about 2 feet, and draw a line with a pencil parallel to tire middle timber. On this line fet off a point 1 b f inches below the under fide of the quarter-deck, from : which draw a curve to the fide timber parallel to the 3 upper counter rail, which curve will reprefent the lower - fide of the foot fpace rail of the balcony as it appears : in the fheer draught. : lake the diftance between the point of interfedtion 1 of the upper edge of the upper counter with the mid- • die line, and the point of interfeftion of the under fide • of the foot fpace rail with the middle line, which fet ■ up on a perpendicular from the upper edge of the rim ■ rail at the foremoft end. Through this point draw a ; line parallel to the rim rail to interfedt the lower part l of the foot fpace rail, and this line will reprefent the ; lower edge of the rail that comes to tire middle ftool, and will anfwer to the foot fpace rail. Then between this line and the rim rail three lights or fafhes may be : drawn, having a muntin or pillar between each light of about 14 inches broad, and the lower gallery will be finifhed. Set off-the depth of the middle ftool rail above the line already drawn for the lower edge, and the upper edge may be drawn. Then fet off the fame depth above the curve drawn for the lower edge of the foot fpace rail, and the upper edge of that rail may then be drawn. The quarter-piece muft be next defcribed, the heel of which muft ftep on the after end of the middle ftool. Draw a line with a pencil parallel to the middle timber, and at a diftance therefrom, equal to the pro¬ jedtion of the balcony. Upon this line fet up from the round houfe deck the height of the upper part of the ftern or taff rail, which may be four feet above the deck. At that height draw with a pencil a horizon¬ tal line, and from its interfeftion with the line firft. drawn defcribe a curve to the middle {Idol rail, obferving to make the lower part of this curve run nearly parallel to the fide timber, and the lower part about three inches abaft the fide timber; and this curve will repre¬ fent the att fide of the quarter-piece at the outiide. There fet off the thicknefs of the quarter-piece, which is one foot fix inches, afore the curve already drawn • and another curve being defcribed parallel to it from the lower part to the top of the. fheer, and the quarter-piece * at 39 In order to this, its length muft be determined, which may be 3 1 feet. Set off this diftance from the fide timber forward with the fheer ; and at this point draw a line parallel to the fide timber, which line will reprefent the fore part of the gallery. Then take the diftance be¬ tween the upper part of the foot fpace rail and the up¬ per part of the bread rail on a perpendicular, and fet it off on a perpendicular from the upper part of the middle ftool rail on the line drawn for the fore part of the gallery, from which to the fore part of the quarter piece draw a ftraight line parallel to the rail below, which line will be the upper edge of the upper rim rail; and its thicknefs being fet off, the lower edge may alfo be drawn. From the upper edge of that rail fet up an extent equal to the diftance between the lower rim rail and middle ftool rail, and defcribe the upper ftool rail, the after end of which will be determined by the quar¬ ter piece, and the fore end by the line for the length of the gallery. There may be three fafhes drawn be¬ tween thefe two rails as before; and hence the upper gallery will be formed. The upper finifhirig fhould be next drawn, the length of which may be i4 foot lefs than the upper gallery. J)raw a line parallel to the rake of the (tern for the fore end of it, and let the upper part of the top fide be the upper part of the upper rail, from which fet down three inches for the thicknefs of the rail, and de¬ fcribe it. Defcribe alfo another rail of the fame length and thicknefs as the former, and eight inches below ; from the end of which a ferpentine line may be drawn down to the upper ftool rail, and the upper fiaifhing ■will be completed. The ftern being now finifhed, the rudder only remains to be drawn. The breadth of the rudder at the lower part is to be determined from the proportions, and fet ©ff from the line reprefenting the aft part oi the ftern- poft ; which line alfo reprefents the fore part ©f the rud¬ der. Then determine on the lower hance, letting it be »o higher than is juft fufficient, which may be about I L D I N G. BookT. one foot above the load water-line, and fet off its breadth Application at that place taken from the proportions. Then a line drawn from thence to the breadth fet off at the lower t;“. Qor„ part will be the aft fide of the rudder below the lower Uru&ion of hance. There may; alfo be another hance about the Ships, f height of the lower deck. The ufe of thefe breaks or » ' -j hances is to reduce the breadth as it rifes toward the head. The aft part may be drawn above the lower hance, the break at the lower hance being about ten inches, and the break at the upper hance fix inches. — The back may be then drawn. It is of elm, about four inches thick on the aft part. That thicknefs be¬ ing fet off, and a line drawn from the lower hance to the lower end, will reprefent the back. The head of the rudder fhould be as high as to receive a tiller above the upper deck. Therefore fet off the fize of the head above the upper deck, and draw a line from thence to the break at the upper hance, and the aft part of the rudder will be reprefented all the way up. The beard¬ ing fhould be drawn, by fetting off the breadth of it at the keel from the fore fide of the rudder, which may be nine inches. Set off alfo the breadth at the head of the wing tranfom, which may be a foot. Then a line being drawn through thefe two points,' from the lower part of the rudder to about a foot above the wing tranfom* and the bearding will be reprefented. As the bearding is a very nice point, and the working of the rudder de¬ pending very much upon it, it fhould always be very particularly confidered. It has been cuftomary to beard the rudder to a fharp edge at the middle line, by which the main piece is reduced more than neceffary. The rudder fhould, however, be bearded from the fide of the pintles, and the fore fide made to the form of the pintles. The pintles and braces may next be drawn. In order to which determine the place of the upper one, which muft be fo difpofed that the {traps fhall come round the head of the ftandard, which is againft the head of the fttrn-poft on the gun-deck, and meet at the middle line. By this means there is double fecurity both to the brace and ftandard. To obtain thofe advantages, it muft therefore be placed about four inches above the wing tranfom ; the fecond muft he placed juft below the gun-deck fo as to bolt in the middle of the deck tran¬ fom, and the reft may" be fpaced equally between the lower one, which may be about fix inches above the upper edge of the keel. The number of them are ge¬ nerally feven pair upon thisclafs of fhips; but the num¬ ber may be regulated by the diftance between the fecond and upper one, making the diftance between the reft nearly the fame. The length of all the braces will be found by fetting off the length of the lower one, which may be eight feet afore the back of the ftern-poft, and alfo the length of the third, which is four feet and a half afore the back of the ftern-poft ; and a line drawn from the one extremity to the other will limit the interme¬ diate ones, as will appear on the iheer draught. The braces will feem to diminifh in length very much as they go tip ; but when meafured or viewed on the fhape of the body, they will all be nearly of an equal length. The length of the ftraps of the pintles which come upon the rudder may all be within four inches of the aft fide of the rudder ;, and the rudder being a flat furface, they will all appear of the proper lengths. II. Of the half-breadth and body The half- c breadth I X ceeci^xi Book r. S H I. P - B U Application breadth plan muft be firft drawn. Then produce the of the fort- lower 0f the keel both ways, and let it alfo re- ^the^'on-Pre^cnt the middle line of the half-breadth plan. Pro- flni&ion of duce all the frames downwards, and alio the fore and af- bhips. ter perpendiculars. Then from the place in the Iheer- plan, where the height of breadth-lines interfeft the ftem, fquare down to the middle line the fore and aft part of the rabbet and the fbre part of the ftern. Take from the dimenfions what the ftem is Tided at that place, and fet off half of it from the middle line in the half-breadth plan, through which draw a line parallel to the middle line through the three lines fquared down, and the half-breadth of the ftem will be reprefented in the half-breadth plan. Take the thicknefs of the plank of the bottom, which is 4T inches, and deferibe tbe rab¬ bet of the ftem in the half-breadth plan. From the points of interfedfion of the height of breadth lines with the counter timber at the fide, and with the counter timber at the middle line, draw lines perpendicular to the middle line of the half-breadth plan, from which fet off the half breadth of the coun¬ ter on the line firft drawn; and from this point to the interleft ion of the line laft drawn, wdth the middle line draw a curve, and the half breadth of the counter will be reprefented at the height of breadth, which will be the broadeft part of the ftern. Take the main half breadth of timber dead flat from the dimenftons, and lay it off from the middle line on dead flat in the half-breadth plan. Take alfo from the dimenfions the main half breadth of every timber, and fet off each from the middle line on the correfponding timbers in the half-breadth plan. Then a curve drawn from the end of the line reprefenting the half breadth of the counter through all the points, fet off on the tim¬ bers, and terminating at the aft part of the ftern, will be the main half breadth line. Take from the dimen- fions the top-timber half breadth, and deferibe the top- timber half-breadth line in the half-breadth plan, in the fame manner as the main half-breadth line. Take from the dimenfions the half breadth of the ri- fing, and fet it off from the middle line on the corre¬ fponding timbers in the half-breadth plan, obferving, where the word outftde is exprefled in the tables, the half breadth for that timber mult be fet off above or on the outfide of the middle line. Then a curve drawn through thefe points will be the half breadth of rifing in the half breadth plan. It will now be neceflary to proceed to the body plan. p!a{e Draw a horizontal line (fig. 35.), which is called the cccuxii. baf'ttnt, from the right hand extremity of which ereft a perpendicular. Then fet off on the bafe line the main half breadth at dead flat, and ereft another per¬ pendicular, and from that fet off the main half breadth again, and ^ereft a third perpendicular. The firft per¬ pendicular, as already obferved, is called the fide line of the fore body ; the fecond the middle line $ and the third the fide line of the after body. Take from the dimenfions the heights of the diago¬ nals up the middle line, and fet them from the bafe up the middle line in the body plan. Take alfo their diilan- ces from the middle line on the bafe, and fet them off. Set off alfo their heights up the fide lines, and draw the diagonals. Then take from the fheer plan the heights of the lower height of breadth line, and fet them off upon the middle line in the body plan ; through thefe I L D I N G. 397 points lines are to be drawn parallel to the bafe, and Application terminating at the fide lines. In like manner proceed with the upper height of breadth line. to thc Con! The rifing is next to be fet off on the body plan ; itftru&ion of muft, however, be firft deferibed in the fheer plan : Ships. Take, therefore, the heights from the dimfenfions, and v ' fet them off on the correfponding timbers in the fheer plan, and a curve deferibed through thefe points will be the rifing line in tfie fheer plan. Then take from the dimenfiens the rifing heights of dead flat. Set it off in the body plan, and draw a horizontal line. Now take all the rifing heights from the fhecr plan, and fet them off in the body plan from the line drawn for the rifing height of dead flat, and draw horizontal lines through thefe points. Take from the half-breadth plan the half breadths of the rifing, and fet them off from the middle line in the body plan, and the centres of the floor fweeps,of the correfponding timbers will be obtained. From the half-breadth plan take the main half* breadth lines, and fet them off from the middle line in the body plan on the correfponding lines before drawn for the lower height of breadth ; and from the extre¬ mities of thefe lines fet off towards the middle line the lengths of the lower breadth fweeps refpeftivdy. 'Fake from the dimenfrons the diftance of each frame from the middle line on the diagonals, and fet them off from the middle line on their refpeftive diagonal lines. Now thefe diftanees being fet off, and the lower breadth and floor fweeps defcribtd, the fhape of the frames below the breadth line may eafily be drawn as follows: Place one point of a compafs in the diftance fet off for the length of the lower breadth fweep, and extend the other to the point which terminates the breadth, and deferibe an arch of a circle downwards, which will in- terieft the points fet off on the upper diagonal lines, letting it pafs as low as convenient. Then fix one point of the compafies in the centre of the floor fweep, and extend the other to the point fet off on the fourth dia¬ gonal, which is the floor head; and deferibe a circle to interfeft as many of the points fet off on the diagonals as it will. Then draw a curve from the back of the lower breadth fweep, through the points on the diago¬ nals, to the back 6f the floor fweep. Dsfcribe alfo another curve from the bask of the floor fvveep through the points on the lower diagonals, and terminating at the upper part of the rabbet of the keel, and that part of the frame below the breadth will be formed. In like manner deferibe the other frames. . Through the extremities of the frames at the lower height of breadth draw lines parallel to the middle line, and terminating, at the upper height of breadth line, and from thence fet off the upper breadth fweeps; now fix ©ne point of the compafs in the centres of the upper breadth fweeps fucceffivcly, and the other point to the extremities of the frames, and deferibe circles upwards. Then from the fheer plan, take off the heights of the top-timber lines, and fet them off in the body plan, drawing horizontal lines 5 upon which fet off the top-timber half breadths taken from the ■ correfponding timbers in the half-bfeadth plan ; and by • deferibing curves from the back of the upper breadth fweeps through the points fet off on the feventh or up¬ per ■ diagonal ; and interfefting the .'top-timber half- breadths, the timbers will then be formed fiom the keel S H I F - B U ;>°n keel to the top of the fide. The upper end of the fore- timbers may be determined by taking the feveral vV)^sheights of the upper part of the top fide above the. on tftop-timber line, and letting them off above the top¬ ’s. timber line on the correfponding timbers in the body plan. The lower parts of the timbers are ended at the rabbet of the keel as follows: With an extent of 4r inches, the thicknefs of the bottom, and one leg of the compaffes at the place where the line for the thick¬ nefs of the keel interfe&s the bale line ; with the other leg defcribe an arch to interfeA the keel line and the bafe. 1 hen fix one point at the interfe&ion of the arch and keel, and from the point of interfeftion of the keel and bafe detcribe another arch to interfeft the for¬ mer. rI lien from the interfen of thefe arches draw one flraight line to the interfe&ion of the keel and bale, and another to the interfetfion of the lower arch and the keel, and the rabbet of the keel will be deferibed at the main frame. All the timbers in the middle part of the fhip which have no riling terminate at the interfedfion of the upper edge of the rabbet with the bafe line ; but the lower part of the timbers, having a riling, end in the centre of the rabbet, that is, where the two circles interfe£l. Thofe timbers which are near the after end of the keel mud be ended by fetting off the half breadth of the keel at the port in the half- breadth plan, and defcribe the tapering of the keel. Then at the .correfponding timbers take off the half- breadth of the keel; fet it off in the body plan, and defcribe the rabbet as before, letting every timber end where the two circles for its refpedfive rabbet interfedl. To delcribe the fide counter or dern timber, take the height of the wing tranfom, the lower counter, up¬ per counter, and top-timber line at the fide ; from the fheer plan transfer them to the body plan, and through thefe points draw horizontal lines. Divide the didance between the wing tranfom and lower counter into three equal parts, and through the two points of divifion draw two horizontal lines. Draw alfo a horizontal line equididant from the upper counter and the top-timber line in the fheer plan, and transfer them to the body plan. Now, from the point of interfedlion of the aft fide of the dern timber at the fide, with the wing tranfom at the fide in the fheer plan, draw a line perpendicular to the middle line in the half-breadth plan. Draw alfo perpendicular lines from the points where the upper and lower tranfoms touch the dern-pod ; from the points of interfeftion of the dein timber with the two horizontal Jinesdrawn between,jand from the interfeftion of the dern limber with the horizontal line drawn between the upper counter and top-timber line. Then curves mud be form¬ ed in the half-breadth plan for the diape of the body at each of thefe heights. In order to which, begin with the horizontal or level line reprefenting the height of the wing tranfom in the body plan. Lay a dip of paper to that line, and mark on it the middle line and the timbers 37, 3 s, 33, and 29 ; transfer the flip to the half-breadth plan, placing the point marked on it for the middle line exaftly on the middle in the half-breadth plan, and fet off the half-breadths on the correfponding timbers 37, 35, 33, and 29, and deferibe a curve through thefe points, and to interfedl the perpendicular drawn from the fheer plan. In like manner proceed with the horizontal lines at the heights of the coun¬ ters, between the lower counter and wing tranfom, I L D I N G, Book F. above the upper counter and top-timber line ; and from Application the interfe&ions of the curve drawn in the half-breadtho! ,the Pre¬ plan, with the perpendicular lines drawn from the flieer plan, take the diflances to the middle line, and fet ttrutf^or^of them off on the correfponding lines in the body plan ; Ships, then a curve deferibed through the feveral points thus '—nr—*4 fet’off will be the reprefentative of the ftern timber. The round-up of the wing tranfom, upper and lower counter, may be taken from the flieer draught, and fet off at the middle line above their refpeftive level lines in the body plan, by which the round-up of each may be drawn. 1 he round aft of the wing tranfom may alfo be taken from the flieer plan, and fet off at the middle line, abaft the perpendicular for the wing tran¬ fom in the half-breadth plan, whence the round aft of the wing tranfom may be deferibed. The after body being now finiflied, it remains to form the fore body; but as the operation is nearly the fame in both, a repetition is therefore unneceffary, ex¬ cept in thofe parts which require a different proc-efs. The foremoft timbers end on the item, and confe- quently the method of deferibing the ending of them differs from that ufed for the timbers ufed in the after body. Draw a line in the body plan parallel to the middle line, at a diflance equal to the half of what the ftem is fided. In the flieer plan take the height of the point of interfedfion of the lower part of the rabbet of the ftem with the timber which is required to be ended, and fet it off on the line before drawn in the body plan. Then take the extent between the points of interfedlion of the timber with the lower and upper parts of the rabbet, and with one leg of the compaffes at the extremity of the diftance laid off in the body plan defcribe a circle, and the timbers may then pafs over the back of this circle. Now, by applying a fmall fquare to the timber, and letting the back of it interfedl the point fet off for the lower part of the rab¬ bet, the lower part of the rabbet and the ending of the timbers will be deferibed. The foremoft timbers differ alfo very much at the head from thofe in the after body : For fince the (hip carries her breadth fo far forward at the top-timber line, it therefore occafions the two foremoft frames to fall out at the head beyond the breadth, whence they are called knuckle timbers. They are thus deferibed: The height of the top-timber line being fet off in the body plan, fet off on it the top half breadth taken from the half-breadth plan, and at that place draw a perpendi¬ cular; then from the fheer plan take the height of the top of the fide, and fet it off on the perpendicular in the body plan : Take alfo the breadth of the rail at the top-timber line in the flieer plan, and fet it off be¬ low the top-timber line at the perpendicular line in the body plan, and the ftraight part of the knuckle timber to be drawn will be determined. Then from the laft mentioned point fet off defcribe a curve through the points fet off for the timber down to the upper breadth, and the whole knuckle timber will be formed. It will hence be feen that thofe timbers forward will fall out beyond the main breadth with a hollow, contrary to the reft of the top fide, which falls within the main breadth with a hollow. The fore and after bodies being now formed, the wa¬ ter lines muft next be deferibed in the half-breadth plan, in order to prove the fairnefs of the bodies. In this draught the water lines are all reprefented parallel to the Book r, S H I P - B u Applicatioti the kee!; their heights may, therefore, be taken from Boh/ RiTles t^ie ^iee.r P^an’ ant^ transferred to the body plan, draw- to the Con- ^n8' horizontal lines, and the water lines will be repre- ftruiStion offented in the body plan. In fhips that draw more wa- 5hips ter abaft than afore, the water lines will not be parallel to the keel; in this cafe, the heights muft be taken at every timber in the fheer plan, and fet off on their cor- refponding timbers in the body plan ; and curves being defcribed through the feveral points, will repreient the water lines in the body plan. * Take the diftances from the middle line to the points where the water lines interfeet the different timbers in the body plan, and fet them off on their correfponding timbers in the half-breadth plan. From the points where the water lines in the fheer plan interfefts the aft part of the rabbet of the fternpoft draw perpendi¬ culars to the middle line of the half-breadth plan, and upon thefe perpendiculars fet off from the middle line the halt thicknefs of the fterupoft at its correfponding water line ; which may be taken from the body plan, by fetting off the iize of the pofl at the head and the keel, and drawing a line for the tapering of it; and where the line fo drawn interfe&s the water lines, that wall be the half thicknefs required : then take an extent in the compaffes equal to the thicknefs of the plank, and fix one point wdiere the half thicknefs of the pofl in- terfeefts the perpendicular, and with the other deferibe a circle, from the back of which the water lines may j>afs through their refpeftive points fet off, and end at the fore part of the halt breadth plan, proceeding in the fame manner as with the after part. A line drawn from the water line to the point fet off for the half thicknefs of the pofl will reprefent the aft part of the rabbet of the poft ; and in like manner the rabbet of the Item may be reprefented. The w^ater lines being all defcribed, it will be feen if the body is fair; and if the timbers require any alteration, it fhould be compli¬ ed with. The cant timbers of the after body may next be de¬ fcribed in the half-breadth plan ; in order to which the cant of the fafhion-piece mull firfl be reprefented. Ha¬ ving therefore the round aft of the wing tranfom re¬ prefented in the half-breadth plan, and alfo the fhape of a level line at the height of the wing tranfom ; then fet off the breadth of the wing tranfom at the end, which is one foot four inches, and that wull be the place where the head of the fafhion-piece will come : now to determine the cant of it, the fhape of the body mull be coniidered ; as it muft be canted in fuch a manner as to preferve as great a flraightnefs as is poffible for the fhape of the timber, by which means the timber will be much llronger than if it were crooked; the cant muft alfo be coniidered, in order to let the timber have as little bevelling as pofiible. Let, therefore, the heel of the timber be fet off on the middle line, two feet afore timber 35 ; and then drawing a line from thence to the point fet off on the level line for the wing tranfom, the cant of the fafhion piece will he defcribed, and will be found fituated in the heft manner poflxble to anfwer the before mentioned purpofes. dhe cant of the fafhion-piece being reprefented, the cant of the other timbers may now be eaiily determi¬ ned. Let timber 29 be the foremoft cant timber in the after body, and with a pencil draw timber 28 ; then obferve how many frames there are between timber 28 I L D I N C. 399 and the fafhionpiece, which will be found to be nine, Application namely, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, and 37. Now°f ,the f01;6- divide the diftance between timber 28 and the fafhion- piece on the middle line into 10 equal parts: DivideftmUHon of alfo the correfponding portion of the main half breadth Ships, lines into the fame number of equal parts ; and ftraight —^ lines joining the correfponding points at the middle line with thofe in the half-breadth line will reprefent. the cant timbers in the after body. The line drawn for the cant of the fafhion-piece re- prefents the aft ftde of it, which comes to the end of the tranfoms ; but in order to help the converlion with regard to the lower tranfoms, there may be two more fall ion-pieces abaft the former; therefore the foremoft fafhion-piece, or that which is already defcribed in the half-breadth plan, may only take the ends of the three upper tranfoms, which are, the wing, filling, and deck : the middle fafhion-piece may take the four next, and the after fafhion piece the lower ones: therefore fet off in the half-breadth plan the frding of the middle and after fafhion-piece, which may be 13 inches each ; then by drawing lines parallel to the foremofl fafhion-piece, at the aforefaid diftance from each other, the middle and after fafhion-piece will be reprefented in the half-breadth plan. The falhion-piece and tranfoms yet remain to be re¬ prefented in the fheer plan ; in order to which, let the number of tranfoms be determined, which, for fo large a buttock, maybe feven below the deck tranfom : draw them with a pencil, beginning with the wing, the upper fide of which is reprefented by a level line at its height; fet off its Tiding below that, and draw a level line for the lower edge. The filling tranforn follows ; which is merely for the purpofe of filling the vacancy between the under edge of the wing and the upper part of the deck plank : it may therefore be reprefented by draw¬ ing two level lines for the upper and lower edge, lea¬ ving about two inches between the upper edge and lower edge of the wing tranfom, and four inches between the lower edge of the gun-deck plank ; then the deck tran¬ fom mull be governed by the gun-deck, letting the un¬ der fide of the gun-deck plank reprefent the upper fide of it, and fetting off its fiding below that; the. under edge may alfo be drawn : the tranfoms below the deck may all be fided equally, which may be 1 1 inches ; they muft alfo have a fufficient diftance between to admit the circulation of the air to preferve them, which may be about three inches. _ 1 he tranfoms-being now drawn with a pencil, the fa¬ fhion-piece muft next be defcribed in the fheer plan, by which the length of the tranfoms1 as they appear in that plan will be determined. As the foremoft fafhion- pieee reaches above the upper tranfom, it may therefore be fir ft defcribed : in order to which, draw a fufficient number of level lines in the fheer plan ; or, as the water lines are level, draw therefore one line between the up¬ per water line and the wing tranfom, and one above the wing tranfom at the intended height of the head of the fafhion-piece, which may be about five feet : then take the neight of thefe two level hues, and trani- fer them to the body pian ; and take off two or three timbers and run them in the half-breadth plan, in the / fame manner as the water lines were done ; then from the point where the line drawn for the cant of the fa- ftiion-piece, in the half-breadth plan, interfebls the le¬ vel 4co s H I P-B u Application vcl line dfswn for tlte head of the fahion-pit’ce, draw of the fore-Up a perpendicular to the faid line in the flieer plan, ^o'tlfe ^Coa* making a point. Again, from the interfeftion of the fkrutftion'of carit line, with the level line for the wing tranfoin in Ships, the half breadth plan, draw a perpendicular to the wing V—v—f tranfom in the (heer plan. Alfo draw perpendiculars from the points where the cant line in the half-breadth plan interfctts the level line btlow the wing tranfom, and alfo the water lines to the correfponding lines in the {heer plan; then a curve defcrihed through thefe points will be the reprefentation of the foremolt fa- ibion-piece in the {heer plan. In the fame manner the middle and after fafldon-pieces may be defcribed ; ob- ferving to let the middle one run up no higher than the under part of the deck tranfom, and the after to the i;nder fide of the fourth tranfom under the deck. The tranforos may now be drawn with ink, as their lengths are limited by the fafbion-pieces. Neither the head nor the forefide of the fternpoft are yet defcribed ; take, therefore, from the dimenlions, the breadth of the poft on the keel, and fet it off on the upper edge of the keel from the aft lide of poll. The head of the poft muft next be determined, which muft juft be high enough to admit of the helm-poft tranfom and the tiller coming between it and the upper deck beam; the height therefore that is necefiary will be one foot nine inches above the wing tranlom. Now draw a level line at that height, upon which fet off the breadth of the fternpoft at that place, taken from the dimen- fions, and a line drawn from thence to the point fet off on the keel will be the forefide of the fternpoft; obfer- ving, however, not to draw the line through the tran- foms, as it will only appear between them. The inner poft may be drawn, by fetting off its thicknefs forward from the fternpoft, and drawing a ftraight line as be- V fore, continuing it no higher than the under fide of s the wing tranfom. The cant-timbers in the after body being defcribed, together with the parts dependent on them, thofe in the fore body may be next formed ; in order to which, the foremoft and aftermoft cant timbers muft be firft deter¬ mined, and alfo the cant of the foremoft ones. The foremoft cant-timber will extend fo far forward as to be named ; the cant on the middle line may be one foot four inches afore fquarc timber W, and on the main half breath line one foot nine inches afore timber Y; in which fituation the line may be drawn for the cant ; the aftermoft may be timber The cant timbers may now be defcribtd in the fame manner as thofe in the’’ after body, namely, by fpacing them equally be¬ tween the cant timber bf and the fquare timber P, both on the main half breadth arnl middle lines, and draw¬ ing ftraight lines between the l orrefponding points, ob- ferving to let them run out to the top-timber half¬ breadth line, where it comes without the main half # breadth line. The hawfe pieces muft next be laid down in the halt breadth plan ; the fides of which muft look fore and aft writh the fhip upon account of- the round of the bow. Take the fiding'of the apron, which may be about four inches more than the -ftem, - and’ let off half of it from the middle line, drawing a line from the main half breadth to the foremoft cant timber, W’hiclvwili repre- {*nt the loremoft edge of the knight-head; then from *hat fet off the fiding of tb“ knight-head, which may I L D I N G. Book r. he one foot four inches, and draw the aft fide of it, A( plication The hawfe pieces may then be drawn, which are fonF^f. ^ farc¬ in number, by fetting off their fidings, namely, one foot fix inches parallel from the knight-head and from each (tru&jon gf other ; and ftraight lines being drawn from the main Ships, half breadth line to the foremoft cant timber will repre- —»^ fent them. \ The hawfe holes fhouTd be defcribed in fuch a man¬ ner as to wound the hawfe pieces as little as polfible j they may therefore be placed fo that the joint of the hawfe pieces {hall be in the centre of the holes, whence they wriTJIXI) TINT G- IMalf rrCCLXIL. Ship Btjil:di:na. pjnte ccccLxnx. / " • V'* «■ 1 J ' ' ( ■ SHIP-BUILDING. PI at c C C C C L XAr / Book r. S H I r-B u Application woed fliall bolt over ft, and be of as much fubftance as ling Rule’.the : therefore the knee muft confequently 8 • - be placed its whole thicknefs below the cuttino- down turheCon--- r uciuw uic cutting C (truffion tfhne reprefentimr the upper part of the dead wood. Ships, The flieer draught, the body, and half-breadth plans are nopw finilhed, from whence the fhip may be laid down in the mould loft, and alio the whole frame ere£f- ed. As, however, the ufe of the diagonal lines in the body plan has not been fufficiently explained, it is therefore thought proper to fubjoin the followino mu. 45 ilration of them. ^ The d\afona\ Iines in the body plan are mentioned ccnal lines. \n . tab,les of dimenfions merely for the purpofe of forming the body therefrom ; but after the body is formed, they are of very principal ufe, as at their lla- tions the ribbands and harpins which keep the body of the fhip together while in her frames are all defcribed, and the heads of the different timbers in the frame like- wife determined. 1 he lowermoft diagonal, or n° i. which is named the lower fir mar at which place the bevellings are taken lor the hollow of the floors; its fituation is gene¬ rally in the middle between the keel and the floor fir- mark. . Second diagonal is placed in the midfhips, about 18 inches below the floor head, and is the ftation where the floor ribband is placed in midfhips, and likewife the floor harpin forward ; there is alfo a bevelling taken at this diagonal all the way fore and aft, from which it is term¬ ed the ^oor frmarh. Third diagonal, terminates the length of the floors and is therefore called the>or head. There are likewife bevdiiiigs taken at this diagonal as far forward and aft as the floor extends. The placing of this diagonal is of the utmoft confequence to the ftrength of the fhip it being fo near to that part of the bulge which takes the ground, and of confequeuce is always liable to the greatefl {train; it Ihould therefore be placed as much above the bearing of the body in midfhips as could be conveniently allowed by converfion of the timber • but afore and abaft it is not of fo much confequence. Fourth diagonal is placed in the middle between the boor head and the fifth diagonal, at which place a rib¬ band and harpin are ftationed for the fecurity of the firil or lower futtock, from whence it is named the firji fut- tock ftrmark. There are alfo bevellings taken at this •diagonal all afore and aft, which being part of the body where the timbers moft vary, occafions them to be the greateft bevellings in the whole body. Fifth diagonal terminates the heads of the firfl fut- tocks and is therefore called the frf futtock head. It Jould be placed at a convenient diflance above the floor head, m order to give a fufficient-fcarf to the lower part of the fecond futtocks. There are likewife 0r ^rabers ^a^eri at this diagonal, all fore Sixth diagonal fhould be placed in the middle be¬ tween the firfl futtock head and the feventh diagonal; at which place the ribband and harpin are ftationed for the fupport of the fecond futtocks. Bevellings are ta- taK and aft- 11 is "™'d Seventh diagonal terminates the fecond futtoek ablr.h ?°re t0.the aftcrmoft floors> and-afore VouXVlL plurate! th'ai‘,uble futt°ci h'ads I L D I N G. 40, ^°re ant^ a^t Can*; k°die3- It fliouTj be placed in Application midfhips, as much above the firft futtock head as the of t,ie firft futtock is above the floor head : by which it gives R?Ie* the fame fcarf to the lower part of the third futtock fh-udion°of as the hrft futtock does to the fecond. There are be- Ships, veilings taken all fore and aft at this diagonal. It is — named the fecond futtock head. Eighth diagonal is the ftation for the ribband and Karpin which fupports the third futtocks, and is there¬ fore placed between the fecond futtock head and ninth diagonal. It is alfo a bevelling place, and is named the third futtock frmark. Ninth and laft diagonal is placed the fame diftance above the fecond futtock head as that is above the firft, and terminates all the heads of the third futtocks which are in the frames, as they come between the ports; but fuch as are between the frames, and come under the lower deck ports, muft run up to the under part of the. ports, as bo fhort timbers fhould by any means be ad- clo te propnate a draught to this particular purpofe. 1 ake from the fheer draught the ftem, ftern-poft, counter timbers, and keel, and deferibe them on an¬ other paper; draw m alfo the cutting down, kelfon, apron, tranfoms, fafhion-pieces, and decks, and the up¬ per line of the fheer all fore and aft, alfo the timbers and ports. The beams come firft under confideration, and fhould be fo difpoied as to come one under and one between each port, or as near as can be to anfwer other works of the flip ; but where'it happens that a beam cannot pollibly be placed under the port, then a beam arm 3 fhould 402 S H I P-B U App'katron fhould be introduced to make good the deficiency. of the ‘'ore- Every beam, and alfo the beam arms, fhould be kneed going Rulcsat ea'h end wIth one lodg;n,s and one hanging knee ; {trudlion of and in thole parts of the fhip which require the knees Ships. to be very acute, fuch as the after beams of the gun- deck, and in fome (hips, whofe bodies are very (harp, the foremoit beams of the gun-deck, there fhould be knees of iron. Care fhould be taken always to let the upper fide of the knees be below the furface of the beams in large fhips one inch and a half, and in fmall {hips an inch, by which means the air will have a free paffage between the knees and under part of the deck. . In the converfion of the beams the fide next the lodging knee fhould be left as broad at the end of the beam as can poffibly be allowed by the timber, the beam retaining its proper fcantling at the end of the lodging knee : by lo doing the lodging knees will be more without a iquare, which confequently makes them the more eafy to be provided. In fhips where the beams can be got in one piece, they (hould be fo difpofed as to have every other one with the butt end the fame way ; for this reafon, that the butts will decay before the tops. In large fhips the beams are made in two or three pieces, and are there¬ fore allowed te be ftronger than thofe that are in one piece. The beams in two pieces may have the fcarf one-third of the length, and thofe in three pieces fhould have the middle piece half the length of the whole beam. The cuftomary way of putting them together is to table them ; and the length of the tablings fhould be one-half more than the depth of the beam. It is very common to divide the tablings in the middle of the beam, and that part which is taken out at the up¬ per fide to be left at the lower fide, and then kerfey or flannel is put into the fcarf: but in this cafe the wa¬ ter is liable to lie in the fcarf, and mu ft be the means of rotting the beams. If, however, the beams were ta¬ bled together in dovetails, and taken through from fide to fide, putting tar only between them, which hardens the wood £ then the water occafioned by the leaking of the decks would have a ftee pafiage, and the beam would dry again ; and this method would not be found inferior in point of ftrength to the other. Fhe length of the fore and aft arm of the lodging knee fhould ex¬ tend to the fide of the hanging knee next to it ; but there is no necefiity for that arm to be longer than the other. In faftening the knees, care fhould be taken to let one bolt pafs exa&ly through the middle of the throat, one foot fix inches from each end, and the reft divided equally between ; obferving always to have the holes bored fquare from the knee. I he bolts for the thwart fhip arms of both hanging and lodging knees may go through the arms of each knee, and drive every one the other way. In order to draw the beams in the draught, take the moulding of the lower deck beams, and fet it off below the line reprefenting the deck at the fide, and draw a line in pencil parallel thereto, v/hich will reprefent the under fide of the beams. In like manner reprefent the under fide of the beams for the upper deck, quarter deck, forecaftle, and roundhoufe. 1 hen take the Tiding of the lower deck beams, and place one under and one between each port, all fore and aft, drawing them in pencil. Determine the dimenfions of the well fore I L D I N G. Book I. and aft, which is ten feet, and fet it off abaft the beam App rcatirm under the eighth port, placing the beam under the ninth ,,f j°re. port at that diftance : thofe two beams may then he drawn in ink, and will terminate the extent of the well {h-inftioa of the fore and aft way ; and as a beam cannot go acrofs Ships, the fhip at that place upon account of its being the l-—-v"— well and matt room, there muft therefore be a beam arm between thefe two beams. The main hatchway fhould then be determined, let¬ ting the beam that forms the fore part of the well form the aft part of it, and the beam under the next part may form the fore fide of it, which beam may alfo be now drawn in ink : there fhould alfo be another beam arm introduced in the wake of the main hatch¬ way The fore hatchway may be next determined ; the fore fide of which fliould range well up and down with the after end of the forecaftle, and it may be fore and aft about four-fevenths of the main hatchway. At the forefide of the fore hatchway there muft be a ladder¬ way down to the orlop, which may be as much fore and aft as the beams will allow. The reft of the beams- afore the fore hatchway may remain as firft placed, there being nothing in the way to alter the (hip. Then determine on the after hatchway", the forefide of which comes to the aft fide of the mainmaft room. There fhould alfo be a hatchway, the forefide of which may be formed by the aft fide of the beam un¬ der the twelfth port; which is for the convenieney of the fpirit and fith rooms: and there firould be a ladder¬ way abaft it to lead down to the cockpit. There may be alfo another hatchway, the forelide of it to be form¬ ed by the aft fide of the beam under the eleventh port. The fize of the ladder and hatchways muft be governed by the-beams, as when there is a good fhift of beams they fhould not be altered for ladder and hatchways, unlefs it is the three principal hatchways, which muft always be of a proper fi/.e, according to the fize of the {hip. The after capftan muft be placed between the two hatchways laft deicribed, and the beams abaft may {land as they are already {hifted, obferving only the mizenmaft. There fhould be a fmall fcuttle placed afore the fecond beam from aft, for the convenience of the bread room : it muft be on one of the middle lines, as there is a carling at the middle under the four or five after beams to receive the pillars for the fupport thereof. The bits may be placed, letting the forefide of the after ones come again!! the aft fide of the beam abaft the third port, and the forefide of the foremoft ones againft the next beam but one forward ; then at the forefide of each bit there fhould be drawn a fmall fcut¬ tle for the conveniency of handing up the powder from the magazine. The breaft hook ihould alio be drawn, which may be three feet the moulding away, and fided nine-tenths of the beams of the lower deck. The gun-deck, beams, knees, &c. being deferibed ; in which, as well as all the decks having ports, the fame precautions are to be uled as in the gun-deck ; and ob¬ ferving to keep the beams upon one deck as neatly as poflible over the beams of the other, for the conve¬ niency of pillaring, as they will then fupport each other. • The hatchways are to be placed exa&ty over thole i Book I, S H I P - B U AfPSSnrenor! tIie 1Iower. each over each; ami therefore, going Rule w'1^re there is a beam arm in the lower deck there tothe the line pt to reprefent the aft fide of the port ; then "rnr^”v T t will reprefent the round up of the tranfom. Set off the breadth of the port from‘/> to r, and from T to s, and draw the line r s to reprefent the forefide of the port, which may either be a curve or a llraight line at pleafure. Set up the height of the tuck from p to k. Let i X be the thicknefs of the tranfom, and draw the line ZX to reprefent the forefide of the tranfom. There is given the point S, the height of the ftieer on the forefide of the item ; now that fide of the ftem is to be formed either by fweeps or fome other contri¬ vance. Set off the breadth of the ftem, and form the aft fide of it. Set up the dead-riling from 0 ro d, and form the ri- fing line r i s. Draw the line KL parallel to PO to reprefent the lower edge of the keel, atid another to re¬ prefent the thicknefs of the plank or the rabbet. The rabbet on the poll and Item may alfo be reprefented ; and the iUtions of the timbers afffgned, as0, (1), 1, 2, 3j> 4> 5> 6> 7> 9 ; and0, (A), A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H ; and the ftieer plan will be completed. The half-breadth plan is to be formed next; for this purpofe the perpendiculars TP, 9, 8, &c. muft be pro¬ duced. Upon M 0 produced fet off the half breadth- from the line KL to R (fig. 38.) ; fet off alfo the hall breadth at the tranfom from K to 6, and deferibe the extreme half breadth line b RX, making the fore¬ part of the curve agreeable to the propofed round of the tranfom. We may next proceed to form the timbers in the body plan. Let AB (fig. 39.) be the breadth mould¬ ed at 0. Ere& the perpendicular CD in the middle of the line AB ; draw the line m n diftant there¬ from the half thicknefs of the poll, and xy the half thicknefs of the Hern. Then take off the feveral por¬ tions of the perpendiculars 0, i, 2, &c. intercepted between the upper edge of the keel and the riling line in the Iheer plan, and fet them up from C upon the line CD ; through thefe points draw lines paral¬ lel to AC ; take oft alfo the feveral lower heights of breadth at0,1, 2, &c. from the Iheer plan ; and fet them up from C upon the middle line in the body plan; and draw lines parallel to AC through thefe points ^ Then take off the feveral half breadths correfponding to each from the floor plan ; and fet them off on their proper half-breadth lines from the middle line in the body plan. Conftruft the midftiip frame by Problem V. the form of which will in fome meafure determine the form of the reft, j For if a mould be made on any fide of the middle line to fit the curve part of it, and the rifing line, or that marked bend mould (fig. 4c.), and laid in fuch a manner that the lower part itr which is ftraight, may be fet upon the feveral riling lines, and the upper part juft touch the point of the half breadth in the breadth line correfponding to that riling upon which the mould is placed, a curve may then be drawn by the mould to the rifing line. In this manner we may proceed fo far as the rifing line is parallel to the lower height of the breadth line. Then a hollow mould muft be made, the upper end of which is left ftraight, ae that- / 4o5 S H I P-B U Method that marked hollow mould (fig* 4r'•)" This ia applied of Whole. in fuch a manner, that fome part of the hollow may moulding. toucj1 the ^1(}e cf keel, and the ftraight part touch ' the back of the curve before defcribed by the bend mould ; and, beginning abaft, the itraight part will al¬ ways come lower on every timber, till we come to the midfhip timber, when it comes to the fide of the keel. Having thus formed the timbers, fo far as the whole mouldings will ferve, the timbers abaft them are next formed. Their half breadths are determined by the Iheer and floor plans, which are the only fixed points through which the curves of thefe timbers muft pals. Some form thele after timbers before the whole is moulded, and then make the hollow mould, which will be ftraighter than the hollow of either of thefe timbers. It is indifferent which are firft formed, or what methods are ufed ; for after the timbers are all formed, though every timber may appear very lair when confidered by itfelf, it is uncertain what the form of the fide will be. In order to find which, we muft form feveral ribband and water lines ; and if thefe do not make fair curves, they muft be reftified, and the timbers formed from thefe ribband and water lines. In ufing the hollow mould, when it is applied to the curve of each tim¬ ber, if the ftraight part is produced to the middle line, we fhall have as many points of interfeftion as there are timbers ; and if the heights above the bafe be transferred to the correfponding timbers in the fheer plan, a curve pafiing through thefe points is what is called a rijing Jlrait. This may be formed by fixing a point for the aftermoft timber that is whole moulded, and transferring that height to the fheer plan. The curve muft pafs through this point, and fall in with the rifing line fomewhere abaft dead flat; and if the feve¬ ral heights of this line be transferred from the fheer to the middle line in the body plan, thefe points will regu¬ late what is called the hauling down of the hollow mould. The timbers in the after body being all formed, thofe in the fore body are formed in the fame manner, by transferring the feveral heights of the riling and breadth lines from the fheer to the body plan ; the half breadths correfponding to each height muft alfo be transferred from the floor to the body plan. The fame hollow mould will ferve both for the fore and after body ; and the level lines, by which the water lines to prove the after body were formed, may be produced into the fore body, and by them, the water lines to prove the fore body, may be deferibed. Another method of proving the body is by ribband lines, which are formed by fedions of planes inclined to the fheer plan, and interfeding the body plan diago¬ nally, as before obferved, of which there may be as many as may be judged neceffary. As this has been already explained, we fhall therefore lay down only ®ne, repre- fented in the body plan by the lines marked d i a. Thefe are drawn in inch a manner as to be perpendi¬ cular to as many timbers as conveniently may be. After they are drawn in the body plan, the feveral portions of the diagonal intercepted between the middle line and each timber muft be transferred to the floor plan. Thus, fix one foot of the compafles in thet!point where the diagonal interfeds the middle line in the body plan ; extend the other foot to the point where the diagonal in¬ terfeds the timber ; for example, timber 9 : Set off the fame extent upon the perpendicular reprefenting the plane I L D I N Q, Book T, of timber 9 from the point where it intetfeds the line Method KL on the floor plan ; in like manner proceed with all of Whole-, the other timbers both in the fore and after body ; and n ou^11‘^ thefe fhall have the points thro’ which the curve muft pafs. If this fhould not prove a fair curve, it muft be altered, obferving to conform to the points as nearly as the nature of the curve will admit: fo it may be car¬ ried within one point, and without another, according as we find the timbers will allow. For after all the ribband lines are formed, the timbers muft, if needful, be altered by the ribband lines : this is only the reverfe of forming the ribband lines; for taking the portions of the fcveral perpendiculars intercepted between the line KL and the curve of the ribband line in the floor plan, and fetting them off upon the diagonal from the point where it interfeds the middle line, we fhall have the points in the diagonal through which the curves of the timbers muft pafs. Thus the diftance between the line KL and the ribband at timber 3 on the floor plan, when transferred to the body plan, will extend on the diagonal from the middle line to the point where the curve of timber 3 interieds that dia¬ gonal. The like may be faid of all the other timbers ; and if feveral ribband lines be formed, they may be fo contrived that their diagonals in the body plan fhall be at fuch diftances, that a point for every timber be- ing given in each diagonal, will be fufficient to deter¬ mine the form of all the timbers. In ftationing the timbers upon the keel for a boat* there muft be room for two futtocks in the fpace be¬ fore or abaft ; for which reafon, the diftance between thefe two timbers will be as much more than that be¬ tween the other as the timber is broad. Here it is between ® and (A); which contains the diftances be¬ tween 0 and (1), and the breadth of the timber be- fxdes. The timbers being new formed, and proved by rib¬ band and water lines, proceed then to form the tranfom, fafhion-pieces, &c. by Problem VI. This method of whole-moulding will not anfwer for the long timbers afore and abaft. They are generally canted in the fame manner as thofe for a {hip. In or¬ der to render this method more complete, we fhall here deferibe the manner of moulding the timbers after they are laid down in the mould loft, by a rifing fquare, bend, and hollow mould. It was fhown before how to form the timbers by the bend and hollow mould# on the draught. The fame method muft be ufed in the loft ; but the moulds muft be made to their proper fcantlings in real feet and inches. Now when they are fet, as before directed, for moulding each timber, let the middle line in the body plan be drawn acrofs the bend mould, and draw a line acrofs the hollow mould at the point where it touches the upper edge of the keel; and let them be marked with the proper name ol the timber, as in fig. 40. The graduations of the bend mould will therefore be exact¬ ly the fame as the narrowing of the breadth. Thus, the diftance between (g) and 7 on the bend mould is equal to the difference between the half breadth of tim¬ ber 7 and that of (£). The height of the head of each timber is likewife marked oa the bend mould, and alfo the floor and breadth iirmarks. The floor firmark is in that point where a ftraight edged batten touches the back of the bend mould, the batten being fo placed Book!. S H I P-B TJ fWho^ 38 ^ ^ rthe ,0WPr ed or leaden.tubee, that carry the water off from ^h^Mafts t^ie ^ec^s’ are t*ien in holes cut through the ard Rud- Chip’s fides; and the Jlandards reprefented in the Mid- cu ru » a i? r'{~'v rrr a.i. der. ship Frame, Plate CCCXIV. bolted to the'beams and fides above the decks to which they belong. The poop lanthorns are laft fixed upon their cranes'over the Hern, and the biige- &c. Captain Pakenham introduces his invention with the following obfervations: Page top. “ Amonff the various accidents which fhips are liable to at fea, none call more for the attention and exertion of the officer than the fpeedy refitting of the mafts ; and having obferved, in the courfe of laft war, the very great deftru&ion made among the lower mafts of our fhips from the enemy’s mode of fighting, as well as the very great expence and delay in refitting a fleet after an adtion, particularly acrofs the Atlantic—a very fimple expedient has fuggefted itfelf to me as a refource in part; which appears To very fpeedy and fecure, that the capacity of the meaneft failor will at once conceive it. I therefore think it my duty to ftate my ideas of the advantages likely to refult from it; and I fhall feel myfelf exceedingly happy fhould they in anywife con¬ tribute to remedy the evil. “ My plan, therefore, is, to have the heels of all lower mafts fo formed as to become the heads : but it is not the intention of the above plan to have the fmall- eft alteration made in the heels of the prefent lower mails ; for as all line-of-battle fhips malls are nine inches in diameter larger at the heel than at the head, it will follow, that by letting in the treffel-trees to their pro¬ per depth, the mall will form its own cheeks or hounds; and I flatter myfelf the following advantages will refult from the above alteration. Firft, I mull beg to obferve, that all line-of-battle fhips bury one third of their lower mails, particularly three-deckers ; it therefore follows, that if the wounds are in the upper third, by turning the mail fo as to make the heel the head, it will be as good as new ; for, in eight aaions I was prefent in laft war, I made the following obfervations : 44 1 hat in the laid actions fifty-eight lower mafts were wounded, and obliged to be United, thirty-two of which had their wounds in the upper third, and of courfe the fhips detained until new mafts were made. And when it is confidered that a lower mail for a 90 or 74 Hands government in a fum not lefs, I am informed, than 20Q0 L to 2300 1. the advantages acrofs the At¬ lantic refulting from the aforefaid plan will be particu- latly obvious; not to mention the probability of there being no nt fpars in the country, which was the cafe in Vol. XVII. Part II. I ,L D I N G. 409 the inftances of the Ifrs and Prxncefs Royal; and as Improve- I was one of the lieutenants of the Ifis at that time, ir> I am more particular in the circumftance of thatthe Mafts fliip. The Ifis had both her lower mafts wounded der. above the cathar pins in her adlion with the Cse- ——v—— far, a French 74 ; and as there were no fpars at New Yoik, the Ifis was detained five weeks at that place.— Now, if her mafts had been fitted on the plan I have propofed, I am confident fire would have been ready for fea in 48 hours ; and as a further proof, I beg leave to add, that the whole fleet, on the glorious 12th of April, had not the leaft accident of any confequence ex¬ cept what befel their lower mafts, which detained them between eight and ten weeks at Jamaica. 44 1 he delay of a fhip while a new mail is making, and probably the fleet being detained for want of that fhip, which frequently occurred in the courfe of laft war, the taking of fhipwrights from other work, with a variety of inconveniences not neceffary to mention here, mu ft be obvious to every officer that has made the fmalleft obfervations on fea actions. You will further obferve, that this fubftitute is formed on the mofl fimple principle, fitted to the meaneft capacity, and calculated to benefit all fhips, from a firft-rate down to the fmalleft merchantman, in cafes of an accident by fhot, a fpring,, a rottennefs, paiticularly as there accidents generally happen in the upper third of the malt and above the cheeks. “ It might probably be objeaed, that a difficulty and fome danger might arife from the wounded part of the mail being below ; but this will at once be obviated, when it is remembered, that as the wounded part is be¬ low the wedges, it may with eafe be both fifhed, cafed, and fecured, to any fize or degree you pleafe, with the addition of its being wedged on each deck.” 41* reprefents a mail of a firft-rate in its proper ftate, the figures reprefenting its thicknefs at the diffe¬ rent divifions. Fig. 42. the fame mail inverted, the heel forming the head, and the treffel-trees let into their proper depth, the additional thickneis of the mail forming its owu cheeks. Fig. 43. the propofed mail, the figures reprefenting the thicknefs of the mail in the propofed alterations ; a, the heel made fquare ; b, the letting in of the treffel- tiees ; r, the third proportion of thicknefs continued up to where the fourth is in the prefent mail, or at leaft fome little diftance above the lower part of the cheeks, which is always looked upon as the weakeit part of the mail; and by its being fo proportioned, the mail, when turned, will be nearly as ftrong in the partners as before. As the expence of a mall is much greater than is generally imagined, it is therefore thought proper to lubjoin the following ilatement of the Several articles ufed in making a 74 gun ihip’s mainmaft. Fifties for a fpindle, 21 inches, 2 nails of Value. two mafts, - . L. lot 3 11 T/J“r! o* Two fide fifties, 22 inches, 2 ditto, 133 Fore and aft fifties, 22 inches, 2 nails of one mail, - . ^ Fifti ^ 2 / f inches, 1 nail of half a mail, 29 > On the fore pait. Iron 9 3 qrs 19 lbs ! Aries load baulk, 2 loads 22 feet, - 12 xo *3 8 Naval Afo. 0 chiteflurci part a. 10 5 3 F Carried over L. 344 5 410 Improve¬ ments in the Mafl* and Rud. dcr. S H I Brought over Breadtlinuig ') 2 loads 7 feet, 1 Dautzic fir timber, f Cheeks S 4 loads 2 feet, j^Iron, 5 cwt. 2 qrs 21 lb. Knees, elm timber, 13 feet, *■ Iron, 2 qrs. J 4 lb. Hoops and bolts on the body, 13 cwt. 1 qr 16 lb. Tre^el trees, ftraight oak timber, fecond fort, 2 loads 10 feet, Iron, 3 qrs. 10 lb- Crofs trees, firaight oak timber, fecond fort 1 load t 2 feet. Iron, 2 qrs. 2 lb. t^ap, elm timber, 1 load 24 feet, Iron, 3 cwt. 14 lb. I'uHings, holders, bollins, and Dantzic fir, 1 load 2 feet, Workmanihip, P- B U Value. L-344- 5 11 20 8 o o 18 o >5 ‘7 10 1 5 o 4 2 5 78 Main topmafi of a 74 gun fhip, Main top-gallant-mall, 18 15 O 2 3 14 14 6 7 6 5*3 6 1^0 16 '8 11 Principles of Sweat yitf.bitcc- tjre, p. SO. 10 IVIr Gor¬ don’* plan tit building xnuils. In order to lefien the enormous expence of ma'ls, a propofal was made fome years ago to conttru& them hollow ; and the author having premiied feveral experi¬ ments which he had made, proceeds as follows: “ Galileo taught us, that the refiftance or ftrength of a hollow cylinder is to that of a full cylinder, con¬ taining the fame quantity of matter, as the total diame¬ ter of the hollow one is to the diameter of the full one; and thefe exoerirnents fhow us, that the ftrength or re¬ finance of two or more pieces of wood, faftened toge¬ ther at each end, and connefted by a pillar, pillars, or framing, increales, at leait to a certain degreee, cartens^ paribus] as the diftance between them and number of pillars, provided the forc$ is applied in the line or direc¬ tion of the pillars. “ It is furprffing that this difeovery of Galileo has not been made fubfervient to more ufeful purpofes. It is particularly applicable to the conftruaion of mails, as not requiring that the hollow cylinder ftrould be made of one iolid piece of wood (g). . “ However, the foregoing experiments teach us, that the fame advantages may be obtained by other forms befides that of a cylinder ; and that perhaps not only in a fuperior degree, but likewile with greater facility of execution ; as by adopting a fquare figure, but more particularly by conftruaing them of feparate pieces of v/ood, placed at proper diftanees from each other, in the following or any other manner that may be found moft convenient. I’ig- 44’ 45’ an<^ 4^> exhibit each the trsnfverfe feclion of a maft, in which the frnall cir¬ cles reprefent the trees or upright pieces of wood, and I L D I N G. Book!; the lines the beams or framing of wood, which are cm-lniPro’|e- ployed at proper places and at proper diftances each other, for conne&ing theft together. Perhaps fo- a„j lid frames of wood, placed at proper diftanees from eachder other, and filling up the whole dotted fpace, would an- ■ v~—4 fwer better ; in which event, the mall could be ftrong. ly hooped with iron at thofe places, and the upright trees formed fquare, or of any other convenient form. “ It will be evident to thofe acquainted with this fub- jeft, that fuch malts would be greatly ftronger than com¬ mon ones containing the fame qmntityof materials. It is likewife evident that they would be lefs apt to fpring, as being fupported on a more extended bafe, and affording many conveniences for being better fecured ; and that they might be conftrufted of fuch wood as at prefent would be deemed altogether improper for malts : a circumllance of importance to Britain at all times, but more particularly now, when there is fuch difficulty in procuring wood proper for the kind of malts in com¬ mon ufe.” 51 An improvement in the rudder has lately taken place im- in feveral fnips, particularly in fome of thofe in the fer- vice of the Halt India company. It will, however, be(jer trecelTary previoufly to delcribe the ufual form of the rudder, in order to fhow the advantages it pofleffes when conltrufted agreeable to the improved method. NJ I. (fig. 47) repreients the rudder according to Papers «n the common method of conltruftion ; in which AB is ^r*' the axis of rotation. It is hence evident that a fpace ,,art. ’ ’ confiderably greater than the traniverfe feCtion of the rudder at the counter muft be left in the counter for the rudder to revolve in. Thus, let CAB (rft 2.) be the feftion of the rudder at the counter ; then there mu ft be a fpace fimiiar to CDE in the counter, in order that the rudder may be moveable as required. Hence, to prevent the water from wafhing up the rudder cafe, a rudder coat, that is, a piece of tarred canvas, is nailed in fuch a manner to the rudder and counter as- to co¬ ver the intermediate fpaee : but the canvas being con¬ tinually waftred by the lea, foon becomes brittle, and. unable to yield to the various turns of the rudder with¬ out breaking ; in which cafe the (hip is of courfe left pervious to the waves, even of three or lour feet high ; in faff, there are few men bred to the fea wh© have not been witneffes to the bad effetts o‘ Inch a fpace being left fo ill guarded againft the ftroke of the waves ; and many fhips have, with great probability, been fuppofed to founder at fea from the quantity of water {hipped between the rudder and counter. It was to remedy this deleft that the alteration above alluded to took place ; which confifts in making the upper part AFG (fig. 48, n° 1.) of the rudder ABD cylindrical, and giving that part at the fame time a call forward, fo that the axis of rotation may by that means be the line AD, paffing as ufual from E to D, through the centres of the braces which attach the rud¬ der to the ftern-poft, and from E to A through the (g) The ftrength of thefe cylinders would be ftill further augmented by having fold pieces of wcoc placed within them at proper diftances, and fecurely faftened to them, in the fame manner, and on the Ame princi¬ ples, that nature has furnifhed reeds with joints; and for anfwering, in fome refpefts, the lame purpofe c.. pillars in tjie experiments alluded to. ter Line and Ship’* Capacity. Book I. S H I P - B U Load-wa- axis the cylinder AFG, in order that the tranfverfe fec- tion KH (n° 2.) at the counter may be a circle re¬ volving upon its centre ; in which cafe the fpace of half an inch is more than fufficient between the rudder and the counter, and coniequendy the neceffity of a rudder coat entirely done away. But as it was fore* feen, that if the rudder by any accident was unfhipped, this alteration might endanger the tearing away of the counter, the hole is made much larger than the tranf- verfe fe&ion of the cylindric part of the rudder, and the fpace between filled up with pieces of wood fo fit¬ ted to the counter as to be capable of withftanding the {hock, of the fea, but to be eafily carried away with the rudder, leaving the counter, under fuch circumftances, in as fafe a ftate as it would be agreeable in the pre- fent form of making rudders in the navy. Chap. VIII. Upon the Pojitlon of the Load water Line, and the Capacity of a Ship. ?ee Hydr*- The weight of the quantity of water difplaced by (latics. the bottom of a {1*1 ip is equal to the weight of the fhip with its rigging, provifions, and every thing on board. If therefore the exatt weight of the flrip when ready for fea be calculated, and alfo the number of cu¬ bic feet in the {hip’s bottom below the load-water line, and hence the weight of the water {he difplaces ; it will be known if the load-water line is properly placed in the draught. Ship-Build The pofition of the {hip in the draught may be ei- •r s Rep ft- ther on an even keel, or to draw moll water abaft ; but an even keel is judged to be the beft pofition in point of velocity, when the {hip is conftructed fuitable there¬ to, that is, when her natural pofition is fuch. For when a {hip is csnflrufted to fwim by the Hern, and when brought down to her load-water made to fwim on an even keel (as is the cafe with moft Ihips that are thus built), her velocity is by that means greatly retarded, and alfo her ftrength greatly diminished : for the fore¬ part being brought down lower than it fiaould be, and the middle of the {hip maintaining its proper depth in the water, the after part is by that means lifted, and the {hip is then upon an even keel: but in confequence of her being out of her natural pofition, the after part is always prefiing downwards with a confiderable ftrain, which will continue till the fhip's fheer is entirely broke, and in time would fall into its natural pofition agaip : for which reafon we fee fo many {hips with bro¬ ken backs, that is, with their fiieers altered in fuch a manner that the fheer rounds up, and the higheit part is in the midfhips. Such are the difadvantages arifing from not paying a due attention to thole points in the conltruCfion ol a draught ; therefore, when the load-water line is found to be fo fituated at a proper height on the draught, according to the weight given for fuch a {hip, and alfo (drawn parallel to the keel, as fuppoling that to be the beft failing trim, the next thing is to examine whether the body is conftrufted fuitable thereto, in order to avoid the above-mentioned ill confequenees. In the firft place, therefore, we muft divide the {hip equally in two-length wife between the fore and after perpendiculars; and the exadt number of cubic feet in the whole bottom beneath the load-water line beinrr . I L D I N G. 4»* known, we muft find whether the number of cubicLcad-wa- feet in each part fo divided are the fame; and if they arc found to be equal, the b fwimming on an even keel, let the fhape of the body be whatever it will; and which will be found to be her natural pofition at the load-water line. But if either . of the parts fhould contain a greater number of cubic feet than the other, that part which contains the great- eft will fwirn the moft out of the water, and confe- quently the other will fwim deepeft, fuppofmg the fnip in her natural pofition for that conftrudfion. In order, therefore, to render the {hip fuitably conftrlifted to the load-water line in the draught, which i» parallel to the keel, the number of cubic feet in the lefs part muft be fubtrafted from the number contained in the greater part, and that part of the body is to be tilled out till it has increafed half the difference of their quantities, and the other part is to be drawn in as much : henc£ the two parts will be equal, that is, each will contain the fame number of cubic feet, and the (hip’s body will be cbnllrufted in a manner fuitable to her fwimming on an even keel. If it is propofed that the fliip laid down on the draught (hall not fwim on an even keel, but draw more water abaft than afore, then the fore and after parts of the {hip’s body below the load-water line are to be compared ; and if thefe parts are unequal, that part which is leaft is to be filled out by half the difference, and the other part drawn in as much as before. It will be neceffary, in the firft place, to calculate the weight of a fnip ready equipped for fea, from the kno w¬ ledge of the weight of every feparate thing in her and belonging to her, as the exaft weight of all the timber, iron, lead, mails, fails, rigging, and in fhovt all the ma¬ terials, men, provifions, and every thing elfe on board of her, from which we (hall be able afterwards to jud >e of the truth of the calculation, and whether the load-wa¬ ter line in the draught be placet^ agreeable thereto. This is indeed a very laborious talk, upon account of the feveral pieces of timber, &c. being of fo many diffe¬ rent figures, and the fpecifie gravity of feme of the timber entering the conftruftion not being precifely de¬ termined. In order to afeertain the weight of the hull; the timber is the firft thing which comes under confidera- tion : the number ot cubic feet of timber contained in the whole fabric mult be found ; which we {hall be able to do by help of the draught and the principal dimenfions and fcantlings ; obferving to diftingufth the different kinds of timber from each other, as they differ confiderably in weight ; then the number of cubic feet contained in the different forts of timber being reduced into pounds, and added, will be the weight of the tim¬ ber. In like manner proceed to find the weight of the iron, lead, paint, &c. and the true weight of the whole will be found. In reducing quantity to weight, it may be obferved ^ee Hydro* that a cubic foot of oak is equal to 66 pounds, and thcA',2"‘ fpecific gravity ol the other,materials are as follow : Water being iooo Lead is - 1*345 Iron - 7643 Oak is 891.89 1 Dry elm 702.70 Dry fir 648.64 3 F 2 4*2 Load-wa¬ ter Line and -Ship’s Capacity. SHIP-BUILDING. Book I. An EJlim'ite of the Weight of the Eighty Gun Ship in PlatesCCCCLX. and CCCCLXI.aj ftted for Sea, with fix Months Prov fions. Weight of the Hull. N° of Ft.l N° of lbs. Eftimate ofOak timber at 66 lb. tol 0 I 0 the weight the cubic foot j 4*497 3200002 5* ot the eigh jrjr timber at 48 lb. to ty gun ihip , . “ before laid the cubic foot down. Elm timber at 52 lb. to' the cubic foot Carve work and lead work Iron work, rudder irons, chain-plates, nails, &c. Pitch, tar, oakum, and paint Cook-room fitted with fire hearth Sum 4457 520 213936 27040 4651 88254 17920 16123 Tom. I.bs. 1428 2082 95 12 160 2 171 39 *94 8 7 443 3568726:1593 406 Weight of the Furniture, N°oflb Complete fet of mafts and yards,! with the fpare geer - J Anchors with their flocks, andl mailer’s flores Rigging Sails, complete fet, and fpare Cables and hawfers Blocks, pumps, and boats Sum 161000 Tons Lbs. 71 i960 17 1916 30 1928 14 648 32 1652 62056. 27 1576 39996 69128 32008 73332 437520I95 720 Weight cf the Guns and Ammunition. Guns with their carriages Powder and fhot, powder barrels,! &c. * • j Implements for the powder Ditto for guns, crows, handfpikes,! &c. - . - j Sum - 377034 116320 6500 21573 521427 168 714 51 2080 2 2020 9 X4X3 Weight of the Officers Stores, EsV. Carpenter’s flores - 20187 Boatfwain’s flores - 21112 Gunner’s flores « - 8964 Caulker’s flores - - 5200 Surgeon and chaplain’s effeils 11096 Sum 66559 Weight of the Provifons. Provifions for fix months for 7007 g cSq'tc men, with all their equipage 3 3 9/ Water, calks, and captain’s table 933900 Weight of the Men, &c, N 9 of lbs. Seven hundred men with theirT effefts, including the officers > and their effefts - J Ballaft 232 1747 9 27 9 952 4 4 2 720 4 2136 Sum 29 I599 383 1050 416 2060 Load-wa¬ ter Line and Ship’* Tons. Lbs. Capacity^ 316961 14784OO Sum - 1795361 Recapitulation. |3e68726 '' 437520 521427 66559 1792870 1795361 The hull The furniture Guns and ammunition Officers flores Provifions Weight of the men and ballaft Sum 1593 406 195 720 232 1747 29 1599 800 870 801 1121 81824633652 1983 1792870,800 870 Agreeable to the above eftimate, we find that the eighty gun fhip, with every thing on board and fit for fea, when brought down to the load water line, weighs 8,182,463 pounds, or nearly 3653 tons. It may now be known if the load water line in the draught be pro¬ perly placed, by reducing the immerfed part of the bo¬ dy into cubic feet. For if the eighty gun fhip, when brought down to the load water line, weighs 3653 tons, the quantity of water diiplaced muft alfo be 3653 tons : now a cubic foot of fait water being fuppofed to weigh 74 pounds, if therefore 8182463 be divided by 74, the quotient is 110573, ^ number of cubical feet which file muft difplace agreeable to her weight. It is now neceffary to find the number of cubic feet contained in the fhip’s bottom below the load water line by calculation. If the bottom was a regular folid, this might be very eafily done ; but as it is otherwife, we mull be fatisfied with the following method by ap¬ proximation, firft given by M. Bouguer. _ Take the lengths of every other of the lines that re- Met^d nf prefent the frames in the horizontal plane upon the up- calculatin? per water line ; then find the film of thefe together,the cont:nt with half the foremoft and aftermoft frames. Now mul- tiply that fum by the diftance between the frames, and 1 the product is the area of the water line contained be¬ tween the foremoft and aftermoft frames: then find the area of that part abai t the after frame, which forms a trapezium, and alfo the poll and rudder ; find alfo the area of that part afore the foremaft frame, and alfo of the ftem and gripe ; then thefe areas being added to that fivft found, and the fum doubled, will be the area of the furface of the whole water line. "The reafon of this rule will be obvious to thofe acquainted with the firft principles of mathematics. The areas of the other water line may be found in the fame manner: then the fum of all thefe areas, ex¬ cept that of the uppermoft and lowermoft, of which ofi- ly one half of each muft be taken, being multiplied by the diftance between the water lines (thefe lines in the plane of elevation being equidiftant from each other), and the produdl will be the folid content of" the fpace contained between the lower and load water lines. Book I. S H I P-B U toad wa- Add the area of the lower water line to the area of ter Line, Upper {ide of the keel; multiply half that fum by Capacity.* t^ie diftance between them, the product will be the fo- L —f lid content of that part between the lower water line and upper edge of the keel, fupoofmg them parallel to each other. But if the lower water line is not parallel to the keel, the above half fum is to be multiplied by the diftance between them at the middle of the Ihip. The folid contents of the keel muft be next found, by multiplying its length by its depth, and that pro- du£t by the breadth. Then the fum of thefe folid con¬ tents will be the number of cubic feet contained in the immerfed part of the fhip’s bottom, or that part below the load water line. ( Determination of the number of Cubic Feet contained in the Bottom of the Eighty Gun Ship. See Plates CCCCLX. and CCCCLXI. 54 Applied to The fore body is divided into live, and the after bo- t^e efh;hty dy into ten, equal parts in the horizontal plane; be- Eun :P« fjdeg the parts contained between the foremoft timber and the ftem, and the aftermoft timber and the poft. The plane of elevation is alfo divided into five equal parts by water lines drawn parallel to the keel. Thefe water lines are alfo defcribed upon the horizontal plane. It is to be obferved that there muft be five inches added to each line that reprefents a frame in the hori¬ zontal plane for the thicknefs of the plank, that being nearly a mean between the thicknefs of the plank next the water and that on the lower part of the bottom. rt ”5 "£} -a Upper Water Line abaft Dead Flat. "frame dead flat is 24 f. 10 in. one-half of which is - - . frame (4) - • . frame 3 - - . frame 7 . _ frame 11 frame 15 Irame 19 . . . frame 23 frame 27 frame 31 frame 3 5 is 16 feet 3 inches, the half of which is - . Ft. In. 12 5 24 10 24 10 24 10 24 I-Q 24 24 23 22 20 9t 5 IO 9 1 x Sum .Diftance between the frames Product Area of that part abaft frame 3 5 rudder and poft 236 7 jo 11 2582 Sjf 78 o 5 ^ 2666 2f 2 Area of the load water line from dead flat aft 5332 5 L D I N G. Second Water Line abaft Dead Flat. 'frame dead flat is 23 feet ioi inches, the half of which is - - frame (4) frame 3 - . frame 7 - - frame 11 frame 15 frame 19 frame 23 frame 27 frame 31 frame 35 is 8 feet 6 inches, the half of which is - Ft. In. Sum - , Diftance between the frames Produdt Area of that part abaft frame. 35 rudder and poft Sum Third IVhter Line abaft Dead Flat. Ft. -e 4-J H3 H frame deadflatis 22 feet inches—half if frame (4) frame 3 - - „ frame 7 - . frame 11 frame 15 frame 19 frame 23 frame 27 frame 31 frame 35 is 4 feet 3 inches—half J 90 10 4*3 Load-wa¬ ter Line and Ship’s Capacity. 4 3 219 71: 10 11 2397 4 31 7 5 5 2434 4 2 Area of the 2d water line from dead flat aft 4868 8 22 22 22 22 21 20 J9 16 11 2 In. 0| It It It 1 5 8t 3t 5 2t Area of that part abaft frame 35 rudder and poft >81 14 5 8 it 6 21 ox Area of the 3d water line from dead flat aft 4203 7t 2 -c 45 Fourth Water Line abaft Dead Flat. [" frame deadflat is 20 feet 1 inch—half j frame (4) - . j frame 3 - , - j frame 7 . . 1 frame 11 l frame 15 Carry over Ft. IO 20 20 In. °t I X J9 11 19 7t 19 o ic8 Q~" 414 Load wa¬ ter Line and Ship’s iCapacity. Brought over frame 19 frame 23 frame 27 frame 31 frame 35 is 1 foot ut^ inches' SHIP-BUILD IN G. Ft. 108 17 14 I o 5 o -half in. 9 7t 10 x x 1 x 114- Book I. Load-wa, Upper or Load •water Line afore Dead Flat. ter L‘ne Ft. In. anti « r frame dead flat is 24 feet 10 inches—half 12 c Cap*clty ^ v 24. 10 m 1 if l59 10 o 11 Area of that part abaft frame 35 rudder and poll 1735 9 9 9 ■ 5 ° : 75° Fifth or Lower Water Line abaft Dead Flat. Ft. ' frame dead flat is 17 feet 2 inches—half frame (4) - ^3 -G frame 3 - - frame 7 - - . frame 11 frame 15 frame 19 frame 23 frame 27 - - . frame 31 ^frame 35 is x foot inches—half Area of that part abaft frame 35 rudder and poft Area of the 5th or lower water line from dead flat aft Half the area of the load water line Area of the fecond water line Area of the third water line Area of the fourth water line Half the area of the lower water line Sum ... Diftance between the water lines Content in cubic feet between the lower and load water lines Area of the lower water line 2678 10 Area of the upper fideof the keel 206 4 Sum - . 288c 2~ Half ^ . - 1442 7 .Diftance between the lower wa¬ ter line and the keel 4 1 Cub. feet contained between low¬ er water line and the keel 5890 64- Content of the keel, lower part ef rudder, and falfe keel Cubic feet abaft the midfliip frame under water when loaded Area of the 4th water line from dead flat aft 3501 o 121 XO^; 10 it 133° 2 4 84 4 64 1339 5 2 2678 10 2666 24 4868 8 4203 3 3501 o *339 5 16578 64 4 * 67695 8i 5890 464 3 74050 6 frame E frame I - . frame N - frame Q_ .frame W is 15 feet 1 inch—half In. 7 2 2 1 4 4 1 9 xo I X 74: Sum - Diftance between the frames Product Area of the part afore frame W ftem and knee Sum Multiply by - - Area of the load water line from dead flat forward 24 84' 24 o 2X loi 7 64 1 lS 4* 10 11 1259 6 80 3 C 4 ° *343 frame E « , frame I - - J5 1 frame N - jy 1 frame „ p-t l frame W is 11 feet 11 inches—half Sum ' Diftance between the frames Product - . Area of the part afore frame W, with the ftem and knee ' Sum - . . . H frame E frame I frame N frame -frame W is 7 feet—half Sum - Diftance between the frames Produft Area of the part afore W, with the ftem and gripe ... Sum .... 2687 6 Second Water Line afore Dead Flat. Ft. In. frame deadflat is 23 feet xo4 inches—half 11 1 ij 23 10 23 5 22 5 19 11 5 **4 *07 Si 10 11 **73 9 43 9 1217 6 2 Area of the fecond water line from dead flat forward - . 2435 o "Third Water L ine afore Dead Flat. Ft. In. -frame dead flat is 22 feet x \ inch—half 11 cl 22 21 20 16 14 3 6 94 64 10 11 Area of the third water line from dead flat forward - - - 2115 4 Fourth / Book I. LoatU’-a- tcr Line and Ship'* Capacity. S H I P - B U Fourth Water Line afore Dead Flat. ' I injji—half frame dead flat is 20 feet ■ frame E J frame I 1 frame N I frame l frame W is 2 feet 9 inches- -half Ft. 10 20 19 16 11 I In. C-r oi 3 5 2 4t Sam - * Diftance between the frames Produft Area of part before W, with the flem and gripe Sum 5t 10 11 854 8 *63 6* 2 Area of fourth water line from dead flat for¬ ward . . -I727 i-r d' tfth Water Line afore Dead Flat. Ft In. ^ f frame dead .fiat is 17 feet 2 inches—half 8 7 j! | frame E - EooklL SHIP-BUILDING. Eff rts of to Liverpool, where commonly load deep with the^Water rocjc wl)ic]1 is too heavy to fill their holds, fo that Vcil-L ^or t^ie a^ove reafons they flowed it high amidfhips, Lmm-y—m. and left large empty fpaces in their fore and after holds, which caufed their long flraight floors to fag down¬ wards, fo much as to make their hold ftaunchions arnid- fhips, at the main hatchway, fettle from the beams three or four inches, and their mainmafts fettle fo much as to oblige them to fet up the main rigging when roll¬ ing hard at fea, to prevent the malls being rolled away; and they were rendered fo leaky as to be obliged to return to Liverpool to get their leaks flopped at great expence. And in order to fave the time and ex- pence in difeharging them, endeavours were made to find out and flop their leaks, by laying them afhore dry on a level land ; but without efledt : for though their bottoms were thus fagged down by their cargoes when afloat, yet when they came a-dry upon the fand, fome of their bottoms hogged upwards lo much as u> raife their mainraafts and pumps fo high as to tear their coats from their decks ; fo that they have been obliged to difeharge their cargoes, and give them a repair in the repairing dock, and in fume to double their bot¬ toms, to enable them to carry their cargoes with fafe- ty, flowed in this manner. From this caufe I have known one of thefe ftrong fhips to founder. “ Among the many inllances of fhips that have been diftrefled by carrying cargoes of lead, one failed from hence bound to Marfeilles, which was fcon obliged to put back again in great diftrefs, having had four feet water in the hold, by the commander’s account, owing to the fhip’s bottom fagging- down to fuch a degree as made the hold ftaunchions fettle fix inches from the lower deck beams amidfhips ; yet it is common with thefe long itraight floored fhips, when thefe heavy cargoes are dif- charged that makes their bottom fag down, then to hog upwards: lo that when they are put into a dry repair¬ ing dock, with empty holds, upon ftraight blocks, they commonly either fplit the blocks clofe fore and aft, or damage their keels there, by the whole weight of the fhip lying upon them, when none lies upon the blacks under the flat of their floors amidfhips, that being hog¬ ged upwards ; which was the cafe of this fhip’s bottom j though fagged downwards fix inches by her cargo, it was now found hogged fo much that her keel did not touch the blocks amidfhips, which occafloned fo much damage to the after part of the keel, as to oblige them to repair it; which is commonly the cafe with thefe fhips, and therefore deferving particular notice.” In order to prevent thefe defe£ts in fhips, “ they fhould all be built with their floors or bottoms length- wife, to form an arch with the projefting part down¬ wards, which will naturally not only contribute greatly to prevent their taking damage by their bottoms hog¬ ging and ftraining upwards, either aground or afloat, as has been mentioned, but will, among other advantages, be a help to their failing, fleering, flaying, and wa¬ ring.” Chap. III. Of the Stalility of Ships, When a veffd receives an impulfe or preffure in a horizontal direction, fo as to be inclined in a fmall degree, the vefiel will then either regain its former poiition as the preflure is taken off, and is in this cafe faid to be poflefied of {lability ; or it will continue in Stability its inclined ftate ; or, laftly, the inclination will increafe until the veflel is overturned. With regard to the firft cafe, it is evident that a fuffleient degree oHlability is necefiary in order to fuftain the efforts of the wind ; but neither of the other two .cafes muft be permitted to have place in veflels. Let CED (fig. 52.) be the feftion of a fhip pafling through its centre of gravity, and perpendicular to the fheer and floor plans ; which let be in equilibrium in a fluid; AB being the water line, G the centre of gra¬ vity of the whole body, and g that of the immerfed part AEB. Let the body receive now a very fmall inclination, fo that a E £ becomes the immerfed part, and y its centre of gravity. From > draw y M perpen- dicular to a b, and meetings G, produced, if necefiary, in M. If, then, the point M thus found is higher than G the centre of gravity of the whole body, the body will, in this cafe, return to its-former polltion, the preffure being taken off. If the point M coin¬ cides with G, the veflel will remain in its inclined Hate ; but if M be below G, the inclination of the veffel will continually increafe until it is entirely over- fet. The point of interfeefion M is called the metacentert and is the limit of the altitude of the centre of gravity of the whole veffeL Whence it is evident, from what has already been laid, that the liability of the veflel in- creafes with the altitude of the metacenter above the centre of gravity : But when the metacenter coincides with the centre of gravity, the veflel has no tendency whatever to move out of the fttuation into which it may be put. Thus, if the veflel be inclined either to the right or left fide, it will remain in that pofition until a new force is impreffed upon it: in this cafe, therefore, the veflel would not be able to carry fail, and is hence un¬ fit for the purpofes of navigation. If the metacenter is below the common centre of gravity, the veflel will inilantly o-verfet. As the determination of the metacenter is-of the ut- moft importance in the conftru&ion. of fhips, it is there¬ fore thought neceflary to illuilrate this fubjedf more par¬ ticularly. _ Let AEB (fig. 52.) be a fedlion of a Ihip perpen¬ dicular to the keel, and alfo to the plane of elevation,- and palling through the centre of gravity of the fliip, and alfo through the centre of gravity of the immerfed part, which let he^. Now let the Ihip be fuppofed to receive a very fmall inclination, fo that the line of floatation is the: centre of gravity of the immerfed part a hi b. From y draw y M perpendicular to ab, and interfedling GM in-. M, the metacenter, as before. Hence the preflure of the water will be in the diredtion y M. In order to determine the point M, the metacenter, the pofition of y with refpedl to the lines AB and g G, mull be previoufly afeertained. For this purpofe, let the fhip be fuppofed to be divided into a great number of fedlions by planes} perpendicular to the keel, and pa¬ rallel to each other, and to that formerly drawn, thefe planes being fuppofed equidiftant. Let AEB (fig. ^3.) be one of thefe fedtions, g the centre of gravitv of the immerfed part before inclination, and y the c, the momentum of a E b with refpedf to EO muft be taken, for the fame Teafon as before, and put equah to the momentums of the two parts AO a, AE £ ; and we (hall then have aF b Xg y, or AEB x g y AEB X IL -j- AO a X O A But fmce g is the common centre of gravity of the two fpaces AE b, BO A we (hall have AE £ X IL — BO ^ X O Z ^ O, or AE bxlL = BO b X O A Hence AEB X^ j-=. BO £ X 0£-f-AO a x O £ = 2BOiXOi; becaufe the two triapgles AO a, BO b are equal, and that the diftances Ob, Ob, arc alfo evidently equal. Let x be the thicknefs of the feftion reprefented by ABC. Then the momentum of this fedtion will be 2 BO b Xx XO k, which equation will alfo ferve for •each particular leftion. Now let f reprefent the fum of the momentums of all the fe&ions. Hence J, AEB XxXgy — J, 2. BO b X X X O k. Now the firft member being the fum of the momentums of each fe&icn, in proportion to a plane paffmg through the keel, ought therefore to be equal to the fum of all the fedfions, or to the volume of the immerfed part of the bottom multiplied by the diftance gy. Hence V reprefenting the volume, we fhall have V Xgy —f, 2 BO bXxO h. In order to determine the value of the fecond member of this equation, it may be remarked, that when the I L D I N G, , ♦ Bookir, (hip is inclined, the original plane of floatation CBPO (fig- 54-) becomes C £ Q. Now the triangles NIn, ship*. BO b, being the fame as thofe in figures'^2. and 53. ; and as each of thefe triangles have one angle equal, they may, upon account of their infinite (mallnefs, be confi¬ dered as fimilar ; and hence B O 3 : NI « : : OBI* ^ 'OK J2 : IN:2 ; whence BO 3 ==- X N I n. Moreover, we TNI* have (fig. J3.) O i = y O B, for the points K and k may be confidered as equidiftant from the point O : whence BO A<0 k X NI n. INT Flence YXgy— f, X x X NI «. From this IN|2 equation the value of y y is obtained. To find the altitude £ M (fig 55.) of the meta¬ center above the centre of gravity of the immerfed part of the bottom, let the arc N S be defcribed from the centre I with the radius IN; then NI n — INxNS .Now Now this being fubftituted in the Whence to have the altitude of the me- fince the two ftraight lines y M, £ M are perpendicular to an and AN refpe6(ively, the angles M and NI n are therefore equal: and the infinitely little portion g y, which is perpendicular to g M, may be confider ed as an archdefcribed from the centre M. Hence the two fee- tors NTS, g M > are fimilar ; and therefore ^ M : ^ : IN : NS. Hence NS ; and confequently _ n ,7 Ni»=Mlxrj-. 2,y _M former equation, and reduced, we have Y Xg y —f 4 OBJ} X x X g y „ r , T , ^*M * ■^llt “nce £ ^ an“ S y are t"41 fame, whatever feftion may be under confideratiorq the equation may therefore be expreffed thus, V Xg y ~ . /, OBl’X x. Hence gM = g M ^ V Let y = OB, and the equation becomes ^ M — ULy3j Y tacenter above the centre of gravity of the immerfed part of the bottom, the length of the fettion at the water¬ line muft be divided by lines perpendicular to the middle line of this fedfion into a great number of equal parts, fo that- the portion of the curve contained between any two adjacent perpendiculars may be confidered as a ftraight line. Then the lum of the cubes of the half perpendiculars or ordinates is to be multiplied by the diftance between the perpendiculars, and two thirds of the produdl is to be divided by the volume of the im- metfed part of the bottom of the (hip. It is hence evident, that while the feclor at the wa¬ ter line is the fame, and the volume of the immerfed part of the bottom remains alio the fame, the altitude ot the metacenter will remain the fame, whatever may be the figure of the bottom. Chap. IV. 0/ the Centre of Gravity of the immerfed Part of the Bottom of a flip. The centre of gravity * of a (hip, fuppofed homo-4 Sec geneous, and in an upright pofition in the water, is in ^cuani',‘ 4 ver- Book H. S H I P-B U Centre of vertical fe&ion pafiiajr through the keel, and dividing Gravity, (^Jp jnt0 two equal and limihr parts, at a certain di- T ftance from the flern, and altitude above the heel. In order to determine the centre of gravity of the immerfed part of a {hip’s bottom, we mull begin with determining the centre of gravity of a feftion of the (hip parallel to the keel, as ANDFPB (fig, 56.), bounded by the parallel lines AB, DF, and by the equal and fi- milar curves AND, BPF. If the equation of this curve were known, its centre of gravity would be eafily found : but as this is not the cafe, let therefore the line CE be drawn through th** middle C, E, of the lines AB, DF, and let this line CE be divided into fo great a number of equal parts by the perpendiculars TH, EM, &c. that the arches of the curves contained between the extremities of any two adjacent perpendiculars may be confidered as ftraight lines. The momentums of the trapeziums DTHF, TKMH, See. relative to the point E, are then to be found, and the fum of thefe momentums is to be divided by the fum of the trapeziums, that is, by the furface ANDFPB. The diitance of the centre of gravity of the trape- y IE:<(DF4-2TH) 66 Diftance of the centre of gravity from the ftem or iletn. $ Bez out's zium THFD from the pointEis: DF+TH For the fame reafon, and becanfe of the equality of the art. zjy. lines IE, IE, the diRance of the centre of gravity of the trapezium TKMH from the fame point E will be •fIEX(TH+2 KM) _ Tc. 4IEx(4TH+-5KM) TH + KM +1L>or- TH+KM * In like manner, the diRance of the centre of gravity of the trapezium NKMP from the point E will be 4IEX(KM+2NP) F _4IEX(7KM+SNP) KM+NP "r ’ KM + NP ’ &c. Now, if each diRance be multiplied by the furface of the correfponding trapezium, that is, by the product of half the fum of the two oppofite Tides of the trapezium into the common altitude IE, we (hall have the momen- tumsof thefe trapeziums,namely, 4 IE|2X(E>F-{-2TH), 4 IE|* X (4 TH + 5KM)41E|2X(7 KM + SNP), See. Hence the fum of thefe momentiuns will be 4 FeI’X (DF-J-6TH+I2 KM+18 NP-f 24QS4-14 AB). Whence it may be remarked, that if the line CE be divided into a great number of equal parts,, the faftor or coefficient of the laR term, which is here 14, will be = 24-3 (n— 2 ) or 3 n—4, « being the number of perpendiculars. Thus the general expreffion ol the fum of the momentums is reduced to lE|x (4 + TH + 2 KM + 3 NP + 4 QS +, Sec.—k 1”-~1 j , X AB). The area of the figure ANDFPB is equal to IE x (4 DF + TH + KM + N P +, &c + 4 AB) ; hence the diRance EG of the centre of gravity G from one of the extreme ordinates DF is egual to ®7 Rule for the diftance IEx(4DF+TH+2KM+3NP+,&c.+Apb will give the alti¬ tude of the centre of gravity, and its diRance from the vertical plane ; and as this centre is in a vertical plane paffing through the axis of the keel, its place is therefore determined. In the calculation -of the mo¬ mentums, it muR be obferved to multiply the weioht, and not the magnitude of each piece, by the diRance of its centre of gravity. A more eafy method of finding the centre of gravity *f a ftip is by a mechanical operation, as foliows: ConRrud. 424 Centre of a block of as tight wood as poffible, exactly fimilar to the , ^ravii:7- parts of the propofed draught or ihip, by a feale ot 6() about one-fourth of an inch to a foot. The block is A mecha- then to be fufpended by a iilk-thread or very fine line, nical me- placed in different fituations until it is found to be in a ^f0 rta°'n ^ate ^ eclu^kmim> and the centre of gravity will be fn^the " pointed out. The block may be proved by faftening centre < f the line which fufpends it to any point in the line join- gravity of ing the middles of the ftem and poll, and weights are ** to be fufpended from the extremities of this middle line at the ftem and poll. If, then, the block be properly conftrufled, a plane palling through the line of fufpen- fion, and the other two lines, will alio pafs through the keel, ftem, and poll. Now, the block being lufpend- ed in this manner from any point in the middle line, a line is to be drawn on the block parallel to the line of fufpenfion, fo that the plane pafiing through thefe two lines may be perpendicular to the vertical plane of the Ihip in the direftion of the keel. The line by which the block is fufpended is then to be removed to fome Book IF, other convenient point in the middle line ; and another Centre of line is to be drawn on the block parallel to the line fuf- Gravity-< pending it, as before. Then the-point of inter!eftion ^ of this line with the former will give the pofition of the centre of gravity on the block, which may now be laid down in the draught. Chap. V. application of the preceding Rules to the De¬ termination of the Centre of Gravity and the Height of the Metacenter above the Centre of Gravity of a Ship of 74 Guns. % In fig. 59. are laid down the feveral feflions in a horizontal direftion, by planes parallel to the keel, and at equal diftances from each other, each diftance being 10 feet o inches 4 parts* I. Determination of the Centre of Gravity of the upper Ho¬ rizontal Se8ion. To find the diftance of the centre of gravity of the plane 8 ^ 0 G from the firft ordinate 8 g. SHIP-BUILDING. Ordinates. Fecr. In P. 14 9 ° 17 i 6 18 9 o 1910 o 20 7 6 21 21 21 21 21 21 20 IO 19 9 17 4 13 1 Double Ord. Feet. In. P. 29 6 O 34 3 0 37 6 o 39 8 0 41 3 o 42 3 43 0 43 3 43 43 42 8 4‘ 9 39 34 26 tft Fa&ors. °5- 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 J2 *3 X 15) ift Products, , , F;,(CLnr(1 2d Products Feet In. P. 2(1 1 4 11 34 3 ((3X.J)-4)X; 75 119 165 211 258 3°3 346 389 426 459 474 45 1 179 o o o o o 6 o 6 o o o o o o I Oy t I I 1 l I I I I I I 1 t Or Feet. In. P. 14 9 C 34 3 37 6 39 8 41 3 3 o 3 3 3 42 43 43 43 43 42 8 41 9 39 34 1 3 291 13 582 2 6 3897 3 * N( 3897 3 * X 10 3897 . 27 4 = ^rr h ,£>-03 70.5. o o o © 6 6 6 6 o o o o o 3 554 4 3 554 4 3 554 -25 Hence ♦he diftance of the centre of gravity of double the plane 8 £ 0 G from the firft ordinate 8«?> is . ‘ .Diftance of this ordinate from the aft fide of ftern-poft, Diftance of the centre of gravity from the aft fide of poft, *■ - Diftance of the centre of gravity of double the trapezium AR g 8 from its ordinate AR, Diftance of this ordinate from the aft fide of the ftern-poft, * Diftance of the centre of gravity of this plane from the aft fide of the ftern-poft, Diftance of the centre of gravity of double the trapezium G 0 y z from its ordinate G 0, Diftance of this ordinate from the aft fide of the poll, Diftance of the centre of gravity of this trapezium from the aft fide of the poft, Diftance of the centre of gravity of the feftion of the ftern-poft from the aft part of the poft, Diftance of the centre of gravity of the fe&ion of the ftern from the aft fide of the poftj Feet. 7 3 3 6 15 6 23 10 29 5 32 6 34 9 36 3 36 TO 36 6 35 9 34 5 31 8 27 o 19 3 o o 6 o 6 6 o o 6 o 6 o o 205 7 6 411 3 2883 u o 5 4 9 402 6 9 Diftahce of this ordinate from the aft fide of the poft - - w Didance of the centre of gravity of the plan from the aft fide of the poll Diftance of the centre of gravity of double the trapezium AR ^ 8 from its ordihate AR Diitance of this ordinate from the aft fide of the poll Diftance of the centre of gravity of the trapezium from the aft fide of the poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of the foremoft trapezium from its ordinate GV Diftance of this ordinate from aft fide of the poft _ Diftance of the centre of gravity of the trapezium from the aft fide of the poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of the fedtion of the poft from its aft fide Diftance of the centre of gravity of the fedtion of the ftem from the aft fide of-4he poft The areas of thefe feveral plans being calculated, will be as follow ; 4037.6768 for that of double the plan 8 dIG, and its momentum 4037.6768 X 85.35 — 51.12 the area of double the trapezium AR d 8, and its momentum 51.1 2 X 8.47 =: 79- '6 the area of the foremoft trapezium, and its momentum 79.16 X 158.61 = 0.77 the area of the fedtion of the poft, and its momentum 0.77 X 0.29 = 0.77 the area of the fedtion of the item, and its momentum 0.77 X 169.76 4169.4968 Sum - . Then ——^ = 85.80, the diftanct of the fourth horizontal fedtion from the aft fide V. Determination of the Centre of Gravity cf the fflh Horizontal SeSion. Diftance of the centre of gravity of double the plan 8 c k G from its firft ordinate 8 c. Ordinates. Feet. In i.. 19 o 460 Double Ord. Feet In. JL. 360 900 1. Fadtors. 1 126 o 1. Produdts. Feet. In. i,. 070 9 O O 9 7 0 2. Fail. o-i 1 3 Hs 2. Produdts, Feet. In. L. 190 §00 I© 9 o 427 Centre of 'Gravity. Hence the diftance of the centre of gravity of double the plane 8 d l G from its firft; ordinate 8 d, is 2883 11 o 2883.916 = -—— x 10 o 4= “—^X 10.03 = 402 69 ^ 402.56 0 71.85 '35 85.35 7.89 0.58 8.47 4-83 I53-78 158.61 0.29 169.-7^ 344615.7149 432.986^. I2555-5676 0-2233 130.7452 357735-2074 of the ftern-pofh Over 6 428 SHIP-BUILDING. Centre of Feet. In. L. Gravity. Brought over 630 xi 8 13 10 *5 3 16 o 16 5 16 3 15 9 14 10 12 10 9 8 6 1 Feet. In. L. 1260 6 4 8 6 o 16 23 27 30 32 32 10 32 6 31 6 29 8 25 8 19 5 12 3 o 6 6 o 6 o o o o 6 6 o 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 3 3 0 660 ^(3X15)—4^ Feet. In. L, 9 7 0 33 ° 70 I no 10 152 6 192 3 229 10 260 o 283 6 296 8 282 9 233 6 J59 3 Feet. In. L. 10 9 o 166 6 3 333 x £ 44 5 ° 2358 3 o 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 oi 16 23 27 3° 32 328 X 10 328.04 X 10.03 = Diftance of this ordinate from the aft fide of the poll - - „ X) iftance of the centre of gravity of the plan from the aft fide of the poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of double the trapezium AR c 8 from its ordinate AR Diftance of this ordinate from the aft fide of poft. Diftance of centre of gravity of trapezium from aft fide of the poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of the foremoft trapezium from its ordinate G £ Diftance of this ordinate from the aft fide of poft - - Diftance of the centre of gravity of the foremoft trapezium from the aft fide of the poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of the fedftion of the poft from the aft fide of poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of the feftion of the ftem from the aft fide of poft The areas of thefe feveral planes being calculated, will be as follow. 3290.2412 for the area of double the plan 8 r ^ G, and its momentum 3290.2412 X 85.6 = 31.21 the area of double the trapezium AR c 8, and its momentum 31.21 X 8 42.43 the area of the foremoft trapezium, and its momentum 42.43 X 158 = 0.77 the area of the feftion of the poft, and its momentum 0.77 X0.29 =: 0.77 the area of the fe&ion of the ftem, and its momentum 0.77 X 169.76 = Book IT. Centre of Gravity. 22 IO 32 6 31 6 29 8 25 8 19 5 12 3 3 3 o 6 6 o 6 c o 0 o 6 6 o Hence the diftance of the centre of gravity of double the plane 8 r G from its firft ordinate is 2358.25 23$8 3 o 328 o 6 72.10 r3-5« 85.60 7.42 0.58 8.00 4.22 1J3-78 158.00 0.29 169.76 Sum 281644.6467 249.68 6703.94 0.2233 130.7152 288729.2052 3365.4212 New - —85.70, the diftance of the centre ©f gravity of the whole feftion frem the aft fide of 3365.4212 J the Hern. VI. Determination of the Centre of Gravity of the Jtxth Horizontal SetHoa. Diftance of the centre of gravity of double the plan 8 £ r G from its firft ordinate 8 b. Ordinates. Double Ord. I. Faftors, 1. Produfts. 2. Faft. 2. Produfts. Feet. -1 2 4 7 20 12 In. L. o o Feet. In. L. 2 0 0 O O O 6 6 4 IO 8 10 14 7 20 3 24 2 Qver 37 4 6 74 9 o Off z 2 3 4 5 Feet. In. L. 040 4 IO 17 8 43 9 81 2 121 o 268 9 6 oi 1 1 1 1 z Feet. In. L, IOO 4 IO 8 10 14 7 20 3 34 2 73 9 Book II* Centre of Fett« In* L> Gravity. Broughtover 37 4 6 *3 9 9 13 7 o 12 8 o 10 6 6 710 4 7 3 2 10 1 6 H I P-B U Feel. In. L. 74 9 o 26 6 o 6 27 7 6 7 27 2 o 8 25 4 o 9 21 1 o 10 14 2 O II 926 12 5 9 0 13 I L D I Feet. In. L. 268 9 6 159 ° *93 4 217 4 228 o 210 10 J55 10 110 6 74 9 N G. Feet. In. L, 73 9 o 9 3 1 <5x((3Xi5)~4^Xf 21 4 3 26 27 27 25 21 14 9 5 1 117 4 3 234 8 6 i639 9 3 232 1630 0 3 1639.77 -Xio o 4 = ~X 10.03 = 232 19 ^ 232-I4 J Diftance of this ordinate from aft fide of poll Hence the diftance of the centre of gravity of the plan from the aft fide of the poft is Diftance of the centre of gravity of the trapezium AR b 8 from its ordinate AR Diftance of this ordinate from the aft fide of the poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of the trapezium from the aft fide of the poft Diftance of the centre ef gravity of the foremoft trapezium from the ordinate G i Diftance of this ordinate from the aft fide of poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of this trapezium from the aft fide of the poft Diftance of Diftance of 2328.3642 21.52 15.04 0.77 0.77 the centre of gravity of the feftion of the poft from its aft fide the centre of gravity of the fe£tion of the ftem from the aft fide of the poft The areas of thefe plans will be found to be as follow: for that of double the plan 8 £ i G, and its momentum 2328.3642 X 84.34 = for the area of double the trapezium AR b 8, and its momentum 21.52 X 7.46 the area of the foremoft trapezium, and its momentum 15.04 X 156.7 = the area of the fe&ion of the poft, and its momentum 0.77 X 0.29 = the area of the fe&ion of the ftem, and its momentum 0.77 X 169.76 = *96374-2366 160.5392 2356.7680 0.2233 130.7152 199022.4823 2366.4642 Sum - - ■ Now := 84.1, the diftance of the centre of gravity of the whole from the aft fide of the poft. VII. Determination of the Centre of Gravity of the feventb Horizontal SeSion. Diftance of the centre of gravity of double the plan 8 a b G from its firft ordinate 8 a. Ordinates. Double Ord. 1. Fa&ors. 1. Produfts. 2. Fa6t. 2. Products. Feet. In. L. 080 J I 1 7 J IO 2 I 2 I I 10 1 8 1 1 o 9 o 8 Jeet. In. i 4 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Feet. In. L, 0 2 8 2 3 6 6 11 4 16 10 20 10 22 9 4 4 6 4 23 *7 *3 *3 Ox 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Feet. In. L» 080 Over 15 6 9 6 30 1 6 *48 3 a 30 5 6 429 Centre of Gravity, Hence the diftance of the centre of gravity of double the plane 8 31» G from its firft ordinate 8 3 is - - - 70.84 I3-S0 84-34 6.88 0.58 7-46 2.92 I53-78 156.70 0.29 169.76 430 Centre of Gravity. Brouglitover 15 6 9 080 080 $ H I P - B Feet. In. L. Feet. In. L. 3° 8 U I L D I F.et. Ir. 1^. 16 148 3 2 4 0 ii ♦ 14 8 o 1 4 o xa 16 o o 1 40 13 17 4 o 1 4 ° • 4) XI 9 1 4 Or N G. Feet. In. L. 5 6 4 o 4 o 4 o 8 o 3° 1 1 1 Bcoklr, Centre oC Gravity, 18 36 5 ^3 Hence the diftance of the centre of gravity of double . 2°? 4 6_ this plane from its firft. ordinate is X1 o o 4 205. !?7 •X 1O.83 3?-12 The diftance of this ordinate from aft fide 6f poft — - - "Hence the diftance of the centre of gravity of this plane from the aft-ftde of the poft is Diftance of the centre of gravity of double the redlangle AR 8 from its ordinate AR Diftance of this ordinate from the aft fide of the poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of this rec¬ tangle from the aft ftde of the poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of the fore- moft reftangle from its ordinate 7'' 7 f 71 Dittance of this ordinate from the aft fide of the poft - Diftance of the centre of gravity of this rec¬ tangle from the aft fide of the poft Diftance of the centre of gravity of the fec- tion of the poft from its aft fide .Diftance of the centre of gravity of the fec- tion of the Item from the aft fide of the poft 58.65 I3-50 72.15 6.45 0.58 7-03 1.25 15378 i55-o3 e-29 169.76 Now the areas of thefe feveral plans being calculated will be as follows. 352.2536, the area of double the plan 8 a AG, and its momentum 352.2536X72.15= 25415.0972 fiy.i 3 70, the area of double the rectan¬ gle AR a 8, and its mo¬ mentum 17.1570X7.03 = 120.6137 the area of the foremoit rec¬ tangle, and its momentum 3.3250X155.03 = 5?5-4747 the area of the fedtion of the port, and its momentum 0:77X0.29 = 0.2233 the area of the fcCtion of the ftem and its momentum C.77X169.76 = 3-325°> 0.77, o.' 74.2756 Sum Then 26182.124.2 205 4 6 35 6 VIII. Determination of the Centre of Gravity of the eighth Plane. This plane is equal in length to the feventh horizon¬ tal plane, and its breadth is equal to that of the keel. The diftance between the ieventh and eighth planes is three feet, but which is here taken equal to 2 feet ii* inches. Diftance between the aft fide of the poft and the firft ordinate Fourteen intervals between the fifteen ordi¬ nates, each interval being 10.03 feet 13-5 Diftance of the laft ordinate from the fore foot Hence the length of the eighth plane is Which multiplied by the breadth The produCf is the area of this plane The dittance of its centre of gravity from the aft fide of the pqft, being equal to half its length, is - 130.7152 26x82.1242 K> r. Planes. 5^74.16 5592.27 4939-27 41 69.50 3365-d 2 2366.46 374-27 208.00 , = 69.95, the diftance of the 374.2756 ^ centre of gravity of the whole ftdt-ion from the aft fide .of the port. Fec#. Products. 2987.08 5592.27 4939.27 4169.50 3365-42 2366.46 374-27 104.00 e>T 1 1 1 1 1 1 oi Momentums. Fadt 5°3037-73 '°i 473560.21 1 422084.77 3 57 7 3 5-21 288729.20 1.99022.48 21682.12 16236.48 23898.27 1 1 \ 1 1 oi 140.42 2.2 156.12 Ik33 208“ ■78.06 The centres of gravity of thefe eight plane? being found, the diftance of the centre of gravity of the hot* tom of the fhip from the aft fide of the poft, and all® its altitude, may from thence be eafilydetermined. From the principles already explained, the dift mee of the centre of gravity of the bottom from the^aft fide of the poft, is equal to the fum of the momentums of an infinite number of horizontal planes, divided by the fum of thefe planes, or, which is the fame, by the foli- dity of the bottom. As, however, we have no more than eight planes, we mult therefore conceive their mo¬ mentums as the ordinates of a curve, whofe diftances may be the fame as that of the horizontal planes. Now the fum of thefe ordinates minus half the fum of the ex¬ treme ordinates being multiplied by their diftance, gives the furface of the curve ; ol which any ordinate what¬ ever reprefents the momentum of the horizontal plane at the fame altkude as thefe ordinates ; and the whole furface will reprefent the fum of the momentums of all the horizontal planes. ProdmSls. 2515x8.86 473560.21 422084.77 3 c 7735.21 288729.20 J99022.48 2 1 682. 1 2 8l 18.24 202245 I.09 Now- 2022451.09 23898.27 = 84.63, the diftance of the centre ■Book IT. I Centre of centre of gravity of the bottom of the fhip from the I Gravity aft fide of the poft. ■k,"',’v The height of the centre of gravity of the bottom above the tower edge of the keel may be determined by the fame principles. Thus, To one lixth of the lowermoll horizontal fedlion add the product of one fixth of the uppermoft feftion by three times the number of fections minus four the fe- cond feftion in afcending, twice the third, three times the fourth, &c. ; and to half the fum of the extreme planes add all the intermediate ones. Now the firft of thefe fums, multiplied by the diltance between the planes or fettions, and divided by the feeond fum, gives the altitude of the centre of gravity of the bottom of the fhip above the lower edge .of the keel as required. $ H I P-B U I L D I N G; Ordinate at 10.03 ket abaft the or¬ dinate 8y, ~ 4, of which the cube is 64, and 64 X 4 Ordinate at 10.03 feet afore the or¬ dinate Go =6, cube of which is 216, and 2x6 Xi 433' Centre of Gravity. 12. roS. Sum Diilance between the ordinates Kor. Planes. 208.00 374-27 2366.46 3365-42 4169.50 4939-27 5S92-27 ifc Facft. O^- 1 2 3 4 5 6 iftProdu&s. zi Fa (ft. 2d Produ&s. 3.4-67 374-27 4732.92 IOO96.26 16678.CO 24696.35 33553-62 °r l X I I I I 5974.16^(3 X 8)—4^)x£ 19913.87 oi N( 110079.96 110079.96 104.co 374-27 2366.46 3365-42 4169.50 4939-27 5592.27 2987.08 23898.27 Produft Half the cube of the after- moll ordinate Half the cube of the thick- nefs of the ftem Sum Diilance between the ordinates II5859-442 10.03 1162070.20326 32- o. 14 32.14 3-° Product Half the cube of the fore- moll ordinate Hail the cube of the thick- nefs of the Item Sum Diltance between the ordinates 96.43 108. X 2.95 == 13.588, the height of Product 23898.27 the centre of gravity of the bottom of the Ihip above tire lower edge of the keel. We have now found the diilance of the centre of gra¬ vity of the bottom of the ftrip from the aft fide of the poll, and its altitude above the lower edge of the keel. Hence the Ihip being fuppofed in an upright polition, this centre of gravity wilf neceflarily be in the vertical longitudinal fedlion which divides the Ihip into two equal and fimilar parts ; the pofition of this centre is therefore determined. Ihermira- It now remains to find the height of the metacenter ■n of the above the centre of gravity ; the exprefllon for this al- 594-77 1162761.39326 2325522.786^^- 70 yy* 2/y« rfy3 x - The folidity of the bottom is 2527-} tons--70018.67 i.-.r... 1 77517-26 cubic feet: hence ** 77 ~ ——7r~?—■ xi.o*? feet V 70018.67 11 °7 ree6> the altitude of the metacenter above the centre of gra¬ vity of the bottom of the Ihip. 775174.26217 titude, as found in Chap. III. is which we lhall ; l ght of ! t nieta- c iter a ve the nOW apply to determine the metacenter of the Ihip of ■tieof of 74 guns, whofe centre of gravity we have already found. • ' Ord. of the Plane of Floatation. Cub.ofOrdinates. gfvity, 3 209.046 5000.21 x 6591.797 7762.392 8741.816 9595-703 9938.375 10289.109 10289.109 10289.109 9663.597 9120.329 7703-734 5268.024 2248.091 II57,9-44ji A P P E N D I X, When a fin’p is built, fhe mull be fitted with mails, yards, fails, ropes, and blocks, or, in other words, Ihe mult be rigged before Ihe can go to lea. To complete this article, it may therefore be thought necelfary to ti eot of the art of rigging velfels ; but we have ellewhere (lee MAsr-Rigging, Rope-Making, and Sail) Ihown how the feveral parts of a Ihip’s rigging are made ; and the art of putting them proper¬ ly together, fo as to make the Ihip bell anfwer the pur- pofe for which Ihe is intended, depends upon a juft knowledge of the impulfe and refillanee of fluids, and of the theory and pra&ice of feamanlhip. (See Resistance of Fluids and Seamanship). Nothing, therefore, of the fubjedl is left to us here, except we were to Hate in few words the progreffive method of rigging fliips ; but there is no one undeviating, mode which is purfued, as the nature of the operation is fuch that all the parts of it may be advancing at the fame time. We Iball there¬ fore take our leave of Jhips and pip-building with a few general obferyations on fail-making, which were omitted under the article Sail, referring our readers for farther information to the very elegant work lately publilhed, m 5 two 4.32 S H I P - B U Appendix, two volumes 410, on the Elements and Practice of Rigging s ^ and Seamanjhip, Sails are made of canvas, of different textures, and are extended on or between the marts, to receive the wind that forces the vertel through the water. They are quadrilateral or triangular, as has been elfewhere de- feribed, and are cut out of the canvas cloth by cloth. The width is governed by the length of the yard, gaff, boom, or flay ; the depth by the height of the mart- In the valuable work to which we have juft referred, the following directions are given for cutting fails. “ The width and depth being given, find the number of cloths the width requires, allowing for feams, tabling on the leeches, and flack cloth; and, in the depth, al¬ low for tabling on the head and foot. For fails cut fquare on the head and foot, with gores only on the leeches, as fome topfails, &c. the cloths on the head, between the leeches, are cut fquare to the depth ; and the gores on the leeches ane found by dividing the depth of the fail by the number of cloths gored, which gives the length of each gore. The gore is fet down from a fquare with the oppofite felvage; and the canvas being cut diagonally, the longeft gored fide of one cloth makes the fhorteft fide of the next; confequently, the fir ft gore being known, the reft are cut by it. In the leeches of topfails cut hollow, the upper gores are long¬ er than the lower ones; and in fails cut with a roach leech, the lower gores are longer than the upper ones. This muft be regulated by judgment, and care taken that the whole of the gores do not exceed the depth of the leech. Or, by drawing on paper the gored fide of the fail, and delineating the breadth of every cloth by ?. convenient fcale of equal part® of an inch to a foot, the length of every gore may be found with precifion. Sails, gored with a fweep on the head or the foot, or on both, have the depth of their gores marked on the felvage, from the fquare of the given depth on each doth, and are cut as above; the longeft felvage of one ferving to meafure the Ihorteft felvage of the next, be¬ ginning with the firit gored cloth next the middle in fome fails, and the firft cloth next the mart leech in o- thers. For thofe gores that are irregular no ftrift rule can be given; they can only be determined by the judge¬ ment of the fail-maker, or by a drawing. Fl(tr,rU “ In the royal navy, mizen topfails are cut.with three and PraSlice quarters of a yard hollow in the foot; but, in the mer- of Miggt’g chant fervice, top and topgallant lads are cut with more and Sea. or hollow in the foot. Flying jibs are cut with a r0aCh-curve on the ftay, and a three-inch gore in each ¥C,1,p'9T‘cloth, fhortening from the tack to the clue. Lotver ftudding-fails are cut with fquare leeches, and topmaft and topgallant-maft ftudding fails with goring leeches. “ The lenoth of reef and middle bands is governed by the width of°the fail at their refpe&ive places; the leech- linings, buntline-cloths, top-linings, maft-cloths, and cor¬ ner-pieces, are cut agreeably to the depth of the fail ; each cloth and every article fliould be properly marked with charcoal, to prevent confufion or miftake. Sails that have bonnets are cut out the whole depth of the fail and bonnet included, allowing enough for the ta- blings on the foot of the fail and head and foot of the I L D I n G. bonnet. The bonnet is cut off after the fail is fewed Appendix, together. If a drabler is required, it is allowed for in ’ ■-"v ■'W the cutting out the fame as the bonnet.” When the cloth is thus properly' cut, the different pieces are to be joined together in the form of a fail; and for doing this properly we have the following di¬ rections in the work already quoted. “ Sails have a double flat feam, and fliould be fewed with the heft Eng. lilh-made twine of three threads, fpun 360 fathoms to the pound, and have from one hundred and eight to one hundred and fixteen Hitches in every yard in length. The twine for large fails, in the royal navy, is waxed by hand, with genuine bees-wax, mixed with one-fixth part of clear turpentine ; and, for fmall fails, in a mixture made with bees wax, 4 lb; hogs lard 5 lb ; and clear turpentine 1 lb. In the merchant fervice, the twine is dip¬ ped in tar (l), foftened with a proper proportion of oil. “ It is the erroneous pra&ice of fome failmakers not to few the feams any farther than where the edge is creafed down for the tabling ; but all fails fhould be fewed quite home to the end, and, when finiihed, fhould be well rubbed down with a rubber. In the merchant fervice feams are fometimes made broader at the foot than at the head, being ftronger. Broad feams are not allowed t© be made on courfes, in the royal navy, but goring leeches are adopted in lieu of them. Boom- mainfails and the fails of floops generally have the feams broader at the foot than at the head. The feams of courfes and topfails are ftuck or ftitched up, in the middle of the feams, along the whole length, with doa¬ ble feaming-twine ; and have from 68 to 72 flitches in a yard. In the merchant fervice it is common to flick the feams with two rows of flitches, when the fail is half worn, as they will then laft till the fail is worn out. “ The breadth of the feams of courfes, topfails, and other fails, in the royal navy, to be as follow, viz. cour¬ fes and topfails, for 50 gun fhips and upwards, one inch and a half, and, for 44 gun fhips and under, one inch and a quarter, at head and foot ; all other fails, one inch at head and foot. “ The tablings of all fails are to be of a proportion- able breadth to the fize of the fail, and fewed at the edge, with 68 to 72 flitches in a yard. Thofe for the heads of main and fore courfes to be four to fix inches wide ; for fprit courfes and mizens, drivers, and other boom fails, 3 to 4 inches wide ; for topfails, 3 inches to 4 inches and a half; topgallant and fprit topfails, 3 inches ; royal fails, 2 inches and a half; jib and other ftayfails, 3 inches to 4 inches and a half, on the ftay or hoift ; and for ftudding fails, 3 inches to 4 inches on the head. Tablings on the foot and leeches of main and fore courfes to be 3 inches to 5 inches broad; fprit courfe and topfails, 3 inches ; topgallant and fprit top- fails, 2 inches and a half; royals, 2 inches ; fore leeches of mizen, driver, and other boomfails, 3 inches and a half to 4 inches ; after leech, 3 inches ; and on the foot 2 or 3 inches. Tablings on the after leech of jibs and other ftayfails to be from 2 to 3 inches broad ; and, on the foot, 2 to 2 inches and a half: on ftudding fail leeches one inch and a half to two inches and a half; and on the foot, from one to two inches. “ Main (l) The dipping of the twine in tar, we are perfuaded, is a very bad pra&ice, for the reafon affigned in Rope0 Making. See that article, n0 32. SHI P-B U Appendix* u Main and Fore courfes are lined on the leeches, from clue to earing, with one cloth feamed on and Ituck or ftitched in the middle, and have a middle band half way between the lower reef band and the foot, alfo four buntline cloths, at equal difiances between the leeches, the upper end of which are carried under the middle band, that the lower fide of the band may be tabled up¬ on or fewed over the end of the buntline pieces. They have likewife two reef bands ; each in breadth one third of the breadth of the canvas ; the upper one is one iixth of the depth of the fail from the head, and the lower band is at the fame diftance from the upper one ; the ends go four inches under the leech linings, which are feamed over the reef bands. All linings are feamed on, and are fluck with 68 to 72 flitches in a yard. “ Main, fore, and mizen, topfails have leech linings, maft and top linings, buntline cloths, middle bands and reef bands. The leech linings are made of one breadth of cloth, fo cut and fewed as to be half a cloth broad at the head, and a cloth and a hah broad at the foot; the piece cutout being half the breadth of the cloth at one end, and tapering to a point at the o- ther. The middle bands are put on half way between the lower reef and foot, the buntline cloths join the top-linings, and the buntline cloths and top-linings are carried up to the lower fide of the middle band, which is tabled on them. The mart lining is of two cloths, and extends from the foot of the fail to the lower reef, to receive the beat or chafe of the maft. The middle band is made of one breadth of canvas, of the fame number as the top-lining. It is firft folded and rubbed down, to make a creafe at one third of the breadth ; then tabled on the felvage, and ftuck along the creafe ; then turned down, and tabled and ftuck through both the double and Angle parts, with 681072 flitches in a yard. It is the opinion of many, that middle bands fhould not be put on until the fail is half worn. “ Main and fore topfails have three and fometimes four reef bands from leech to leech, over the leech li- nirigs ; the upper one is one eighth of the depth of the fail from the head, and they are the fame diftance afun- der in the royal navy, but more in the merchant fervice. The reef bands are each of hall a breadth of canvas put on double ; the firftjTide is ftuck twice, and the laft turn¬ ed over, fo that the reef holes may be worked upon che double part of the band, which is alfo ftuck with 68 to 72 flitches in a yard. “ The top-lining of topfails is of canvas n° 6 or 7. The other linings of this, and all the linings of other fails, fhould be of the fame quality as the fails to which they belong. “ Top •linings and maft cloths are put on theaft fide, and all other linings on the fore fide, of fails. Mizens are lined with one breadth of cloth from the clue five yards up the leech, and have a reef band fewed on, in the fame manner as on other fails, at one fifth the depth of the fail from the foot; they have alfo a nock-pfece and a peek-piece, one cut out of the other, fo that each contains one yard. Mizen topfails of 50 gun ihips and upwards have three reefs, the upper one is one eighth of the depth of the fail from the head, and the reefs ?.re at the fame diftance afunder. Mizen topfails of fhips 44 guns and under have two reefs one feventh part of the depth of the fail afunder, the upper one being at the farce diftance from the head. Main and main top Vot. XVII. Part II. 1 I Ij D I ^ G, ftudding fails have each one reef, at one eighth of the Appendix, depth of the fail from the head. Reef bands fliould not ^ be put on until the fail is fewed up, a contrary pradlice being very erroneous. Lower ftayfails, fore top and main top ftaylails, and flying jibs, have clue-pieces two yards long. Square tack ftayfails have half a breadth of cloth at the fore part, with a clue-piece containing two yards, and a peek-piece, containing one yard. “ have- two holes in each cloth, at the heads and reefs of courfes, topfails, and other fquare fails ; one hole in every yard in the flay of flying jibs, and one in every three quarters of a yard in the flays of fquare tack and other ftayfails. Thefe are made by an inftrument called a pegging aw!, or a ftabber, and are fenced round by Hitching the edge to a fmall grommet, made with log or other line ; when finifhed, they fhould be well flretched or rounded up by a pricker or a marline-fpike. Reef and head holes of large fails have grommets of twelve-thread line, worked round with 18 to 21 flitch¬ es; froaller fails have grommets of niae-thread line, with 16 to 18 flitches, or as many as fhall cover the line, and fmaller holes in proportion. The holes for marling the clues of fails and the top-brims of topfails have grommets of log-line, and fhould have from 9 to 1 1 flitches ; twelve holes are worked in each cloth. Main courfes have marling holes from the clue to the lower bow line cringle up the leech, and from the clue to the firft buntline cringle on the foot. Fore courfes have marling holes ane eighth of the depth of the fail up the leech, and from the clue to the firft buntline cringle at the foot. Main and fore topfails have mar¬ ling holes three feet each way from the clue and at the top-brims. Spritfails, mizen topfails, lower ftayfails, mam and fore top ftayfails, and jibs, have marling holes two feet each way from the clues. All other fails are fewed home to the clues. Marling holes of courfes are at three fourths of the depth of the tablings at the clues from the rope, and thofe of topfails are at half the depth of the tablings at the clues and top-brim from the rope.” The rope, which is fewed on the edges of fails to prevent their rending, and which is called bott-robe, Ihould be well made of fine yarn, fpun from the heft. Riga 1 bine hemp well topt, and fewed on with good Enghfh-made twine of three threads, fpun 200 fathom to the pound ; the twine in the royal navy is dipped in acompofition made with. bees-wax, 4 lbs ; hogs lard i lbs; and clear turpentine one pound; and in the merchant fervice,. in tar foftened with oil. They fhould be floved in a ftove by the heat of a flue, and not in a baker’s even or a ftove tub ; and tarred in the heft Stockholm tar. The flexibility of them fliould be always considered, in taking in the flack, which mull reft on the judgment of the failmaker. “ Bolt-ropes of couifes, topfails, and all other fails, inould be neatly fewed on through every buntline of the rope ; and, to avoid ftretcbing, the rope muft be kept tightly twifted while fewing on, and care taken that neither too much nor too little flack is taken in • they are to be crofs-ftitched at the leeches every twelve inches in length ; at every feam, and in the middle of every cloth at the foot, with three crofs-flitches • four crofs-flitches fhould be taken at all beginnings and faf- tenings off; the firft flitch given twice, and the laft three times. Small fails have two crofs flitches at every feam, and three at every fattening off. • 3 I “ On m, s H I P-B U Appendix. “ On main and fore courfes two inches flack cloth v fhould be allowed in the head and foot, and one inch and a half in the leeches, in every yard in length. Topfails are allowed 3 inches flack in every cloth in the foot, one inch and a half in every yard in the leech, and two inches in every cloth left open in the top-brim.. Mi- zen courfes have two inches flack in every yard in the foremoft leech, bot none in the after leech or foot. Spritfail courfes have no flack cloth. Jibs have four inches flack in every yard in the flay, one inch in every cloth in the foot, and none in the leech. Stayfails have three inches flack in every yard in the flay, one inch in I L D I N G. every cloth in the foot, but none in the leech. Topgallant Append,',.. fails have two inches flack in every cloth in the foot, ,—j and one inch in every yard in the leech. Studding fails have an inch and a half flack in every yard in go¬ ring leeches, but no flack in fquare leeches, and one inch in every cloth in the head and foot.” Thefe dire&ions for failmaking, we truft may be ufe- ful. They are indeed very general, but the limits pre- feribed us will not permit of a more minute detail. The- failmaker will find every inftru&ion that he can want in the Elements of Rigging nnd Seaman/hf, a work which we therefore recommend to his attention. S H I Ship's Form Gauge, an inftrument recommended by Mr Hutchinfon as fit to afeertain any alteration in the bottom of a (hip, by its hogging or fagging; and alfo to regulate the ftowage of a (hip. “ All (hips (fays he) of any confequence are built with ftaunchions fixed from the kelfon to the middle of all the lower-deck beams fore and aft, in order to fupport them in their exaft, regular height, as well as" the whole frame of the (hip in the regular form in which (he was built upon the flocks ; yet notwith- ftanding thefe ftaunchions, it is proved from experience that our drips bottoms, hitherto, by the preffure of wa¬ ter, and improper ftowage, have generally been hogged upwards, or fagged downwards, and moft. about the midftrip frame or main body of the (hip, which is com- momy about the fore part of the main hatchway ; which naturally makes it the bell place at which to fix the (hip’s form gauge,* where either the hogging or fagging of her bottom may be obferved and feen foon- eft and bed, to regulate the ftowage of heavy materials to the greateft advantage, fo as to keep her bottom nearly in the fame form in which (he was built. “ The gauge I recommend is nothing more than a narrow plate of iron divided into inches and quarters like the Aide of a carpenter’s rule. Let this be fixed to the after fide of the ftaunchion now mentioned, with Its upper end projeding two or three inches above the ftaunchion ; a groove being cut out for it in the after fide of the lower-deck beam, and a mark being made (when the (hip is on the ftocks) at the part of the beam which correfponds to the o on the gauge. When the fhip alters in her (hape, tfie gauge will Aide up and down in this groove, and the quantity of hogging or fagging will be pointed out on the gauge by the mark on the beam. The ftowage may then be io managed as to bring this mark to coincide again with the o, or to approach it as near as we fee neceflary.” Snip-Money, was an impofition charged upon the ports, towns, cities, boroughs, and counties of this realm, in the reign of king Charles I. by writs, com¬ monly called Jhip-nvrits, under the great feal of Eng¬ land, in the years 1635 and 1636, for the providing and furnifhing of certain (hips for the king’s fervice, &c. which was declared to be contrary to the laws and tta- tutes of this realm, the petition of right and liberty of the fubjed, by flat. 17 Car. I. c. 14. See Blackjlone’s Commentaries, vol. iv. p. 3°- SHip-Shape, according to the faftiion of a fhip,^ or in the manner of an expert failor; as, 1 he maft is not rigged (hip-lhape j Trim your fails (hip-fhape. H 1 Stowing and ^Trimming of Ships, the method of dif- pofing of the cargo in a proper and judicious manner in the hold of a (hip. A (hip’s failing, (leering, (laying, and wearing, and being lively a '.d comparatively eafy at fea in a (torm, depends greatly on the cargo, ballad, or other ’ mate¬ rials, being properly (lowed, according to their weight and bulk, and the proportional dimenfions of the built of the fhip, which may be made too crank or too (lift to pafs on the ocean with fafety. Theie things ren¬ der this branch of knowledge of fuch confequence, that rules for it ought to be endeavoured after, if but to prevent, as much as poflible, the danger of a (hip over- fetting at fea, or being fo labourfome as to roll away her mafts, See. by being improperly (lowed, which is often the cafe. When a (hip is new, it is prudent to confult the builder, who may be fuppofed bed acquainted with a (hip of his own planning, and mod likely to judge what her properties will be, to advife how the cargo or mate¬ rials, according to the nature of them, ought to be dif- pofed of to advantage, fo as to put her in the bed fail¬ ing trim j and at every favourable opportunity after¬ wards it will be proper to endeavour to find out her bed trim by experiment. Ships mull differ in their form and proportional di¬ menfions } and to make them aniwer their diffeient pur- pofes, they will require different management in the do wage, which ought not to be left to mere chance, or done at random, as goods or materials happen to come to hand, which is too often the caufe that fuch impro¬ per ftowage makes (hips unfit for fea : theiefore the ftowage fhould be conlidered, planned, and contrived, according to the built and properties of the (hip, whicn. if they are not known (hould be inquired after. If the is narrow and high-built in proportion, fo that (lie will not (hift herfelf without a great weight in the hold, it is a certain fign fuch a (hip will require a great part of heavy goods, ballad, or materials, laid low in the hold, to make her iliff enough to bear fufficient fail without being in danger of overfetting. But if a fhip be built broad and low in proportion, fo that (he is diff and wall fupport herfelf without any weight in the hold, fuch a (hip will require heavy goods, ballad, or materials, flow¬ ed higher up, to prevent her from being too diff and labourfome at fea, fo as to endanger her mafts being rolled away, and the hull worked loofe and made leaky. t In order to help a (hip’s failing, that (he (hould .he lively and eafy in her pitching and afeending motions. SHI [ it (hould be contrived by the ftowage, that the princi¬ pal and weight left part of the cargo or materials fhould lie as near the main body of the {hip, and as far from the extreme ends, fore and aft, as things will admit of. For it fhould be confidered, that the roomy part of our fhips lengthwife forms a fweep or curve near four times as long as they are broad ; therefore thofe roomy parts at and above the water’s edge, which are made by a full harping and a broad tranibm to fupport the fhip Heady and keep her from plunging into the fea, and alio by the entrance and run of the {hip having little or no bearing body under for the preffure of the water to fupport them, of courfe Ihould not be {towed with heavy goods or materials, but all the neceffary vacan-, cies, broken {towage, or light goods, Ihould be at thefe extreme ends fore and aft; and in proportion as they are kept lighter by the {towage, the {hip will be more lively to fall and rife eafy in great feas ; and this will contribute greatly to her working and failing, and to prevent her from {training and hogging ; for which rea- lon it is a wrong practice to leave fuch a large vacancy in the main hatchway, as is ufual, to coil and work the cables, which ought to be in the fore or after hatch¬ way, that the principal weight may be more eafily flowed in the main body of the {hip, above the flatted and loweit floorings, where the preflure of the water ads the more to fupport it. Machine for meafuring a Ship’s Way. We have al¬ ready defcribed a variety of machines or inftruments which have been propofed for this purpofe under the article Log. In this place, therefore, we {hall confine ourfelves to the machine invented by Francis Hopkin- fon, Elq; Judge of the Admiralty in Pennlylvania.— A fter having fhown the fallacies to which the common log, and alio that particular kind ot inftrument invent¬ ed by M. Saumarez, are 1 de, he proceeds to defcribe his own machine as follows : uranfaSikm This machine, in its moft Ample form, is reprefented ./the AwC- by fig. 5. Plate CCCCLIII. wherein A B is a ftrono- ‘opbkal °f ir°n moveable on.the fulcrum C. D is a thin uty, vol. ii. circular palate of brafs rivetted to the lower extremity >• 160. of the rod. E an horizontal arm conne&ed at one end with the top ot the rod AB by a moveable joint F, and at the other end with the bottom of the index H, by a like moveable joint G. H is the index turning on its centre I, and travelling over the graduated arch K ; and L is a ftrong fpring, bearing againfl the rod AB, and conflantly counteracting the preffure upon the palate D. The rod AB flsouid be applied clofe to the cut-water or ilem, and fhould be of fuch a length that the palate D may be no higher above the keel than is neceffary to fecure it from injury when the veffel is . aground, or fails in fhoal water. As the bow of the fhip curves inward towards the keel M, the palate D will be thrown to a diftance from the bottom of the veffel, although the perpendicular rod to which it is annexed lies clofe to the bow above ; and therefore, the palate will be more fairly afted upon. The arm E ffrould enter the bow fomewhere near the hawfe hole, and lead to any convenient place in the forecaflle, where a imooth board or plate may be fixed, having the index H, and graduated arch K, upon it. It is evident from the figure, that as the fhip is urged forward by the wind, the palate D will be preff- SHROVE-Tuesday, is the Tuefday after Qum- quagefima Sunday, or the day immediately preceding the firft of Lent; being fo called from the Saxon word thrive, which fignifies “ to confefs.” Hence Shrove- Tuefday fignifies Confeffion-'l uefday ; on which day all the people in every parifh throughout England (during the Romifh times) were obliged to confefs their fins, one by one, to their own pariOi-priefts, in their own ■parifh churches ; and, that this might be done the more regularly, the great bell in every parifh was rung at ten o’clock (or perhaps feoner), that it might be heard by all, and that they might attend, according to the cuf- tom then in irfe. And though the Romifh religion has now given way to the Proteftant religion, the cuitom of ringing the great bell in our ancient parifh-churches, at leaft in fome of them, Hill remains, and obtains m and about London the name of Pancake bell; perhaps, becaufe after the confefiion it was cuftomary for the le- ■veral perfons to dine on pancakes or fritters. Moft churches, indeed, have rejefted that cuftom of ringing the bell on Shrove-Tuefday ; but the ufage of dining on pancakes or fritters, and fuch like provifion, Ml continues. SHROUDS (fcrud Sax.), a range of large ropes extending from the maft-heads to the right and left fide of the {hip, to fupport the mafts, and enable them to The fhrouds as well as the fails are denominated from the mafts to which they belong. Thus they are the main, fore, and mizen fhrouds; the main-top-maft, fore-top-maft, or mizen-top-maft (hrouds ; and the main-top-gallant, fore-top-gallant, or mizen-top-gallant ihrouds. The number of fhrouds by which a malt is fuftained, as well as the fize of rope of which they are formed, is always in proportion to the fize of the mail and the weight of the fail it is intended to carry. Bowfprk fhrouds are thofe which fupport the bow- fprit. Bumkin fhrouds are thofe which fupport the bumkins. Futtock fhrouds are fhrouds which conneft the efforts of the topmaft fhrouds to the lower fhrouds. Bentinck-fhrouds are additional fhrouds to fupport the mafts in heavy gales. Preventer fhrouds are fimilar to bentinck-fhrouds, and are ufed in bad weather to eaie the lower rigging. See Mast and Sail. SHRUB/ frutex, a little, low, dwarf tree, or a woody vegetable, of a fize lefs than a tree ; and which, inftead of one fmgle ftem, frequently froin the fame root puts forth feveral fets or ftems. See Plant and Tree. Such are privet, phillyrea, holly, box, honey- fuckle, &c. Shrubs and trees put forth in autumn a kind of buttons, or gems, in the axis of the leaves; thefe buttons are as fo many little ova, which, coming to expand by the warmth of the following fpnng, open into leaves and flowers. By this, together with the height, fome diftinguifh fhrubs {xovn fuffrutices, or under jhrubs, which are low bufhes, that do not put forth gmy of thefe buttonsj as fage, thyme, &.c. The two hardieft fhrubs we are pofiefled of are the ivy and box ; thefe ftand the feverity of eur fharpeft winters unhurt, while other fhrubs perifh, and trees have their folid bodies fplit and torn to pieces. In the hard winter.of the year 1683, thefe two fhrubs fuffered no injury any where ; though the yews and hollies, which are generally fuppofed very hardy, were that winter in fome places killed, and in others ftripped of their leaves, and damaged in their bark. Furze-bufhes were found to be fomewhat hardier than thefe, but they fometimes perifhed, at leaft down to the root. The broom feemed to occupy the next ftep of hardinefs be¬ yond thefe. This lived where the others died, and where even this died, the juniper fhrubs were fometimes found unhurt. This laft is the only fhrub that approach¬ es to the hardinefs of the box and ivy, but even it does not quite come up to them ; for while they fuffer nothing in whatever manner they are expofed, the ju¬ niper, though it bears cold well under the flicker of other trees, yet cannot bear the viciflitudes of heat and cold; infomuch that fome juniper fhrubs were found half dead and half vigorous ; that fide which faced the mid-day fun having periftied by the fucceffive thawings and freezings of its fap ; while that which was not ex¬ pofed to the viciflitudes of heat had born the cold per- fe&ly well. Such fhrubs as are not hardy enough to defy the winter, but appear half dead in the fpring, may often be recovered by Mr Evelyn’s method of beat¬ ing their branches with a {lender hazel-wand, to ftrike off the withered leaves and buds, and give a free paf- fage to the air to the internal parts. Where this fails, the method is to cut them down to the quick, and if no part of the trunk appears in a growing condition, they muff be taken off down to the level of the ground. Philofophical Tranfaftions, n° 165. SHUCKFORD (Samuel), curate ®f Shelthon in Norfolk, prebendary of Canterbury, and chaplain in ordinary to the king, was a learned Englifhman. His manners were thofe of a philofopher, uncorrupted by the manners of the world. He wrote a hiftory of the world, facred and profane, to ferve as an introduction to Prideaux, in 3 vols 8vo. It is heavily written, but difplays a great deal of erudition. His death, which happened in 1756, prevented him from carrying it down to the year 747 before Chrift, where Prideaux begins. He wrote alfo a treatife on the Creation and Fall of Man, to ferve as a fupplement to the preface to his hiftory. SHUTTLE, in the manufactures, an inftrument ufed by the weavers, which guides the thread it contains, either of woollen, filk, flax,or other matter, fo as to make it form the woofs of fluffs, cloths, linens, ribbands, &c. by throwing the fhuttle alternately from lett to right, and from right to left, acrofs between the threads of the warp, which are ftretched out lengthwife on the loom. In the middle of the fhuttle is a kind of cavity, call¬ ed the eye or chamber of the fhuttle ; wherein is inclofed the fpoul, which is a part of the thread deftined for the woof; and this is wound on a little tube of paper, rulh, or other matter. The ribband-weaver’s fhuttle is very different from that of moft. other weavers, though it ferves for the fame purpofe : it is of box, fix or feven inches long, one broad, and as much deep; fliod with iron at both Shrah Shuttle- r S I A [ 449 ] S I A Slain- ends, wfuch terminate in points, and are a little crook- gogues, ^ the one towards the right, and the other towards riiam. tjic ieft> reprefenting the figure of an co horizontally placed. See Weaving. SIALOGOGUES, medicines which promote the ! falivary difeharge Boundaries SIAM Proper, by fome called Upper, (to diftinguifii and extent. jt from t^g l^ver Siam, under which are often inclu¬ ded Laos, Cambodia, and Malacca), is bounded on the north by the kingdoms of Pegu and Laos; on the call by Cambodia and Cochin-China; on the fouth by Ma¬ lacca and the bay of Siam; and on the weft by the ocean. But as the opinions of geographers are ex¬ tremely various concerning the fituation and extent of moft of the inland countries of Afia and Africa, neither the extent nor boundaries of Siam are yet accurately known. By fome it is fupppfed to extend 550 miles in length, and 250 miles in breadth ; in kune places it a is not above i;o miles broad. Weather. The winds blow here from the fouth upon the coaft of Siam, in March, April, and May ; in April the rains begin, in May and June they fall almofi without cea- fing. In July, Auguft, and September, the winds blow from the weft, and the rains continuing, the rivers over¬ flow their banks nine or ten miles on each fide, and for more than 150 miles up the ftream. /’ t this time, and more particularly in July, the tides are fo ftrong as to come up rhe river Menan as iar as the city of Siam, which is fituated 60 miles from its mouth ; and fometimes as far as Louvo, which is <;o miles higher. The winds blow from the weft and north in Obiober, when the rain ceafes. In N wember and December the winds blow dry from the north, and the waters being in a few days reduced to their ancient channels, the tides become fo infenrble, that the water is frefti at the mouth of the river. t Siam there is never more than one flood and one ebb in the fpace o >4 hours. In January the wind blows from the eaft, and in February from the eaft and fouth. When the wind is at eaft, the current fets to the weft; and, on the contrary, when the wind is at weft, the currents run to the eafl- ward. As this country is fituated near the tropic, it muft neceffarily be very hot; but yet, as in other places nearly of the fame latitude, when the fun, is vertical and fliines with a moft intenfe heat, the inhabitants are fo fkreened by the clouds, and the air is fo refrefhed by a deluge of rain that overflows the plains which the people chiefly inhabit, that the heat is very fupportable. ^ The cooler! wind blows in December and January. Vegeiable The vegetable produce «f this country is chiefly rice proi'.uc- an4 wheat, befides tropical and a few European fruits. The Siamefe prepare the land for tillage as foon as the earth is fuftlciently rnoiflened by the floods. They plant their rice before the waters rife to any confrder- able height, and, as they rife fiowly, the rice keeps pace with them, and the ear is always above the water. T hey reap their corn when the water retires, and fome¬ times go in boats to cut it while the waters are upon the ground. They alfo fow rice in feveral parts of the kingdom that are not overflowed, and this is thought better tafted, and will keep longer, than the other ; but they are forced to fupply thefe fields conifantly with water, while the rice is growing, from baiins and ponds that fie about them. Vot. XVII. Part II, They have no European fruits except oranges, !e- Siam, mons, citrons, and pomegranates. They have bananas,v— Indian figs, jaques, durions, mangoes, mangoftans, ta¬ marinds, ananas, and cocoa-nuts; they have alfo abun¬ dance of pepper and fugar canes. The mountains are covered with trees which make good mafts. The ve¬ getable of greatell ufe in the country is the bamboo, which grows chiefly in marfhy foils, and is often found of a prodigious fize. Cotton trees are found in great numbers ; and others that yield capoc, a very fine cot¬ ton wool, but fo Ihort as to be unfit for fpinning, though it anfwers very well for fluffing mattrefl'es and pillows. ^ There is no country where elephants abound mere Animal*, than in Siam, or where they are held in greater venera¬ tion. They have a few horfes, fheep, and goats, be¬ fides oxen and buffaloes ; but they have no good ani¬ mal food except the flefh of hows, their beef and mutton being of a very indifferent quality. ^ The Siamele are of fmall ftature, but well propor- Defcriptlon tioned; their complexions are fwarthy ; the faces of °f he inha- both the men and women are broad, and their fore-bltant,a heads, fuddenly contradling, terminate in a point, as well as their chins. They have fmall black eyes, hol¬ low jaws, large mouths, and thick pale lips. Their teeth are dyed black, their rnffes are fliort and round at the end, and they have large ears, which they think very beautiful. Their hair is thick and lank, and both fexes cut it fo Ihort that it reaches no low'er than their ears; the women make it ftand up on their foreheads ; and the men (have their beards. ^ People of diftin&ion wear a piece of calico tied Drefs. about their loins, that reaches down to their knees The men bring up this cloth between their legs, and tuck it into their girdles, which gives it the appearance of a pair of breeches. They have alfo a muflin Ihirt without a collar, with wide fleeves, no wriftbands, and the bofom open. In winter they wear a piece of ftuff or painted linen over their Ihoulders, like a mantle, and wind it about their arms. The king of Siam is diftinguifhed by wearing a veft; of brocaded fatin, with ftraight fleeves that reach down to the wrift, under fueh a fhirt as we have juft deferi- bed, and it is unlawful for any fubjeft to wear this drefs unlefs he receives it from the king. They wear flippers with piked toes turned up, but no ftockings. The king fometimes prefents a military veft to the ge¬ nerals ; this is buttoned before, and reaches to the knees ; but the fleeves are wide, and come no lower than the elbows. All the retinue of the kinp-, either in war or in hunting, are clothed in red. The king wears a cap in the form of a fug ar-loaf, encompaffed by a coronet or circle of precious ftones, and thofe of his officers have a circle of gold, filver, or of vermilion gilt, to diftinguifh their quality ; and thefe caps are fa¬ ttened with a ftay under the chin ; they are only worn when they are in the king’s prefence, or when they pre- fide in courts of juftice, and on other extraordinary oc» cafions. They have alfo hats for travelling; but, in general, fe w people cover their heads notwithftanding the fcorching heat of the fun. The women alfo wrap a cloth about their middle, which hangs down to the calf of their legs. They co¬ ver their breafts with another cloth, the ends of which hang over their ffiouldcrs. But they have no garment 3 L cor- S t A Siam, correfponding to a fliift, nor any covering for their heads but their hair. The common people are al- moit naked, and wear neither ihoes nor flippers. The women wear as many rings on the three hit fingers of each hand as they can keep on, and bracelets upon their wrifts and ancles, with pendants in their ears fhaped like 7 a pear. Manneis For an inferior to Hand before a fuperior is deemed and cu- infolent; and therefore Haves and people of inferior flon.s. rank fit upon their heels, with their heads a little in¬ clined, and their joined hands lifted up to their fore¬ heads. In paffing by a fuperior they bend their bodies, joining their hands, and lifting them toward their heads in proportion to the refpedl they would fiiow. When an inferior pays a vifit, he enters the room Hooping, proftrates himfelf, and then remains upon his knees, fitting upon his heels without (peaking a word till he is addreffed by the perfon whom he viiits ; for he that is of the higheft quality muft always fpeak firfl.. If a perfon of rank vilits an inferior, he walks upright, and the mailer of the houfe receives him at the door, and waits on him fo far when he goes away, but never far¬ ther. The highed part of the houfe is elteemed the moll honourable, and no perfon cares to lodge under ano¬ ther’s feet. The Siamefe indeed have but one llory, but the rooms rife gradually, and the innennoft, which are the higheft, are always the moil honourable. When the Siamefe ambaffador came to the French court, fome of his retinue were lodged in a floor over the am- s bafl’ador’s head ; but they no fooner knew it, than they wrere ilruck with the greatell confternation, and ran down tearing their hair at the thoughts of being guil¬ ty of v/hat they confidered as fo unpardonable a crime. The Siamefe never permit fuch familiarities as are praftifed by gentlemen in Europe. Eafinefs of accefs, and affability to inferiors, is in that part of the world thought a fxgn of weaknefs, and yet they take no no¬ tice of fome things which would be looked upon as ill breeding among us; fuch as belching in company, which no man endeavours to prevent, or fo much as hokls his hand before his mouth. They have an extra¬ ordinary refpedl for the head, and it is the greatell af¬ front to llroke or touch that of another perfon ; nay, their cap mull not be ufed with too much familiarity ; for when a fervant carries it, it is put on a Hick and held above his head ; and when the mailer Hands Hill the Hick is fet down, it having a foot to Hand upon. They alfo flrow their refpeft by lifting their hands to the head ; and therefore, when they receive a letter from any one for whom they have a great refpedl,. they im¬ mediately hold it up to their heads, and fometimes lay g it upon their heads. Ctenius and They are elteemed an ingenious people, and though difpefitior s rather indolent than adlive in difpolition, they are not addidled to the voluptuous vices which often accompa¬ ny a Hate of eafe, being remarkably chafle and tempe¬ rate, and even holding drunkennefs in abhorrence.— They are, however, accounted infolent towards their inferiors, and equally obfequious to thofe above them ; the latter of which qualities appears to be particularly inculcated from their earlieH youth. In general, their behaviour is extremely modell, and they are averfe to loquacity. Like the Chinefe, they avoid fpeaking ia S I A the firH perfon • and when they addrefs a lady, it is al« Rum. ways with fome refpedlful epithet, inflnuating perfonal aecomplilhments. No man in this country learns any particular trade, but has a general knowledge of all that are commonly pradlifed, and every one works fix months for the king by rotation ; at which time, if he Ihould be found per¬ fectly ignorant of the buiinefs he is fet about, he is doomed to fuller the bafiinado. The confequence of this burdenfome fervice is, that no man endeavour*" to excel in his bulinefs, leH he Ihould be obliged to pradxife it as long as he lives for the benefit of the crown. The government of this country is extremely op- Govern* preflive, the king being not only fovereign but proprie- menu tor of all the lands, and chief merchant likewife ; by which means he monopolizes almoH the whole traffic, to the great prejudice of his fubjedts. The crown is faid to be hereditary, but it is often transferred by re¬ volutions, on account of the exorbitant abufe of power in thole who exercife the royal office. In his palace, the king is attended by women, who not only prepare his food, and wait on him at table, but even perform the part of valets, and put on all his clothes, except his cap, which is confidered as too facred to be touched by any hand but his own. He fhows himfeif to the people only twice a-year, when he dillributes his alms to the talapoins or priefis ; and on thole occafions he always appears in an elevated fituation, or mounted on the back of an elephant. When he takes the diverlion of hunting, he is as ufual attended by his women on foot, preceded by a guard of 200 men, who drive all the people from the roads through which they are to pafs ; and when the king Hops, all his attendants fall upon their faces on the ground. All their proceedings in law are committed to wri- Forms of ting, and none is fuffered to exhibit a charge againH Proce^*‘ another, without giving fecurity to profecute it, and anfwer the damages if he does not prove the la6l againil the perfon accufed. When a perfon intends to profe¬ cute another, he draws up a petition, in which he fets forth his complaint, and prefents it to the nai, or head of the band to which he belongs, who tranfmits it to the governor ; and if the complaint appears frivolous, the profeeutor, according to the laws of the country, Ihould be punilhed ; but the magiHrates generally en¬ courage profecutions on account ol the perquifites they bring to their office. Every thing being prepared for hearing, the parties are feveral days called into court, and perfuaded to agree ; but this appears to be only a matter of form. At length the governor appoints a day for all parties to attend ; and being come into court, the clerk reads the proceis and opinion of his affociates, and then the governor examines upon what reafons their opinions are founded; which being explained to him, he pro¬ ceeds to pafs judgment. When fufficient proofs are wanting, they have re- yria| by of1 courle to an ordeal trial, like that of our Saxon ance-deaL Hors : both the plaintiff and the defendant walk upon burning coals, and he that efcapes unhurt is adjudged to be in the rightfometimes the proof is made by put¬ ting their hands in boiling oil; and in both thefe trials, by fome peculiar management, one or the other is faid to remain unhurt. They have alfo a proof by water,. [ 450 1 Siam s r a Slam, 17, Religious o^iflioru. , 13 Marriages, I4 Funerals. «-15 Rivers. m which he who remains longed under It is efteemed 1 Innocent. They have another proof, by fwallowing pills, which d.eir priefts adminifter with fevere impreca¬ tions ; and the party who keeps them in his ftomach without vomiting is thought to be innocent. All thefe trials are made in the prefence of the ma- giftrates and people ; and the king himfelf frequently diredls them to be performed, when crimes come before him by way of appeal. Sometimes he orders both the informer and prifoner to be thrown to the tigers : and the perfon that efcapes by his not being leized upon by thofe beads, is fufficiently judified. They maintain the do&rine of tranfmigration, belie¬ ving in a pre-exiftent date, and that they {hall pafs into ether bodies till they are fufficiently purified to be re¬ ceived into paradife. They believe likewife that th« foul is material, but not fubjeft to the touch ; that it retains the human figure after quitting a body of that Ipecies ; and that when it appears to perfons with whom it was acquainted, which they fuppofe it to do, the wounds of one that has been murdered will then be vi- fible. They are of opinion that no man will be eter¬ nally punifhed ; that the good, after feveral tranfmigra- tions, will enjoy perpetual happinefs; but that thofe who are not reformed will be doomed to tranfmigra¬ tion to all eternity. They believe in the exidence of a Supreme Being ; but the obje&s of their adoration are departed faints, whom they confider as mediators or in- terceffors for them; and to the honour of this nume¬ rous tribe both temples and images are erefted. The men of this country are allowed a plurality of women; but excepting one, who is a wife by contraft, the others are only concubines, and their children deem¬ ed incapable of any legal inheritance. Previous to eve¬ ry nuptial contradt, an adrologer mud be confulted, who calculates the nativity of the parties, and deter¬ mines whether their union is likely to prove fortunate or otherwife. When his prognoftication is favourable, the lover is permitted to vifit his miftrefs three times, at the lad of which interviews the relations being pre- fent,. the marriage portion is paid, when, without any religious ceremony performed, the nuptials are reckon¬ ed complete, and foon after confummated. A few days after the talapoin vifits the manied couple, fprinkles them with water, and repeats a prayer for their pro- fperity. The pra&ice in Siam refpefting funerals, is both to burn and bury the dead. The corpfe being laid upon the pile, it is fuffered to burn till a conliderable part is confumed, when the remainder is interred in a burying- place contiguous to fome temple. The reafon which they give for not burning it entirely to afhes is, that they fuppofe the deceafed to be happy when part of his remains efcapes the fire. Indead of a tombftone, they ereft a pyramid over the grave. It formerly was the cudom to burytreafure with the corpfe ; but long¬ er experience evincing, that the facrilegious light in which robbing the graves was confidered did not pre* vent the crime, they now difcontinue the ancient prac¬ tice, and inftead of treafure bury only painted papers and other trifles. The two principal rivers are the Menan and the Me- con, which rife in the mountains of Tartary, and run to the fouth ; the former paffing by the city of Siam, falls into the bay of tire fame name, in the 13th de- [ 451 1 S I B gree of north latitude ; and the latter running through Taos and Cambodia, difcharges itfelf into the Indian s;]Jr;a ocean in the 9th degree of north latitude. / The capital of the country is Siam, called by the na- 16 tives Siyotboya, fituated in the 101 ft degree of ead longi- Oefcnp- tude, and in the 14th degree of north latitude, being al- 1 e mod encompaffed by the branches of the river Menan. It is about 1 o miles in circumference within the walls, but not a fixth part of the ground is occupied by buildings. In the vacant fpaces there are near 300 pagodas or temples, round which are fcattered the convents of the prieits and their burying-places. The dreets of the city are fpacious, and fome have canals running through them, over which is a great number of bridges. The houfes dand on pillars of the bamboo cane, and are built of the fame materials ; the communication between different families, during the winter feafon, being carri¬ ed on as in other tropical countries by means of boats. The grounds belonging to the feveral tenements are fe- parated by a pallifado, within which the cattle are hou- fed in barns, erefted likewife upon pillars, to preferve them from the annual inundation. SIBBALDIA, in botany : A genus of plants be- longing to the clafs of pentandria, and to the order of pentagynia; and in the natural fyftem arranged under the 35th order, Senticofjc. The calyx is divided into ten fegments. The petals are five, and are inferted into the calyx. The ftyles are attached to the fide of the germens. The feeds are five. There are three fpe- cies belonging to this genus, the procumbens, ereSa, and altaica. The procumbens, or reclining fibbaldia, is a native of North Britain, having never been dilcovered in the fouthern parts of the ifiand. It grows on Ben-Lo- mond and Ben-Mor, within a mile of the fummit. It is diftinguifhed by a procumbent or trailing ftem ; by three leaves growing on the top of a fmall footftalk, which are trifid at the extremity, and fomewhat hairy. The flowers are yellow, and bloffom in July or Au« guft. SIBENICO, or Sebenico, the name of a city and province of Dalmatia. The province of Sibenico runs along the fea for more than 30 miles; reaches in fome places above 20 miles within land, and comprehends above 70 iflands. The city of Sibenico is fituated near the mouth of the river Cherca, in the Gulf of Venice, 3 5 miles north of Spalatto, and 25 fouth-eall of Zara. E. Eong. 16'’ 46', N. Eat. 44° 17'. It belongs to the Venetians. It is defended on one fide by a caftle, which held out againft repeated attacks of the Turks, and towards the fea by a fort. r SIBERIA, a large Country, comprehending the Boundaries moft northerly parts of the Ruffian empire in Alia. Itand extent, is bounded on the eaft by the eaftern ocean ; on the fouth by Great Tartary; on the weft by Ruffia ; and on the north by the Frozen Ocean. It is about 2000 miles in length from eaft to weft, and 750 miles in breadth from north to fouth. t At what time this country was firft inhabited, orConqueied by whom it was peopled, we are entirely ignorant the but writings have been found in it when it was difcover- Run‘ar s* ed, which (hows that it muft have been early known to a civilized peoplef. The Ruffians, from whom we have ^ received our knowledge, knew nothing of it before the ‘Tra've,s’ middle of the 16th century. In the reign of John Eafiio- wiu I. indeed, an incurfion had been made into Siberia, ,3 k 2 and- Siberia. State of Siberia at the time of theRuf soixjueft. S I B [ 452 ] S T B and forne Tartar tribes fubdued: but tbefe conquefts were not permanent; and we hear of no further communica¬ tion between Ruffia and Siberia till the time of John Bafilowitz II. It was opened again at that time by means of one Anika Strogonoff, a Ruffian merchant who had eftabliflied fom.e falt-works at a town in the government of Archangel. This man carried on a trade with the inhabitants of the north-weft parts of Siberia, who brought every year to the town above- mentioned large quantities of the fineft furs. Thus he acquired a very confiderable fortune in a fhort time; when at laft the czar, perceiving the advantages which would accrue to his fubjefts from having a regular in- tercourfe with Siberia, determined to enlarge the com¬ munication which was already opened. With this view he fent into Siberia a body of troops, which crofted the Yugorian mountains, that form part of the north- eaftern boundary of Europe. They feem, however, not to have pafted the Irtifh, or to have penetrated far¬ ther than the weftern branch of the river Oby. Some Tartar tribes were laid under contribution, and a chief named Tediger confented to pay an annual tribute of 1000 fables. But this produced no lafting advantage to Ruffia ; for, foon after, Yediger was defeated and taken prifoner by Kutchum Khan, a defeendant of the great Jenghiz Khan : and thus the allegiance of this country to Ruffia was diffolved. For fome time we hear of no further attempts made by the Ruffians on Siberia ; but in 1577 the founda¬ tion of a permanent conqueft was laid by one Yermac Temofeeff, a Coffack of the Don. This man was at firft the head of a party of banditti who infefted the Ruffians in the province of Cafan ; but being debated by the troops of the czar, he retired with 6000 of his followers into the interior parts of that province. Continuing his courfe ftill eaftward, he came to Orel, the moft eafterly of all the Ruffian fettlements. Here he took up his winter-quarters r but his reftlefs genius did not fuffer him to continue for any length of time in a ftate of ina&ivity ; and from the intelligence he pro¬ cured concerning the fituation of the neighbouring Tartars of Siberia, he turned his arms towards that quarter. Siberia was at that time partly divided among a number of feparate princes, and partly inhabited by the various tribes of independent Tartars. Of the ' former Kutchum Khan was the moft powerful fove. reign. His dominions conftfted of that tradt of coun¬ try which now forms the fouth-weftern part of the pro- Siberia, vince of Tebollk ; and ftretched from the banks of the Irtifh and Oby to thofe of the Tobol and Tura. His principal refidence was at Sibir, a fmall fortrefs upon the river Irtifh, not far from the prefent town of Tobolfk, and of which fome ruins are ftill to be feen. After a courfe of unremitted fatigue, and a feries of victories which almoft exceed belief, but of which we have not room to give the detail, our intrepid adventu¬ rer difpoffeffed this prince of his dominions, and feated himfelf on the throne of Sibir. The number of his fol¬ lowers, however, being greatly reduced, and perceiving he could not depend on the affe£lion ol his new lub- je£ts, he had recourfe to the czar of Mufcovy, and made a tender of his new acquifitions to that monarch, upon condition of receiving immediate and effe&ual fupport. This propofal was received with the greateft fatisfac- tion by the czar; who granted him a pardon for all former offences, and fent him the required fuc- cours. Yermac, however, being foon after drowned in an unfucceisful excurfion, the Ruffians began to lofe their footing in the country. But frefh reinforcements being feafonably fent, they not only recovered their ground, but pufhed their conquefts far and wide ; wherever they appeared, the Tartars were either redu¬ ced or exterminated. New towns were built, and co¬ lonies were planted on all Tides. Before a century had well elapfed, all that vaft traft of country now called Siberia^ which ftretches from the confines of Europe to the Eaftern Ocean, and from the Frozen Sea to the prefent frontiers of China, was annexed to the Ruffian dominions. ^ The air of Siberia is, in general, extremely piercing, Climate, the cold there being more fevere than in any other part of the Ruffian dominions. The Siberian rivers are frozen very early, and it is late in the fpring before the ice is thawed (a). If the corn does not ripen in Auguft, there is little hope of a harveft in this country ; and in the province of Jeniieilk it is fometimes covered with fnow before the peafants can reap it. To defend the inhabitants againft this extreme feverity of the climate. Providence feems more liberally to have dealt out to them wood for fuel and furs for clothing. As the win¬ ter’s day in the north parts of Siberia laft but a few hours, and the ftorms and flakes, of fnow darken the air fo much, that the inhabitants, even at noon, cannot fee to do any thing without artificial lights, they fleep away the greateft part of that feafon. Thefe (a) M. Gmelin, M. Muller, and two other philbfophers, fet out in the year 1733 to explore the dreary regions of Siberia, by defrre of the emprefs Anne of Ruffia. After {pending nine years and a half in obferving every thing that was remarkable, they returned to Peterfburgh ; and an account of this journey was publifhed by M.. Gmelin. In order to examine how far the froft had penetrated into the ground, M. Gmelin, on the 1 8th of June, at a place called Jacutia, ordered the earth to be dug in high ground ; they found mould to the depth ot 11 inches, under which they met with loofe land to two feet and a halt further, after which it grew harder, and at half a foot deeper fo hard as. fcarce to give way to the tools y fo that the ground ftill remained unthawed at not lefs than the depth of four feet. He made the fame experiment in a lower f’tuation ; the foil was 1.0 inches deep, after that a loofe fand for two feet and ten inches, below which all was frozen and hard. At Jacutia the inhabitants preferve in cellars feveral farts of berries, which they reckon among their dainties,, perfectly good and frefh the whole year, though thefe cellars are fcarce a fathom deep:. At the fortrefs of Argun, in little more than 50 degrees of latitude, the inhabitants relate that the earth in many places is never thawed above a yard and half, and that the internal cold of the earth will fcarce permit a well to be dug, of which they bring an inftance that happened not long before the author’s arrival at that place. They deffgned to fink a. well near a houfe at fome S I B [ Siberia. 5 Soil and produce. Thefe fevere winters are rapidly fucceeded by futn- ^ mers, in which the heat is fo intenfe that the 1'ungu- fians, who live in the province oi Jakutfk, go almoft naked. Here is fcarcely any night during that feafon ; and towards the Frozen Ocean the fun appears continu¬ ally above the horizon. The vegetables and fruits of the earth are here extremely quick in their growth. The whole track of land beyond the 6oth degree of north latitude is a barren walle ; for the north part of Siberia yields neither corn nor fruits ; though barley is known frequently to come to perfeftion in Jakutlk.— For this reafon, the inhabitants of the northern parts are obliged to live on filh and flefh, but the Ruffians are fupplied with corn from the fouthern parts of Siberia, where the foil is furprifingly fertile. The countries be¬ yond the lake ot Baikal, efpecially towards the eaft, as far as the river Argun, are remarkably fruitful and plea- fant ; but fuch is the indolence of the inhabitants, that feveral line trafts ol land, which would make ample returns to the pealant for cultivating them, lie negleft- ed. The paltures are excellent in this country, which abounds in fine horned cattle, horfes, goats, &c. on which the Tartars chiefly depend for fubliftence. How- 453 1 SIB ever, there are feveral fteppes, or barren walles, and tin- Slber improvable tra&s in thefe parts; and not a lingle fruit '-““v- tree is to be feen. There is great variety of vegetables, and in feveral places, particularly near Krafnaia Slobo- da, the ground is in a manner overrun with afparagus of an extraordinary height and delicious flavour. The bulbs of the Turkilh bundes, and other forts of lilies, are much ufed by the Tartars inftead of bread. This want of fruit and corn is richly compenfated by the great quantities of wild and tame beads, and fowls, and the infinite variety of fine filh which the country af¬ fords (b.) In that part of Siberia which lies near the Ice Sea, as well as in feveral other places, are woods of pine, larch, and other trees ; befides which, a confiderable quantity of wood is thrown alhore by the waves of the Ice Sea; but whence it comes is not yet aider- tained. g Befides the wild fowl with which Siberia abounds, WiM there is a prodigious number of quadrupeds, fome ofbealW, which are eatable, and others valuable for their fkins or furs. The animals moll valued for their fkins are the black fox, fome diftance from the river Argun, for which purpofe they thawed the earth by degrees, and dug fome fathoms till they had penetrated a fathom and half below the level of the river, but found no fpring. Hence perhaps we may venture to alfert, that befides the great elevation of the earth in thefe countries, there is another caufe, perhaps latent in the earth itfelf, of this extraordinary cold, naturally fuggefted to us by coniidering the cavity of an old filver mine at Argun, which being exhaulled of its ore, now ferves the inhabitants in fummer time for a cellar to keep their provifions: this place is fo extremely cold as to preferve flelh meats from putrefadlion in the hotteil fummers, and to fink the mercury in de Lille’s thermometer to 146 and 147. The author travelling from Nerfchoi towards Argun, to vifit the works of the filver mines in that place, Auguft 1735, came to the nver Orkija, near Solonifchaia, on July the ill, from whence he arrived a little before dark at the village of Se~ ventua, diftant from the river 27 leagues. In this journey he and his fellow travellers for more than four leagues felt it vallly cold ; fcon after they came into a warm air, which continued fome leagues; after which the cold re¬ turned ; and thus are travellers fubjefted to perpetual vicilfitudes of warmth and cold. But it is obferved, in ge¬ neral, that jhe eaftern parts are colder than the weftern, though fituated in the fame latitude ; for as in thole eaftern regions fome tra£ts of land are much colder than the reft, their effe&s muft be felt by the neighbouring parts. And this conjedlure is favoured by the thermometrical obfervations made with M. de LTfle’s inftrument in all parts of Siberia, in which the mercury was depreffed to the 226th degree, even in thofe parts that lie very much towards the fouth, as in the territory of Selinga, which faid degree anfwers in Fahrenheit’s thermo¬ meter to about 55.5 below o, but the fame thermometer fometimes indicated a much greater cold. At the fort of Kiringa, on Feb. io- 1748, at 8 in the morning, the mercury flood at 240, which anfwers nearly to 72 be¬ low o in Fahrenheit’s. On the 23d of the fame month it was a degree lower. At the fame place, December 11. at three in the afternoon, it flood at 254 in De Lifle’s thermometer, and very near 90 in Fahrenheit’s • on December 29. at four in the afternoon, at 263 ; on November 27. at noon, at 270 ; January 9. at 275, which- feveral depreffions anfwer in Fahrenheit’s to 99.44, 107.73, and 113.65; on January 5. at 5 in the morning, at 262, an hour after at 281, but at eight o’clock it returned to 250, and there remained till 6 in the afternoon* and then rdfe by degrees till an hour before midnight, when it flood at 202. So that the greateft deprefiion of the mercury anfwers in Fahrenheit’s thermometer to 120.76 degrees below o, which is indeed very furprifinp-, and what no body ever imagined before. While this cold lafted at Jenrfea, the fparrows and magpies fell to the ground, ftruck dead, as it were, with the froft, but revived if they were foon brought into a warm room. The author was told all'o that numbers of wild beafts were found in the woods dead and ftiff with the froft, and fe¬ veral travellers Itf d their blood and juices quite frozen in their veffels. The air itfelf at that time was fo drimal that you would think it changed to ice, as it was a thick fog, which was nat diffipable by any exhalations as in the fpring and autumn, and the author could fcarce ftand three minutes in the porch of his houfe for the cold (b) The oak, though frequent in Ruffia, it is fard, is not to be found through this vaft region nearer than the banks of the Argun and Amur, in the dominions of China. The white poplar, the afpen, the black poplar the common fallow, and leveral fpecies of the willow, are very common. The Norway and filver fir form great foreils ; but the former does not grow beyond the 60th degree of north latitude, and the latter not beyond 58 degrees. To this dreary region of Siberia, Europe is indebted for that excellent fpecies of oats called Sivena Sibirica, and our gardens are enlivened with the gay and brilliant flowers brought from the fame country. ‘ a S berig. SIB f 454 ] . s 1 | fox, the fable, the hyaena, the ermine, the fquirrel, knife; but care is taken that B 7 Minerals 8 Precious Clones. „ 9 Marien- glas. the beaver, and the lynx. The ilcin of a real black fox is more efteemed than even that of a iable. In the country near the Frozen Ocean are alfo blue and white foxes. The fineft fables come from Nertfhinfk and Ja- kutfk, the inhabitants of which places catch them in tue mountains ©f Stannowoi Krebet. The tributary nations were formerly obliged to pay their taxes in the fkins of foxes and fables only. But now the flcins of fquirrels, bears, rein-deer, &c. and fometimes money, are received by way of tribute ; and this not only from thofe who live near the Lena, but alfo in the govern¬ ments of Ilinfk, Irkutzk, Selenginlk, and Nertfhinfk. When the Tartars firft became tributary to Ruffia, they brought their furs indiferiminately as they caught them, and among them were often fables of extraordi¬ nary value ; and formerly, if any trader brought with him an iron kettle, they gave him in exchange for it as many fables as it would hold. But they are now bet¬ ter acquainted with their value. They fell their fables to fmugglers at a very high price, and pay only a ruble inttead of a fkin to the revenue officers, who now re¬ ceive more ready money than fables, by way ot tribute. The fubje&s plead the fcarcity of furs, and indeed not without fome appearance of truth. Siberia has ftill other and more valuable treafures than thofe we have yet mentioned. The lilver mines ot Ar¬ gun are extremely rich ; the tilver they produce yield .fome gold, and both of thefe are found among the cop¬ per ore of Koliwan. This country is alfo particularly rich in copper and iron ore. The former lies even up¬ on the furface of the earth ; and confiderable mines of it are found in the mountains of Pidtow, Koliwan, Plo- fkau, Wotkerefenfk, Kufwi, Alepaik, and feveral others, and in the government of Krafnoiarfk (c). Iron is ftill more plentiful in all thefe places, and very good ; but that of Kamentki is reckoned the beft. Several hun¬ dred thoufand puds of thefe metals are annually export¬ ed from the fmelting houfes, which belong partly to the crown, and partly to private perfons. Moft of them lie in the government of Catharinenburg- I he Tartars alfo extrad a great quantity of iron from the ore. The topazes of Siberia have a fine luftre, and in open fandy places, near the river Argun, as well as on the banks of other rivers and lakes, are found fingle fmall pieces of agate. Here are alfo cornelians and green jaf- per with red veins. The latter is chiefly met with in the deferts of Gobifkoi. The famous marienglas, or lapis fpecularis, great quantities of which are dug up in Siberia, is by lome called Mufcovy or Ruffian glafs ; and by others, though with lefs propriety, ifinglafs. It is a particular ipecies of tranfparent ftone, lying in ftrata like fo many ffieets of paper. The matrix, or ftone in which it is found, is partly a light yellow quartz, or marcaffia, and partly a brown indurated fluid ; and this Hone contains in it all the fpecies of the marienglas. To render the ma- rienglas fit for ufe, it is fplit with a thin two-edged n Curiolttiet. the lamlnse be not too thin. It is ufed for windows and lanterns all over Si- beria, and indeed in every part of the Ruffian empire, and looks very beautiful; its luttre and clearneis fur- paffing that of the fineft glafs, to which it is particu¬ larly preferable for windows and lanterns of fhips, as it will fland the explofion of cannon. It is found in the greateft plenty near the river Witim. ,0 Siberia affords magnets of an extraordinary fize, and Magnet*, even whole mountains of loadftone. Pit-coal is alfo dug up in the northern parts of this country. The kamennoe maflo, a yellowifh kind of alum, undtuous and fmooth to the touch, like tophus, is found in the mountains of Krafnoiarfk, Ural, Altaifh, Jenifea, Bai¬ kal, Bargufik, Lena, and feveral others in Siberia. xx In this country are not only a great number of frefhSa't^a'tes water lakes, but likewife feveral whofe waters are fait ;an and thefe reciprocally change their nature, the fait fome¬ times becoming frefh, and the frefh changing into faline. Some lakes alio dry up, and others appear where none were ever feen before. The fait lake of Yamufha, in the province of Tobolfk, is the moll remarkable of all, for it contains a fait as white as fnow, confifthr* entire¬ ly of cubic cry-ftals. One finds alfo in Siberia faline fprings, fait water brooks, and a hill of fait. Siberia affords many other things which deferve no tice. That uferul root called rhubarb grows in vail quantities near the city of Seleginfk. The curious ma- muth’s bones and horns, as they are called, which are found along the banks of the Oby, Jenefei, Lena, and Iitifh, are unqueilionably the teeth and bones of ele¬ phants. But whether thefe elephants teeth and bones weir conveyed to thefe northern regions by the gene¬ ral deluge, or by any other inundation, and were by degrees covered with earth, is a point which might lead us into long and very- fruitleis difquifitions ; we fhall therefore only obferve, that fuch bones have likewife been found in Ruffia, and even in feveral parts of Ger¬ many. A kind of bones of a ftill larger fize than thele have alfo been dug up in Siberia, and feem to have be¬ longed to an animal of the ox kind. The horn of the whale called narwhal has been found in the earth near the fivers Indigiika and Anadir ; and the teeth of ano¬ ther fpecies of whales, called Wolrofs, about Anadirileoi. The latter are larger than the common fort, which are brought from Greenland, Archangel, and Kola. 13 The chain of Siberian mountains reaches from that •'rAuauint, of Werchoturie towards the fouth as far as the neigh¬ bourhood of the city of Orienburg, in a continued ridge, under the name of the Uralian mountains ; but from thence it alters its diredlion weltward. Thefe mountains are a kind of boundary between Ruffia Proper and Siberia. Another chain of hills divides Siberia from the country of the Calmucks and Mongalians.— Thefe mountains, between the rivers Irtiffi and Oby, are called the Attaic or Golden Mountains, which name they afterwards lofe, particularly between the river Je¬ nefei and the Baikal lake, where they are called the Sayanian mountains. The (c) The copper mines of Koliwan, from which gold and filver are extra&ed, employ above 40,000 people. The filver mines of Nertffiinlk, beyond lake Baikal, employ above 14,000. The whole revenue arifing from ihefe mines, according to Mr Coxe, is not lefs than L. 679,182, 13 s. . / S X B 14 Inhabitant Lemprieres JJiflio/h, ry. Sibtherpi'a, The Inhabitants of Siberia confift of the Aborigines , rili,yl3' , or ancient inhabitants, the Tartars, and Ruffians. Some of thefe nations have no other religion but -.that of nature; others are Pagans or Mahometans, and fome of them have been converted to Chriftiani- ty, or rather only baptifed by the Ruffian miffiona« ries. SIBTHORPI A, in botany ; A genus of plants be- longing to the clafs of didynamia, and to the order of angiofpermia ; and in the natural fyftem claffied with thofe the order of which is doubtful. The calyx is fpreadmg, and divided into five parts, almoft to the bafe. 1 he corolla is divided into five parts in the fame man¬ ner, which are rounded, equal, ipreading, and of the length of the calyx. The ftamina grow in pairs at a affiance from each other. The capfule is compreffed, orbicular, bilocular, the partition being tranfverfe. There are two fpecies, the europaa and evohu/acea. The europaa, or baftard money-wort, is a native of South Britain. 1 he items of it are flender, and creeping The leaves are fmall, round, and notched. The flowers grow under the wings of the leaves, are fmall, and of a pale red colour. It bloffoms from July to September, and is found in Cornwall on the banks of rivulets. SIBYLS, in pagan antiquity, certain women faid to have been endowed with a prophetic fpirit, and to have delivered oracles, fhowing the fates and revolu¬ tions of kingdoms. Their number is unknown. Plato fpeaks of one, others of two, Pliny of three, iElian of four and Varro °f ten ; an opinion which is univerfally adopted by the earned. Thefe ten Sibyls generally re. fided m the following places, Perfia, Libya, Delphi Cumae in Italy, Erythraa, Samos, Cumae in ^Eolia’ MarpeiTa on the Hellefpont, Ancyra in Phrygia, and Tibiutis. I he moft celebrated of the Sibyls is that of Cumae in Italy, whom fome have called by the different rames of Amalthaea, Demiphile, Herophile, Daphne Man to Phemonoe, and Deiphobe. It is faid^that Apollo became enamoured of her, and that to make her fenfible of his paffion he offered to give her whatever ffie fhould alk. The Sibyl demanded to live as many years as ffie had grams of fand in her hand, but uufij tunately forgot to affi for the enjoyment of the health vigour, and bloom, of which ffie was then in poffeffion’ The god granted her requeft, but ffie refilled to gra- ti y the paffion of her lover, though he offered her per- petua! youth and beauty. Some time after ffie became old and decrepit her form decayed, melancholy palenefs and haggard looks fucceeded to bloom and cheerfulnefs She had already lived about 700 years when iEneas eame to Italy, and, as fome have imagined, ffie had three centunes more .o live before her yjs wer’e as »„ thc^rams o[ fa^ whlch fte had in her hand. She gave aEneas.inftrudhons how to find his father in the imernal regions, and even conduced him to the en¬ trance of hell It was ufual for the Sibvl to write her prophecies on leaves, which ffie placed at the entrance of her cave ; and it required particular care in fuch aT con- fulted her to take up thele leaves beiore they were dif became in- torians of tK P ^cording to the moft authentic hif- lo he paLe of T0ma"-TTti!;C’ 0ne °f the S,'b)'Is which fteTffeL ,aTn r e SeC°nd’ with ni"c Lames, haroh difre?arded he Ym ,ery h«h Pri«- T11' g aed her, and ffie immediately difappeared, f 1 S I G and foon after returned, when ffie had burned three of the volumes. She afked the fame price for the remain" mg fix books ; and when Tarquin refufed to buy them, ffie burned three more, and flill perfifted in demanding' the fame fum of money for the three that were left.— Ihis extraordinary behaviour aftoniffied Tarquin; ’he bought the books, and the Sibyl inftantly vaniffied ’and never after appeared to the world. Thefe books were preferved with great care by the monarch, and called the Sibylline verfes. A college of priefts was appointed to have the care of them ; and fuch reverence did the Romans entertain for thefe prophetic books, that they were confulted with the greateft folemnity, and only when the ftate feemed to be in danger. When the ca- pitol was burnt in the troubles of Sylla, the Sibylline verfes which were depofited there periffied in the con¬ flagration ; and to repair the lofs which the republic feemed to have fuftained, commiffioners were immediate¬ ly lent to different parts of Greece to colled whatever verfes could be found of the infpired writings of the Si- b>r,,s* yhe fate ot ^efe Sibylline verfes which were collected after the conflagration of the capitol is un¬ known. There are now many Sibylline verfes extant, but they are reckoned univerfally fpurious; and it is evi¬ dent that they were compofed in the fecond century by iome ot the followers of Chriftianity, who wiffied to convince the heathens of their error, by affifting the caufe of truth with the arms of pious artifice. arndme gJvento any inebriating liquor by the Helleniftic Jews. St Chryfoftom, Theodoret, and I heophilus ot Antioch, who were Syrians, and who, therefore ought to know the fignification and nature of icera, affure us, that it properly fignifies palm-wine. 1 liny acknowledges, that the wine of the palm tree was very well known through all the eaft, and that it was made by taking a bnffiel of the dates of the palm-tree and throwing them into three gallons of water • then fqueezing out the juice, it would intoxicate, hke wine.' I he wine of the palm tree is white: when it is drunk new, it has the tafte of the cocoa, and is fweet as ho¬ ney. When it is kept longer, it grows ftrong, and in* A' lon? kteP’ng. it becomes vinegar. . in muhe, denotes a kind of gay fprightlv air, or dance, probably invented in Sicily, fome what of the nature of an Enghffi jig ; ufually marked with the « _ 6 T '7. It confifts of two ftrains ; the firll charafters or ~ Sicert .it Sicily. °f ^’a"d ^he {econd of e%ht> bars or meafures. oJGIDY, is a large ifland in the Mediterranean Sea n j - adjoining loathe fouthern extremity of Italy, and e^arS’exS tends from latitude 36° ay' to latitude 38^ a and from longitude ta0 50' to longitude 160 5' eaft from London. Its greateft length aio miles, breadth 133, circumference 6:05 its form triangular, the three la- gles being the promontories of Pelorum, Pachynum, and Lilybaeum, or as they are now called the Faro, Capo 1 ctffaro, and Capo Boco. It is divided from Italy bv the ftraits of Meffina, reaching from the Tower 0/Fa- [he ^7/^/ m°ft Part °f 1116 ^ the Capo dell Arniiy ox the Cape of Arms, the moft fou- ern part of Calabria. Thefe ftraits, by the Latins called breturn Sicu/um, by the Italians // Fare di Mef. and’,r^lby larl°f MeJfinar are between L and 15 miles over m the broadeft places, and in the nar- roweft about a mile and an hatf; iafomugh that when. Mfffina Sicily. Sic [ 456 ] ,51°, Medina was taken by the Carthaginians many of the didst, laid the foundaton^of Syracufe. , - . . r a.^ C'wj^A tVjpmfelvPS IjV 1W11TI“ Hi (lory dv.' rin t the fa. b 10 as age*. MeilmawastaK.cn uy , inhabitants are faid to have faved themfelves by fwim- mine to the oppofite coafts of Italy. Hence has anfen an opinion that the ifland of Sicily was ongma ly jom- cd to the continent, but afterwards feparated by an earthquake or fome other natural caufe. This iepara- tion however, is reckoned by the moft judicious among the ancients to be fabulous ; and they content them- felves with fpeaking of it as a thing faid to have hap- PC Anciently this ifland was called Sicarna, Sicilia, and Trinacria or Triquttra; the two former it had from the 1U LUC luuuua^ius.a w. Seven years after, a new colony of Chalcidians founded Leontini and Catana, after having driven out the Sicuh, who in¬ habited that trad. About the fame time Lamis, with a colony from Megara, a city of Achaia, fettled on the river Pantacius, at a place called Trotilum, where his adventurers lived fome time in common with the Chal¬ cidians of Leontini; but, being driven from thence by the Leontines, he built the city of Thapfus, where he died. Upon his death, the colony left Thapfus; and under the condud ofjiyblon king of the Sicuh, found¬ ed Megara Hyblaea, where they refided 245 years, tiU j • u,, n.f.’lnn tvrant of Svracufe. Du- T^'Zor T iqurtras the two former it bed from the £Megara=, f Sican, and S.cuh, P'^ “ “'’trilmSlir fignre. rinj their abode at Megara, they fent one Pamdus, who ^Sbi^X to the mod refpelab.e ™s^sMThl'h^’^'Tomr/o , • 1 . 1 r Aftpr them rami CKcept what is related by the poets. After them came the Sicani, who called themfelves the original inhabi¬ tants of the country ; but feveral ancient hiftonans in¬ form us that they came from a country in bpain wa- ana x-nLimusj luc . . . < tan, led each a colony of their countrymen, and jointly built the city of Gela on a river of the fame name, elta- blifhing in their new fettlement the Doric cuftoms, about 45 years after the founding of Syracufe.* The • , , Aerricrentum 108 ve; ! a country n Spain wa- about 45 years alter uic fuuuu.. 6 - - - and improve the ground in the live under the Perf.au which was the moft fruitful part o . * , J , yome t}me after, \naxales, tyrant of Rhegmm, built feveral fmall towns and villages on the bids to y • onc;ent proprietors ; and, dividing his ■are themfelvcs agamft thieves and ■'obber,; and we« the cify M'Jfl, or fy0roedw’„nkingy 0^uPs™hee; l^d^ eL began to ^ "hich was th^nam^of his^n^ £ckam"nderthedircaio"°rSimns'“4 in the time of Thucydides. Some Trojans, after the Sacon deftrudion of their city, landed in the ifland, fett. d among the Sicani, and built the c.t.es of Eryx and E- amongr tiie oicdiii> auu 1 v r-efta, uniting themfelves with them, and taking the ge¬ neral name of Elymi or Elymxi. 'i hey were after¬ wards joined by fome Phocenfes, who fettled here on their return from the fiege of Troy. _ After the Sicani had for many ages enjoyed an un- diftuvbed poffeffion of the whole of Sicily, or fuch Part* Of it as they chofe to inhabit, they were viiited by the Siculi, who were the ancient inhabitants ot Aufoma properly fo called; but being driven out from thence by the Ooici, they took refuge m the ifland of . u y. Not being contented with the narrow bounds allowed is uuuc. t.u Eucleides, Simus, and oacon ; but peopled by the Chalcidmns and fome Syra- culan exiles, who had been driven out by the contrary ^The Syracufians built Acrae, Chafmenae, and Cama- rina ; the ftrft 70 years, the fecond 90, and the third nr after the foundation of their own city. _ ibis is the account which Thucydides, a moft judicious and exaA writer, gives us ot the various nations, whether Greeks or Barbarians, who fettled in Sicily. Strabo counts among the ancient inhabitants of Sicily the idor- getes, who being driven out of Italy by the Oenotrians, fettled in that part of the ifland where the ancient c.ty of Morgantium flood. The Campani, who affumed ihe name of Mamertini, that is, invincible -warriors, and the denied with the narrow bound, allowed very carfy in *4, ought them by the Sicarn, they sjcPanl „ere bkewlfc to be counted among the ancient inhab.tante of neighbours; upon which a war enfumg, the Sicam we < utterly defeated, and confined to a corner of the ifland, the name of which was now changed from uama into ^A bout Too years after the arrival of the Siculi, the ifland hr ft began to be known to the Greeks, who efta- felifned various colonies, and bmit many cities in diffe¬ rent parts of the ifland; and it is only from the time of their arrival that we have any hiftory of the ifland The firft of the Greeks that came into Sicily were the Chalcidians of Eubcea, under the conduct of Ehucles, who built Naxus, and a famous altar of Apolb, which, as Thucydides tells us, was ftiU Handing m his time without the city. The year after, which was, accord¬ ing to Dionyiius Halicarnaffenfis, the third of the 17th Olympiad, Archias the Corinthian, one of the Hera- (Jartnagimans, wuu .w. 7 7 r o likewife to be counted among the ancient inhabitants ot Before this period the hiftory of Sicily is blended with fables like the early hiftory of almoft every other country. After the iettlement of the Greeks m the ifland, its various revolutions have been ^traced from their feveral fources by many writers ; but by none with greater accuracy than Mr Swinburne. From his ac¬ count of his Travels in the Two Sicilies, we have there¬ fore taken the following concife hiftory of this king¬ dom, which will at once gratify fuch of our readers as intereft themfelves in the fate of a generous people who long ftruggled in vain for freedom ; and at the fame time afford them a fpecimen of the entertainment they may receive from the very elegant work of the author* ‘ „ Ar;. 3 S T C Sicily- the inhabitants of the neighbouring coaft of Africa began to afpire to a fhare of Sicily. Carthage fent large bodies of forces at dif¬ ferent times to eftablifli their power in the ifland, and about 500 years before the Chriftan era had made themfelves mafters of all the weftern parts of it. The Siculi retained polleffion of the midland country, and the fouthern and ealtern coafts were inhabited by the Greeks. c ' “ About that time Gelo was chofen prince of Syra¬ cufe on account of his virtues, which grew frill more confpicuous after his exaltation : had the example he fee been followed by his iuccefibrs, the advantages of freedom would never have been known or wifhed for by the Syracufans. The Carthaginians found in him a vi¬ gorous opponent to their project of enflaving Sicily, a 6 project invariably purfued but never accomphlhed. ' Is fiicceedsd “ Hiero fucceeded his brother Gelo, and, contrary by Hiero. to the ufual progreflion, began his reign by a difplay of bad qualities. Senfible of his error, and improved by experisnee, he afterwards adopted more equitable meafures. At his death the Syracufans threw off the yoke, and for fixty years revelled in all the joys of freedom. Their peace was, however, difturbed by the Athenians and the Carthaginians. The latter plunder¬ ed Agrigentum, and threatened ruin to the reft of the Grecian ftates ; but a treaty of peace averted that ftorm. 1 he Athenians, under pretence of fupporting their al¬ lies the^ people of Segeila, but in reality from a thirft of dominion, inverted Syracufe with a formidable land and naval armament under the command of Nicias ; in confequence of a rafh indigefted plan, ill conduced at¬ tacks, and inadequate fupplies, their whole holt was cut " to pieces ©r led away into captivity. “ Syracufe had fcarce time to breathe after her vic¬ tory ere inteftine wars broke out, and raifed Dionyiius to fupreme command. Avarice, defpotifm, and cruel¬ ty, marked every day of his reign ; but his military en- terpriies were crowned with conliant iuccefs. He died in peace, and bequeathed a powerful fovereignty to a on o! his name tainted with the fame and worie vices, Lut not endowed with equal capacity and martial abilri VOi. XVII. Part II. Dionyfius She elder and younger.. ty ; in fuck hands the rod of tyranny ceafed to be for- Sicily, midable, and the tyrant was driven out of Sicily by the patriotic party ; but matters were not fufficiently fet¬ tled for popular government, and .Dionyfiu* refumed the feeptre lor a while, till Timoleon forced him into perpetual exile.,, g Liberty i’eemed now to be eftabliflied on a permanent Agathcde# bans ; but in Syracufe fuch profpedts always proved il- die tyrant. lufory._ Agathocles, a tyrant more inhuman than any preceding ufurper, feized the throne, and deluged the country with blood. He was involved in a perilous conteft with the Carthaginians, who obtained many ad¬ vantages over him, drove his troops from port to port, and at laft blocked up his capital. In this defperate fituation, when all foreign helps were precluded, and hardly a refource remained at home, the genius of A- gathocles compafled his deliverance by a plan that was imitated among the ancients by Hannibal, and among the moderns by the famous Cortes. He embarked with the flower of his army ; forced his way through innu¬ merable obftacles ; landed in Africa ; and, having burnt his fleet, routed the Carthaginians in a pitched battle, and laid their territory wafte. Carthage feemed to he on the brink of ruin, and that hour might have mark¬ ed her down fal had the Sicilian holt been compofed of patriotic foldiers, and not of ungovernable affaffins ; dif- cord pervaded the victorious camp, murder and riot en- fued; and the tyrant, after beholding his children and friends butchered before his face, efcaped to Sicily, to meet a death as tragical as his crimes deferved. Anarchy now raged throughout the ifland, and eve. Pyrrhus ry faction was reduced to the neceffity ot calling in the king of affiftance of foreign powers; amoncr whom Pyrrhus kimr £f,irus de" of Epirus took the lead, and reduced all parties to degree of order and obedience. But ambition foon prompted him to invade thole rights which he came to defend; he caff off the mailt, and made Sicily feel un¬ der h,s fway as heavy a hand as that of its former op- preffors; but the Sicilians foon affumed courage and Itrength enough to drive him out of the iffand. ^ Tn About, this period the Mamertini, whom Mr Swiff-The Ma- urne indignantly ftyles a crew of mifereants, furprifed nTI tlB* fur* n .K4,?’ a^ter a £cneral maffacre of the citizens, Fnfe 1Vdcfli- eftabhlhed a republican form of government. Their com- affifteli by 6 monwealth became fo troublelome a neighbour to the tire Ro- 7 fj-ieeks, that Hiero II. who had been railed to themans» chief command at Syracufe in confideration of his fupe- rior wifdom and warlike talents, found himfelf neceflita- ted to form a league with Carthage, in order to deftroy this nelt of villains. In their diftrefs the Mamertini implored the affiftance of Rome, though the fenate had recently puniffied with exemplary Severity one of their own legions, for a fimilar outrage committed at Khegium. the virtue of the Romans gave way to the temptation, and the defire of extending their empire be¬ yond the limits ot Italy, cart a veil over every'odious circumitance attending this alliance. ' " crofted the Faro, relieved Meffina, thaginiaus, and humbled Hiero iiito public. Thus began the firft Punic, war, which was carried Whfth or many years in Sicily with various fuccefs. The gives ,ifc t© genius or Hamilcar Barcas fupported the African caufethc flr(t under numberlefs difappointments, and the repeatedPumc war- overthrows of his colleagues ; at laft, finding his exer- 3 M tions A Roman army defeated the Car- an ally of the re- XI S I c [ 458 ] S T C Sicily. raided by Hannibal. . . 13 Sicily con.- quered by the Sara¬ cens, and afterwards mans. tions ineffectual, he advifed the Carthaginian rulers to ^—v—' purchafe peace at the price of Sicily. Such a treaty The'Vccondwas not to '3e ohferved longer than want of Punicw.ir ftrength ihould curb the animolity of the vanquilhed party : when their vigour was recruited, Hannibal fon of Hamilcav eaiily perfuaded them to refume the con- teft, and for 16 years waged war in the heart of the Roman territories. Meanwhile Hiero conducted him- felf with fo much prudence, that he retained the friend- fliio of both parties, and pieferved his portion of Sicily in "perfeCt tranquillity. He died in extreme old age, beloved and reipefted both at home and abroad. His granffon Hieronymus, forfaking this happy line of oolitics, and contracting an alliance with Carthage, fell an early victim to the troubles which his own folly had excited. Once more, and for the lalt time, the Syracu- fans found themfelves in poffefiipn of their indepen¬ dence: but the times were no longer fuited to fuch a lyf- tem ; diffenfions gained head, and diftraCted the public councils. Carthage could not fupport them, or pre¬ vent Marcellus from undertaking the fiege of Syracufe, immortalized by the mechanical efforts of Archimedes, and the immenfity of the plunder. See Syracuse. The Sicilians after this relinquifhed all martial ideas, and during a long feries of generations turned their at¬ tention folely to the arts of peace and the labours of , agriculture. Their poiition in the centre of the Ro¬ by The Nor- iTian empire preferved them bath from civil and foreign foes, except in two inftances of a fervile war. The ra¬ pacity of their governors was a more conttant and in- fupportable evil. In this ftate of apathy and opulence Sicily remained down to the 7th centmy of our era, when the Saracens began to difturb its tranquillity. The barbarous nations of the north had before invaded and ravaged its coalts, but had not long kept poffef- fion. The Saracens were more fortunate. In 827 they availed themftlves of quarrels among the Sicilians to fubdue the country. Palermo was chofen for their capital, and the ftandard of Mahomet triumphed about 200 years. In 1038 George Maniaces was fent by the Greek emperor with a great army to attack Sicily. He made good his landing, and pufhed his conqueffs with vigour : his fuccefs arofe from the valour of fome Norman troops, which were at that time unemployed and ready to fell their fervices to the beft bidder. Ma¬ niaces repaid them with ingratitude ; and by his abfurd conduft gave the Muffulmen time to breathe? and the Normans a pretext and opportunity of invading the Imperial dominions in Italy. Robert and Roger of Hauteville afterwards eonquerfcd Sicily on their own ac¬ count, not as mercenaries ; for having fubftantially fet¬ tled their power on the continent, they turned their arms againft this Hand in obedience to the dictates of zeal and ambition. After ten years ftruggle, the Sa¬ racens yielded up the rich prize, and Robert ceded it to his brother Roger, who affumed the title of Great Earl of Sicily, ruled the ftate with wifdom, and ranks defervedly among the greateft chara&ers in hikory. He raifed himfelf from the humble ftation of a poor young¬ er fon of a private gentleman, to the exalted dignity of a powerful monarch, by the foie force of his own ge¬ nius and courage ; he governed a nation of ftrangers with vigour and juftice, and tranfmitted his poffeflions undifputed to his poflerity. Such an affemblage of great qualities is well intitled to our admiration. He was fuceceded by his for) Simon, whofe reign was Sidly. fhort, and made way for a fecond fon called Roger. In “ * 1127 this prince joined to his Sicilian poffeffions theun(j^t(, whole inheritance of Robert Guifcard (fee Naples,dominioB n° 23.), and affumed the regal ftyle. The greateft<>f d'ffe- part of his reign was taken up in quelling revolts in Ita- ly, but Sicily enjoyed profound peace. In 1154 his fon William afeended the throne, and paffed his life in war and coirufion. William II. fucceeded his father, hnd died without iffue. Tancred, though bafely born, v was eletted his fucceffor, and after him his fon Wil¬ liam III. who was vanquifhed by Henry of Swabia. During the troubles that agitated the reign of his fon the emperor Frederic, peace appears to have been the lot of Sicily. A fhort lived fedition, and a revolt of the Saracens, are the only commotions of which we read. For greater fecurity, the Saracens were removed to Puglia 400 years after the conqueft of Sicily by their anceftors. Under Conrad and Manfred Sicily remained quiet ; and from that time the hiftory of Sicily is rela¬ ted under the article Naples, nJ 26, See. At the death of Charles II. of Spain, his fpoils be-i3at length came an objeft of furious contention ; and at the peace conquered of Utrecht, Sicily was ceded to Vifftor duke of Savoy, who, not many years after, was forced by the emperor Charles VI. to relinquifh that fine Hand, and take Sar¬ dinia as an equivalent. But as the Spaniards had no concern in thefe bargains, they made a hidden attempt to recover Sicily, in which they failed through the vi¬ gilance of the Englxfh admiral Byng. He deftroyed their fleet in 1718, and compelled them to drop their fcheme for a time. In 1734 the Spanifh court refumed their defign with fuccefs. The infant Don Carlos drove the Germans out, and was crowned king of the two Si¬ cilies at Palermo. When he paffed into Spain to take poffeffton of that crown, he transferred the Sicilian dia¬ dem to his fon Ferdinand III. of Sicily and IV. of Na¬ ples, and it has ever fmee remained in the poffeffion of the fame family. 16 Sicily is feparated, as we have already obferved, from Account of Italy by a narrow ftrait called the Faro of Meffina. Thisrhe^”|“ ftrait is ftill remarkable for the rapidity of its currents01 ^ 1Ha* and the irregular ebbing and flowing of the fea, which fometimes rufhes in with fuch violence as to endanger fhips riding at anchor. Anciently it was much more • remarkable for Scylla and Charybdis, the one a rock,, and the other a whirlpool, between which it was very dangerous to fteer, and concerning which fo many fables have been related by the ancients. Scylla is a rock on the Italian fide, oppofite to Cape Pylores, which runs out into the fea on the Sicilian fide. Mr Brydone in¬ forms us, that the navigation of the ftraits is not even yet performed without danger. He informs us, that the noife of the current which fets through the ftraits may be heard for feveral miles, like the roaring of fome- large impetuous river confined between narrow banks. In many places the water rofe into whirlpools and ed¬ dies, which are dangerous to fhipping. The current fet exaftly for the rock of Scylla, and would certainly have carried any thing thrown into it againft that point. Our author, however, is by no means of opinion that the ftrait is fo dangerous as the ancients have reprefent- ed it ; though he thinks that the ftrait is now probably much wider than formerly, which may have diminifhed the danger. See Scylla. There are many fmall rocks, which S I c Sicil;'. wlilcli (how their heads near the bafe of the lara:e ones. Thefe are probably thy dogs defcnbed by the ancient poets as howling round Scylla. The rock is near 200 feet high, and has a kind of caftle or fort built on its fummit with a town called Sty//a or Sciglio, contain¬ ing 300 or 400 inhabitants on its fouth fide, which gives the title of prince to a Calabrefe family. [ 459 ] S I C Of the mountains in this ifland the moil noted is Sicily. Mount Etna, now called Monte Gibelto, or Mongibello, a v——^ volcano whofe eruptions have often proved fatal to the neighbouring country. See Etna. Were the Sicilians a cultivated people, among whom Conftftu- thofe arts were encouraged which not only promotet «n and go- the wealth and comfort of a nation, but alfo exercife the ve™ment.. . * , ,,, * V-H4-WA.1 ciiiw. v-11 -1W1 L cx iiatiuil, l./UL dlLU CXCl CilC LilC ** Charybdis is now 10 much diminilhed, that it feems nobler faculties and extend the views of mankind, the Water's noil reduced to nothincr in comoanion of what- it-was. rimimOarw-PQ nf tKcV - . Clirratea product. IVat kin's ‘Travels through Ski itzer- fond, Italy Sicily, tgf, l8 River* and mountains. * # 7 ahnoft reduced to nothing in comparifon of what it was, though even yet it is not to be palled without danger. See Charybdis. In the ftraits, Mr Brydone informs us, a moll furpri- fing phenomenon is to be obferved. In the heat of fum- mer, after the fea and air have been much agitated, there appears in the heavens over the {traits a great va¬ riety of lingular forms, fome at reft and others moving with great velocity. ’I hefe forms, in proportion as the light increafes, feem to become more aerial, till at laft, fome time before fun-rife, they totally difappear. The Sicilians reprefent this as the molt beautiful fight in nature. Leonti, one of their bell and lateft writers, fays, that the heavens appear crowded with a variety of objedts, fuch as palaces, woods, gardens, &c. befides the figures of men and other animals that appear in mo¬ tion among them. Some treatifes have been written concerning this phenomenon ; but nothing fatisfattory has been delivered concerning its caufe. d Though Sicily lies in a warm climate, the air is healthful, being refrelhed with fea-breezes on every fide. It has at all times been remarkably fertile ; but the era of its greateft ptofperity was from the fiege of Syracufe by the Athenians to the Carthaginian conquefts. Then and long after it fupplied with grain in years of fear- city all the countries upon the Mediterranean except , Egypt and the coafts of Afia, and Rome and Carthage , continually. Even now, under all the impediments of fuperftition and bad government, its produdtions are, in quantity and quality, the bell in Europe. Of the vegetable are grain, wines, oil, fruits, tobacco, mulber¬ ry trees for the filkworm, cotton, medicinal roots-, and fugar canes. The laft of thefe flourilh near Avola and Merilli. They are of an inferior quality to thofe of the Weft Indies, but their lugar is fweeter than any other. The animal prgdudlion is fimilar to that of Italy, but the horned cattle are a fmaller breed. The coafts abound with fifh, particularly with tunney and anchovies ; the export of which forms a very lucrative branch of commerce. There are mines of filver, copper, and lead, but none are worked. Near Palma are'beds of the bell fulphur : at the mouth of the river Giaretta is found a yellow amber, preferable to that of the Bal¬ tic ; and in every part of the illand quarries of marbles, that have fuinilhed materials for all the noble edifices of Sicily. I he moll beautiful are in the neighbourhood of Palermo, particularly the yellow, and thole that refemble the verde antique, porphyry, and lapis lazuli. The popu¬ lation of the illand amounts to 1,300,000 fouls ; not as much again as the fingle city of Syracufe formerly con¬ tained. k Here are feveral rivers and good fprings ; but few of the rivers are navigable, having but a Ihort courfe, and delcending precipitately from the mountains. The chief are the Cantera, the Jarretta, and the Salfo ; of which, the two former run from weft to call, and the third from north to fouth. . ~ ’ ^ Tissue, J circumftances of their government are fuch, that it Memoirs rf might gradually he improved into a free conftitution :la*lve t0 but to this, the ignorance, fuperftition, and poverty, of an the people feem to be invincible obftacles. The mo¬ narchical power in Sicily is far from being abfolute ; and the parliament claims a lhare of public authority independently of the will of the king, deduced from a compact made between Roger and the Norman barons after the expulfion of the Saracens, This claim is de¬ nied by the king, who wifhes the nobles to coniider their privileges as derived folely from his favour. Hence the government is in a fituation which greatly refembles that of our own and the other kingdoms of Europe in the feudal times ; there are continual jealoufies and op- pofitions between the king and the barons, of which an enlightened people might eafily take advantage, and ob¬ tain that lhare in the conftitution which might fecure them from future oppreflion. In thefe difputes, the king has the advantage at leaftof power if not of right; and feveral works, in which the claims of the Sicilian barons have been afferted, were publicly burned a few years ago. As the fovereign holds his court at Naples, Sicily is governed by a viceroy, who is appointed only for three years, though at the end of that term his commilfion is fometimes renewed. He lives in great Hate, and, as the reprefentative of the king, his power is very confi- derabie. He preiides in all the courts and departments of government, and is commander in chief of all the forces: he calls or diftblves the parliament when he pleafes; and by him all orders, laws, and fentences, mull be figned: but his office is far from being defirable, as it generally renders him the objeft either of the jealoufy of the court of Naples, or of the hatred of the Sici¬ lians. The parliament confifts of the nobles, the bilhops, and abbots, and the reprefentatives of 43 cities, which are. immediately fubjed to the crown. Thofe cities which are fubjed to any ol the nobles fend no members to the parliament; in theie the king has not much au¬ thority, and derives little advantage from them. Ac¬ cording to the laws, the parliament ought to be afiem- bled at the end of every three years : but the govern¬ ment pays little attention to this rule. The common people are in general very much attached to the nobles, and are inclined to take their part in all their differen¬ ces with the court: but the magiftrates and principal in¬ habitants of the cities which belong to theie feudal lords, vviffi to get rid of their authority, and imagine that they Ihould be lefs. oppreffed, if immediately iub- jedt to the king: thefe inclinations are not difagreeable to the court, and are encouraged by moll of the law.* yers, who are o! great fervice to government in conteft- ing the privileges of the nobles. Many of thefe privi¬ leges are now abridged ; and the power of the barons with refpedl to the adminiftration of juftice in their do¬ mains, was very properly limited by the viceroy Ca- 3 ^ 2 raccioli. Sicily. 70 Inula■ jnfell it, and made feveral excellent regulations for the Out of each bracchio four deputies are chofen to con- ehablifliment of i'oeial order and perfonal fecurity. He dutf public bufinefs. But the viceroy, the prince of deferves the thanks of every well-wifher to mankind for Butera, and the prtEtor of Palermo, are always the three having abolifhed the court of inquifition, which had firft. Ah A. 'I here are many titled perfons that have been eftablifhed in this country by Ferdinand the Ca- no feat in the afiembly, viz. 62 princes, 55 dukes, 87 tholic, and made dependent on the authority of the marquiffes, 1 count, and 282 other feudatories. There grand inquifrtor of Spain. Its laft auto da fe was held are three archbifhoprics and feven bifhoprics; and the in the year 1724, when two perfons W'ere burned. At ifland, ever fince it was conquered by the Saracens, has length Charke III. rendered it independent of the Spa- been divided into three parts or valleys-; namely, the nifh inquifitor, and abridged its power, by forbidding it Val di Demons^ Val di Noto, and Val di Ma%%ara. to make ufe of the torture, and to inflift public punifh- SICINNIUS (Dentatus), a tribune of the people, ments. The Marchefe Squillace, and his fucceffor the lived a little after the expullion of the kings from Rome. Marchefe Tanucci, were both enemies to the hierarchy; He was in 1 20 battles andfkirmifhes, befides Tingle com- and, during their viceroyalties, took care to appoint fen- bats, in all of which he came off conqueror. He ferved fible and liberal men to the office of inquifitor : the laft under nine generals, all of whom triumphed by his- of whom was Ventimiglia, a man of a moft humane and means. In thefe battles he received 45 wounds in the amiable charafter, who heartily vvifhed for the abolition fore-part of his body, and not one in his back. The of this diabolical court, and readily contributed toward fenate made him great prefents, and he was honoured it. While he held the office of inquifitor, he always with the name of the Roman Achilles, endeavoured to procure the acquittal of the accufed; and SICYOS, in botany : A genus of plants belonging when he could fuceed no other way, would pretend fome to the clafs of monoecia, and to the order of fyngenefia *, informality in the trial. The total annihilation of this and in the natural fyllem arranged under the 34th or- inftrument of the worft of tyranny was referved for Ca- der, Cucurbit ace Saide is a confiderable trading town, and is the chief emporium of Damafcus and the inferior country. The French, who are the only European^to be found there, have a conful, and five or fix commercial houfes. Their exports confift in filks, and particularly in raw and fpun cottons. The manufaaure of this cotton is the princi¬ pal art of the inhabitants, the number of whom may be eftimated at about 5000. It is 45 miles weft from Da¬ mafcus. E. Long. 36. 5. N. Eat. 37. SIDUS Georgium, in aftronomy, a new primary planet, difeovered by Dr Herfchell in the year 1781. By moft foreign, and even by feme Britifh philofophers, it is known by the name of Herfchel/, an honour which is due to the difeoverer. As the other planets are di- ftinguifhed by marks or charaaers, the planet Herlchell is diftinguifhed by an H, the initial letter of the difco- verer’s name, and a crofs to {how that it is a Cnriftian planet. From many calculations of our belt aftrono- * ^ mers S’don, Sicius. S I E r 4*3 1 S I E Sie?8 5'erra. mers and mathematicians, fays Dr Herichell, I have collefted the following particulars, as moll to be de¬ pended upon. Place of the node - - I5 iid 49' 3c" Inclination of the orbit - 43' 33/ Place of the perihelion - I72d 13' 17" Time of the perihelion paflage Sep. 7. 1799 Eccentricity of the orbit ,82034 Half the greater axis 19,07904 Revolution - 83*3364 frderial years. From my own obfervations on this planet’s apparent diameter, which I have found cannot well be lefs than 4", nor indeed much greater, we infer, that its real dia¬ meter is to that of the earth as 4,454 to 1 ; and hence it appears to be of very conliderable bulk, and, except Saturn and Jupiter, by tar the largeft of the remaining planets. Its light is of a bluifh-white colour, and in brilliancy between that of the Moon and of Venus. With a telefcope v/hich magnifies about 300 times, it appears to have a very well defined vifible dilk ; but with infiruments of a fmall power, it can hardly be dirtin- guilhed from a fixed ftar of between the fixth and fe- venth magnitude. In a very fine clear night, when the moon is abfent, it may alio be feen by the naked eye. SIEGE, in the art of war, is to furround a fortified place with an army, and approach it by pafiages made in Ee ground, fo as to be covered againll the fire of the place. SIEGEN, a town of Germany In Wetteravia, with a caftle and the title of a principality, which it gives to a branch of the houfe of Naflau. It is feated on a river of the fame name, in E. Long. 8. 5. N. Lat. 50- 53 on the fouth call to Cape Verga or Vega on the north- weft, /. e. between 70 and io° N. Lat. Others, how¬ ever, confine the country between Cape Verga and Cape Tagrin. There runs through it a great river of the fame name, of which the fource is unknown, but the mouth is in longitude 12. 30. weft, lat. 8. 5. north, and is nine miles wide. The climate and foil of this tra ingly well under proper cultivation. lony. Accordingly feveral veffels failed, having on Confidgring the ardour of the maritime nations of Eu- board a council for the government of the colony and rope for fettling colonies in diftant regions of the globe, the management of the company’s affairs ; a number of it is fomewhat furpriiing that a climate fo temperate artificers and other fervants of the company ; forne fol- and a foil fo productive as that of Sierra Leona did not diers, and a very few EngUfh fettlers. The directors long ago attrarft their notice. But it was left to be co- were laudably cautious in the choice of colonifts. They •Ionized for a better purpofe than that which firft drew admitted into the fociety no white man of bad charac- the natives of Europe to the Weft Indies and the Arne- ter, or who was not a declared enemy to the Have trade; rican continent. Being thinly inhabited, Sierra Leona and as the chief objedft of their enterprife was the civili- appeared to fome benevolent gentlemen in England a zation of the natives, it was with great propriety that place where, without incommoding the natives, a fuffi- they chofe more than three-fourths of their fettlers from cient quantity of ground might be bought on which to the free negroes in Nova Scotia, who had borne arms fettle a great number of free negroes, who in 1786 for the Britifti government during the American war. fwarmed in London in idlentfs and want. About The fuperintendant and council were particularly in- 400 of thefe wretches, together with 60 whites, moft- ftru&ed to fecure to all blacks and people of colour, at ly women of bad charafter and in ill health, were ac Sierra Leona, equal rights and equal treatment, in all eordingly fent out, at the charge of government, to refpefts, with whites. They were to be tried by jury. Sierra Leona. Neceflity, it was hoped, would -make as well as others ; and the council was defired to allot to them induftrious and orderly; and Captain Thomfon the blacks employments fuited to their prefent abilities, of the navy, who conduced them, obtained, for their and to afford them every opportunity of cultivating their life, a grant of land to his majefty from king Tom, the talents. All practicable means of maintaining fubordi- neighbouring chief, and afterwards from Naimbanna, nation were directed to be ufed ; and the council was the king of the country. The colony, however, foon efpecially inftrudted'to promote religion and morals, by went to ruin; but the land which they occupied being fupporting. public, woifhip and the due obfervance of about 20 miles fquare, his majefty was enabled to grant the Sabbath, and by the inftruCtion of the people, and. by adft of parliament to another colony founded on bet- the education of children. But no perfon was to be ter principles and for a ftill nobler purpofe. prevented from performing or attending religious wor- The moft intelligent members of that fociety, which Ihip in whatever place, time, or manner, he might think has laboured fo ftrenuoufiy to procure an abolition of fit, or from peaceably inculcating his own religious opi- the flave-trade, juftly concluding that the natives of nions. Orders were given in choofing the feite of a Guinea would reap very little benefit from the attain- town, to confider health as the firft objeCt; and the merit of their objeft, unlefs they fhould be taught the firft town was direfted to be called Free-Town. Arti- principles of religion and the arts of civil life, which cles for building and cultivation were fent out, befides alone can render them really free, conceived the plan the cargoes for profecuting the company’s commerce ; of a colony at Sierra Leona to be fettled for the truly and fchools for reading, writing, and accounts, were generous purpofe of civilizing the Africans by main- ordered to be fet up for the purpofe of inftruCfing the taming with them a friendly intercourfe, and a commerce children of fuch natives as fhould be willing to put them in every thing but men. This plan could not be car- under the company’s care. ried into cfft df but at a very great expence. Subfcrip- The leading objedl of the company was to fubftitnte, tiuns were therefore opened upon rational and equitable for that difgraceful traffic which has toq long fubfifted, ■2- S I E r 465 1 S I E Sierra, a fair commerce with Africa, and all the blefiings which might be expefted to attend it. Confiderable advan¬ tages appeared hereby likely to refuk to Great Britain, not only from our obtaining feveral commodities cheap¬ er, but alfo from opening a market for Britifh manu- fa&ures, to the increaling demands of which it is diffi¬ cult to affign a limit. From this connexion, Africa was likely to derive the Hill more important benefits of religion, morality, and civilization. To accompliffi thefe purpofes, it was neceflary for the company to poffefs a traft of land, as a repofitory for their goods, and which the Africans might cultivate in peace, fecure from the ravages of the Have-trade. It had been afcer- tained, beyond a doubt, that the climate and foil of Africa were admirably fuited to the growth of fugar, fpices, coffee, cotton, indigo, rice, and every other fpe- cies of tropical produce. The company propofed to iiftruct the natives to raife thefe articles, and to fet them the example, by a fpirited cultivation, on its own ac¬ count. Direftions were given to the company’s commer¬ cial agent to pufh forward a trade, in a mode prefcribed, in the prefent produce of Africa. Meafures were taken for cultivating, on the company’s account, the moll profitable tropical produce ; and in particular, a perfon of long experience in the Weft Indies was ordered to begin a fugar plantation. A mineralogift and botanift were likewife engaged to go out and explore the coun¬ try for new articles of commerce. Every thing being thus fettled upon the moft equita¬ ble and benevolent principles, the {hips failed with the Britiih colonifts, to whom, in March 1792, were added 1131 blacks from Nova Scotia. The native chiefs be¬ ing reconciled to the plan, and made to underftand its beneficent tendency towards their people, the colony proceeded to build Free-Town^ on a dry and rather ele¬ vated fpot on the fouth fide of the river. It occupied between 70 and 80 acres, its length being about one- third of a mile, and its breadth nearly the fame ; and it contained near 40© houfes, each having one-twelfth of an acre annexed, on which a few vegetables were raifed. There were nine ftreets running from north-weft to fouth- eaft, and three crofs ftreets, all 80 feet wide, except one of 160 feet, in the middle of which w'ere all the public buildings. Thefe confifted of a governor’s houfe and offices; a large ftore-houfe; a large hofpital; fix or eight other houfes, offices, and /hops, occupied by the company’s fervants ; and a church capable of contain¬ ing 80c people. The colonifts at firft fuffered much from the rainy feafon, againft which it was not in their power to provide fufficient proteftion ; but at the end of it they recovered in a great meafure their health and fpirits, and proceeded with alacrity to execute the va¬ rious purpofes of their fettlement. To excite emulation in culture, the government gave premiums to thofe co¬ lonifts who raifed the greateft quantities of rice, yams, eddoes, cabbages, Indian corn, and cotton, refpe&ively. To limit the exceffes of the fiave-trade, and gain the favour of the neighbouring chiefs, the dire&ors inftruft- ed the governor and council to redeem any native from the neighbourhood, who fhould be unjuftly fold either to or by a Britifh fubjeft. The fervants of the compa¬ ny conducted themfelves with the utmoft propriety, be¬ ing fober, moral, and exemplary ; and from the labours of the cleigymen were derived fervices highly important izi every point of view. Before the end of two years Vox.. XVII. Bart It. from the inftitution of the colony, order and induftry had begun to ffiow their effedfs in an increafing profpe- rity. The woods had been cut down to the diftance of about three Englifh miles all round the town. By thefe means the climate had become healthier, and ficknefs had diminifhed. The fame of the colony had fpread not only along the whole weftern coaft of Africa,but alfo to parts far diftant from the coafl; embaffies had been re¬ ceived of the moft friendly nature from kings and prin¬ ces feveral hundred miles diftant; and the native chiefs had begun to fend their children to the colony, with full confidence, to be taught reading, writing, and ac¬ counts, and to be brought up in the Chriftian religion. In a word, it was not without grounds that the direc¬ tors looked forward to that joyful period when, by the influence of the company’s meafures, the continent of Africa ffiould be refcued from her prefent ftate of dark- nefs and mifery, and exhibit a delightful fcene of light and knowledge, of civilization and order, of peaceful induftry and domeftic comfort. On their beneficent exertions they hoped with confidence for the bltffing of Providence ; they were countenanced and fupported by the Britiffi government; and upon the breaking out of the prefent war, the French Convention authorifed one Sierra, of their agents to write to the dire&ors, requefting a full account of the defign of the inftitution, and the names of the ffiips employed in their fervice, and allu¬ ring them of the good wifties of the French government to fo noble an undertaking. How completely that government fulfilled its promife is very generally known. Having vindicated the rights of 1 an in Europe by the violation of every principle of truth and juftice, they de¬ termined by the fame means to give light and liberty to the Africans ; and that they have fully carried their de¬ termination into effedl will be feen by the following ex¬ tract of a letter from Mr Afzelius, the company’s bota¬ nift, dated Sierra Leona, 15th November 1794. “ The Wadftrom, French have been here and have ruined us. They ar-Part U. rived on the 28th of September laft, early in the morn-P* 28°- ing, with a fleet confifting of one large ffiip, two fri¬ gates, two armed brigs, and one cutter, together with two large armed merchant {hips, taken by them at the Ifles de Lofs, an Englifti flave faftory to the north of our colony, and which they have alfo deftroyed and burnt. So well had they concealed their nation, that we took them at firft; for Engliffi. They had Engliffi- built veffels, which were rigged in the Englifh way. They {bowed the Englifh flag, and had their failors, at leaft thofe we faw on deck, dreffed like Engliffi. In ffiort, we dffi not perceive our miftake till we obferved them pointing their guns. We had not ftrength fufficient to refift, and therefore our governor gave orders, that as foon as they ffiould begin to fire, the Britiffi flag ffiould be ftruck, and a flag of truce lioifted. Accordingly this was done, but ftill they continued firing, and did much damage, both within and without the town. Theykilled’two people and wounded three or four. But, as we did not underftand the meaning of this proceed! ing, we afked them for an explanation ; and they an- fwered us, that we ffiould difplay the flag of liberty, as a proof of our fubmiffion. We allured them that it ffiould already have been done, if we had had any, which terminated the hoftilities from the ffiips. In the mean time, moft of the inhabitants had fled from the the town, having taken with them as much of their 3 N property S I E [ 466 ] S I F property as they conveniently could in fuch a hurry. I was with the governor, together with a number of q-- thers ; but as foon as I was certain they were enemies, T went towards my own houfe with a view to fave as much as poflible of my property and natural colleftions; but was received in fuch manner, that I could not ven¬ ture to proceed. My houfe was fituated near the fiiore, and unfortunately juft oppofite the frigate which fired. T faw the balls paffing through the houfe, and heard them whizzing about my ears. I faw that I fhouid lofe all my property ; but life was dearer to me, and I haftened to the woods. “In the afternoon the enemy landed, finding the town almoft deftitute of people, but rich in provifions, cloth¬ ing, and other ftores. They began immediately to break open the houfes and t© plunder. What they did not want, they deftroyed, burnt, or threw into the river. They killed all the cattle and animals they found in the fields or ftreets, yards, or elfewhere, not fparing even afles, dogs, and cats. Thefe proceedings they conti¬ nued the whole fucceeding week, till they had entirely ruined our beautiful and profpering colony ; and when they found nothing more worth plundering, they fet fire to the public buildings and all the houfes belong¬ ing to the Europeans ; and burnt, as they faid, by mif- take nine or ten houfes of the colonifts. In the mean time, they were not lefs adlive on the water. They fient three of their veffels to Bance ifland, an Englifh have faftory higher up the river, which they plundered and burnt, together with feme Have flops lying there. They took belides about 10 or 12 prizes, including the company’s veffels. Moft of thefe they unloaded and burnt. They took along with them alfo two of our armed veffels, one of which was a large fhip, laden with provifions, and which had been long expetted; but fhe unfortunately arrived a few days too foon, and was taken with her whole cargo. We expedted at leaft to receive our private letters, but even this was refufed, and they were thrown overboard. At laft, after in- flidting on us every hardftiip we could fuffer, only fpa¬ ring our lives and the houfes of the colonifts, they failed on the 13th of Odtober laft, at noon, proceeding down¬ wards to the Gold Coaft, and left us in the moft dread¬ ful fituation, without provifions, medicines, clothes, houfes, or furniture, &c. &c. and I fear much, that moft of us (hould have perifhed, had not our friends in the neighbourhood^ both natives and Europeans, who were fo happy as to efcape the enemy, been fo kind as to fend us what they could fpare. In the mean time, moft of us have either been, or ftill are, very fick, and many have died for want of proper food and medicine. The worft, however, is now paft. At leaft we are not in any want of provifion, although of the coarfeft kind, but are deftitute of the moft neceffary articles and uten- fils for the houfe, the table, and the kitchen.” It was thus that the Convention executed their pur- pofe of fprending light and liberty through the world. The Sierra Leona colony was eftablifhed for no other end than to abolifh the flave-trade, to enlighten the Afri¬ cans, and to render them virtuous, rational, free, and happy ; and thofe powerful patrons of the rights of man deftroyed that colony with many circumftances of the moft, wanton cruelty. Though Mr Afzelius is a Swede, and ought therefore to have been protedfed by the laws of neutrality, they burnt his houfe with the reft ; deprived him of In's trunks, hjs clothes, and his Ski-fa bed ; deftroyed the natural curiofities which he had col- . II ledted at the hazard of his life ; and carried away the 1 ^ai|3' inftruments by means of which only he could colleft more. It is with pleafure, however, that we learn from the proceedings of the general court held on the 25th of February 1795, that the diredWs do not yet defpair of the colony ; and that they have adopted the moft prudent meafures to avert all fuch calamities in future. That their benevolent labours may be finally crowned with fuccefs is our earneft prayer, in which we fhall, doubtlefs, be joined by every good Chriftian. SIERRA morena, mountains of Andalufia in Spain. SIEUR, a title of refpedt among the French, like that of majler among us. It is much ufed by lawyers, as alfo by fuperiors in their letters to inferiors. SIFANTO, or Siphanto, an ifland of the Archi¬ pelago, to the weft of Paros, to the north-eaft of Milo, and to the fouth-weft of Serphanto. The air is fo good here, that many of the inhabitants live to the age of 120; and their water, fruits, wild fowl, and poultry, are excellent, but more efpeeially the grapes. It abounds with marble and granite, and is one of the moft fertile and heft cultivated of thefe iflands. The inhabitants employ themfelves in cultivating olive-trees and capers ; and they have very good filk. They trade in figs, onions, wax, honey, and ftraw-hats; and may be about 8000 in all. E. Long. 25. 15. N. Lat. 37- 9- SI-FANS, or t^u-fans, a people inhabiting the ,- , country on the weft of China. Their country is only Gen'll a continued ridge of mountains, inclofed by the rivers De/iriptim Hoang-ho on the north, Ya-long on the weft, and Cb.ind' Yang tfe-kiang on the eaft, between the 30th and 35 th Vo1' degrees of north latitude. 1 ’ ,0^’ The Si-fans are divided into two kinds of people ; the one ate called by the Chinefe Black Si-fans, the other Tellow ; names which are given them from the different colours of their tents. The black are the moft clownifh and wretched ; they live in fmall bodies, and are governed by petty chiefs, who all depend upon a greater. The yellow Si-fans are fubjeft to families, the oldeft of which becomes a lama, and affumes the yellow drefs. Thefe lama princes, who command in their refpe&ive diftrifts, have the power of trying caufes, and puniih- ing criminals ; but their government is by no means burdenfome ; provided certain honours are paid them, and they receive pun&ually the dues of the god Fo, which amount to very little, they fnoleft none of their fubjedts. The greater part of the Si-fans live in tents but fome of them have houfes built of earth, and even brick. Their habitations are not contiguous; they form at moft but fome fmall hamlets, confifting of five or fix families. They feed a great number of flocks, and are in no want of any of the neceffaries of life. The principal article of their trade is rhubarb, which their country produces in great abundance. Their horfes are fmall; but they are well fhaped, lively, and robuft. Thefe people are of a proud and independent fpirit, and acknowledge with reluftance the fuperiorky of the- Chinefe government, to which they have been fubjedt- ed : when they are fummoned by the mandarins, they rarely appear $ but the government, for political reafons, winks S I G Sii * ., . ® 7, when duke always (flowed a great prediieftion for the fea fervice ; 0f yor^ and, when appointed admiral of England, he turned his whole attention to its improvement. He had flu- died the art of war under Turenne, not as a paftime, but as a fcience, and was a favourite pupil of that moft accomplifhed general. Turenne one day pointed him out, faying, “ Behold one who will be one of the firft princes and greateft generals of Europe.” When admiral of England, he endeavoured to introduce into the maritime fervice all thofe principles of concert and arrangement which made a number of individual regi¬ ments and fquadrons compofe a great army. When he commanded in the Dutch war, he found a fleet to be little better than a colleftion of flrips, on board of each of which the commander and his (hip’s company did their bed to annoy the enemy, but with very little de¬ pendence on each other, or on the orders of the Gene¬ ral ; and in the different aftions which the Englifh fleet had with the Dutch, every thing was confufion as foon as the battle began. It is remarkable that the famous penfionary De Witt, who from a ftatefman became a na¬ vigator and a great fea commander in a few weeks, made the fame reprefentation to the States General on his re¬ turn from his firft campaign. In the memoirs of James II. written by himfelf, we have the following paffage : “ 1665. On the 15th of March the duke of York went to Gunfleet, the gene¬ ral rendezvous of the fleet, and haftened their equip¬ ment. He ordered all the flag officers on board with him every morning, to agree on the order of battle and rank. In former battles, ,no order was kept, and this under the duke of York was the firft in which fighting in a line and regular form of battle was obferved.” This muft be confidered as full authority for giving the duke of York the honour of the invention. For whatever faults may be laid to the charge of this unfor¬ tunate prince, his word and honour (lands unimpeached. And we are anxious to vindicate his claim to it, becaufe our neighbours the French, as ufual, would take the me¬ rit of this invention, and of the whole of naval taftics, to themfelves. True it is, that Colbert, the great and juftly celebrated minifter of Louis XIV. created a navy for his ambitious and vain-glorious mafter, and gave it a conftitution which may be a model for other nations to copy. By his encouragement, men of the greateft. fcientinc eminence were engaged to contribute to its improvement: and they gave us the firft treatifes of naval evolutions. But it muft ever be remembered, that our accomplilhedj though mifguided foverdgn, was then refiding S I G Naval Signals. ■f- Pepys was fecre- t ;ry to the duke ef York. Wonderful fimplicity of his fyf- cem j 6 Yet as an art has fince his time recei¬ ved couli- derable smprove- Srcnts. refiding at the court of Louis; that he had formerly aded in concert with the French as a commander and flag officer, and was at this very time aiding them with his knowledge of fea affairs. In the memorable day at La Hogue, the gallant Ruffel, obferving one of Tour- ville’s movements, exclaimed, “ There ! they have got Pepys f among them.” This anecdote we give on the authority of a friend, who heard an old and refpe&able officer (Admiral Clinton) fay, that he had it from a gentleman who was in the a&ion, and heard the words fpoken ; and we truft that our readers will not be dif- pleafed at having this matter of general opinion efta- blifhed ton fome good grounds. It was on this occafion, then, that the duke of York made the movements and evolutions of a fleet the ob- jeft of his particular ftudy, reduced them to a fyftem, and compofed that “ Syflem of Sailing and Fighting InUruftions,’ wffiich has ever fince been confidered as the code of difeipline for the Britifh navy, and which has been adopted by our rivals and neighbours as the foundation of their naval taftics. It does great honour to its author, although its merit will not appear very eminent to a carelefs furveyor, on account of that very ilmplicity which conftitutes its chief excellence. It is unqueftionably the refult of much fagacious reflection and painful combination of innumerable circumftances, all of which have their influence ; and it is remarkable, that although fucceeding commanders have improved the fubjedt by feveral fubordinate additions, no change has to this day been made in its general principles or ma¬ xims of evolution. Till fome fuch code be eftablifhed, it is evident that lignals can be nothing but arbitrary and unconnected hieroglyphics, to be learned by rote, and retained by me¬ mory, without any exercife of the judgment; and the acquisition of this branch of nautical fkill mutt be a more irkfome talk than that of learning the Chinefe writing. But iuch a code being once fettled, the cha¬ racter in which it may be exprdfed becomes a matter of rational difeuffion. Accordingly, the failing and fighting inftruftions of the duke of York were accompanied by a fet of fignals for directing the chief or moft frequent movements of the fleet. Thefe alfo were contrived with fo much judgment, and fuch attention to diftinanefs, limplicity, and propriety, that there has hardly been any change found neceffary ; and they are ftill retained in the Bri- tilh navy as the ufual lignals in all cafes when we are not anxious to conceal our movements from an enemy. Notwithftanding this acknowledged merit of the duke of York’s fignals, it mull be admitted that great im¬ provements have been made on this fubjeCt, confidered as an art. The art military has, in the courfe of a century pall, become almoft an appropriate calling, and has therefore been made the peculiar ftudy of its profell'ors. Our rivals the French were fooner, and more formally, placed in this fituation, and the minifters of Louis XI V. took infinite and moft judicious pains to make their military men fuperior to all others by their academical education. A more feientifie turn was given to their education, and the affiftance of fcientific men was liberally given them ; and all the nations of r 469 i S I G Nava! Signal* new principle into the art; and by this means have re- duced it to the moft fimple form of reference to the code of failing and fighting inftruftions, by making the fignals immediately expreffive, not of orders, but of fimple numbers. Thefe numbers being prefixed to the various articles of the code of inftru&ions, the officer who fees a fignal thrown out by the admiral reads the number, and reports it to his captain, perhaps without knowing to what it relates. Thus fimplicity and ffc- crecy, with an unlimited power of variation, are com¬ bined. We believe that M. de la Bourdonnais, a brave and intelligent officer, during the war 1758, was the author of this ingenious thought. We do not propofe to give a fyftem of Britifh fig¬ nals. This would evidently be improper. But we fhall fhow our readers the prafticability of this curious lan¬ guage, the extent to which it may be carried, and the methods which may be pra&ifed in accomplifhing this purpofe. This may make it an object of attention to fcientific men, who can improve it; and the young offi¬ cer will not only be able to read the orders of the com¬ mander in chief, but will not be at a lofs, fhould cir¬ cumftances place him in a fituation where he muft iffue orders to others. Signals may be divided into, I. Day Signals. II. Night Sig nals ; and, III. Signals in a Fog. They muft alfo be diftinguifhed into, t. Signals of Evolution, addreffed to the whole Fleet, or to Squadrons of the fleet, or to Divisions of thefe fquadrons. 2. Signals of Movements to be made by particular fhips; and, 3. Signals of Service, which may be either general or particular. The great extent of a large fleet, the fmoke in time During aai of battle, and the fituation of the commander in chief, engage_ who is commonly in the midfl of the greateft confufion !l'e‘u.th' and hotteft fire, frequently makes it very difficult for SeAdmi- the officers of diftant fhips to perceive his fignals withral are re- diftin&nefs, Frigates, therefore, are ftationed out ofP^atc‘H,y the line, to windward or to leeward, whofe foie office it (rigatf8 is to obferve the admiral’s fignals, and inftantly to repeat ofThe line, them. The eyes of all the fignal officers in the piivate fhips of war are dire&ed to the repeating frigates, as well as to the admiral; and the officers of the repeating fri¬ gate, having no other duty, obferve the admiral incef- * fantly, and, being unembarrafied by the aftion, can dif- play the fignal with deliberation, fo that it may be very diftinftly feen. Being minutely acquainted wdth the fubftitutions which muft be made on board the admiral when his mafts and rigging are indiforder, his (perhaps imperfedt) fignal is exhibited by the repeating frigate in its proper form, fo as to be eafily underftood. And to facilitate this communication, the commanders of the different fquadrons repeat the fignals of the commander in chief, and the commanders of divifion repeat the fig¬ nals of the commanders of their fquadron. Every evolution fignal is preceded by a fignal of ad-Evolution- vertisement and preparation, which is general, andhgnab arc frequently by a gun, to call attention ; and when all the Preceded fignals have been made which dire hoifted Fore top-fail loofe Main top-fail loofe Main top-fail fheets haul¬ ed home Main top-fail ftieets clew¬ ed up, and the yard hoifted Top-gallant fails loofe, and the fheets flying Main top-gallant fail loofe and hoifted. Topfail- i yard down Mizen top fail hoifted, and S | the fheets clewed up 1 ufuallyfignfy, Officers and men belong¬ ing to the fhip to come on board. To prepare for failing. To unmoor. To weigh. Annul the former fignal, and the fhip to come to an anchor. Difcovering flrange fails. Recal fhips in chafe. Moor. Before we proceed to the defeription of the fignals by means of colours, fuch as flags, banners (or trian¬ gular flags), pendants or vanes, we muff; take notice of the oftenfible diftin&ions of the various divifions and fubdivilions of a fleet, fo that we may underftand how Naval the fame fignal may be addreffed to a fquadron, divi- &jtfnah. fion, or Angle fhip or fhips. We fuppofe it known that * 1 a fleet of fhips of war is diftributed into three grand di¬ vifions (which we fhall term fquadrons), called the van, centre, and rear. Thefe denominations have not always a relation to the one being more advanced than the ether, either towards the enemy, or in the direftion of their courfe. In a land army, the pofition of every part is concei-jyjeanin^ ved from its reference to the enemy; and the reader, of the termj conceiving himfelf as facing the enemy, eafily under-van, centre, Hands the terms van, centre, and rear, the right and left ^r, pU wing, &c. But the movements of a fea army having j,attje at° a neceffary dependence on the wind, they cannot befea. comprehended unlefs expreffed in a language which keeps this circumftance continually in view. The fim¬ ple ft and moft eafily conceived difpofition of a fleet, is that in which it is almoft indifpenfably obliged to form in order to engage an enemy. This is a ftraight line, each fhip direftly a-head of its neighbour, and clofe hauled. This is therefore called the line of battle. In this pofition, the two extremities of the fleet correfpond to the right and left wings of an army. Suppofe this line to be in the direction eaft and weft, the wind blow¬ ing from the north-north-weft, and therefore the fleet on the ftarboai-d tack ; the fhips heads are to the weft, and the weftermoft divifion is undoubtedly the van of the fleet, and the eaftermoft divifion is the rear. And it is in conformity to this arrangement and fituation that the list of the fleet is drawn up. But the fhips may be on the fame eaft and weft line, clofe hauled, with their heads to the weft, but the wind blowing from the fouth-fouth-weft. They muft therefore be on the lar¬ board tack. The fame fhips, and the fame divifion, are ftill, in fad, the van of the fleet. But fuppofe the fhips heads to be to the eaftward, and that they are clofe hauled, having the wind from the fouth-fouth-eaft or the north-north-eaft, the fhips which were the real van on both tacks in the former iituation are now, in fa ftfongly marked, fo that it may be Ed's, readily underftood, with little rifle of its being miftaken for another. When made by flags, banners, or pen¬ dants, they muft be of the fulleft colours, and ftrongeft contrails. The fliips are frequently'at a very great di- flance, fo that the intervening air occalions a great de¬ gradation of colour. They are feen between the eve and a very variable fl7 And un¬ derflood. 18 The art of fignals much im¬ proved lince the publication of the Tac- tique Na- vale. S I G [ 47 delivered to every private fhip. In the firft, the evo¬ lutions, movements, and other operations of fervice, are fet down in one column, and their correfponding fig¬ nals in another. The firft column is arranged, either alphabetically, by the diftinguifhing phrafe, or fyltema- tically, according to the arrangement of the failing and fighting inftruftions. The officer whofe duty it is to make the fignals, turns to this column for the order which he is to communicate, and in the other column he finds the appropiiated lignal. In the other book, which is confulted for the inter¬ pretation of the fignals, they are arranged in the lead¬ ing column, either by the flags, or by the places of their exhibition. The firfl: is the beft method, becaufe the derangement of the flag fhip’s mails and rigging in time of aftion may occafion a change in the place of the fignal. The TaSlque Navale of the Chevalier de Morogues contains a very full and elaborate treatife on fignals. We recommend this work to every fea-officer, as full of inllruction. The art of fignals has been greatly Am¬ plified fince the publication of this work, but we can¬ not but afcribe much of the improvements to it.' We believe that the author is the inventor of that fyftema- tic manner of addreffing the order or effedive fignal to the different fquadrons and divifions of the fleet, by which the art of fignals is made more concife, the exe¬ cution of orders is rendered more fyllematic, and the commanders of private fhlps are accuftomed to confider themfelves as parts of an army, with a mutual depend¬ ence and connedtion. We are ready enough to ac¬ knowledge the fuperiority of the French in manoeuv¬ ring, but we affedl to confider this as an imputation on their courage. Nothing can be more unjull; and dear- bought experience fhould long ere now have taught us the value of this fuperiority. What avails that cou¬ rage which we would willingly arrogate to ourfelves, if we cannot come to adlion with our enemy, or mult do it in a fituation in which it is almoft impoffible t© fuc- ceed, and which needlefsly throws away the lives of our gallant crews? Yet this mull happen, if our admirals do not make evolutions their careful ftudy, and our captains do not habituate themfelves, from their firft: hoifting a pendant, to confider their own Ihip as con- nedled with the moft remote Ihip in the line. We can¬ not think that this view of their fuuation would in the leaft leffen the charadler which they have fo juftly ac¬ quired, of fighting their Ihip with a courage and firm- nefs unequalled by thofe of any other nation. And we may add, that it is only by fuch a rational ftudy of their profeffion, that the gentleman can be diftinguilhed from the mercenary commander of a privateer. II. Night Signals. It is evident, that the communication of ©rders by night mull be more difficult and more imperfedt than by day. We mult, in general, content ourfelves with fuch orders as are neceffary for keeping the fleet toge¬ ther, by directing the more general movements and evolutions which any change of circumftances may ren¬ der neceflary. And here the divifion and fubordinate arrangement of the fleet is of indifpenfable neceffity, it being hardly poffible to particulariie every fhip by a fignal of addrefs, or to fee her fituation. The orders are therefore addrefled to tire commanders of the diffe- 19 i ] S I G , rent divifions, each of whom is diftinguifhed by his poop and top-lights, and is in the midft of, and not very re¬ mote from, the fhips under his more particular charge. Yet even in this unfavourable fituation, it is frequently neceflary to order the movements of particular fhips. A&ions during the night are not uncommon. Purfuits and rallyings are ftill oftener carried on at this time. I he common dangers of the fea are as frequent and more dilaftrous. The fyftem of fignals therefore is very incomplete till this part be accompliffied. Night fignals mull be made by guns, or by lights, or by both combined. Gun fignals are fufceptible of variety both in num- How gun- ber and in difpofition. The only diftindt variation which finals may can be made in this difpofition, is by means of the e varit:i^ time elapfed between the difeharges. This will eafily admit of three varieties, flow, moderate, and quick.— Half-minute guns are as flow as can eafily be hftened to as appertaining to one fignal. Quarter-minute guns are much better, and admit of two very diftind fub- divifions. When the gunners, therefore, are well train¬ ed to this fervice (efpecially fince the employment of firelocks for cannon), intervals of 15 or 12 feconds may be taken for flow firing, 8 or 10 feconds for mo¬ derate, and 4 or 5 feconds for quick firing. If thefe could be reduced one half, and made with certainty and precifion, the expreffion would be incomparably more diftind. A very fmall number of firings varied in this way will give a confiderable number of fignals. Thus five guns, with the variety of only quick and moderate, will give 20 very diftinguiftiable fignals. The fame principle mull be attended to here as in the flag fignals. The moft Ample muft be appropriated to the moft im¬ portant orders, fuch as occur in the worft weather, or fuch as are moft liable to be miftaken. Quick fi¬ ring ffiould not make part of a fignal to a very diftant ftiip, becaufe the noife of a gun at a great diftance is a lengthened found, and two of them, with a very fhort interval, are apt to coalefce into one long continued found. This mode of varying gun-fignals by the time muft therefore be employed with great caution, and we muft be very certain of the fteady performance of the gunners. Note, that a preparatory fignal or advertifement that an effedive fignal is to be made, is a very necefla¬ ry circumftance. It is ufual (at leaft in hard weather) to make this by a double difeharge, with an interval of half a fecond, or at moft a fecond. Gun-fignals are ieldom made alone, except in or¬ dinary fituations and moderate weather ; becaufe ac¬ cident may derange them, and inattention may caufe them to efcape notice, and, once made, they are over, and their repetition would change their meaning. They are alfo improper on an enemy’s coaft, or where an ene¬ my’s cruifers or fleets may be expeded. a# Signals by lights are either made with lights fimplysignab bj fo called, i. e. lanthorns fhown in different parts of the lights, ftiip, or by rockets. Lights may differ by number, and by pofition, and alfo by figure. For the flag fliip al¬ ways carrying poop or top-lights, or both, prefents an objed in the darkeft night, fo that we can tell whether the additional lights are exhibited about the mainmaft, the foremaft, the mizenmaft, &c. And if the lights ftiown from any of thefe fituations are arranged in cer¬ tain diftinguilhable fituations in refped to each other, the 7 number ttva! Sig¬ nals ir fhefe two pedes of eht fig. ils. S I G ny^feer ®f fignals may be greatly increafed. three lights may be in a vertical line, or in a horizon¬ tal line, or in a triangle, and the point of this triangle may be up, or down, or forward, or aft, and thus may have many fignifications. Lights are alfo exhibited by falfe fires or rockets: Thefe can be varied by number, and by fuch differen¬ ces of appearance as to make them very diftinguilh- able. Rockets may be with ftars, with rain fire, or fimple fquibs. By varying and combining thefe, a very great num- f her of fignals may be produced, fully fufficient to diredt Ee conihT* every general movement or evolution, or any ordinary icd. and important fervice. The Chevalier de Morogues has given a fpecinjen of fuch a fyftem of night fignals, into which he has even introduced fignals of addrefs or » ' direction to every fhip of a large fleet; and has alfo gi¬ ven fignals of number, by which depths of foundings, points of the compafs, and other things of this kind, may be expreffed both eafily and diflinftly. He has made the fignals by rockets perfedlly fimilar in point of number to thofe by lanthorns, fo that the commander can take either ; a choice which may have its ufe, be- caufe the fignals by rockets may caufe the prefence of a fleet to be more extenlively known than may be conve- lz nient. eneral ©b- The commander in chief will inform the fleet by fig- irvations nal, that guns, or perhaps rockets, are not to be ufed mcernmg that night. This fignal, at the fame time, direfts the fleet to clofe the line or columns, that the light fig¬ nals may be better obferved. It is indeed a general rule to fhow as few lights as poffible ; and the commander frequently puts out his own poop and top-lights, only (bowing them from time to time, thajt his (hips may keep around him. The fignal lanthorns on board the flag (hip, and -a lanthorn kept in readinefs on board of every pri¬ vate (hip, to anfwer or acknowledge fignals from the commander in chief, are all kept in bags, to conceal their lights till the moment they are fixed in their places, and the preparatory or advertiling fignal has been made. The commander in chief fometimes orders by fignal every (hip to (how a light for a minute or two, that he may judge of the pofition of the fleet; and the admiral’s fignal muft always be acknowledged by thofe to whom it is addrefled. Tt is of particular importance that the fleet be kept together. Therefore the leading (hips of the fleet, on ei¬ ther tack, are enjoined to acknowledge the (ignals of the commander in chief by a (ignal peculiar to their flation. Thus the commander in chief learns the pofi¬ tion of the extremities of his fleet. In framing a fet of night fignals, great attention muft be given to their pofition, that they be not obfcu- red by the fails. The nature of the order to be given will frequently determine this. Thus, an order for the rear (hips to make more fail, will naturally direft us to exhibit the fignal at the mizen peek ; and fo of other pieces of fervice. Lanthorns expofed in groups, fuch as triangles, lozenges, &c. are commonly fufpended at the corners of large frames of laths, at the diftance of a fathom at leaft from each other. Attempts have been made to fhow lights of different colours; but the rifk «f sniftake or failure in the compofition at the laboratory, Vot. XVII. Part II, J G r 473 1 . si Thus makes this rather hazardous. Coloured lanthorns are Niva) Sig- more certain ; but when the glades are made of a colour , nais- fufficiently intenfe, the vivacity of the light (which at ' * no time is very great) is too much diminifhed. Re- fides, the very diftanee changes the colour exceedingly and unaccountably. III. ©/"Signals in a Fog. These can be made only by noifes, fuch as the fi¬ ring of cannon and mufkets, the beating of drums and ringing of bells, &c. Fog fignals are the moft diffi¬ cult to contrive of any, and are fufceptible of the leaft variety. The commander in chief is principally con- cerned to keep his fleet together; and unlefs fomething very urgent requires it, he will make no change in his courfe or rate of failing. But a fhift of wind or other caufes may make this necedary. The changes which he will order, it will be prudent to regulate by fome fixed rule, which is in general convenient. Thus, when a fleet is in the order of failing upon a wind, and a fog comes on, the fleet will hold on the fame courfe. If the wind fhould come a little more on the beam, the fleet will ftill keep clofe to the wind. Certain general By oMer- rules of this kind being agreed on, no fignals are ne-ving cer- cedary for keeping the fleet together; and the (hips cantaJn ?ene- feparate or run foul of each other only by diderence in pal ‘'i116* their rate of failing, or by inaccurate fteerage. To,-gna * dU' prevent this, the commander in chief fires a gun from are8in many time to time, and the fhips of the fleet judge of his fi. cafes unne- tuation and diftance by the found. The commanders of divifions fire guns, with fome diftin&ion from thofe of the commander in chief. This both informs the commander in chief of the pofition of his fquadrons, and enables the private (hips of each divifion to keep in the neighbourhood of their own flag (hip. On board of every private (hip the drum is beaten, or the bell is chimed, every quarter of an hour, according as the (hip is on the (larboard or larboard tack. By fuch contrivances, it is never difficult to keep a fleet in very good order when failing on a wind. The wind is al- moft always moderate, and the (hips keep under a very eafy fail. It is much more difficult when going large, and reparation can be prevented only by the moft urn wearied attention. The greateft rifle is the falling in with ftrange (hips fleering another courfe. But evolutions and other movements are frequently indifpenlable. The courfe muft be changed by tack¬ ing or wearing, and other fervices muft be performed. None, however, are admitted but the mod probable, the moft fimple, and the moft neceffary. The commander in chief firft informs the fleet by How they the preparatory fog Jignal, that he is about to order an^e given evolution, and that he is to dired it by fogjigna/s. wh.en n®’ This precaution is indifpenfable to prevent miftakes. ceffary* Along with this advertifing fignal he makes the fignal of the movement intended. This not only calls the attention of the fleet, but makes the (hips prepare for the precife execution of that movement. The com¬ manders of divifions repeat the advertifing fignal, which informs their, (hips of their fituation, and the private (hips beat their drums or chime their bells. Thus the whole (hips of the fleet clofe a little, and become a little better acquainted with their mutual pofition. It is now underftood that a movement is to be made precife- ly a quarter of an hour after the advertifement. At 3 O s I G- [ 474 Naval Sig- the expiration of this time, the eflt&ive fignal for this , ndls‘ , movement is made by the commander in chief, and muil *' be inftantly repeated by the commanders of dmfions, and then the movement muft be made by each (hip, ac¬ cording to the failing and fighting xnllruitions. This mull be done with the utmoft attention and precifiou, becaufe it produces a prodigious change in the relative pofition of the fhips ; and even although the good fenfe of the commander in chief will feledt fuch movements for accomplifhing his purpofe as produce the fmalleft alterations, and the lead rifle of feparation or running foul of each other ; it is Hill extremely difficult to avoid thefe misfortunes. To prevent this as much as pof- fible, each (hip which has executed the movement, or which has come on a courfe thwarting that of the fleet, intimates this by a fignal properly adapted, often add¬ ing the fignal of the tack, on which it is now handing, and even its particular fignal of recognizance. This is particularly incumbent on the flag Ihips and the leading fliips of each division. After a reafonable interval, the commander in chief will make proper fignals for bringing the fleet to a a? knowledge of their reunion in this new pofition. Improper This muft ferve for a general account of the circum- a p'riutlar ^ances wh’ch muft be attended to in framing a code of account of fignals. The arbitrary chara<9ters in which the lan- figcals. guage is written muft be left to the fagacity of the gentlemen of the profeffion. It muft be obferved, that the ftratagems of war make fecrecy very neceflary. It may be of immenfe hazard if the enemy fhould under- ftand our fignals. In time of battle it might frequent¬ ly fruftrate our attempts to deftroy them, and at all times would enable them to efcape, or to throw us into diforder. Every commander of a fquadron, therefore, rflues private fignals, fuited to his particular deftina- tion ; and thererore it is neceftary that our code of fig- rals be fufceptible of endlefs variations. This is ex¬ ceedingly eafy without any increafe of their number. The con inlander needs only intimate that fuch and fuch a fignal is fo and fo changed in its meaning du- 16 rmg command. 'Signalsmay We cannot leave this article without returning to an be made obfervation which we made almoft in the beginning, v*2, the fyftem of fignals, or, to fpeak more pro* preffions of perly? the manner of framing this fyftem, has received numbers, much improvement from the gentlemen of the French navy, and particularly from the moft ingenious thought cf M. de la Bourdoanais, of making the fignals the immediate expreffions of numbers only, which numbers may be afterwards ufed to indicate any order whatever. We fhall prefent our readers with a fcheme or two of the manner in which this may be done for all fignals, both day, night, and fog. This alone may be confider- ed as a fyftem of fignals, and is equally applicable to every k:nd of information at a diftance. Without de¬ tracting in the fmalleft degree from the praife due to M. de la Bourdonnais, we muft: obferve, that this prin¬ ciple of notation is of much older date. Bifhop Wil¬ kins, in his Secret and Swift Meffenger, exprefsly re¬ commends it, and gives fpecimens of the manner of ex¬ ecution ; fo does Dr Hooke in fome of his propofals to the Royal Society. Gaipar Schottus alfo mentions it in his Techetka Curiofa ; and Kircher. among others of his Curious Brojedts, ] s i G M. de la Bourdonnais’s method is as follows : Naval Sig, He choofes pendants for his cffe&ive fignals, becaufe , 1 a'8, they are the moft cafily difplayed in the proper order. ’ Several pendants, making part of one fignal, may be m. de la hoifted by one hallyard, being flopped on it at the dr- Bourdon, ftance of four or fix feet from each other. If it be”*|\!,,mc* found proper to throw out another fignal at the fame^jj, time and place, they are feparated by a red pendant ° without a point. His colours are chofen with judge¬ ment, being very diftindtly recognifed, and not liable to be confounded with the addreffing fignals appro¬ priated to the different (hips of the fleet. They are. For N3 i. Red. ForN0 6. Red, with blue tail. 2. White. 3. Blue. 4. Yellow. 5. Red, with white tail. 7. White, with blue tail. 8. White, with red tail. 9. Blue, with yellow tail, o. Yellow, with blue tail. is Three fets of fuch pendants will exprefs every num¬ ber under a thoufand, by hoifting one above the other, and reckoning the uppermoft hundreds, the next below it tens, and the loweff units. Thus the number 643 will be expreffed by a pendant red with blue tail, a yellow pendant below it, and a blue one below the laft. This method has great advantages. The fignals may be hoifted in any place where beft feen, and therefore the fignification is not affedfed by the derangement of the flag {hip’s malls and rigging. And by appropri¬ ating the fmaller numbers to the battle fignals, they are more fimole, requiring fewer pendants. As this method requires a particular fet of colours, Might be it has its inconveniences. An admiral is often obliged rendered to ftiift his flag, even in time of adlion. He cannotmuc^ fim- eafily take the colours along with him. It is therefore^ better to make ufe of fuch colours as ever^-private ftiip colours is provided with. One fet of 11 will do, with the ad¬ dition of three, at moft of four pendants, of Angular make, to mark 100, zoo, 300, 400. Two of thefe flags, one above the other, will exprefs any number un¬ der 100, by ufing the x ith as a fubftitute for any flag that ftiould be repeated. Thus the nth flag, along with the flag for eight or for fix, will exprefs the num¬ ber 88 or 66, &c. Thus we are able to exprefs every number below 500, and this is iufficient for a veiy large code of fignals. And in order to diminifh as much as poffible the number of thefe compound fignals, it will be proper that a number of Angle flag fignals be preiervtd, and even varied by circumftances of pofition, for orders which are of very frequent occurrence, and which can hardly occur in fituations where any obftruttions are occalioned by lofs of malts, &c. And farther, to avoid all chance of miftake, a particular fignal can be added, intimating that the fignals now exhibited are numeracy fignals; or, which is Itiil better, all fignals may be confidered as numerary fignals; and thofe which we have juft now called Jingle Jag Jgna/s maybe fet down oppolite to, or as exprefling, the largelt numbers of the Code. This method requires the fignal of advertifement, the annulling fignal, the fignal of addrefs to the parti¬ cular Ihip or divifion, the fignal of acknowledgment, the fignal of indiftindtaefs, of diftrefs, of danger, and one * S I G [ 475 Naval'S;?- one or two more 'which, in every method, mud be employed. Another method of exprefiinfr numbers with fewer colours is as follows: Let the flags be A, B, C, D, E, F, and arrange them as follows : *9 Another meth d of “xprefling mbers by ewer co- ^jurs, ... This method may b e alfo im- ranging the flags thus : roved. A B C D E F i 7 I3 >9 25 31 37 B 2 8 H 20 26 32 38 C 3 9 J5 21 27 33 39 D 4 1 3 l6 22 28 34 40 E 5 11 17 23 29 35 4i F 6 12 18 24 30 36 42 The number exprefled by any pair of flags is found in the interfeddion ol the horizontal and perpendicular co¬ lumns. d hus the flag D, hoifted along with and above the flag F, exprefles the number 40, &c. In order to exprefs a greater number (but not exceeding 84) fup- pofe 75, hoifl: the flags jr, which exprefles 33, or 75, wanting 42, and above them a flag or fignal G, which alone exprefles 42. T. his method may be Hill farther improved by ar- * 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 100, See. A A B C D E F B 2 8 13 C 3 9 M 18 D 4 10 15 J9 22 E 5 11 16 20 23 25 F 6 12 17 21 24 26 27 31 third ech®d. In this laft method the fignification of the fignal is to¬ tally independent of the pofition of the flags. In whatever parts of the Ihip the flags D and E are feen, they exprefs the number 23. This would fuit battle fignals. Another method {till may be taken. Flags hoifted anywhere on the foremaft may be accounted units, thofe on the mainmaft tens, and thofe on the mizenmalt hun¬ dreds. I hus numeral fignals may be made by a ihip difmafted, or having only poles in their place. Many other ways may be contrived for exprefling numbers tiy colours, and there is great room for ex- ercifing the judgment of the contriver. For it mull always be remembered, that thefe fignals mull be ac¬ companied with a fignal by which it is addrefled to iome particular ftnp or divilion of the fleet, and it may be difficult to conneft the one with the other, which is perhaps fhovvn in another place, and along with other executive fignals. ^vantages One great advantage of thefe numeral fignals is, that numeral they may be changed in their fignification at pleafure. 1 hus, in the fir A method, it can be fettled, that on , Sundays the colours A, B, C, I), &c. exprefs the cy¬ phers , 2, 3, 4, &c. but that on Mondays they ex- prels the cyphers o, 1, 2, 3, &c. and on I'uefdays the cyphers 9, o, 1, 2, &c. ; and fo on through all the days of the week. J his mean or fecrecy is mentioned by Er Hooke for the coaA and alarm fignals, where, by t e by, he (hews a method for conveying intelligence over land very fimilar to what is now pradiled by the French with their telegraph. 2 3* ] S I G It is equally eafy to exprefs numbers by night fignals. Naval Sig- Thus M. de la Bourdonnais pvopofes, that one dif- charge of a great gun fhall exprefs 7, and that x, 2, 3, ‘ 11 4, 5, 6 lhall be exprefled by lights. Therefore, to ex-Number* prefs 24, we mult fire three guns, and (how three may be alfo lights. This is the moft perfed of all forms of night exPiffle//> or///. It might be done with fewer guns if the ff were ad¬ mitted as the firlt firing. But it feems better to be¬ gin always with the fingle gun, and thus the double gun beginning a fignal dittingmfhes the tens, &c. xii like manner, a Imall number of lights will admit of a great variety of very diftind pofitions, which may ferve for all fignals to fhips not very remote from the commander in chief. For ordefs to be underflood at a very great diflance, it will be proper to appropriate the numbers which are indicated by fignals made with rockets. Thefe can be varied in number and kind to a fufficient extent, fo. as to be very ealily diltinguiffied and under flood. It is fuflicient to have fliown how the whole, or nearly the whole, notation of fignals may be limited to the expreflion of numbers. We have taken little notice of the fignals made byConcMim* private ffiips to the commander in chief. This is a remarks. ^ very eafy bufinefs, becaufe there is little rifle of con¬ founding them with other fignals. Nor have we fpo- ken of fignals from the flag (hips whofe ultimate inter¬ pretation is number, as when fhips are direded to change their courfe fo many points. Thofe alfo are eafily contrived in any of the methods already deferi- bed ; alfo when a private ffiip wiffies to inform the com¬ mander m chief that foundings are found at fo many fathoms. In like manner, by numbering the points of the compafs, the admiral can dired to chace to any one of them, or may be informed of ftrange fhips bein^ Icen in any quarter, and what is their number. Signals by the Drum, made life of, in the exercifc of the army, inflead of the word of command, viz. Sjgnals- ‘ _ Operations. To caution. To perform any diftind thing. To form the line or battalion. A Jhort roll, A jlam. To arms. The march. The quick march. The point of ’war. r\ To advance, except when in. £ tt ’ ’ - tended for a falate. 1 o advance quick. To march, and charge. 3 0 2 Thee S I G [ 476 ] S I L Signature, The retreat, 1 et' , Drum ceafing. Two Jhort rolls. The dragoon march. The grenadier march, The troop. The long roll. The grenadier march, The preparative, The general, Two long rolls. To retreat. To halt. To perform the flank firing. To open the battalion. To form the column. To double divifions. To form the fquare. TTo reduce the fquare to the [_ column. To make ready and fire. To ceafe firing. To bring or lodge the colours. SIGNATURE, a fign or mark impreffed upon any thing, whether by nature or art. Such is the general fignification of the word ; but in the plural number it has been ufed, in a particular fenfe, fo denote thofe ex¬ ternal marks by which phyfiognomifts and other dabblers in the occult fciences pretend to difcover the nature and internal qualities of every thing on which they are found. According to Lavater, every corporeal objed is charaderized by fignatures peculiar to itfelf. The dodrine of fignatures, like alchemy and aftrolo- gy, was very prevalent during the 15'th and 16th cen¬ turies ; and was confidered as one of the occult fciences which conferred no fmall degree of honour on their re- fpedive profeffors. Some of thefe philofophers, as they thought fit to ftyle themfelves, maintained that plants, minerals, and animals, but particularly plants, had fig¬ natures impreffed on them by the hand of nature, indi¬ cating to the adept the therapeutic ufes to which they might be applied. Others, fuch as the myftic theofo- phifts and chemifts of that day, proceeded much farther in abfurdity, maintaining that every fubftance in nature had either external fignatures immediately difcernible, or internal fignatures, which, when brought into view by fire or menftrua, denoted its cbnnedion with fome iiderial or celeftial archetype. Of the dodrine of fig¬ natures, as it relates merely to the therapeutic ufes of plants and minerals, traces are to be found in the works of fome of the greateft authors of antiquity ; but the celeftial fignatures, we believe, were difcovered only by Afaf. the moonlight of the monkifh ages. Pliny informs us*, 2ib. ^4. that the marble called ophites, from its being fpotted like a ferpent, was difcovered by thofe fpots to be a fovereign. remedy for the bite of that animal; and that the colour of the hematites or blood-ftone intimated that it was fit to be employed to ftop an hemorrhagy ; but we do not recoiled his attributing the virtues of thefe minerals to a fiderial or celeftial influence. Signature, a figning of a perfon’s name at the bot¬ tom of an ad or deed written by his own hand. Signature, in printing, is a letter put at the bot¬ tom of the firft page at leaft, in each fheet, as a direc¬ tion to the binder in folding, gathering, and collating, them. The fignatures confift of the capital letters of the alphabet, which change in every fneet: if there be more Iheets, than letters in the alphabet, to the capital letter is added.a fmall one of the fame fort, as A a, B b; which are- repeated as. often as neceffaiy. In large vo¬ lumes it is eafy to diftingvnfil the number of alphabets, after the firft'three or four, by placing a figure before the fit?nature, as 5 B, 6 B, SIGNET, one ot the lg s feals^ made ufe of in -ealing his private letters, and all grants that pafs by bill figned under his majefty’s hand : it is always in the cuftody of the fecretaries of ftate. Signet, in Scots law. See Law, Part III. § 17. ^ SILENE, Catchfly, or Vifcous Campion, in bo¬ tany : A genus of plants belonging to the clafs of de- candria, and order of trigynia ; and in the natural fyf- tem arranged under the 22d order,caryophyllat. The ca¬ lyx is ventricofe; the petals are five in number, bifid and unguiculated, and crowned by a neftarium ; the capfule is cylindrical, covered, and trilocular. There are 26 fpecies, of which 7 are natives of Britain and Ireland, j. Anglica, the fmall corn campion or catchfly. The ftem is weak, hairy, and above a foot high ; the leaves are oblong, and grow in pairs at the joints; the flowers are fmall, white, and entire; they ftand onifbotftalks which iffue from the alas of the leaves ; they are ereft, alternate, Angle, and lateral. It grows in corn-fields, and flowers in June and July. 2. Nutans, Nottingham catchfly. The ftem is about two feet high, and firm ; the radical leaves are broad, obtufe, and grow in a tuft; thofe on the ftem are narrow and acute : the flowers are white, and grow in lateral panicles; the petals are bifid and curled ; the calyx is long, bellying a little, writh ten longitudinal ftriae. It grows in paftures, and flowers in June and July. 3. fea-campion. The ftem is two or three feet long, flender, procumbent, and branched alternately : the leaves are long and narrow: the flowers are white, and grow on oppofite footftalks, three on each, in unilateral bunches: the calyx is hairy and purplifh, and has ten angles. It grows on the fouth coaft, and flowers in June and July. 4. Co¬ noidea, greater corn catchfly, or campion. The leaves are narrow and foft; the calyx is conical, with 30 ftria:; the flowers proceed from the divarications of the ftem ; the petals are entire. It grows in corn fields, and flowers in June. 5. NoElijlora, night-flowering catch¬ fly. The ftem is about two feet high, and forked ; the calyx has ten angles, is fomewhat clammy, and oval, with longer teeth than the other fpecies ; the petals are of a reddifh white. 6. Armenia, broad-leaved catchfty. The ftem is about 18 inches high, and ereft, with few branches ; the leaves are fmooth, feflile, and broad at the bafe ; the flowers terminal, in faftigiate bundles, fmall, and red. It may be feen on the banks of rivers, „ and is in flower in July and Auguft. 7. Acaulis, mofs campion. The radical leaves are fpread on the ground like a tuft of mofs; the ftalks are about an inch long, and naked, bearing each a Angle purple flower. This laft fpecies grows on mountains, and has been found, in Wales and Scotland, within half a mile from their top. It is in flower in July. SILESIA, a duchy of Germany, bounded on the eaft by Poland ; on the weft, by Bohemia and Lower' Lufatia oa the fouth, by a chain of mountains,, and a thicket of confiderable extent which feparates it from Hungary; and to the north, by the, marquifate of Brandenburg and Poland. From north-weft to foutlv- eaft it is about 274 miles, and about 100 where broad- eft : but it is much contrasted at both ends. Upon the. frontiers of this-country, to the weft and fouth, are ve¬ ry high mountains, and fome likewife in other parts of it. One of the ridges upon the frontiers 13 ftyled the Riphsean Mountains, another the Moravian, another the Bohemian, and another the Hungarian, Qrapack, or Car- patbian*. Signet II Silefia. S I L r 477 1 S I L SUeSa. path'um. A branch of the Bohemian is called the Giant » " Mountains. rrhe winter on thefe hilly tracks is more fevere, fets in fooner, and lafts longer, than in the low lands. The inhabitants ufe a kind of Ikates when the fnow is deep, as they do in Carniola. Little or no grain is raifed in the mountains and fome fandy tracks; but the reft of the country is abundantly fruitful, not only in grain* but fruits, roots, pafture, flax, hops, mad¬ der, tobacco, and hemp, yielding alfo fome wine, with confiderable quantities of filk and honey. In many places are great woods of pines, fir, beech, larch, and other trees, affording tar, pitch, rofin, turpentine, lamp¬ black, and timber for all ufes. In this country alfo is found marble of feveral forts, fome precious ftones, lime- ftone, millftone, pitcoal, turf, vitriol, fome filver ore, copper, lead, iron, and mineral fprings. Great num¬ bers of black cattle and horfes are brought hither from Poland and Hungary for fale, thofe bred in the coun¬ try not being fufficient; but of fheep, goats, game, and •venifon, they have great plenty. As for wild beafts, here are lynxes, foxes, weafels, otters, and beavers. The rivers, lakes, and ponds, yield fifh of feveral forts, parti¬ cularly flurgeons feveral ells in length, and falmon. Be- fides a number of fmaller ftreams to water this country, there is the Oder, which traverfes it almoft from one end to the other; and the Viftula, which after a pretty long courfe through it enters Poland. The number of the cities and market-towns is faid to be about loo, the county of Glatz included, and that of the villages 5000. The inhabitants, who are computed to be about a mil¬ lion and an half, are a mixture of Germans, Poles, and Moravians. The language generally fpoken is Ger¬ man ; but in fome places the vulgar tongue is a dialeft of the Sclavonic. The Hates coniift of the prioces and dukes, and fthofe called Jlate-lords, with the nobili¬ ty, who are immediately fubjedt to the fovereign, and the reprefentatives of the chief cities; but fince the country fell under the dominion of the king of Pruf- fia, no diets have been held. The king, however, when he took poffeffion of the country, confirmed all the other privileges of the inhabitants. With refpe the mouth. It leaves no grittinels between the teeth, and does not ferment with acid menftrua. It is found in the perpendicular fiffures of rocks near the gold, mines at Strigonium in Hungary, and is fuppofed to be impregnated with the fulphur of that metal. It is a good aftringent,. and better than moft of the boles in uie. SILICERNIUM, among the Romans, was a feaft of a private nature, provided for the dead fome time af¬ ter the funeral. It confided of beans, lettuces, bread, egSs> Thefe were laid upon the tomb, and they foolifihly believed that the dead would come out for the repalt What was left was generally burnt, on the Hone. The word filkem'wm is derived from /ilex and ccena, i. .e “ a fupper upon a Hone ” Eating what had thus been provided for the dead, was efteemed a mark of the moil miferabie poverty. A fimilar entertainment was made by the Greeks at the tombs of the deceaied ‘. but it was ufual among .them to treat the ghofts with« the fragments from the feaft of the living, See Fir. NERAL a*nd iNfSJU^E.. Ji SILLX. S I L [ Siler .It Siliiif. SILEX. See Flint. SILICEOUS ear i hs. See Mineralogy, Part IT. Order 4. SILIUS (Italicus Caius), an ancient Roman poet, and author of an epic -poem in 17 books, which con¬ tains an hiftory of the fecond Punic war, fo famous for having decided the empire of the world in favour of the Romans. He was born in the reigri of Tiberius, and is fuppofed to have derived the name of Italicus from the place of his birth ; but whether he was born at Ita- lica in Spain, or at Corfinium in Italy, which, accord¬ ing to Strabo, had the name of Italica given it during the Social war, is a point which cannot be known : though, if his birth had happened at either of thefe places, the grammarians would tell us, that he {hould have been called Italicenfis, and not Italicus. When he came to Rome, he applied himfelf to the bar ; and, by a clofe imitation of Cicero, fucceeded fo well, that he became a celebrated advocate and moll accomplilhed orator. His merit and charafter recommended him to the high- eft offices in the republic, even to the confullhip, of which he was poffeffed when Kero died. He is faid to have been aiding and affifting in accuftng perfons of high rank and fortune, whom that wicked emperor had devoted to deftrucfion : but he retrieved his charafter afterwards by a long and uniform courfe of virtuous be¬ haviour. Vefpafian fent him as proconful into Afia, where he behaved with clean hands and unblemilhed re¬ putation. After having thus fpent the belt part of his life in the fervice of his country, he bade adieu to public affabs, refolving to confecrate the remainder to polite retirement and the mufes. He had feveral fine villas in the country : one at Tufculum, celebrated for having been Cicero’s ; and a farm near Naples faid to have been Virgil’s, at which was his tomb, which Silius often vifited. Thus Martial compliments him on both thefe accounts; Silius hac magni celebrat monumenta Maronis^ yugera facundi qui Ciceronis habet. Hceredem Dominumque fui tumuliquc larifque Non ahum mallet nec Maro nec Cicero. Epigr. 49. lib. xi. Of Tully’s feat my Silius is poflefs’d. And his the tomb •where Virgil’s afhes reft. Could thole great lhades return tochoofe their heir, The prefent owner they would both prefer. In thefe retirements he applied himfelf to poetry : led not fo much by any great force of genius, which would certainly not have fuffered him to ftay till life was in the wane and his imagination growing cold, as by his exceeding great love of Virgil, to whofe memory he paid the higheft veneration. He has imitated him in his poem ; and though he falls infinitely Ihort of him, yet he has difcovered a great and univerfal genius, >vhich would have enabled him to fucceed in fome de¬ gree in whatever he undertook. Having been for fome time afflidled with an im- pofthume, which was deemed incurable, he grew weary of life, to which, in the language of Pliny, he put an end with determined courage. There have been many editions of Silius Italicus. A neat and correft one was publilhed atLeipficin 1696, in •8vo, with Ihort and ufeful notes by Cellarius; but the Silk. 478 ] S I L bell is that cum noils int^yris variorum et Arnoldi Drd- kenborch. Traieft. ad Rhen. 17x7, in 4to. ^ v SILK, a very foft, fine, bright thread, the work of an infedt called bombyx, or the iilk worm. As the filk worm is a native of China, the culture of filk in ancient times was entirely confined to that coun¬ try. We are told that the emprefles, furrounded by their women, fpent their leifure hours in hatching and rearing filk worms, and in weaving tiffues and filk veils. That this example was foon imitated by perfons of all ranks, we have reafon to conclude ; tor we are informed that the Chinefe, who were formerly clothed in fkins, in a fhort time after were dreffed in veftments of filk. 'Pill the reign of Juftinian, the filk worm was unknown beyond the territories of China, but filk was introduced into Perfia long before that period. Alter the conquefl of the Perfian empire by Alexander the Great, this va¬ luable commodity was brought into Greece, and thence r conveyed to Rome. The firft of the Roman writers °f extant by whom filk is mentioned, are Virgil and H°- concernmg* race ; but it is probable that neither of them knew the t;aiur& from what country it was obtained, nor how it was oi filk. produced. By fome of the ancients it was fuppofed to be a fine down adhering to the leaves of certain trees or flowers. Others imagined it to be a delicate fpecies of wool or cotton; and even thofe who had learned that.' it was the work of an infedl, fhow by their defcriptions that they had no diftindt idea of the manner in which it was formed. Among the Romans, filk was deemed a drefs too expenfive and too delicate for men, and was appropriated wholly to women of eminent rank and opu¬ lence. Elagabulus is faid to have been the firft man among the Romans who wore a garment of fine filk: Aurelian complained that a pound of filk was fold at Rome for 1 2 ounces of gold ; and it is faid he refufed to give his wife permiffion to wear it on account of its exorbitant price. * For feveral centuries the Perfians fupplied the Re- Brought man empire with the filks of China. Caravans tra-from China verfed the whole latitude of .\fia, in 243 days, from the Chinefe ocean to the fea-coaft of Syria, carrying rimeofju. this commodity. Sometimes it was conveyed to theftinian. ports of Guzerat and Malabar, and thence tranfported by fea to the Perfian Gulph. The Perfians, with the f , ufual rapacity of monopolifts, raifed the price of filk to fuch an exorbitant height, that Juftinian, eager not only co„cer„i„g to obtain a full and certain fupply of a commodity which /»(&», p. 88.' was become of indifpenfable ufe, but folicitous to deliver the commerce of his fubjefts from the exactions of his enemies, endeavoured, by means of his ally, the Chrif- tian monarch of Abyffinia, to wreft feme portion of the filk trade from the Perfians. In this attempt he failed ; but when he leaft expected it, he, by an unfore- feen event, attained, in iome meafure, the objedt which he had in view. Two Perfian monks having been em- 3 ployed as miffionaries in forne of the Chriftian churches, which were eitablifhed (as we are informed by Colmas) jnt0Europe in different parts of India, had penetrated into the coun-by two try of the Seres, or China. There they obferved the -nonks. labours of the filk worm, and became acquainted with all the arts of man in working up its productions into fuch a variety of elegant fabrics. The profpedt of gain, or perhaps an indignant zeal, excited by feeing this lu¬ crative branch of commerce engrailed by unbelieving cations. s I L r 479 1 S r L Silk, nations, prompted them to repair to Conflantlnople. There they explained to the emperor the origin of jilk, as well as the various modes of preparing and manufac¬ turing it, myfteiies hitherto unknown, or very imper- ftftly underltood in Europe ; and encouraged by his liberal promifes,%they undertook to bring to the capital a fufficient number of thofe wonderful infefts, to whofe labours man is fo much indebted. This they accom- plifhed, by conveying the eirgs of the filk worm in a hollow cane. They were hatched by the heat of a dunghill, fed with the leaves of a wild mulberry tree, and they multiplied and worked in the fame manner as in thofe climates where they firil became objects of hu¬ man attention and care. Vail numbers of thefe infe&s were foon reared in different parts of Greece, particu¬ larly in the Peloponnefus. Sicily afterwards undertook to breed filk worms with equal fuccefs, and was imitated, from time to time, in feveral towns of Italy. In all thefe places extenfive manufactures were eft;.bliihed and carried on with filk of domeftic production. The de¬ mand for filk from the eaft diminifhed of courfe, the fubjeCts of the Greek emperors were no longer obliged to have recourfe to the Perfians for a fupply of it, and a confiderable change took place in the nature of the commercial intercourfe between Europe and India. As hlk is the production of a worm, it will be firft neceffary to given defeription of its nature and mode of manufacturing, liut before we give any account of the , moft approved methods of managing filk worms in Eu- clZLhy. roPe’ lt Wl1-1 be proper to prefent a fhort defeription of the methods praClifed in China, the original country of the filk worm. Thefe are two : they either permit them to remain at liberty on mulberry trees, or keep them in rooms. As the fineil filk is produced by worms confined in rooms, and as the firft method is very fim- ^ pie, it will fuffice to deferibe the fecond Method of To begin with the eggs, which are laid on large fheets rearing’ filk of paper, to which they firmly adhere. The fheets are Chiiu5 in °n a keam t^ie room> with the eggs inward, ^ and the windows are opened in the front to admit the wind ; but no hempen ropes muft ever come near the worms or their eggs. After fome days the fheets are taken down, rolled up loofely with the eggs inward, and then hung up again, during the fummer and autumn. Ait the end of December, or the beginning of January, the eggs are put into cold water, with a little fait diffcJ- ved in it. Two days after they take them out, hang them up again, and when dry roll them a little tighter, and enclofe each feparatdy, ftanding on one end in an earthen veflel. Some put them into a lye made of mul¬ berry tree afhes, and then lay them fome moments in fnow-water, or elfe hang them up three nights on a mulberry tree to receive the fnow or rain, if not too violent. 1 he time of hatching them is when the leaves of the mulberry trees begin to open, for they are bat¬ tened or impeded according to the different degrees of heat or cold to which they are expofed. When they are ready to come forth, the eggs fwell, and become a little pointed. I he third day before they are hatched, the rolls of paper are taken out of the veffel, ftretched out, and hung up with their backs toward the fun, till they receive a kindly warmth ; and then being roiled up clofe, they are fet upright in a veffel in a warm place. This is re¬ peated the ne*t day, and the egg$ change to an afh- grey, They then put two fheets together, and rolling Silk, them clofe tie the ends. y—■ 'I he third day, towards night, the fheets are unroll¬ ed and ftretched on a fine mat, when the eggs appear blackiih. They then roll three fheets together, and carry them into a pretty warm place, flickered from the fouth wind. The next day the people taking out the rolls, and opening them, find them full of worm* like finall black ants.' 1 he apartment chofen for filk worms is on a dry ground, in a pure air, and free from noife. The rooms are fquare, and very clofe, for the fake of warmth ; the door faces the fouth, and is covered with a double mat, to keep out the cold; yet there fhould be a win¬ dow on every fide, that when it is thought neceffary the air may have a free paiTagc. In opening a window to k-t in a refrefhing breeze, care muft be taken to keep out the gnats and flies. ’I he room muft be furnilhed with nine or ten rows of frames, about nine inches one above the other. On thefe they place rufh hurdles, up¬ on which the worms are fed till they are ready to fpia ; and, to preferve a regular heat, ftove fires are placed at the corners of the room, or elfe a warming pan is car¬ ried up and down it ; but it muft not have the leaft flame or fmoke. Cow-dung dried in the fun is efleemed the moft proper fuel. The worms eat equally day and night. The Chi- nefe give them on the firft day forty-eight meals/ that is, one every-half hour ; the next thirty ; the third day they have flul lels. As cloudy and rainy weather takes away their ftomach, juft before their reoaft a wffp'of very dry ftraw, the flame of which muft be all alike, is held over the worms to free them from the cold and moifture that benumbs them, or elfe the blinds are ta¬ ken from the windows to let in the full day-light. Eating fo often haftens their growth* on which the chief profit of the filk worm depends. If they come to maturity in 23 or 25 days, a large flieet of paper cover¬ ed with worms, which at their fivft coming from the eggs weigh little more than a drachm, will produce 2 5 ounces of filk ; but if not till 28 days, they then yield only 20 ounces ; and if they are a month or 40 days in growing, they then produce but ten. They are kept extremely clean, and are often removed; and when they are pretty well grown,the worms belong¬ ing to one hurdle are divided into three, afterwards they a* e placed on fix, and fo on to the number of 20 or more ; for being full of humours, they muft be kept at a due diftar.ee from each other, i he critical moment for re¬ moving them is when they are of a bright yellow and icady to fpin ; they muft be furrounded with mats at a fmall di fiance, which rouil cover the too of the place to keep off the outward air ; and becaufe they love to wTork in the dark. However, after the third day’s labour, the mats are taken away from one o'clock till three, but the rays of the fun muft not fliine upon them. They are at this time covered with the ftieets of paper that were ufed on the hurdles. The cocoons are completed in feven days, after which the worm is metamorphofed into a chryfalis; the co¬ coons are then gathered, and laid in heaps, having firft fet apart thofe defigned for propagation upon a hurdle, in a cool airy place. The next care is to kill the moths in thofe cones which are not to be bored. The heft way of doing this is to fill’ large earthen veflels with cones S I L [ 456 ] S I L rhe Bee, S!lk, cones m layers of ten pounds each, throwing; in four ounces of fait with every layer, and covering it with large dry leaves like thofe of the water-lily, and clofely flopping the mouth of the veffels. But in laying the cones into the veifels, they feparate the long, white, and glittering ones, which yield a very fine filk, from thofe that are thick, dark, and of the colour of the fkin of an 5 onion, which produce a coarfer lilk. Befeription The filk worm is a fpecies of caterpillar, which, like a'fdhhinTy all others of the fame ciafs, undergoes a variety of worm. changes, that, to perfons who are not acquainted with objects of this kind, will appear to be not a little fur- prifmg. It is produced From a yellowifh coloured egg, about the fize of a fmall pin head, which has been laid by a kind of greyifh coloured moth, which the vulgar con¬ found with the butterfly. Thefe eggs, in the temperature of this climate, if kept beyond the reach of the fire and fun fliine, may be preferved during the whole of the winter and fpring months without danger of hatching : and even in fum- mer they may eafily be prevented from hatching if they be kept in a cool place ; but in warmer climates it is fcarcely poffible to preferve them from hatching, even for a few days, or trom drying fo much as to deftroy them. Hence it is eafy for a native of Britain to keep the eggs till the food on which the worm is to feed be ready for that purpofe. When this food is in perfec¬ tion, the eggs need only be expofed to the fun for a day or two, when they will be hatched with great facility.^ When the animal is firft protruded from the egg, it is a fmall black worm, which is active, and naturally af- cends to the top of the heap in fearchof food. At this ftage of his growth the filk worm requires to be fed with the youngeft and moft tender leaves. On thefe leaves, if good, he will feed very freely for about eight ■days, during which period he increafes in fize to about a quarter of an inch in length. He is then attacked with his firft ficknefs, which confifts in a kind of le¬ thargic fleep for about three days continuance ; during which time he refufes to eat, and changes his fkin, pre- ferving the fame bulk. This fleep being over, he begins to eat again, during five days, at which term he is grown to the fize of full half an inch in length ; after which follows a fecond ficknefs in every refpe£t like the former. He then feeds for other five days; during which time he will have increafed to about three quarters of an inch in length, when he is attacked with his third ficknefs. "This being over, he begins to eat again, and continues to do fo for five days more, when he is attacked by his fourth ficknefs, at which time he is arrived at his full growth. When he recovers this ficknefs, he feeds once more during five days with a moft voracious appetite ; after which he difdains his food, becomes tranfparent, a little on the yellowifh caft, and leaves his filky traces on the leaves where he pafles. Thefe figns denote that be is ready to begin his cocoon, and will eat no more. Thus it appears that the whole duration of the life of the worm, in this ftate of its exiftence, in our climate, is ufually about 46 days ; 28 of which days he takes food, and remains in his fick or torpid ftate 1 8 ; but it ns to be obferved, that during warm weather the periods of ficknefs are fhortened, and in cold weather lengthen¬ ed, above the terms here fpecified. In yery hot cli¬ mates it may be faid to live fafter, and fooner to attain Shk, maturity, than in thofe that are colder. Dr Anderfon informs us, that at Madras the worm undergoes its whole evolutions in the fpace of 22 days. It appears, however, that it feeds fully as many days in India as in Europe, the difference being entirely occafioned by Ihortening the period of ficknefs. The longeft ficknefs he had feen them experience there did not exceed two days ; and during lummer it -only lafts a few hours. When the worm has attained its full growth, it fearches about for a convenient place for forming its co¬ coon, and mounts upon any branches or twigs that are put in its way for that purpofe. After about two days fpeni in this manner, it fettles in its place, and forms the cocoon, by winding the filk which it draws from its bowels round itfelf into an oblong roundifti ball. During this operation it gradually lofes the appear¬ ance of a worm ; its length is much contracted, and its thicknefs augmented. By the time the web is hniihed, it is found to be transformed into an oblong roundifti ball, covered with a fmooth flielly fldn, and appears to be perfeftly dead. In this ftate of exiftence it is called an aurelia. Many animals in this ftate may be often feen (ticking on the walls of out-houfes, fomewhat re- fembling a fmall bean. In this ftate it remains for feveral days entirely mo- tionlefs in the heart of the cocoon, after which it burfts like an egg hatching, and fr®m that comes forth a heavy dull looking moth with wings ; but thefe wings it never ufes for flying ; it only crawls flowly about in the place it has been hatched. This creature forces its way through the filk covering which the worm had woven, goes immediately in queft of its mate, after which the female lays her eggs; and both male and fe¬ male, without tailing food in this ftage of their exift¬ ence, die in a very ftiort time. The filk worm, when at its full fize, is from an inch and a quarter to an inch and a half in length, and about half an inch in circumference. He is either of a milk or pearl colour, or blackifh ; thefe laft are efteem- ed the beft. His body is divided into feven rings, to each of which are joined two very fhort feet. He has a fmall point like a thorn exa&ly above the anus. The fubftance which forms the filk is in his ftomach, which is very long, wound up, as it were, upon two fpindles, as fome fay, and furrounded with a gum, commonly yel¬ lowifh, fometimes white, but feldom greenifh. When the worm fpins his cocoon, he winds off a thread from each of his fpindles, and joins them afterwards by means of two hooks which are placed in his mouth, fo that the cocoon is formed of a double thread. Having opened a filk worm, you may take out the fpindles, which are folded up in three plaits, and, on ftretching them out, and drawing each extremity, you may extend them to near two ells in length. If you then ferape the thread fo ftretched out with your nail, you ferape off the gum, which is very like bees wax, and performs the fame office to the filk it covers as gold leaf does to the ingot of filver it furrounds, when drawn out by the wire drawer. This thread, which is extremely ftrong and even, is about the thicknefs of a middling pin. 5 Of lilk worms, as of moft other animals, there is a Particular confiderable variety of breeds, fome of which are much attention ^ more hardy, and poffefs qualities confiderably differentou.^ from others. This is a particular of much importance !reed of to filk worms* S I L [ 481 1 S I L !5i’V. 7 The ma¬ nagement effilk Worms muft be different in different climates; But may be cafily rt ar- ed in tem¬ perate dimes. to be adverted to at the time of beginning t© breed ' thefe creatures in any place ; for it will make a great difference in the profit on the whole to the undertaker if he rears a good or a bad fort(A). This is a department in refpeft to the economy of animals that has been in every cafe much lefs adverted to than it deferves ; and in particular with regard to the lilk worm it has been al- moft entirely overlooked. A few eggs of the filk worm can be eafily tranfported by pod: in a letter from any part of Europe to another, efpecially during the winter ieafon. It would therefore be an eafy matter for any patriotic fociety, fuch as the Society of Arts in Lon¬ don, to obtain a fpecimen of the eggs from every coun¬ try in which filk is now reared, to put thefe under the care of a perfon who could be depended upon, and who underitood the management of them, with orders to keep each kind diftinCl from another, and advert to every particular that occurred in their management, fo as to make a fair eilimate of their rtfpe&ive merits. By thefe means the beft might be felefted, and thofe of inferior value reje&ed. Forty or fifty of each fort might be enough for the experiment ; but it ought to be repeat¬ ed feveral times before conclufions could be drawn from it that might be altogether relied upon ; for it is well known that a variation of circumftances will make a change in the refult; and it is by no means certain that the fame particular would affeft thofe of one breed ex- adtly in the fame manner as it would do thofe ot a dif¬ ferent breed. One may be more hardy with regard to cold, another more delicate in refpedt to food, and fo on. It is experience alone that can afeertain the cir¬ cumftances here inquired for. From the above-mentioned particulars, it is evi¬ dent, that the management of filk worms muft be very different in hot climates from what is required in thofe that are colder. At Madras, it appears from Dr An- derfon’s experiments that it is very difficult to prevent the eggs from hatching for a very few days, fo that many generations of them muft be propagated in one year. “ In this hotteft feafon,” fays he, in a letter to Sir Jofeph Banks, dated July 6. 1791, f‘ the fhorteft time I have been able to remark for the whole evolu¬ tions of the filk worm is 40 days; that is to fay, fix days an egg, 22 a worm, 11 a grub in the cocoon, and one a moth or butterfly.’, Fortunately, where the climate forces forward their prodmftion fo rapidly, na¬ ture hath been equally provident of food for their fub- fiftence ; for in thefe regions the mulberry continues to grow and pufh out leaves throughout the whole year. Though the filk worm be a native of China, there is no doubt but it might eafily be propagated per¬ haps in moft parts of the temperate zones. The eggs Vol. XVII. Part II. of this inff-$, indeed, require a confidcrable degrei of L warmth to hatch them, but they can alfo endure a fr- w—v~* vere froft. No lefs than 5400 lbs of filk was raifed in 1789 in the cold, fandy territories ot Pruffia. In the province of Pekin, in China, where great quantities of filk are fabricated, the winter is much colder than even in Scotland. From the information of ft me Ruffians who were fent thither to learn the Chinefe language, we find that Reaumur’s thermometer was obferved from 10 to 15, and even 20 degrees below the freezing point. Nor is it difficult to rear the food of the filk worm in ^ee> N* a temperate clime. The mulberry-trte is a hardy vege-1-5^* table, which bears, without injury, the winters of Sweden, and even of Siberia. Of the feven fpecies of the mulber¬ ry (fee Morus) enumerated by Linnaeus, four of thefe (viz. the white, red, black, and Tartarian), there is e- very reaion to believe could be reared both in Britain and Ireland. The u'/jite grows in Sweden ; the red is abundant round Quebec ; the i/ack delights in bleak fi- tuations, expofed to wind on the fea Ihore ; and the Tartarian mulberry is reprefented as growing in the chilly regions of Siberia. ^ As to the fuperior qualities of the different fpecies, Wherher* probably there is very little to be pointed out amongft anv fpecirf* the four juft mentioned with regard to nom ifhment, cept what may be drawn from the following faft : that fuperior to if the firft three are laid down together, the filk worm other* will firft eat the white, then the red, and next the black, in the order of the tendernefs of the leaves. The Tar¬ tarian feems to hold as high a place in its efteem as ei¬ ther the red or black ; but all muft yield to the white, which feems to be its natural food. In Calabria the red mulberry is ufed ; in Valencia the white; and in Granada, where excellent filk is pro¬ duced, the mulberries are all black. The white feems to profper very well in a moift ftiff foil: the black agrees well with a dry, fandy, or gravelly foil; and the white is moft luxuriant in a moift rich loam. I(J It may juftly be aiferted, that Britain poffeffes feme Britain pof- advantages in the railing of raw filk which are not en-kffes fome joyed by warmer countries. Even in the fouth 0fa^vantage* France, Mr Arthur Young informs us, the mulberry er countrjC8 leaves are often nipped by froft in the bud; but this is for railing fcarcely ever the cafe with us. It is well known that filk. thunder and lightning are hurtful to the filk worm. Now our climate can boaft that it is almoft wholly ex¬ empted from thofe dreadful ftofms of thunder and light¬ ning which prevail fo much in hot climates. Nature has then furnifhed us with every thing requifitc for the filk manufa&ure; it remains only for us to improve the advantages which we poffefs. Let mulberry trees be planted by proprietors ©f lands, and let a few perfons 3 P of (a) As the fuceefs of the filk manufa&ure muft depend on the breed of worms, it is of great confequence to bring them from thofe countries where they are reckoned beft. Mr Andrew Wright, an ingenious filk manufafturer of Paifley, has given the following directions for convey in or th£ eggs of the filk worm from diftant countries by fea : As foon as the moth has laid her eggs, dry them im¬ mediately, and put them into glafs vials ; feal them fo clofe that damp air or water will not penetrate jin to them. Put thefe phials that contain the eggs into earthen pots filled with cold water ; and as often as the water becomes warm renew it. Place the earthen veffels in the coldeft place of the fhip, and let them remain until the end of the voyage. It muft be obferved, that the fhip chofen for this purpofe ought to be one that would arrive ja Bri- tain in the months of June or July. S I L [ 482 ] S I L sm*. 11 Method of raifing mulberry- trees in the fouth of of fit ill and attention devote their time to the raifing of hlk worms. This is an employment that will not in¬ terfere with any manufacture already etlablifhed ; on the contrary, it would afford a refpe&able, a lucrative, and agreeable employment to ladies, or to females in gene¬ ral, who have at prefent too few profeflions to which they can apply. The fociety inllituted at London for the encouragement of arts, manufactures, and com¬ merce, much to their honour, have offered premiums to thofe who (hall plant a certain number of mulberry trees. The following method of raifing mulberry trees from feed is praCtifed in the fouth of France, and has been repeated with fuccefs in the Eaft Indies by Dr Ander- fon of Madras. “ Take the ripe berries of the mulber¬ ry when it is full of juice and of feeds. Next take a silk. 13 1'ra.nc e. Lettcn on rough horfe hair line or rope, fuch as we dry linen on, tbt Culture and "with a good handful of ripe mulberries run your hand along the line bruifing the berries and mafhing 1} * dr oman- them as much as poffible as your hand runs along, fo del. that the pulp and feeds of the berries may adhere in great abundance to the rope or hair line. Next dig a trench in the ground where you with to plant them, much like what is pra&ifed in kitchen gardens in Eng¬ land for crops of various kinds. Next cut the rope or hair line into lengths according to the length of the trench you think fit to make, and plunge the line full of mafhed berries into the trench, and then cover it over well with earth, always remembering afterwards to wa¬ ter it well, which is effential to the fuccefs. The feeds of the berries thus fown will grow, and foon (hoot out young fuckers, which will bear young leaves, which are the beft food for the filk woi*m. ‘f The facility and rapidity with which young leaves may by this means be produced is evident, for as many rows of trenches may thus be filled as can be wifhed ; and it can never be neceflary to have mulberry trees higher than our rafpberries, currants, or goofeberry bufh- es. Whenever they get beyond that, they lofe their value ; and if thefe trenches fucceed, you may have a fupply coming frefh up day after day, or any quantity you pleafe.” Thus abundance of thefe trees might be reared. But as mulberry trees are not yet found in abun¬ dance in this country, it were to be wifhed that fome other food could be fubftituted in their place : attempts have accordingly been made by thofe who have reared filk worms, and it has been found poffible to fupport the filk worm upon lettuce (b). Mifs Henrietta Rhodes, a lady who has made fome fuccefsful experiments on raifing filk worms in England, had found that the filk worm could with fafety be kept See, N° 70. 11 Mifs ftik°worms on lettuce for fome time. This is pretty generally on lettuce known by ladies who have turned their attention to this fubjedl; but fhe found that in general they could not with fafety be kept upon that food above three weeks. If longer fed upon that plant, the worms for the moll part die without fpinning a web at all. She found, however, that they did not always die, but that in fome cafes they produced very good cocoons, even when fed entirely on lettuce. She therefore with reafon lufpedt- ed that the death of the animal mull be occafioned by fome extraneous circumftance, and not from the poi- fonous quality of the food itfelf; the circumftance fhe fufpebted, from fome incidental obfervations, was tire coldnefs of that food ; and therefore fhe thought it was not impoffible, but if they were kept in a very warm place, while fed on lettuce, they might attain, in all cafes, a due perfedftion. General Mordaunt having been informed of this con- General jedture, refolved to try the experiment. He got fome Mordaunt filk worms eggs, had them hatched in his hot-houfe, and^ caufed them to be all fed upon lettuce and nothing elfe. They profpered as well as any worms could do, iew or none of them died; and they afforded as fine cocoons as if they had been fed upon mulberry leaves. As far as one experiment can go, this affords a very exhilara- ting profpedl in many points of view. If one kind of food has been noxious, merely on account of an impro¬ per temperature, others may be found which have been hurtful only from a fimilar cattle ; fo that it is not im- pofiible but we may at laft find that this delicate crea¬ ture may be fupported by a variety of kinds of food. Few, however, could be more eafily obtained than let¬ tuce ; and this plant, when cabbaged (the cofs, or ice lettuce efpecially), would pofllfs one quality that the mulberry leaf never can poffels from the want of which many millions of worms die in thofe countries where filk is now reared ; for it is obferved, that when the leaves are gathered wet, it is fcarcely poffible to pre- ferve the wmrms alive for any length of time ; fo that during a continuance of rainy weather many of them are unavoidably cut off; but a lettuce, wdien cabbaged, refills moifture. If gathered, even during rain, the heart of it is dry ; fo that if the outer leaves be thrown afide at that time, the worms would be continued in perfedt health. The expence, too, of cultivating and gathering lettuce, would be fo much left than that of gathering mulberry leaves, as to occafion a faving that would be much more than fufficient to counterbalance the expence of heating the confervatory, as a little re¬ flection will Ihow. But the great point to be now afcertamed is, whe¬ ther it is a faft that worms fed on lettuce, if kept in a due temperature, will continue in good health, in gene¬ ral, till they lhall have perfected their cocoon ? One experiment is too little to eftablilh this fad with perfect certainty. It would therefore be neceffary that more experiments Ihould be made on this fubjeCl. 14 It is faid that Dr Lodovico Bellardi, a learned and Mlk worms ingenious botanift of Turin, has, after a number of ex-fa^- ^ ^ for fome time. peuments, difcovered a new method of feeding e(j muiber- filk1 worms, when they are hatched before the mulberry ry leaves, trees have produced leaves, or when it happens that the froft deftroys the tender branches. This new me¬ thod confifts in giving the worms dried leaves of the mulberry-tree. One would think that this dry nouriih- ment (b) It is not improbable, fays Dr Anderfon, to whofe valuable work entitled the Bee, we have been much indebted in the drawing up of this article, that other kinds of food may be found which will anfwer the fame purpofe. The chicorium intybus and common endive might be tried, as they have the fame laCtefcent quality with the lettuce. 8 Ik- 15 Proper ex pcrimentu ought to b piade on various ve¬ getables. 16 ; What fiiu ation and apartment- , proper for thefe uikets. S I L [ 483 1 ' s I L nient would not be much relifhed by thefe infers ; but repeated experiments made by our author, prove that they prefer it to any other, and eat it with the greateft avidity. The mulberry leaves mull be gathered about the end of autumn, before the frofts commence, in dry weather, and at times when the heat is greateft. They muft be dried afterwards in the fun, by fpreading them upon large cloths, and laid up in a dry place after they have been reduced to powder. When it is neceffary to give this powder to the worms, it Jhould be gently moi- itened with a little water, and a thin coat of it mult be placed around the young worms, which will immediate* ly begin to feed upon it. We have mentioned all the different kinds of food, which, as far as we have heard, have been tried with eany fuccefs to nouiifh the filk worm; not, however, with great confidence, but as experiments which it might be worth while carefully to coniider and perform. We muft not omit to mention that one perfon, who has had much experience in the managing of filk worms, affures us, that the filk produced from any other food than mulberry leaves is of an inferior quality, and that the worms are iickly. We think, however, that there is reafon to fufpedt that the experiment has not been fkil- f ully performed ; and therefore, before every other food except mulberry leaves is difearded, the experiment ought to be performed with more attention and care. We know that many animals in a domeftic ftate can live upon food very different from that which fupported them when running wild m the fields. Certain it is, however, that every animal, in its Hate of nature, par¬ takes of a food peculiar to itfelf, which is rejected by other animals as if it were of a poifonous quality ; and it may be mentioned as a curious faff, as well as an ad¬ mirable inftance of the care of that Being who feeds the fowls of heaven, that notwithftanding the number- lefs infedts that piey upon animals and vegetables, the mulberry tree is left untouched by them all, as the ex- clufive property of the filk worm, the chief of the infedl tribe, which toils and fpins for the ufe or man. Having now coniidered the food proper for the filk worm, we {hall next confider what iituation is molt fa¬ vourable to them. In the opinion of fome perfons in this country who have been in the practice of rearing filk worms, they ought always to be kept in a dry place, well fhellered, and poffeffing a conliderable degree of warmth, and which is not expofed to fudden tranfitions from heat to cold. If the weather be too cold, a fmall fire muft be made : this is of moil importance when the worms are ready for fpinning. A iouthern expofure is therefore preferable. Some think light is of great utility to filk worms, others think that they thrive bet¬ ter in the dark. As to what apartments are belt ac¬ commodated for promoting the health of filk worms, and molt convenient for thole who have thecare of them, they may be various according to the extent oi the ma- mifadture or the wealth of the proprietors. Silk worms may be kept in-boxes or in fhelves. When fhelves are to be ufedjthey may be conftrudted in the following manner: The Ihelves may be of wicker, ranged at the diltance of a foot and a half, and fixed in the middle ot the room : their breadth ought to be fuch, that any perfon cun eaiily reach to the middle from either' fide. This is perhaps the fimplell and cheapell apparatus for rear¬ ing filk worms; but there is another apparatus which may be recommended to thofe who are anxious to unite Silk. fome degree of elegance with convenience. This appa- v-—J ratus is the invention of the Rev. George Swayne of Puckle-church, a gentleman who, greatly to his honour, has Itudied this fubjedt much, in order to find out the way for promoting the culture of filk among the poor. This apparatus, with the defeription of it, we have borrowed from that valuable and patriotic work, the Tranfadtions of the Society for encouraging Arts, Ma- 17 nufadtures, ahd Commerce, Vol. VII. p. 148. The ap. Mr paratus confifts of a wooden frame four feet two inches Swaync’s high, each fide 16 inches and a half wide, divided into^j^-^* eight partitions by fmall pieces of wood which form grooves, into which the Hides run, and are thus eafily thrull into or drawn out of the frame. The upper Hide (a) in Plate the model fent to the fociety by Mr Swayne is of pa*CCCCLXVI‘ per only, and defigned to receive the worms as foon'as hatched ; the two next (t>, 6) are of catgut, the threads about one-tenth of an inch diltant from each other : thefe are for the infedts when a little advanced in lize: the five lower ones, marked c, c, c, c,c, are of wicker work; but, as Mr Swayne afterwards found, netting may be fubftituted with advantage inltead of wicker bot¬ toms. Under each of thele, as well as under thofe of catgut, are Aiders made of paper, to prevent the dung of the worms from tailing on thole feeding below them. ts The management of filk worms is next to be at- Proper tended to. The proper time for hatching them istimc for when the leaves of the mulberry are full grown, orp/chm? nearly fo; that as foon as thefe infedts are capable of 11 wo,inf“ receiving food they may obtain it in abundance. To attempt to hatch them fooner would be hurtful, as the weather would not be fufficiently warm. Befides, as leaves are neceflary to the life of a vegetable, if the young leaves of the mulberry-tree are cropped as foon as they are unfolded, the tree will be fo much weaken¬ ed as to be incapable of producing fo many leaves as it would otherwife have done ; and if this pradtice be fre¬ quently repeated, will inevitably be deftroyed. Ip When the proper feafon is arrived, the eggs may be How they hatched either by the heat of the fun, when it happens ouSht: t0 bc to be ftrong enough, or by placing them in a imall^ied. room moderately heated by a ftove or fire; and after be¬ ing expofed for fix or feven days to a. gentle heat, the filk worm iffues from the egg in the form of a fmall black hairy caterpillar. When Mr Swayne’s apparatus is ufed, the worms are to be kept on the drawers with paper bottoms till they are grown fo large as not rea¬ dily to creep through the gauze-bottomed drawers : ■ they are then to be placed on thofe drawers, where they are to remain till their excrements are fo large as not readily to fall through ; when this is the cafe, they muft be removed to the drawers with the wicker or net¬ ting bottoms, and fed thereon till they (how fymptoms of being about to fpin. It is fcarcely neceffary to men¬ tion, that the paper Hides beneath the gauze and wick¬ er drawers are intended to receive the dung, which Hiould be emptied as often as the worms are fed, at kail once a-day ; or to direft, that when the worms are led, the Hides are to be firft drawn out a conliderable way, and the drawers to left upon them. • It has been already mentioned, that wet or damp Wet or food is exceedingly prejudicial to thefe infeits. It pro-tl‘'.g tofpin, where there are many worms, is exceedingly tedious, TrunfaB'mi waltes much paper, and ufes a large number of pins ; of the Socit- belides, as the iilk worm always weaves an outer cover- ing or defenfive web before it begins the cocoon or oval ball, I apprehended that it cauled a needlels waffe Arts, vol. of lilk in forming the broad web at the top. The me-vii. p, nj. thod I make ufe of is, to roll a fmall piece of paper (an uncut odiavo leaf, inch as that of an old magazine, is fufficient (c) To put this queftion beyond a doubt, Mr Blancard made the following comparative experiments, wine were feveral times repeated. “ I procured (fays he) four glafs jars nine inches high and five in diameter, clofing the mouth with cork ftoppers. After which I placed in each of them, in their fecond life (fo mm may be tranflate which means the ftage between the different fiekntffes), twelve filk worms, which were fed tour times a-day, an which I confined in this kind of prilon all their life, without taking away either their dead companions or t eir ordure or litter. I fprinkled with chalk the worms of only two of thele jars, and kept the twro others to com¬ pare with them. . “ In thofe without lime, I never obtained neither more nor lefs than three fmall and imperfecl cocoons (c ’ques cu boujfard), and in the two that were fprinkled with lime, I had very often twelve, and never lets than nine me full-fized firm cocoons.” . . , This experiment affords the moff fatisfaftory proof of the utility of this procefs. From a number of tna s e found, that even when the worms were covered with a very large proportion of lime, they never wrere m any way incommoded by it. S 1 L [ 48 j |Hk. fufficient for three), round ray fore finger, snd to give —v it a tyvift at the bottom ; which is done with the utmoft expedition, and gives no occalion for the ufe ot pins, Thefe rolled paper-cafes being like wife of a form more nearly refembling that of a cocoon, with a much narrow¬ er opening on the top than the others, takes away the neceffity of walling much lilk in the outer web, and confequently leaves more to be employed in forming the ball The filk is readily taken out of thefe cales by untwifting the bottom ; and if this be done with mode¬ rate care, and the papers are preferved, they will ferve feveral times for the like purpofe.” Others advife, that'when the filk worms are prepa¬ ring to fpin, little bullies of heath, broom, or twigs, Ihould be iluck uptight near the Ihelr or box in which they are inclofed : the worms mount thefe, and attach their web to them. When the worms are ready to mount, in order to *7 lit kind* of T S I L The wcoons which are kept for breeding are sailed Silk. royal cocoons- For felecling and preferving thefe, we have been favoured with fume valuable imlrudfions by ^ Mr Wright of Failley, which we lhail ptefent to our Wright’s readers.—The largeft and bdl cocoons ought to beinftru6Uo-n« kept for breed, about an equal number ol males and^ females ; the cocoons that contain the former are Sharp- 1V Others re¬ commend bullies ot heath. 16 How filk ---ripin, if the weather be hot, attended with thunder, you vvhet^af- will fee them in a languifhing condition ; your care mult fetfled by then be to revive them, which is effedted thus : Take a thunder. few eggs and onions, and fry them in a pan with fome 7"ranfailiom Hale hog’s lard, the ranker the better, and make pan- oj the Ame- cake ; which done, carry it fmoakinghot into the room 'hphicalsZ- W^ere they are kept, and go round the chamber with (itty°vo\/n.it* You wall be furprifed to fee how the fmell revives them, excites thofe to eat who have not done feeding, and makes the others that are ready to fpin climb up the twigs. In about ten or twelve days, according to the ac¬ counts which we have received from Mr Andrew Wright of Pailky, it may be lafely concluded, that if the worms have finilhed their work, the cocoons may be colledled. We fhall now diflinguifh the cocoons from one another according to their value or their ufe, and confider the method of managing each. They mxy be diltinguifhed into the good and bad. The goodcoccons maybe known by thefe marks : they are little, ftrong, and firm j have a fine grain, both ends are round, and they are free irorn fpots. Among the good cocoons alfo may be ar¬ ranged thofe which are called calcined cocoons, in which the worm, in confequence of ficknefs, is petril ed or re¬ duced to a fine powder. Thefe cocoons produce more filk them others, and are fold in Piedmont at hair as much again. They may be dillinguilhed by the noife which the worm makes when the cocoon is lhaken. Of the bad coccons there are fix fpecies ; \.'Ylxt pointed cocoons, one extremity of which ends in a point; the filk which Covers the point is weak, and loon breaks or tears. 2. The coca lorn, which are bigger, but the contexture is weak. 3. The dupions, or double cocoons, which have been formed by the joint labour of two and fometimes of thiee worms. 4. The Jovjjlons, which have a loole con¬ texture, fometimes fo looie that they are tranfparent. 5. r{\\z perforated cocoons, which have a hole at one end. 6. The bad choquette, which is compofed of defective cocoons, fpotted or rotten. Befides thfile there is the good choquette, which does not properly belong to ei¬ ther of thefe two clafies : it is formed ol thole cocoons in which the worm dies before the filk is brought to perfection. The worms adhere to one fide of the co¬ coon, and therefore when the cocoon is lhaken will not rattle : the filk is as fine, but is not of fo bright a co¬ lour, nor is fo Itrong and nervous, as that which is ob¬ tained from good cocoons. rp, beintr -l wound. prefer vine er pointed at the ends than thofe that contain the lat-the royal ter. Although it Ihould happen that there are more cocoon--, females than males, little inconvenience or ill confe- quencescan arile from it, as one male will lerve two or three females, it the time or their coming out of the cocoons anlwer. About 12 or * 5 days after they be¬ gin to fpin, the cocoons lor breed ma> be laid on Iheeta of white paper ; about this time the moth opens lor it- felf a paliage through the end of its cocoon, and ifiues out. When the female has laid her eggs, which, on an average may amount to 250, they are fpread upon fheets of paper and hung up to dry in fome place where they may not be expofed to the heat of the fun : after being dried they mult be kept in a cool well-aired place, where neither vapours nor moillure can reach them. That they may be preferved from ex¬ ternal accidents, as infedts of different kinds will deftroy them, and mice is their enemy in all the ftages of their exillence, they Ihould be kept in ftone pots or glafa bottles with their mouths Hopped, and there remain un¬ til brought out next feafon to be hatched. The cocoons from which the !ilk is 'eo be immediately How to wound mull beexpoledto the heat ol an oven, in order PrePar* die- to kill the chrylahs or aurelia, which would other wife eat *ue- its way through the eocoon, and render it ufelefs. following dircciions are given for managing this proeeis- by one of the firft filk manufacturers in Italy. Put your cocoons in long !ha!low baikets, and fill cTranf..S}'ioti* them up within an inch of the top. You then cover ■Amc- them with paper, andput a wrapper over that. Theft baf- t*" kets are to be difpoled in an oven, whofe heat is as near^j, Vol, ii,. as can be that of an oven from which the bread is juit drawn after being baked. W hen your cocoons have re¬ mained therein near an hour, you mult draw them out; and to fee whether all the worms are dead, draw out a dupion from the middle of your balket and open it: if the w'ormbe dead, you may conclude all the relt are fo; becaufe the contexture at the dupion being Itronger than that of the other cocoons, it is conlequently lefs eafy to be penetrated by the heat. You mult obferve to take it from the middle of the balket, becaufe in that part the heat is lealt perceptible. Alter you have drawn your baikets from the even, you mull firft cover each of them with a woollen blanket or rug, leaving the wrapper befides, and then you pile them above one another. If your baking has fucceeded, your woollen cover will be all over wet with a kind dew, the thick- nels cf your little finger If there be lefs, it is a ligu your cocoons have been too much or too little baked. If too much baked, the worm, being over-dried, cannot trantpire a humour he no longer contains, and your co¬ coon is then burnt. If not enough baked, the worm has not been fufficiently penetrated by the heat to di- ftil the liquor he contains, and in that cale is not dead. You mull let your bafkets Hand thus covered five or fix hours if poffible, in order to keep in the heat, as this makes an end of Hilling thofe worms which might have avoided the firft: impreflion of the fire. You are like- 4 wifs S I L [ 436 ] S I L S lit. wife to take great care to let your cocoons Hand in the -v—“~ oven the time that is neceffary; for if they do not Hand Ion T enough, your worms are only ft tinned for a time and will afterwards be revived. If, on the other hand, you leave them too long in the oven, you burn them : many inftances of thefe two cafes are frequently to be met with. It is a good fign when you fee fome of the butterflies fpring out from the cocoons which have been baked, becaufe you may be certain they are not burnt. For if you would kill them all to the laft worm, you would burn many cocoons which might be more expofed to the heat than that particular worm. 30 The next operation is the winding of the filk. Be- How the pore you begin to vvjnc[, you muft prepare your cocoons fiik Is to be r n wound 38 f’0h°ws : from the i. In ftripping them of that wafte filk that furrounds cocoons. them, and which ferved to fallen them to the twigs. This burr is proper to fluff' quilts, or other fuch ufes ; \ou may hkewite (pin it to make ftockings, but they will be coarfe and ordinary. 2. You muft fort your cocoons, feparating them into different claffes in order to wind them apart. Thefe claffes are, the good white cocoons ; the good co¬ coons of all the other colours; the dupions; the cocalons, among which are included the weak cocoons ; the good choquette; and, lattly, the bad choquette. In forting the cocoons, you will always find fome per¬ forated cocoons amongft them, whofe worm is already born ; thofe you mull fet apart for fleuret. You wall hkewife find force foufflons, but very few ; for which reafon you may put them among the bad choquette, and. they run up into wafte. The good cocoons, as well white as yellow, are the eafieft to wind ; thofe which require the greateft care and pains are the cocalons; you muft wind them in cooler water than the others, and if you take care to give them to a good windfter, you will have as good filk from them as the reft. You muft hkewife have careful windfters for the dupions and choquettes. 1 hcfe two fpecies require hotter water than the common co¬ coons. The good cocoons are to be wound in the following manner : Firft, choofe an open convenient place for your filature, the longer the better, if you intend to have many furnaces and coppers. The building ftiould be high and open on one fide, and walled on the other, as well to fcreen you from the cold winds and receive the fun, as to give a free paffage to the fleam of your ba- fons or coppers. Thefe coppers or bafons are to be difpofed (when the building will admit of it) in a row on each fide of the filature, as being the molt convenient method of pla¬ cing them, for by that means in walking up and down you fee what every one is about. And thefe bafons fhould be two and two together, with a chimney be¬ tween every couple. fflaving prepared your reels (which are turned by hands, and require a quick eye), and your fire being a light one under every bafon, your windfter muft flay till the water is as hot as it can be without boiling. When every thing is ready, you throw into your baions two or three handfuls of cocoons, which you gently brufh over with a wifk about fix inches long, cut ftumpy like a broom worn out : by thefe means tlte threads of the cocoons flick to the wifk. You jnuft difengagc thefe threads from the wifk, and purge them Silk, by drawing thefe ends with yrour fingers till they come off entirely clean. This operation is called la Battue. When the threads are quite clear, you muft pafs four of them (if you will wind fine filk) through each of the holes in a thin iron bar that is placed horizontally at the edge of your bafon ; afterwards you twift the two ends (which confift qf four cocoons each) twenty or twenty-five times, that the four ends in each thread may the better join together in crofting each other, and that your filk may be plump, which otherwife would be flat. Your windfter muft always have a bowl of cold wa¬ ter by her, to dip her fingers in, and to fprinkle very often the find bar, that the heat may not burn the thread. Your threads, when thus twilled, go upon two iron hooks called rampiiis, which are placed higher, and from thence they go upon the reel. At one end of the axis of the reel is a cog-wheel, which catching in the teeth of the pofl-rampin, moves it from the right to the left, and confequently the thread that is upon it; fo that your filk is wound on the reel crolsways, and your threads form two hanks of about four fingers broad. As often as the cocoons you wind are done, or break or diminifh only, you muft join frefh ones to keep up the number requifite, or the proportion ; becauie, as the cocoons wind off, the thread being finer, you muft join two cocoons half wound to replace a new one : Thus you may wind three new ones and two halt wound, and your filk is from four to five cocoons. When you would join a frefn thread, you mull lay one end on your finger, which you throw lightly on the other threads that are winding, and it joins them immediately, and continues to go up with the reft. You muft not wind off yrour cocoons too bare or to the laft, becaufe. when they are near at an end, the balrre, that is, the hufic, joins in with the other threads, and makes the filk foul and gouty. When you have finiflied your firft parcel, you muft clean your bafons, taking out all the ftriped worms, as well as the cocoons, on which there is a little filk, which you firft open and take out the worm, and then throw them into a baflcet by you, into which you like- wife call the loofe filk that comes off in making the battue. You then proceed as before with other two or three handfuls of cocoons; you make a.new battue; you purge them, and continue to wind the fame number of cocoons or their equivalent, and fo to the end. As was already mentioned, the windfter muft always have a bowl of cold water by her, to fprinkle the bar, to cool Iyer fingers every time file dips them in the hot water, and to pour into her bafon when neceffary, that is, when her water begins to boil. You muft be very careful to twift. your threads a fufficient number of times, about 25, otherwife your filk remains flat, ia- ftead of being round and full ; befides, when the filk is not well croffed, it never can be clean, becaufe a gout or nub that comes from a cocoon will pals through a ihiall number of thefe twills, though a greater will flop it. Your thread then breaks, and you pafs what feulnefs there may be in the middle of your reel be- ‘V tween S I L 31 What nutri' her of worms pro. duce a cer¬ tain quan tity of filk. 3* Length of the threadt. a 33 Ad van ta¬ pes of Mr Sholl’s ini- Koved filk loom. tween the two hanks, which ferves for a head-band to tie them. You muft obfervethat your water be juft in a proper de¬ gree of heat. When it is too hot; the thread is dead, and has no body ; when it is too cold, the ends which form the thread do not join well, and form a harfa ill-qualifi¬ ed filk. You muft change the water in your bafon four times a-day for your dupions and choquette, and twice only for good cocoons when you wind fine filk ; but if you wind coaife filk, it is neceftary to change it three or four times. For if you were not to change the water, the filk would not be fo bright and glofly, becaufe the worm contained in the cocoons foul it very confiderably. You muft endeavour as much as poffible to wind with clear water, for if there are too many worms in it, your filk is covered with a kind of dull which attracts the moth, and deftroys your filk. You may wind your filk of what fize you pleafe, from one cocoon to 1000 ; but it is difficult to wind more than 30 in a thread. The nicety, and that in which confifts the greateft difficulty, is to wind even ; becaufe as the cocoon winds off, the end is finer, and you muft then join other cocoons to keep up the fame fize. This difficulty of keeping the lilk always even is fo great, that (excepting a thread of two cocoons, which we call fuch) we do not fay a filk of three, of four, or of fix cocoons ; but a filk of three to four, of four to five, of fix to feven cocoons. If you proceed to a coarfer filk, you cannot calculate fo nicely as to one cocoon more or lefs. We fay, for example, from 12 to 15, from 15 to 20, and fo on. What number of worms are neceffary to produce a .certain quantity of filk has not been afeertained. And as different perfons who wifhed to determine this point have had different refults, the truth feems to be, that from various circumftances the fame number of worms may produce more filk at one time than at another. It is related in the fecond volume of the Tranfadtions of the Society for encouraging Arts, &c. that Mrs Wil¬ liams obtained nearly an ounce and a half of filk from 244 cocoons. Mr Swayne from 50 cocoons procured 100 grains. Mifs Rhodes obtained from 250 of the largeft cocoons, three quarters of an ounce and a dram. From a paper in the fecond volume of the Ameri¬ can Franfaftions, which we have before referred to in the courfe of this article, we are informed that 1 $0 ounces of good cocoons yield about 11 ounces of filk from five to fix cocoons : if you wind coarfer, fomething more. But what appears aftoniftiing, Mr Salvatore Bertezen, an Italian, to whom the Society for encou- raging Arts, &c. adjudged their gold medal, raifed five pounds of excellent filk from 12,000 worms. The cocoons produce a thread of very unequal length ; you may meet with fome that yield 1200 ells, whilft others will fcarcely afford 200 ells. In general, you may calculate the produdlion of a cocoon from^oo to 600 ells in length. As there is every reafon to hope that the filk manu- fadlure will foon be carried on with ardour in this country, and to a great extent, we are happy to learn that the filk loom has been much improved lately by Mr Sholl of Bethnal-Green. It appears from the evidence of feveral gentlemen converfant in that branch of filk weaving to which this loom is particularly adapted, that [ 4S7 1 S I L Silk - li Silphium- the advantages of this conftru&ion are, the gaining light, a power of ftiortening the porry occafionally, fo as to fuit any kind of work, being more portable, and having the gibbet firmly fixed, together with the r^faaion* diminution of price ; which, compared with the old V the So- loom, is as five pounds, the price of a loom on the old^-V/0r en' conftru&ion, to three pounds ten ftiillings, the price of^/Z^Jcc one of thofe contrived by Mr Sholl; and that, as the CJl/viii. * proportion of light work is to ftrong work as nine to one, this fort of loom promifes to be of very confiderable advantage, particularly in making modes, or other black work. ,4 As a plate of this loom, with proper references, willDe/cnptioH render its advantages moft intelligible, we (hall fubjoin it" thefe : Plate CCCCLXVI. A, A, The fills; B, B, The breaft-roll polls: C, The cut tree; D, I), The up¬ rights ; E, The burdown ; F, The batton ; G, The reeds; H, The harnefs; I, The breaft-roll; K, The cheefe ; jL, The gibbet: M, The treddles ; N, The tumblers ; O, Short counter-mefhes ; P, Long counter- mefhes ; Q^The porry ; R, R, Cane-roll polls ; S, The cane-roll; T, The weight bar and weight; U, U» Counter-weights ; W, The breaking rod ;"X, X, Crofa rods. , SiLK-V/orm. See Silk. SILPHA, Car rion-beetle, in natural hiftory ; a genus of" animals belonging to the clafs of infeSa, and t '^ai. iii. thin leaves, between the fi{Tares of Hones, in Norway ' and Germany. In a capillary form, in the places al¬ ready mentioned, including the cobweb filver of the Spaniards already mentioned. 6. Cryftallized. 7. Su¬ perficial. Mr Daubenton enumerates eight varieties of native white filver, of different forms, mod of which have been already enumerated. Tire materials in which this metal is molt commonly found in its native date are, baro-felenite, limedone, felenite, quartz, chert, flint, terpentine, gneifs, agate, mica, calcareous fpar, pyrites, jchiitus, clay, &c. Sometimes it is met with in large maffes, of the weight of 60 pounds or more, in or near the veins of mod metallic ores, particularly in Peru and in various parts of Europe, of a white, brown, or yel- lowifh colour. In Norway and at Alface it is found in the form of folitary cubes and o&ahedral lumps, of 50 and 60 pounds weight. 2. Native filver alloyed with other metals. 1. With gold, as in Norway, where it contains fo much as to appear of a yellow colour. 2. With copper. 3. With gold and copper. 4. Amalgamated with mercury, as in the mines of Salberg. M. Rome de Lifle men¬ tions a native amalgam of filver and mercury found at Mufchel Landfberg in the duchy of Deux Fonts, in a ferruginous matrix, mixed with cinnabar, and crydalli- zed in a hexagonal form, and of a large fize. It was before the French revolution preferred in the king’s ca¬ binet at Paris. 5. With iron. According to Bergman, this ore contains two per cent, of iron; but Mongez in¬ forms us, that it often does not exceed one per cent. ■ 6. With lead. “ Silver (fays Mr Magellan) is always contained in lead, though the quantity is generally in- fuflicient to defray the expence of feparating it. In the reign of Edward I. of England, however, near i6co pounds weight of lilver were obtained, in the courfe of three years, from a lead mine in Devonfhire, which had been difcovered about the year 900. The lead mines in Cardiganfhire have at different periods afforded great quantities of filver ; fo that Sir Hugh Middleton is faid to have cleared from them L. 2000 in a month. The fame mines in the year 1745 yielded 80 ounces of filver out of every ton of lead. The lead in only one of the fmelt- ing houfes at Holywell in Flintfhire produced no lefs than 37521 ouncfcs, or 3x26^ pounds of filver from the year 1754 to 1756, and from 1774 to 1776. There are fome lead ores in England, which, though very poor in that metal, contain between 300 and 400 ounces of filver in a ton of lead ; and it is commonly obferved, that the poorefl lead ores are the richeff in filver; fo that a large quantity of filver is probably thrown away in England by not having the pooreft fort of lead (ires properly eflayed.” 7. Mr Monnet found fil¬ ver united with arfenic among the ores which came from Guadanal canal in Spain, and an ore of the fame kind is furnifhed by the Samfon mine near Andreaberg in the Hartz : but Mr Mongez very properly remarks, that thefe ores muff be diffinguifhed from fuch as have the arfenic in the form of an acid ; for in this cate they are properly mineralized by it, wlulft there can only be a mixture of native filver, or fome of its calces with ar¬ fenic in its reguline form. 8. Bergman mentions lilver in a Rate of union with antimony. The ore yiolds fome fmoke when roafted, but has not the garlic fmell obfer- vable in the arfenical ores. 9. The white filver ore, found in the mines near Freyberg, has the metal united Vol.XAII. Part II. Silver. to the regains of arfenic and iron, the three metallic in¬ gredients being nearly in equal proportions. All the v~ extraneous matters with which the filver' is united are fornetimes in exceedingly fmall proportion, but not to be neglefted where they exceed the hundredth part of the whole mafs. 10. A particular kind of flony filver ores is mentioned by Wallerius under the title of lapis dea, and which contain the following varieties, viz. the calcareous filver ore at Annaberg in Auftria, when the metal is mixed with an alkaline limeftone ; the fpa- thofe ore, either white, variegated, or yellowifh, found at Schemnitz in Hungary; the quartzofe white ore in a powdery form, mixed with ferruginous fcoria, found at Potoli in America ; the dark and variegated quartz¬ ofe filver ores, with many other fubdivifions diflinguifh- ed from one another by little elfe than their colour. Silver is found mineralized by various fubftances; as, 1. With fulphur in the glaffy or vitreous filver ore ; though this name feems rather to belong to the minera argenti cornea or horn filver ore, to be afterwards taken notice of more particularly. It is duddile, and of the fame colour with lead, but quickly becomes very black by expofure to the air ; though fometimes it is grey or black even when firlt broken. It is found either in large lumps, or inhering in quartz, gypfum, gneifs, py¬ rites,'&c. Its fpecific gravity, according to Kirwan, is 7,200. An hundred parts of it contain from 72 to 77 of filver, and it is rarelyr contaminated with any other metal. Profeffor Brunnich fays that it contains 180 merks of filver in the hundred weight. The medium between the glafs ore and the red gilder ore is called rofcb-gewceihs in Hungary, and brittle glafs ore in Saxony. It is black, and affords a powder of the fame colour when pounded. In the mines of Himmelfurft near Freyberg, it is faid to have held 140 merks, but thefe pieces are very fcarcc at preient; and indeed the Flungarian glafs ores in ge¬ neral are now very fcarce, as Profeffor Brunnich informs us, though they are now and then found in the wind- fhafts, which are frequently covered with a thin mem¬ brane or rather cruft, of the colour of pyrites. Mr Ma¬ gellan fays that this ore is nothing elfe but native filver penetrated by fulphur; for, on being expofed to a flow heat, the latter flies off, and the filver fhoots into fila¬ ments. There are nine varieties of it. 1. Like black lead. or plumbago, the moft common kind of any. z.Bruckman mentions a kind brown on the outfide and greenifh within. 3. rY\\t yellow ore has its colour from fome ar¬ fenic contained in it, which forms an orpiment with the fulphur. 4. It is alfo found of agreent/h, and 5. bluijh co¬ lour ; the latter is friable, like the fcoria of metals, and is called at Freyberg Schlarekcnerzi or the ore of fcoria. 6. It is found alfo in the arborefeent. 7. Lamellated. 8. Cry Jlahized into octaedral or hexaedral prifms, and into ten pyramids with ten iides. 9. Lallly, it is found fuperficicil, or covering the ftones or maffes of other ores. 2. The pyrites argenteus of Henckel contains filver and iron mineralized with arfenic. There are three va- r« 35o. rieties of it. 1. Flard, white, and fhining ore, of a compact, lamellar, or fibrous texture. The bright eft kind has lead filver, only giving 6 or 3 ounces per quin¬ tal, and the richeft about ten per cent. It is found in Germany and Spain. It contains no fulphur. 2. Of a yeilovvifli white colour, and ftriated texture reft mb! mg bifmuth, but much harder. It is found in Spain, and yields about 6o per cent, of filver. f In another kind 3 the $ I L ' [ 490 ] S I L Silver, tlje quantity of arfem’c is fo great, that it would fcarce- —v 1 jy the name of iilver ore if the arfenic were not very eafily diffipated. It is foft and eafily cut; has a brilliant metallic appearance, and confifts of conchoidal laminae. A quintal contains only from four to fix ounces of filver, but it is eafily reduced by evaporating the arfenic, after which the iilver is left behind flightly contaminated with iron. 3. The red or ruby filver ore, the roth^ulden of the Germans, has the metal combined with fulphur and ar¬ fenic It is a heavy fhining fubftance, fometimes trani- parent, and foraetimes opaque ; the colour Generally crimfan, though fometimes grey or blackifh. It is found in fhapelefs malies, or cryllallized in pyramids or polygons, fometimes dendritical or plated, or with ra¬ diated incruftations. It is found in quartz, flint, fpar, pyrites, fparry iron ore, lead ore, cobalt ore, jafper^ba- ro-felenite, gneifs, &c. When radiated or ftriated, it is called rothgulden bluth. It cracks in the fire, and deto¬ nates with nitre. Its fpecific gravity is from 9,400 to 5,684. Bergman informs us, that this kind contains, in the hundred, 60, fometimes 70, pounds of,filver, 27 of arfenic, and 13 of fulphur. The darkeft: coloured ores are the richell, the yellow kinds much poorer ; but tbe mod yellow do not belong to this fpecies, being in fail an orpiment with 6 or 7 per cent, of filver. This laft kind is brought chiefly from Potofi in America, and is called rofi-cler by the Spaniards. 4. The fchuart% gulden, or Ji!ber mulm, contains the metal mineralized by fulphur and a fmall quantity of ar¬ fenic and iron. It is of a black footy colour, and was fuppofed by Cronfcedt to contain a good quantity of copper, to which its colour was owing ; but later expe¬ riments have evinced, that there is no copper at all in it. jZnwaii's It is either of a folid or brittle confluence, and of a J'eluierulogy. glafly appearance when broken, or of a loofer texture, and footy or deep black colour; or it is found like mofs, or thin leaves, lying on the fnrface of other iilver ores, or thofe of lead and cobalt, or in clays, ponderons fpar, gneifs, &c. It contains from 25 to 60 per cent, of iilver. 5. The minera argent! alba, the Weijfgulden ore of the Germans, is a heavy, foft, opaque fubilance, fine grained or fcaly, bright and fhining in its fraftures, of a whitifh, fteely, or lead colour ; fometimes cryilallized in pyra- midical or cylindrical forms, but often in amorphous grains, or refembling mofs, or in the form of thin la¬ minae incruftating other bodies, found in quartz, fpar, itelitein, pyrites, blend, lead-ore, cobalt-ore, fparry iron ore, fluors, &c. It is very fufible. Its fpecific gravity is from 5 to 5,300. Its proportion of filver from 10 to 30 per cent. It is found, though not commonly, in Saxony, Hungary, the Hartz, and St Marie aux Mines. 6. The weifertx, or white filver ore, is an arfenical pyrites, containing filver. It is met with in the Saxon mines fo exaftly refernbling the common arfenical py¬ rites, that it cannot be diftinguiihed from it by infpec- tion. Cronftedt fuppofes that the filver it contains may exift in a capillary form ; but Profeflbr Brunnich thinks this is not altogether the cafe. It is very fcarce, but met with near Freyberg. There is likewife a brown mulm having the appearance of rags, met with in the crevices and upon the lumps of cubic lead ore in a mine near Claufthal and other places, which contains a great Silver, quantity of filver. It is of a whitilh fhining colour; —v— hard, granulated, and folid, fometimes linking fire with Heel. It difeovers a mixture oi arfenic, by emitting a garlic fmell when heated. 7. The lel>erert% of the Germans has the metal com¬ bined with fulphurated antimony. It is of a dark grey and fomewhat brownifh colour. A variety of a blackifh blue colour is found in the form of capillary cryllals, and called federertz or plumofe filver ore. It is met with in Saxony, and contains fometimes a mark or half a pound, fometimes only two, three, or four ounces, and fometimes only a mere trifle of filver, per cent. There is another filver ore, alfo called leberertz by the Ger¬ mans, which contains arfenic and regulus ot antimony. This ore is fometimes alfo found of a dark grey colour; for the moll part amorphous, but fometimes cryftallh zed into pyramids It appears red when feraped, and contains from one to five per cent, of iilver. The great- eft part of this ore is copper, and the next arfenic. Ac¬ cording to Bergman, the copper amounts to 24 per cent. It is found in Tranfylvania ; and a kind was lately difeovered in Spain, of a hard folid confiflence, and of a greyifh blue colour. 8. The gooje dung ores contain filver mineralized with fulphur in combination with iron, arfenic, and cobalt. It looks like the weifsgulJen, excepting that the cobalt, by its decompofition, gives it a rofy appearance. There are two varieties; one of a dull tarnifhed furface and fer¬ ruginous look ; the other has a fhiuing appearance like the leberertz. It contains from 10 to 40 or 50 per cent, of filver. The arfenic is in an acid ftate, and united to the cobalt. 9. The dal fahkrlz contains filver mineralized with fulphmated copper and antimony, and refembles the dark-coloured avejfgulden, giving a red powder when rubbed. It is found either folid or cryftallized, and is met with in the province of Dal, where it is melted by a very difficult procefs, calculated to preferve the diffe¬ rent metals it contains. There is another kind which has arfenic united to the reit of the ingredients. It is only the grey copper ore impregnated with iilver, of which it contains from one to twelve per cent, the quantity of copper being from 12 to 24 per cent, and the remainder confiliing either of fulphur or arfenic, with a little iron. It is the meft common of all filver ores; and M. Monnet remarks, that where copper is united to arfenic, filver is always to be found. A va¬ riety has been found at Schemnitz, containing a portion of gold alfo. 1 o. The pecheblende is an ore of zinc containing fil¬ ver, and is met with in the Saxon and Hungarian mines among the rich gold and filver ores. It is either of a metallic changeable colour or black. Ot thefe there were formerly two varieties, viz. either in the form of fine feales or in balls, but the latter is now entirely un¬ known. A black blend is found in Bohemia, which is very heavy, with the furface fomewhat elevated like fome kinds of Hematites, but no filver has yet been ex¬ tracted from it, 11. The bleyglanz, potters ore, or galena, contains fil¬ ver mineralized with fulphurated lead. It is alio called pyntous fiber, and is of a brown colour, yielding but a very fmall portion of metal. It is met with at Kunf- 6 berg s I L r 491 1 s I L ''Silver, bercr In Norway. When the filver is combined wit fulphurated lead and antimony, the ore is called Jiri- perz. 12. The marcafite containing filver has the metal uni¬ ted with fulphurated iron. There are great varieties of this ore holding different proportions of the metal ; fome produce only half an ounce of fdver per cent. A liver-coloured marcafite is found at Kunfberg in Nor¬ way, containing from three to three ounces and a half of filver per cent. 13. Silver is found mineralized with fulphurated and arfenical cobalt ; the flone fometimes containing den- driles. Thefe kinds keep well in water, but generally decay in the air, and lofe the filver they contain. It is found at Morgenftern near Freyberg and Annaberg. 14. The butter-milk ore contains filver mineralized by fulphur, with regulus of antimony and barytes. It is found in the form of thin particles or granular fpar. Wallerius fays that it is foft like mud, and feels like butter. He fufpefts it to be produced from other filver ores wafhed away by running waters. Bomare adds, that the miners look upon it as a certain fign of other ores in the neighbourhood, though fome are perfuaded that it is only an unripened filver ore, which would foon become perfeft. 15. The combujlibk filver ore is a black brittle fub- ftance, leaving about fix per cent, of filver in its afhes. it is in faft a perfeft coal in which filver is found. 16. The hornertz, or horn filver ore, in which the fil- ver is united with the muriatic acid, is the fcarceft of all the filver ores. It is fometimes found in fnowy cu¬ bical cryftals, but is met with of many different colours. Its principal charafteriftic is to change to a violaceous brownifh colour when expofed to the funbeams, as hap¬ pens alfo to the artificial luna cornea. It is frequently cryftallized in a cubic form, though not always of a ■white colour. Sometimes it refembles an earth eafily fufible without fmoke. There is a black kind, friable, and eafily reducible to powder; the other is in fome degree malleable, may be cut with a knife, and takes a fort of polilh when rubbed. The vitreous filver ore, which is fometimes mixed with the horn filver, is fo- luble in nitrous acid ; and this affords a method of fe- parating them, the horn filver ore being infoluble in that menftruum. When the horn filver is free from iron, it generally contains 70 per cent, of filver at leaff ; but thefe ores moftly contain fome portion of iron, a fmall part of which is even united to the marine acid. This kind of ore was firft analyfed by Mr Woulfe, who dif- PM. T/vm/covered the prefence of the vitriolic acid in it. for i77 when properly trained and fed, they work like fervants; ‘K that they generally walk on the two hind feet; that they' * ^ J pound any fubftances in a mortar; that they go to bring water from the river in fmall pitchers, which they carry full on their heads. But when they arrive at the door, if the pitchers arc not foon taken off, they allow them to fall ; and when they perceive the pitchere over¬ turned and broken, they weep and lament.” Father Jarric quoted by Nieremberg, fays the fame thing, - „ ^ nearly in the fame terms. With regard to the educa- tion of thefe animals, the teftimony of Shoutten f ac- Hift. Nat. cords with that of Pyrard. “ They are taken (he Peregria. j marks) with fnares, taught to walk on their hind feet,1,b' and to ufe their fore feet as hands in performing diffe- rent operations, as rinfing glaffes, carrying drink’round A Gulf!" the company, turning a fpit, &c.” “ I faw at Java Shoutten ; (lays Gnat j) a very extraordinary ape. It was a fe-<‘ux In(les male. She was very tall, and often walked erebt on her ^VoylllTde hind feet. On thefe occafions, fte concealed with htv FrillGuat} hands the parts which diftinguifh the fex. Except thetem- H. eye-brows, there was no hair on her face, which pretty P 96- much refembled the grotefque female faces I faw among the Hottentots at the Cape. She made her bed very neatly every day, lay upon her fide, and covered herfelf with the bed cloaths. When her head ached, fire bound it up with a handkerchief; and it was amufing to fee 5 her SIM [ 494 ] SIM S*mi1u Irer thus hooded in bed. I could relate many other lic- l'Jl1 ""v tie articles which appeared to me extremely lingular. But I admired them not fo much as the multitude ; be- caufe, as I knew the defign of bringing her to Europe to be exhibited as a fhow, I was inclined to think that fhe had been taught many of thefe monkey tricks, which the people confidered as being natural to the animal — She died in our fhip, about the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope. The figure of this ape had a very great refemblance to that of man, &c.” Gmelli Carreri tells us, that he faw one of thefe apes, which cried like an infant, walked upon its hind'feet, and carried a matt under its arm to lie down and fleep upon. Stiffens An orang-outang which Buffon faw, is defcribed by iW. HiJI him as mild, affeftionate, and good-natured. His air wol tvas melancholy, his gait grave, his movements meafured, ^ 1 his difpofitions gentle, and very different from thofe of other apes. He had neither the impatience of the Bar¬ bary ape, the malicioufnefs of the baboon, nor the ex¬ travagance of the monkeys. “ It may be alleged, (fays our author), that he had the benefit of inflruc- tion ; but the other apes which I fitall compare with him, were educated in the fame manner. Signs and words were alone fufficient to make our orang-ou¬ tang aft ; but the baboon required a cudgel, and the other apes a whip ; for none of them would obey without blows. I have feen this animal prefent his hand to conduft the people who came to vifit him, and walk as gravely along with them as if he had form¬ ed a part of the company. I have feen him fit down at table, unfold his towel, wipe his lips, ufe a fpoon or a fork to carry the viftuals to his mouth, pour his li¬ quor into a glafs, and make it touch that of the perfon who drank along with him. When invited to take tea, he brought a cup and a faucer, placed them on the table, put in fugar, poured out the tea, and allowed it to cool before he drank it. All thefe aftions he per¬ formed without any other mitigation than the figns or verbal orders of his mafter, and often of his own ac¬ cord. He did no injury to any perfon : he even ap¬ proached company with circumfpeftion, and prefented himfelf as if he wanted to be careffed. He was very fond of dainties, which every body gave him : And as his breaft was difeafed, and he was afflifted with a tea- zing cough, this quantity of fweetmeats undoubtedly contributed to fhorten his life. He lived one fummer in Paris, and died in London the following winter. He eat almoft every thing ; but preferred ripe and dried fruits to all other kinds of food. He drank a little wine ; but fpontaneoufiy left it for milk, tea, or other mild liquors.” This was only two feet four inches high, and was a young one. There is great pofiibility that thefe animals may vary in fize and in colour, fome being covered with black, others with reddilh hairs.— They are not the fatyrs of the ancients ; which had tails (a), and were a fpecies of monkey. Linnaeus’s homo noBurnuS) an animal of this kind, is unnecetTarily feparated from his fatyrus. lo enable the reader to form a judgment of this animal, which has lo great a refemblance to man, it may not be unacceptable to quote from Buffon the dif¬ ferences and conformities which make him approach or recede from the human fpecies. “ He differs from/*/, p. 95 man externally by the flatnefs of his nofe, by the Ihort- nefs of his front, and by his chin, which is not elevated at the bafe. His ears are proportionally too large, his eyes too near each other, and the diftance between his nofe and mouth is too great. Thefe are the only differences between .the face of an orang-outang and that of a man. With regard to the body and mem¬ bers, the thighs are proportionally too ffort, the arms too long, the fingers too fmall, the palm of the hands too long and narrow, and the feet rather refemble hands than the human foot. The male organs of generation differ not from thofe of man, except that the prepuce has no frsenum. The female organs are extremely limi- lar to thofe of a woman. “ The orang-outang differs internally from the hu¬ man fpecies in the number of ribs: man has only 1 2, but the orang-outang has 13. The vertebra of the neck are alfo fhorter, the bones of the pelvis narrow, the buttocks flatter, and the orbits of the eyes funk deeper. He has no fpinal procefs on the firfl vertebra of the neck. The kidneys are rounder than thofe of man, and the ureters have a different figure, as well as the bladder and gall-bladder, which are narrower and longer than in the human fpecies. All the other parts of the body, head, and members, both external and in¬ ternal, fo perfeftly refemble thofe of man, that we can¬ not make the comparifon without being aftonifhed that fuch a fimilarity in ftrufture and organization fhould not produce the fame effefts. The tongue, and all the organs of fpeech, for example, are the fame as in man ; and yet the orang-outang enjoys not the faculty of fpeaking ; the brain has the fame figure and propor¬ tions ; and yet he poffeffes not the power of thinking. Can there be a more evident proof than is exhibited in the orang-outang, that matter alone, though perfeftly organized, can produce neither language nor thought, unlefs it be animated by a fuperior principle ? Man and the orang-outang are the only animals who have but¬ tocks and the calf of the legs, and who, of courfe, are formed for walking ereft ; the only animals who have a broad chefl, flat fhoulders, and vertebra of the fame ftrufture ; and the only animals whofe Train, heart, lungs, liver, fpleen, ftomach, and inteftines, are perfeft¬ ly fimilar, and who have an appendix vermiformis, or blind-gut. In fine, the orang-outang has a greater re¬ femblance to man than even to the baboons or monkeys, not only in all the parts we have mentioned, but in the largenefs of the face, the figure of the cranium, of the jaws, of the teeth, and of the other banes of the head and (a) ./Elian gives them tails, lib. xvi. c. 21. Pliny fays they have teeth like dogs, lib. vii. c. 2. circumftanccs common to many monkeys. Ptolemy, lib. 7. c. 1. fpeaks of certain iflatds in the Indian ocean inhabited by people with tails like thofe with which fatyrs are painted, whence called the ijles of fatyrs. Keeping, a Swede, pretended to have difeovered thefe homines caudati; that they would have trafficked with him, offering him live parrots ; that alterwards they killed fome of the crew that went on fhore, and eat them, &c. &c. Amcen. Acad,. n- 71. SIM Simla, and face ; in the thicknefs of the fingers and thumb, the —-'V figure of the nails, and the number of vertebra ; and, laftly, in the conformity of the articulations, the mag¬ nitude and figure of the rotula, fternum, See. Hence, as there is a greater fimilarity between this animal and man, than between thofe creatures which refemble him moft, as the Barbary ape, the baboon, and monkqr, who have all been defigned by the general name of apes, the Indians are to be excufed for aflbeiating him with the human fpecies, under the denomination of orang¬ outang, or aut/cl man. In fine, if there were a fcale by which we could defeend from human nature to that of the brutes, and if the efience of this nature confifted entirely in the form of the body, and depended on its organization, the orang-outang would approach nearer to man than any other animal. Placed in the fecond rank of beings, he would make the other animals feel his fuperiority, and oblige them to obey him. If the principle of imitation, by which he feems to mimic hu¬ man aftions, were a refult of thought, this ape would be Hill farther removed from the brutes, and have a great¬ er affinity to man. But the interval which feparates them is immenfe. Mind, refieftion, and language, de¬ pend not on figure or the organization of the body. Thefe are endowments peculiar to man. The orang¬ outang, though, as we have feen, he has a body, mem¬ bers, fenfes, a brain, and a tongue, perfectly fimilar to thofe of man, neither fpeaks nor thinks. Though he counterfeits every human movement, he performs no aftion that is charadteriftic of man, no aftion that has the lame principle or the fame defign. With regard to imitation, which appears to be the moll ftrikin x cha- rafter of the ape kind, and which the vulgar have at¬ tributed to him as a peculiar talent, before we decide, it is neceffary to inquire whether this imitation be fpon- taneous or forced. Does the ape imitate us from incli¬ nation, or becaufe, without any exertion of the will, he feels the capacity of doing it? I appeal to all thole who have examined this animal without prejudice ; and I am convinced that they will agree with me, that there is nothing voluntary in this imitation. The ape, having arms and hands, ufes them as we do, but without think¬ ing of us. The fimilarity of his members and organs neceffiuily produces movements, and fometimes fuccef- fions of movements, which refemble ours. Being en¬ dowed with the human ftruclure, the ape mull "move like man ; but the fame motions imply not that he afts from imitation. Two bodies wffiich receive the fame impulfe, twm fimilar pendulums or machines, will move in the fame manner ; but thefe bodies or machines can never be faid to imitate each other in their motions. The ape and the human body are two machines fimilar- ly conlfruffed, and necefiarily move nearly in the fame manner ; but parity is not imitation. The one depends on matter, and the other on mind. Imitation prefup- pofes the defign of imitating. The ape is incapable of forming this defign, v/hich requires a train of thinking ; confequently man, if he inclines, can imitate the ape ; but the ape cannot even incline to imitate man.” j-jj, 2 3* Bongo, or Jocko, are confidered as one fpecies by Pennant and Gmelin. It inhabits the ifland of Java, and the interior parts of Guinea. Has no pouches within his cheeks, no tail, and no callofities on the but¬ tocks ; w hich lalt are plump and flefhy. All the teeth are fimilar to thofe of man. The face is flat, naked, and tawny j the ears, hands, feet, breaft, and belly, are [ 495' 1 S I M with hair nails moft likewife naked ; the hair of the head defeends on both Simfa. temples in the form of treftes ; the hair on the back and loins is in fmall quantities. It is five or fix feet high, and walks always ereff on the two hind leet. It has not been afeertained whether the females, of this fpecies or variety, are fubjefl to periodical difeharges; but analogy renders this almoft unqueftionable. This animal is, by Dr Gmelin, conldered only as a variety of the orangoutang. 4* "The great gibbon, long-armed ape, or fimia lar, Fig. 3. a flat Iwarthy face furrounded with grey hairs : on the body black and rough; buttocks bare ; on the hands fiat; on the feet long ; arms of a difproportioned length, reaching quite to the ground when the animal is ereft, its natural pofture ; of a hideous deformity.— Inhabits India, Malacca, and the Molucca iftes ; a mild and gentle animal ; grows to the height of four feet. The great black ape of Mangfi, a province in China, feems to be of this kind. 5. The lefler gibbon, or fimia lar minor, but is much Fig. 4^ lefs, being only about a foot and a half high ; the body and lace are of a brown colour, refembks the former. The fimia lar argentea is probably a variety of this fpecies. 6. The pigmy, or fimia filvanus, has no tail; the Fig. 5, - buttocks are naked ; the head roundifii, and the arms firorter than the body. It inhabits Africa ; and is not un¬ common in our exhibitions of animals ; is very traftable and good-natured, and wras meft probably the pigmy of the ancients. It abounds in iEthiooia, one feat of that imaginary nation; wras believed to dwell near the foun¬ tains of the Nile, whence it defeended annually to make war-on the cranes, t. e. to fteal their eggs, wTich the birds may be fuppofed naturally to defend ; whence the fidftion of their combats. 7. The magot, fimia inuus, or Barbary ape, has a Fig. 6. long face, not unlike that of a dog ; canine teeth, long and 7^ and ftrong; ears like the human ; nails flat; buttocks bare; colour of the upper part of the body a dirty greeniffi brown ; belly, of a dull pale ellow ; grows to above- the length of four feet. .habit many parts of India, Arabia, and all .a of Africa except Egypt, where none of this genus are found. A few are found on the hill of Gibraltar, which breed there ; probably from a pair that had efcaped from the towm ; as they are not found in any other part of Spain.—They are very ill-natured, mifehievous, and fierce ; agreeing with the charaffer of the ancient Cynocephali. They are a very common kind in exhibitions. By force of difcipline they are made to play fome tricks ; otherwlfc they are more dull and fullen than the reft of this genus. They afiemble in great troops in the open fields in India, and will attack women going to market, and take their pro- vifions from them. The females carry the young in their arms, and will leap from tree to tree with them. Apes were worfhipped in India, and had magnificent temples erefted to them. When the Portuguefe plun¬ dered one in Ceylon, they found in a little golden caf- ket the tooth of an ape ; a relic held by the natives in fuch veneration, that they offered 700,000 ducats to redeem it, but in vain ; for it was burnt by the viceroy, to ftop the progrefs of idolatry. II. Pap jones, or Baboons. Thefe have ffiort tails, a long face ; a broad high muzzle; longlfh dog-like tufks, or canine teeth ; and naked callofities on the buttocks. They are only found in the old world, and are the pa- piones and K.mox.vpxta of the ancients* Hit* 8.. I he maimon, fimia pagio nemeftrinaj or pig-tailed eccci.xvmi. jaabooxij % S I M S I M [ 496 ] baboon, with a pointed face, which is naked; of a fwar- naked ears ; the hair on the body is yellow, tipt with thy rednefs ; two fliarp canine teeth ; ears like the hu- black ; the face is brown, and aim oft naked, having on- man ; hair on the limbs and body brown inclining to ly a few fcattered hairs ; the nails are all comprefted and alh-colour, paleft on the belly; fingers black ; nails long oblong, except on the thumbs and great toes, the nails and flat ; thumbs on the hind-feet very long, connefted of fwhich refemble man; the tail is very fhort, being Siarai, -“v-—■ tig- 9- Rennant'* Quadrupeds vol. i. p.172 Kg. IOc to the neareft toe by a broad membrane; tail four inches long, {lender, exadftly like a pig’s, and almoft naked ; the bare fpaces on the rump red, and but fmall: length, from head to tail, 27 inches. Inhabits the ifles of Su¬ matra and Japan ; is very docile. In Japan it is taught feveral tricks, and carried about the country by moun¬ tebanks. Kempfer was informed by one of thefe peo¬ ple, that the baboon he had was 102 years old. 9. The great baboon, or firnia papio fphinx, with hazel irides; ears fmall and naked ; face canine, and very thick ; middle of the face and fore head naked ; and of a bright vermilion colour ; tip of the nofe of the fame, and ending truncated like that of a hog; fides of the note broadly ribbed, and of a fine violet hue ; the opening of the mouth very fmall ; cheeks, throat, and goat-like beard yellow ; hair on the fore-head very long, turns back, is black, and forms a kind of pointed creft. Head, arms, and legs, covered with fhort hair, yellow and black intermixed ; the breaft with long whxtifh yel¬ low hairs, the (boulders with long brown hair. Nails flat; feet and hands black ; tail four inches long, and very hairy; buttocks bare, red, and filthy; but the fpace about them is of a moft elegant purple colour, which reaches to theinfide of the upper partot the thighs. This was defcribed by Mr Pennant from a fluffed fpecimen in Sir Afhton Lever's mufeum. In Auguft 1779, a live animal of this fpecies was fhown at Edin¬ burgh, and in Odlober following at Chefter, where be¬ ing feen by Mr Pennant, that inquifitive naturalift has defcribed it in his Hiftory of Quadrupeds. “ It differ¬ ed little (he obferves) in colour from the above, being in general much darker. Eyes much funk in the head, and fmall. On the internal fide of each ear was a white line, pointing upwards. The hair on the fore-head turned up a like a toupee. Feet black ; in other re- fpefts refembled the former. In this I had an oppor¬ tunity of examining the teeth. The cutting teeth were like thofe of the reft of the genus; but, in the upper and lower jaw, were two canine, or rather tufks, near three inches long, and exceedingly {harp and pointed. This animal was five feet high, of a moft tremendous ftrength in all its parts ; was exceffively fierce, libidi¬ nous, and ftrong.” Mr Schreber fays, that this fpecies lives on fucculent fruits, and on nuts ; is very fond of eggs, and will put eight at once into its pouches, and, taking them out one by one, break them at the end, and fwallow the yolk and white ; rejects all fiefh-meat, unlefs it be dref- fed ; would-drink quantities of wine or brandy; was iefs agile than other baboons ; very cleanly; for it would immediately fling its excrements out of its hut. That which was flrown at Chefter was particularly fond of cheefe. Its voice was a kind of roar, not unlike that of a lion, but low and fomewhat inward. It went upon all fours, and never flood on its hind legs, unlefs forced by the keeper ; but would frequently fit on its rump in a crouching manner, and drop its arms before the belly. Inhabits the hotter parts of Africa. 10. The little baboon, or flmia papio apedia, has a ro.undifh head, with a projedting muzzle, and roundifh efemble hardly an inch long; the body is about the fize of a It is uncertain, fays Gmelin, if this animal (horrid cat. be confidered as a diftindl fpecies, or only as a varrety of the fimia fciurea. 11. 1 he mantegar, or fimia papio mention, common-P'g- *** ly called the tufted ape, but it is improperly named an ape, as it has a tail. It is defcribed in the abridgment ol the Philofophical Tranfadlions, n? 290. It had a nofc and head 14 inches in length ; the nofe of a deep red, face blue, both naked ; black eye-brows ; ears like the human ; on the top of thp head a long upright tuft of hair ; on the chin another ; two long tufks in the upper- jaw ; fore feet exadlly refembling hands, and the nails on the fingers flat ; tire fore-part of the body, and the iniide of the legs and arms, iraked ; the outiide covered with mottled brown and olive hair. Length, from the nofe to the rump, three feet two inches. It was very- fierce and falacrous ; went on all fours, but would fit up on its ramp, and fupport itfelf with a (lick ; in this attitude, it would hold a cup in its hand, and drink out of it. Its food was fruits. 1 2.The mandril, fimia papio maimon, @r ribbed nofeFl£- r** baboon, has a (hort tail, and a thin beard on the chin ;and I3’ the cheeks are bhie and ftriped, and the buttocks are naked. This fpecies of baboon is found on the Gold Coaft, and in the other fouthern provinces of Africa, where he is called bog go by the negroes, and mandril by the Europeans. Next to the orang-outang, he 13 the larged of all the apes or baboons. Smith relates, that he had a prefent of a female mandril, which war? only fix months old, and that it was as large as an adult baboon. He adds, that thefe mandrils walk always on two feet; that they weep and groan like men ; that they have a violent paffion for women, which they ne¬ ver fail to gratify when they find a woman at a dillance from relief. We have given figures both of the male and female, which may be eallly dillinguiffed by their fize and appearance. 13. The wood-baboon, or fimia papio fylvatica, with1^* ^ a long dog-like face, covered with a fmall gloffy black fkin ; hands and feet naked, and black like the face ; hair on all parts long, elegantly mottled with black and tawny ; nails white : about three feet high when ere61; tail not three inches, and very hairy on the upper top. Inhabits Guinea, where it is called by the Englifh the man of the wood. \ 4. The brown baboon, or fimia papio platypygos, with pointed ears; face of a dirty white ; nofe large and broad; hairs round the face fhort and ftraight; colour of ■ the upper part of the body brown ; of the under, a(h- colour: tail about four inches long ; taper, and almoft: bare of hair ; beneath is quite naked. The animal which Mr Pennant called the new baboon, in the firft edition, feems by the tapernefs of the tail, and general form,' to be of this kind. I 5. Tire hoggifh baboon, or fimia papio porcaria, has a fhort tail, and coloured buttocks; the head is like that of a hog, with a naked fnout ; the body is of au olive brown colour; the nails are fhavp and compteffed. Inhabits Africa, and is about three feet and a half high when S I M Plate ecccLxix ij- Iig.16. freft. This, in ^11 probability, is the fame animal with the hog-faced ape, adopted from Pennant. III. Monkeys,Cfrcopithecj, have long tails,'which are not prehenfile ; the under parts of their cheeks are furmfhed with pouches, in which they can keep their victuals ; the partition between the noftrils is thin, and the apertures are, like thofe of man, placed in the un- der part of the nofe j the buttocks are naked, and pro- vided with callofities. ^ Thefe animals, which are never found native in America, are the cercopitheci, and of the ancients. ’ 16. TheTartarin, dog faced baboon of Pennant, and cercopithecus hamadryas of Gmelin, with a long, thick, and Itrong nofe, covered with a fmooth red fkin ; ean. pointed, and hid in the hair ; head great, and flat ; hair on the head, and fore part of the body as far as the wand, very long and fhaggy ; grey and olive-brinded ; the fides of the bead very full, the hair on the limbs and hind part of the body very fcort; limbs ftrdfig and thick ; hands and feet duflcy ; the nails on the fore-feet flat; thofe on the hind like a do«’s ; buttocks very bare, and covered with a {kin of a bloody colour; tail icarce the length of the body, and carried generally tteft. 1 hey inhabit the hotteft parts of Africa and Aha ; where they keep in vafl troops, an I are very fierce and dangerous. rJ’hey rob gardens. They will run up trees when paflengers go by, fhake the boughs at them with great fury, and chatter very loud. They are exceflively impudent, indectent, lafcivious ; moft de- tehable animals in their manners as well as appearance, ihey range the woods in hundreds ; which obliges the owners of the coffee-plantations to be continually on their guard agamft their depredations. One of them was mown in London fome years ago: it came from Mokha in the province of Yeman, in Arabia Felix in the erhan gulph ; and was above five feet h*gh. It was very fieice and untameable ; fo ftrong as eafily to malter its keeper, a flout young man. Its inclinations to women appeared in the moft violent manner. A footman, who brought a girl to fee it, in order to teaze the animal, kiffed and hugged her: the beaft, enraged at being fo tantalized, caught hold of a quart pewter- pot, which he threw with fuch force and fo fare an aim, that, had not the man’s hat and wig foftened the blow, his flaill muft have been fra&ured ; but he fortunately elcaped with a common broken head. 17. The white-bearded black wanderu, the fimia ft- lenus Linnaeus, the ouanderou of Buffon, and lion- tailea baboon of Pennant, the cercopithecus filemis al- bibarbatus of Gmelin, has a dog-like face, is naked, and of a duflty colour ; a very large and full white or hoary heard ; large Canine teeth ; body covered with black ban*; belly of a light colour ; tail terminated with a t 497 ] S I M x9. Malbrouk, or cercopithecus faumis, has it Utr Shmi. y, and ,s bearded: the tail is buihy at the extremitv? ^v- lt ,s a native of Bengal. This fpecies has cheek- pouches, and callofities on the buttocks ; the tail is nearly as ong as the body and head ; and it is a mif- take of Clufius that it terminates in a tuft; the face is at a cinereous grey colour, with a large muzzle, and large eyes, which have flefh-coloured eyelids, and it irrey hand crofs the forehead in the place of eye-brows- the ears are arge, thin, and flefh-coloured ; the upoer parts of the body are of a uniform yellowiflt brown co¬ lour, and the lowor of a yellowifh grey: It walks on all fours, and is about a foot and a half from the muzzle to the extremity of the tail. The females menftruate. 20. Macaque, or cercopithecus cynomologus, the Fig 17* hare-lipped monkey of Pennant, has no beard ; the no- 7 Arils are thick and divided ; the tail is long and arched and the buttocks are naked. He has cheek pouches and cal ofities on the buttocks. His tail is from 18 to 10 inches long. His head is large, his muzzle very thick, and his face naked, livid, and wrinkled. PI is ears ar- covered with hair. His body is ftiort and fqust, and h.s hmbs thtek and Ihort. The hair on the fuperior pans a his body is of a greemfti afh-colouf, and of H yeuowifh grey on the breaft and belly. He has a fmali creft of hair on the top of the head. He walks on form and fometimea on two feet. The length of his body' comprehending that of the head, is about 18 or inches. The dog-headed monkey, or cercopithecus cynd- i3» L1S« ha-? no to .71 1 . ?ujt of hair like that or a lion. Its bulk that of a mid- chmg hzed dog. It inhabits the Eaft Indies and the hotter parts of Africa. 18. The purple-faced monkey, or cercopithecus fiJe- nus purpuratus, with a great triangular white beard, Tort and pointed at the bottom, and on each fide of Te ears, extending a winged falhion far beyond them; ace and hands purple, body black. Inhabit Ceylon. I iey are very harmlefs ; live in the woods, and’feed on leaves and buds of trees ; and when taken foon be¬ come tame. ^ol. XVII. Part 1L , " - >-LTi.opn.necus cyno- ccphalus, has no beard, and is of a yellow colour : the muzzle is long j the tail long and ftralght, and the but- locks naked. It is a native ot Africa. •A2‘ ,Lhe fPi°-tet? m°nke>T» or cercopithecus Diana, w ith a long white beard : colour of the upper parts of the body reddifti, as if they had been finged, marked with white ipecks ; the belly and chin whit iff ; tail very long ; is a fpecies of a middle fize. It inhabits Gui¬ nea and Congo, according to Marcgrave ; the Con^efe cad it exquima. M. de Buffon denies it to be of that country ; but from the circumflance of the curl in its tail, in Marcgrave’s figure, and the defeription of fome voyagers, he fuppofes it to be a native of South Arne nca Linmeus defenbes his S. Diana fomewhat diffe¬ rently : he lays it is or the fize of a large cat; black, fpotted with white ; hind paft of the back ferruginous; lace black ; from the top of the nofe is a white line palling over each eye to the ears, in an arched form ; beard pointed, black above, white beneath, placed on a attifh excrefcence ; breaft and throat white ; from the rump crofs the thighs, a white line ; tail long, ftraight' and black ; ears and feet of the fame colour ; canine teeth, large. 23 The green monkey, or cercopithecus fabceus, has a black and flattifh face : the fide of it Vmnded bv lon.r wtme hairs, falling backwards, and almoft covering- the ears, which are black, and like the human r htad, limbs and whole upper part of the body and tail covered with loft hair, o. a yellowifh green aolour at their ends ci¬ nereous at their roots : under fide of the body and tail and inner fide of the limbs, of a filverv colour ; tad' very long and fiender. Size of a fmali cat. Inhabit different parts of Africa : keep in great flocks, and live in ie woods : are fcarce difcermble when among the leaves, except by their breaking the boughs w ith their 3 ^ gambols # 3im'a. I'ig. 10. Tig. II. SIM [ gambols: in which they are very a-ile and filent: even 1 when (hot at, do not make the leaft noife : but will unite in company, knit their brows, and gnafh their teeth, as if they meant to attack the enemy : are very common in the Cape de Verd iflands. 24.. The muftache, or cercopithecus cephus, has a beard on the cheeks ; the crown of the head is yellow- itb : the feet are black, and the tip of the tail is oi an a(h colour. Its tail is much longer than the body and head, being 19 or 20 inches in length. I he female menftruates. _ . 25. The mancrabey, cercopithecus aetluops, or white¬ eyed monkey, has a long, black, naked, and dog-like face : the upper eye lids of a pure white : ears black, and like the human : no canine teeth : hairs on the fides of the face beneath the cheeks, longer than the reft : tail long : colour of the whole body tawny and black : flat nails on the thumbs and fore-fingers ; blunt claws on the others: hands and feet black —Shown in Lon¬ don fome years ago : place uncertain : that defcribed by M. de Baffon came from Madagafcar; was very good- natured ; went on all-fours. - 26. The egret, or cercopithecus aygula, has a long face, and an upright (harp-pointed tuft of hair on the top of the head. The hair on the forehead is black : the tuft, and the upper part of the body light-grey ; the belly white : the eye brows are large; the beard very fmall. Size of a fmall cat. They inhabit Java. They fawn on men, on their own fpecies, and embrace each other. They play with dogs, if they have none of theft own fpccies with them. If they fee a monKey of another kind, they greet him with a thoufand gri¬ maces. When a number of them fleep, they put their heads together. They make a continual noife during flight* . . m • r 27. The rillow, cercopithecus fimcus, or Chinele bonnet, has a long fmooth nofe, of a whitifh colour ; hair on the crown of the head long, lying flat, and paited like that of a man ; colour, a pale cinereous brown, Inhabit Ceylon. They keep in great troops ; and rob gardens of their fruit, and fields of their C‘ rn; to prevent which, the natives are obliged to watch the wdiole day : yet thefe animals are fo bold, that, when driven from one end of the field, they will immediately enter at the other, and carry off with them as much as their mouth and arms can hold. Boiman, fpeaking of the thefts of the monkeys of Guinea, fays, that they will take in each paw one or two ftalks of millet, as many under their arms, and two or three in their mouth ; and thus laden, hop away on their hind-legs : but, if purfued, they fling away all, except what is in their mouths, that it may not impede their flight. They are very nice in the choice of the millet ; examine every ftalk: and if they do not like it, fling it away: fo that this delicacy does more harm to the fields than their thievery. Xer's Tran- 28. The tawny monkey, or cercopithecus fulvus, has jlation of long tufks in the lower jaw: the vifage is long and flefh Gmeliris coioUred, with flefh coloured ears, and a flattifh nofe. lAnntus. kihabits India. This is a very ill natnred animal, 498 " ] SIM about the flze of a cat; it was lately in the pofTeflion of Mr Brook, an animal merchant and exhibitor in Lon¬ don : The upper parts of the body are covered with a pale tawny coloured fur, which is afh colouied at the roots ; the hinder part of the back is orange coloured, the legs afh coloured, the belly white, and the tail {hotter than the body. 29. King monkey, full-bottom monkey, or cercopi¬ thecus recalls, has no thumb on the hands; the Kad, cheeks, throat, and (boulders, _ are covered with long, flowing, coarfe hairs. Inhabits the forefts of Sierra Leona’in Guinea, where it is called bey, or king monkey. It is above three feet high when eicCt : Ihe head is fmall, with a (hort, black, naked race ; and the head, cheeks, throat, neck, and (boulders, are covered with long, coarfe, flowing hairs, of a dirty yellowifti colour, mixed with black, and refembling a full-bottomed wig; the body, arms, and legs, are covered with (hort hairs of a fine gloffy black colour ; the hands are naked, and have no thumbs ; the feet have five very long flender toes, which are armed with narrow pointed claws; the tail is very long, and is covered with fnow white hairs, having a tuft at the end ; the body and limbs are very flender : Its (kin is held in high eftimation by the ne¬ groes for making pouches and gun cafes. IV. Sapajqus, Sapaji, have pvehenfile tails, and no cheek-pouches. Thefe animals have long tails, which, at the extremity, is generally deprived of hair on the under fide, and covered with a fmooth fkin ; this part they can fold, extend, curl up, and unfold at plea- lure ; by which they are enabled to hang upon branches, or to lay hold of any thing which is beyond the leach of their hands, uflng the extremity of the tail like a fin¬ ger or hand ; the partition between the noftnls is very thick, and the apertures are fituated on the fides of the nofe ; the buttocks are clothed with hair, and have no callofities; the females of this fubgenus do not men- ftruate ; and this race of animals is only to be found in America : This fubdivifion of the genus is made with great propriety by Dr Gmelin, in imitation of the Count de Buffon. , , 30. The guariba, fapajus Beelzebub, or the preacher monkey, has black fhining eyes ; (hort round ears ; and a round beard under the chin and threat. The hairs on the body are of a (hining black, long, yet lie foclofe on each other that the animal appears quite fmooth: the feet and end of the tail are brown ; the tail very long, and always twilled at the end.. Size of a fox. Inhabit the woods of Brazil and Guiana in vaft num* bers and make a mod dreadful howling. Sometimes one mounts on a higher branch, the reft feat themfelves beneath : the firft begins as if it was to harangue, and fets up fo loud and (harp a howl as may be heard a vaft way, and a perfon at a diftance would think that a hum dred joined in the cry : after a certain fpace, he gives a fignal with his hand, when, the whole affembly joins in chorus ; but on another fignal is filent, and the oratos finifties his addrefs (b ). Their clamour is the mod dif- aoreeable and tremendous that can be conceived ; ow¬ ing to a hollow and hard bone placed in the throat. Sunis, Fig. Plate CCCCLXX* Fig. 13. (b) A fingular account, yet related by Marcgrave and firft authority, and a moft able naturalift, long rsfident in feveral other writers. Marcgrave is a writer of the the Brafils, and fpeaks from his own knowledge. S 1 M t 499 ] SIM S"”1' , " hldl l,15 r-”8“A ral1 UrMiaonf. Tlitfc monkeys limbs tinyed with red: tail black, and much lomrer than -y—are very fierce, ur,tameable, and bite dreadfully. There the head and body: the young excemvelydefomed 'V ,T”e7 / a °r. redd;,h “lour, their hair very long, and tWnly dirperfed.-In the Bril and ahs . u1"''1”'!,5the' “ 's.large, ti(h Mufeum are fpecimens of old and young. M. de and as no.fy as the former. The nat.ves eat this (pe- Buffon ha, a varieiy with a white throat. ’ ■ Simla.’ F;g- 24 and as noify as the former. The natives’ eat this cies, as wed as leveral other forts of monkeys, but are particularly fond of this. Europeans will alfo eat it, efpecially in thofe parts of America where food is fcarce : when it is fealded in order to get off the hair, it looks very white ; and has a refemblance fhocking to humanity, that of a child of two or three years old when crying (c). 31 • rhe quato, fapajus panifeus, or four-fingered monkey, has a long flat face, of a fwarthy fleih colour: the eyes are funk in the head ; ears like the human ; limbs of a great length, and uncommonly flender: the ban is black, long, and rough. There are only four fingers on the hands, being quite deftitute of a thumb ; five toes on the feet. The tail is long ; and naked be- low, near the end. The body is flender ; about a foot and a half long ; the tail near two feet, and fo prehen- file as to ferve every purpofe of a hand. They inhabit the neighbourhood of Carthagena, Guiana, Brafil, and Peru ; affociate in vaft herds ; and are fcarce ever feen on the ground. Dampier deferibes their gambols in a lively mariner: “ There was (fays he) a great com- pany dancing from tree to tree over my head, chat¬ tering, and making a terrible noife and a great many grim faces and antic geftures ; feme broke down dry fticks and flung them at me, others fcattered their urine and dung about my ears : at laft one bigger than the reft came to a fmall limb juft over my head, and leap¬ ing dire&ly at me, made me leap back ; but the mon¬ key caught hold of the bough with the tip of its tail, and there continued Twinging to and fro, making mouths at me. The females with their young ones are much troubled to leap after the malesfor they have commonly two, one flie carries under her arm, the other nts on her back, and claps its two fore-paws about her neck : are very fullen when taken ; and very hard to be got when (hot, for they will cling with their tail or feet to a bough as long as any life remains. When . have fhot at one, and broke a leg or arm, I have pi¬ tied the poor creature to fee it look and handle the broken limb, and turn it from fide to fide.” They are the molt active of monkeys, and quite enliven the fo» tefts of America. In order to pafs from top to top of loity trees, whofe branches are too diftant for a leap, *hey will form a chain, by hanging down, linked to each other by their tails, and Twinging in that manner till the loweft catches hold of a bough of the next tree, and draws up the reft; and fometimes they pafs rivers by the fame expedient. I hey are fometimes brought to Europe ; but are very tender, and feldom live long m our climate. & 32. I he fai, fapajus, capucinus, or weeper, with a round and flat face, of a reddifti brown colour, very de- foi med : the hair on the head and upper part of the body black, tinged with brown ; beneath and on the . Inhabits Su¬ rinam and Brafil: appear as if it was always weep- ing ; of a melancholy difpofition ; but very full of imi¬ tating what it fees done. Thefe probably are the monkeys Dampier faw in the Bay of All Saints, which he fays are very ugly, and fmell ftrongly of imifk. They keep in large companies ; and make a great chatter¬ ing^ efpecially in ftormy weather; refide much on a Ipecies of tree which bears a podded fruit, which they feed on. 33. Sapajus fatuellas, or horned fapajou, has two] Fig. 25, tufts of hair on the head, refembling little horns: Is* beardlefs. Inhabits South America. The face, fides, belly, and fore-parts of the thighs are brown ; the top of the head, midefte of the back, tail, legs, and poftenor parts of the thighs, are black ; the nails are long and rather blunt; the tail is prehenfile and twifted fpirally. Perhaps of the fame fpecies with the fimia apella or ca¬ puchin (G/n.)'. q his, in all probability, is one of the factitious fpecies, purpofely deformed, by exhibitors of wild beafts, to impofe on the public. 34. Saimiri, fapajus feiureus, or orange monkey, has no beard ; the hinder part of the head is prominent; and the nails on the four toes of the hind paws are nar¬ row and pointed. It inhabits South America, and is the moft beautiful of all the fapajous ; its movements aie graceful; its fize fmall; its colour a brilliant yel¬ low ; its vifage round, with large vivacious eyes, fur- rounded by flefh-coloured rings; it has hardly any fore¬ head the nofe is elevated at the bafe, and flattened at the point : the mouth is fmall, the face flat and naked, and the ears are garnifhed with hair, and a little point¬ ed ; the tail is only half prehenfile : It ftands with eafe on tvvo^feet, but commonly walks on all four. \. Sagoins, Sagoini. Thefe have long tails,jr - which are proportionally longer than thofe of the Tapa-/,,^ 0/ jous, ftraight, flaccid, entirely covered with hair, and not prehenfile ; that is, incapable of laying hold of any Linr‘*ut- objeeft : the cheeks have no pouches ; and the buttocks, which are covered with hair, have no callofities: the partition between the noftrils is very thick, and the apertures are placed on the fides of the nofe. The fe¬ males do not menftruate. This race of animals is only round in America. J • l5’ Trhe fakl'’ %01’nus pithecia, or fox-tailed monkey, with a fwarthy face, covered with fhort white down: roiehead and fides of the face with whitifh, and pretty long hair : body with long dulky brown hairs ; white or yellowifh at their tips : hair on the tail very lomr and burhy ; fometimes black, fometimes reddifti : belly and lower part of the limbs a reddifti White: length from nofe to tail near a foot and a half: tail longer," and like 1 rat °, a : hands and feet black, with claws inftead or nails. Inhabits Guiana. 36. I he fanglin, fagoinus iacchus, or ftriated mon- FA 3 K- * key, Jouth America. A bnfk animal, lefs impatient of cold than the red of this race : the body is of a yellowifh white colour ; the nails on the thumbs and great toes are rounded ; the ears are naked, but are hidden beneath the fur : It has a round head, and a brown face, which is furrounded with a kind of mane of a bright red colour ; the hair on the body and tail is long, filky, and of a pale but vivid yellow colour, aimed: white, with a confiderable tuft at the extremity of the tail. It walks on four feet, and is eight or nine inches in length, from the muzzle to the rump ; and the tail is above 13 inches long. This fpecies has the fame manners and vivacity with the other fagoins, but is more robufl in conftitution, as an individual lived five or fix years in Pans, being kept in a warm room during winter. 39. The mico, fagoinus argenteus, or fair monkey, with a fmall round head : face and ears of the mod live¬ ly vermilion colour: body covered with mod beautiful long hairs of a bright and filvery whitenefs, of match- lefs' elegance : tail of a fhinmg dark chefnut : head and body eight inches long; tail 12. Inhabits the banks of the Amazons ; difeovered by M. de Conda- mine. 40. The tamarin, fagoinus Midas, or great-eared monkey, with a round head, fwarthy, flefh coloured, naked face : upper lip a little divided : ears very large, ere£t, naked, and almod fquare : hair on the forehead upright and long ; on the body foft, but (baggy : the head, whole body, and upper part of the limbs black, except the lower part ot the back, which is tinged with yellow : hands and feet covered with orange-co¬ loured hairs, very fine and fmooth : nails long and crooked : tail black, and twice the length of the body: Sral!*. teeth very white. It is of the fize o( a fquirrel. It in. 1! ! habits the hotter parts of South America, and thf (fle t of Gorgona, fouth ot Panama, in the South Sea. 1 here ' v~~ J are, fays Dampier, a great many little black monkeys ; at low-water they come to the fea iide to take mufcleg and perriwinkhs, which they dig out of the (hells with their claws. Bdides thefe which we have deferibed, there are a great many fpecies which we have omitted. Thofe who wilfi to be better acquainted with the fimiac, may confult Buffon, Pennant, and Gmelin’s edition of tilt; Zoology of Linnaeus by Mr Ker. SIMILE, or Similitude, in rhetoric, a compa- rifon of two things, which though different in other refpedls, yet agree in (ome one. The difference be. tween a fimile and comparifon is (aid to coniiit in this, that the fimile properly belongs to whatever we call the quality of a thing, and the comparifon to the quan¬ tity. See Comparison ; and Oratory, n° 1.18. SIMILOR, a name given to an alloy of red cop¬ per and zinc, made in tht; bed proportions, to imitate iilver and gold. * SIMON Maccabeus, a celebrated leader and high, priell of the Jews, who, after rendering the moil im¬ portant fervices to his country, was at lalt treacherpufly (lain by his fon-in-law. See the Hijiory oj the Jaws, n» 15. Simon Magus, or the Sorcerer, was a native of Git- ton, a village of Samaria. According to the utual prac¬ tice of the Aiiatics of that age, he vilited Egypt, and^^yy there probably became acquainted with the fahVimz-Hi/lory tf myderies taught in the Alexandrian fchool, and learned Pbihjogh^ thofe theurgic or magical operations by means ot which it was believed that men might be delivered horn the! power of evil demons Upon his return into his own country, the author of the Clementine Recognitions relates, that he impofed upon his countrymen by high pretenfions to fupernatural powers. And St Luke at- teds, that this artful fanatic, ufing forcery, had be¬ witched the people of Samaria, giving out that he was fame great one; and that he obtained fuch general atten¬ tion and reverence in Samaria, that the people all gave heed to him from the lead to the greated, faying, “ This, man is the great power of God.” By the preaching of Philip the Deacon, he was with other Samaritans converted to the Chridian faith, and admitted into the infant church by the ordinance of baptifm. His convevfion, however, feems not to have been real; for, upon feeing the miraculous efledls of the laying on of the. apodle’s hands, he offered them mo¬ ney, faying, “ Give me alfo this power, that on whom- foever I lay hands he may receive the Holy Ghod.” He probably thought Peter and John magicians like himfelf, but better (killed in the art of deceiving the multitude. Being (harply reproved for this impiety, he feems by his aufwer to have been made fenfible of his fin ; but his repentance, if fincere, was of fhort duration. Re¬ turning to his former pradtices of impodure, he travel¬ led through various provinces of the empire, oppofing the progrefs of the gofpel; and arriving at Rome, he kd adray vad numbers of people by his pretended mi¬ racles. How long he lived in that metropolis of the world, or in what manner he died, we have no accounts « that 8 1 ^ r 501 ] sim beiiltiw if t!,n'vThe W'kT ,hc ch“rch of Rot“* particularly in hi. c&avgnr. to S«^I, e V 111 t5ltf air by two demons, he prove the uncertainty of the Heb-ew lancruaa’e Thefe Simon’ , a Jsrfa°u % Str ^ >»« b“" very jaftiylpoM and SfutTd by —— he is ti on.hr’tt b S’ <1 r ^ ^ ^ Dr CamPbdI’in »‘^ntous Preliminary Diflertationa \'UJ1 S/ h;iVe ^i n xhe Prton mentioned by to his new Tranflation of the Gofpek I. Critical Hi xrJ r ?,’ *h°l undertak.in-sr. ,t0, m. 6.he pteftnee of ftory of the Text of the New Teftament. 4. Critical Hilt or y of the Veriions of the New Teftament. jNcro, fell to the ground with fuc'h violence, that his blood fpurted up to the gallery where the emperor was fitting. 1 he fum of this impoftor’s doftrine, diverted of al- legory, was, that from the Divine Being, as a fountain of light, flow various orders ot seons, or eternal na- tures, lubfilting within the plenitude of the divine ef- lence ; that beyond thefe, in the order oi emanation, are different clafles of intelligences, among the lowell of which are human fouls ; that matter is the moft re¬ mote production of the emanative power, which, on ac¬ count of its infinite diftance from the Fountain of Tight, pofieffes fluggifh and malignant qualities, which oppofe the divine operations, and are the canfe of evil; tnat it is the great defign of philofophy to deliver the foul) from its imprifonment in matter, and reftore it to that divine light from which it was derived ; and that for this purpofe God had fent him one of the firft sons among men. nr’ 1 • •" ” * Critical Hiftory of the principal Commentators on the New Teftament. 6. Inlpiration of the Sacred Books. 7. A tranfiation of the New Tdtament. This book was cenfured by Cardinal Noailles and Boffuet. 8. The Hi (lory of the rife and progrefs pf Eccleliafticai Revenues, which is commended by Voltaire, as is his Critical Hiftory of the Old Teftament,. It refulted from a quarrel with a community of BenediCtines. 9. A new feleft Libraiy, which points out the good books in various kinds of literature, and the ufe to be made of them. 10. Critical Hiftory of the Belief and Cuftoms of the Nations 011 the Levant. 1 1. Critical Tetters, &c. SiMONICAL, is applied to any perfon guilty of fimony. See Simony". , SIMONIDES, the name of feveral poets celebrated • a"tiql»ty > but by the Marbles it appears that the rp„ 1 • -r tt 1 1 r , wuc uy me marorcs it appears that the To h,s wile HeCna lie alio afcnbtd a fi. elddl and moft illuftrlou, of thorn Wa. bo™ in the tctS divine nature, nretendimr tb3r « fi-.r.;, « d ^ 35ul milar kind of divine nature, pretending that a female a;on inhabited the body of this woman, to whom he gave the name of W/dom ; whence fome Chri- itiau fathers have faid, that he called her the Holy Spi¬ rit. ' He alfo taught the tranfmigration of fouls, and denied the refurretfion of the body. ^Simon (Richard), was born at Dieppe the 15th .'lay 1638. lie began his ftudies among the priefls <>f the Oratory in that city, but quitted their foc-'ety m a fiiort time P rom Dieppe he went to Paris, where he made great progrefs in the ftudy of the oriental lan guages 0 ' ^ . . . . of the awry again, ana became a 1660. In 167c he publifhed fome pieces of a fmaller Olympiad, 538 years B. C. and that he died in his 90th year ; which nearly agrees with the chronology of Eu- febnis. He was a native of Ceos, one of the Cyclades* m the neighbourhood of Attica, and the preceptor of Pindar. Both Plato and Cicero give him.the charac- ter not only of a good poet and mufician, but lipeak ot him as a perfon of great virtue and wifdom. Such longevity gave him an opportunity of knowing a great number of the firft characters in antiquity with whom he was in fome meafure connected. It appears in Fa- .Some" time afterwards he jo^d VlmTe,^ Oratory agam, and became a pneft of it rn lene, HippLhus tyrant of Athens, SanL ife -es oi a (maUer Sparta, Htero tyrant of Syracufe, with Themiitocles, mem appeared,kut5 wlf.wSl^pmSd bylhe' “iV", Hitngues of Meffieur, do Port Rovai. It seas rek„, “S intrigues of Meffieurs du Port Royal. Tt was reprint¬ ed the year after, and its excellence foon drew the at¬ tention of foreigners ; an edition of it was accordingly pubhfhed at Amfterdam in Latin, and at London in Englifh. He died at Dieppe in 1712, at the age of 74. Ide certainly pofieffed a vaft deal of learning : his criticifm is exact, but not always moderate ; and there reigns in his writings a fpirit of novelty and fmgularity which railed him a great many adv.erfiries. The molt celebrated of thefe were Le Clerc, Vofiius, Jurieu, Du Pm, and Bofluet. Simon wrote an anfwer to moft of the books that were publifited againft him, and difplays a pride and obftinacy in his controverfial writings which do him little honour Inero king of Syracufe. Cicero alleges, what has of- ten been quoted in proof of the modefty and wifdom ot Simonides, tliat when Hiero afked him for a defini¬ tion of God, the poet required a whole day to medi¬ tate on io important a queftion : at the end of which* upon the prince putting the fame queftion to him a lecond time, he afked two days refpite ; and in this manner always doubled the delay each time he was re¬ quired to anfwer it ; till at length, to avoid offending his patron by more difappointments, he frankly con- tiled that he found the queftion lo difficult, that the more he meditated upon it, the lefs was his hope of being able to folve it. In his old age, perhaps from feeing the refpea which lowing™'SrpHncip^ T TVC ^ T Tb pr“Ctt"dyouS - JewASatd iJamor LTofMl^ h^btrLthT "“"‘‘“I ^ ^ ttstatri-TSSSa aean- S I M [ ] S I M Simonides, tneannefs, lie fald, that he had two coffers, in one of ^ Simony. which he had for many years put his pecuniaiy re- v wards ; the other was for honours, verbal thanks, and promifes ; that the firft was pretty well filled, but the laft remained always empty. And he made no fcruple to confefs, in his old age, that of all the enjoyments of life, the love of money was the only one of which time had not deprived him. He was frequently reproached for this vice; how¬ ever, he always defended himfelf with good humour. Upon being afked by Hiero’s queen, Whether it was molt defirable to be learned or rich ? he anfwered, that it was far better to be rich; for the learned were al¬ ways dependent on the rich, and waiting at their doors ; whereas, he never faw rich men at the doors of the learned. When he was accufed of being fo fordid as to fell part of the provifions with which his table was furnifhed by Hiero,, he faid he had done it in or¬ der “ to difplay to the world the magnificence of that prince and his own frugality.” To others he faid, that his reafon for accumulating wealth was, that “ he would rather leave money to his enemies after death, than be troublefome to his friends while living.” He obtained the prize in poetry at the public games when he was fourfcore years of age. According to Sui- das, he added four letters to the Greek alphabet ; and Pliny affigns to him the eighth firing of the lyre ; but thefe claims are difputed by the learned. His poetry was fo tender and plaintive, that he ac¬ quired the cognomen of Melicertes “ fweet as honey and the tearful eye ofhismufe was proverbial. Dio* nyfius places him among thofe polifhed writers who ex¬ cel in a fmooth volubility, and flow on like plenteous and perennial rivers, in a courfe of even and uninterrupt¬ ed harmony. It is to Dionyfius that we are indebted for the pre- fervation of the following fragment ot this poet. Da- nae being by her mercilefs father inclofed in a cheft, and thrown into the fea with her child, when night fComes on, and a ftorm arifes which threatens to overfet the cheft, fhe, weeping and embracing the young Per- feus, cries out: Sweet child ! what anguifh does thy mother know, Ere cruel grief has taught thy tears to flow ! Amidft the roaring wind’s tremendous found, Vrhich threats deftruftion as it howls around ; In balmy fleep thou Heft, as at the breaft. Without one bitter thought to break thy reft. The glimm’ring moon, in pity hides her light. And Ihrinks with horror at the ghaftly fight. Didll thou but know, fweet innocent! our woes, Not opiate’s pow’r thy. eyelids now could clofe. Sleep on, fweet babe 1 ye waves in filence roll} And lull, O lull, to reft my tortur’d foul 1 There is a fecond great poet of the name of Simo¬ nides recorded on tlie Marbles, fuppofed to have been his grandfon, and who gained, in 478 B. C. the prize in the games at Athens. SIMONY, is the corrupt prefentation of any one to an ecclefiaftical benefice for money, gift, or reward. It is fo called from the refemblance it is faid to bear to the fin of Simon Magus, though the purchaling of holy orders feems to approach nearer to his offence. It was by the canon law a very grievous crime; and is fo much Simony, Simoom, the more odious, becaufe, as Sir Edward Coke obferves, it is ever accompanied with perjury ; for the prefentee is fworn to have committed no fimony. However, it was not an offence puniftiable in a criminal way at the common law: it being thought fufficient to leave the clerk to ecclefiaftical cenfures. But as thefe did not affeftthe fimoniacal patron, nor were efficacious enough to repel the notorious pra&ice of the thing, divers ads of parliament have been made to reftrain it by means of civil forfeitures ; which the modern prevailing ulage, with regard to fpiritual preferments, calls aloud to be put in execution. The ftatute 31 Eliz. c. 6. enads, that if any patron, for money or any other corrupt con- ftderation or promife, diredly or indirectly given, fhall prefent, admit, inftitute, indud, inftall, or collate any perfon to an ecclciiaftical benefice or dignity, both the giver and taker fhall forfeit two years value of the be¬ nefice or dignity ; one moiety to the king, and the other to any one who will fue for the fame. If perfona alfo corruptly refign or exchange their benefices, both the giver and taker fhall in like manner forfeit double the value of the^oney or other corrupt confideration. And perfons who fhall corruptly ordain or licenfe any minifter, or procure him to be ordained or licenled (which is the true idea of fimony), fhall incur a like forfeiture of forty pounds; and the minifter himfelt of ten pounds, befides an incapacity to hold any ecclefiaf¬ tical preferment for feven years afterwards. Corrupt eledtions and refignations in colleges, hofpitals, and other eleemofynary corporations, are alfo puniffied, by the fame ftatute, with forfeiture of the double value, vacating the place or office, and a devolution of the right of eledion, for that turn, to the crown. SIMOOM, a hot v/ind which blows occafionally in the deferts of Africa, and probably in other widely ex¬ tended countries parched in the fame manner by a ver¬ tical fun. Its effeds on the human body are dreadful. If inhaled in any quantity, it produces inftant fuffoca- tion, or at leaft leaves the unhappy fufferer oppreffed with afthma and lownefs of fpirits. The approach of this awful fcourge of God is indicated by a rednefs in the air, well underftood by thofe who are accnftomed to journey through the defert; and the only refuge which they have from it, is to fall down with their faces clofe to the ground, and to continue as long as poffible with¬ out drawing in their breath. Mr Bruce, who, in his journey through the defert, fuffered from the fimoom, gives of it the following gra¬ phical defeription : “ At eleven o’clock, while we con- £ruce>s templated with great pleafure the rugged top of Chig- Trave!rt gre, to which we were fall approaching, and where we vol. iv. were to iolace ourfelves with plenty of good water,P’559* Idris our guide cried out, with a loud voice, fall upon you faces, for here is the fimoom. I faw from the louth-eaft a haze come, in colour like the purple part of the rainbow, hot not fo compreffed or thick. It did not occupy twenty yards in breadth, and was about twelve feet high from the ground. It was a kind of blufh upon the air, and it moved very rapidly ; for I fcarce could turn to fall upon the ground with my head to the northward, when i felt the heat ot its cur¬ rent plainly upon my face. We all lay flat on the ground as if dead, till Idris told us it was flown over. The meteor or purple haze which I faw was indeed paffed, but the Hght air that -ftill blew was of heat to threaten o> (y/f/ ’■ Y/ / t .^o//y oc>Y *- /cr/tY. (/u ■ (/' //■ .' //////a as1’ '(// //for <>r /yt//* ( YY/ ^ 3! ?_ //////// ^Jar <>/• r/retiruYOi r ///////') iT'., // f/fZ/f f/rJ O!' r. . 6^y^/i / Or// /Wf,. ‘I//- ■/«//,U, frr/l. Plate CCCCLXVH. SIMM,, Aprs. S 3 MIA'*, Baboons Plale CCCCBXVIU ^ i////f') //v///((/r' y/y /(///s// /3fi/^/f/ny. r/rt b. rX 14, odt/iwT/ciio or if loots/ /3aitrony. . .,.. l )"j . IJUt ti;„rW«l. .Llp&r fi'tt. ri ate CCCCI/XIX ^ //r^y. /6. ’ Js7e?uM rf/^r/r//■/,* ' f-yrimv/iAa/^ orQ^-A**Au/Ulnty. ;9,Ua/wsM w. Jjtiwfts ^ t //aytr/ey. %/. t c*r Qy rtf. 22, (JAz^ccytj/AerzM rz’y/zzArJ ? e*i^ ' f y . «l ^/^e// (A/*? v ?*. //a & ^'/cu^kforyfecit'. * 6 23. >ap«jau« ^%4, &tJai or/fc/itAztit , Sagoins *6. r ?r,rr/„t, ,„4f //^. 2?,d?C,?/■ y . S IVlliSj, S ap aj o u s. 23. Plate CCCCLXX. P4- SIMI.®!, Sag*oms. 28. rx/,?<■// 8U. //a/XCy^U • Simp’e, Simplicity, Simpfon, I M [ 5°3 ] SIM For my part, I found diftin&ly moft other writings are impaired by a literal tranflationj Simplicity whereas giving only a due regard to the idiom of diffe¬ rent languages, the facred writings, when literally trans¬ lated, are then in their full perfection.” Now this is an internal proof, that in all other wri¬ tings there is a mixture of local, relative, exterior orna¬ ment, which is often loft in the transfnfron from one lan¬ guage to another. But the internal beauties, which depend not on the particular conftruftion of tongues, no change of tongue can deftroy. Hence the Bible preferves its native beauty and ftrength alike in every language, by the foie energy of unadorned phrafe, natu¬ ral images, weight of fentiment, and great fimplicity. It is in this refpeeft like a rich vein of gold, which, under the fevered trials of heat, cold, and moifture, re¬ tains its original weight and fplendour, without either lofs or alloy; while bafer metals are corrupted by earth, air, water, fire, and affimilated to the various elements through which they pafs. This circumftance, then, may be juftly regarded as fufficient. to vindicate the compofition of the facred Scriptures, as it is at once their chief excellency and greateft fecurity. It is their excellence, as it renders them intelligible and ufeful to all; it is their fecurity, as it preve nts their being difguifed by the falfe and ca¬ pricious ornaments of vain or weak tranflators. We may fafely appeal to experience and faft for the confir¬ mation of thefe remarks on the fuperior limplicity, uti¬ lity. and excellence, of the ftyle of the Holy Scripture. Is there any book in the world fo perfectly adapted-fa all capacities ? that contains fuch fublime and exalted precepts, conveyed in fuch an artlefs and intelligible ftrain, that can be read with fuch pleafure and advan¬ tage by the lettered 1'age and the unlettered peafant ? SIMPLOCE. See Oratory, n° 72. SIMPSON (Thomas), profeifor of mathematics at the royal academy at Woolwich, fellow of the Royal Society, and member of the Royal Academy at Stock¬ holm, was born at Market Bofworth in Leicefterftxire in 1710. His father, a ftuif-weaver, taught him only to read Englifh, and brought him up to his own bull- nefs; but meeting with a fcientifical pedlar, who like- wile pradftifed fortune-telling, young Simpfon by his af- fillance and advice left off weaving, and profelfed aftro- logy. As he improved in knowledge, however, he grew difgufted with his pretended art; and renouncing it, was driven to fuch difficulties for the fubfiftence of his family, that he came up to Eondon, where he worked as a weaver, and taught mathematics at his fpare hours. As his fcholars increafed, his abilities became better known, and he publilhed his Treatife on Fluxions, by fubfeription, in 1737 : in 1740, he publilhed his Trea¬ tife on the Nature and Laws of Chance ; and Elfays in Speculative and Mixed Mathematics. After thefe appeared his Do&rine of Annuities and Reverfions * Mathematical Dilfertations ; Treatife on Algebra ; E- lements of Geometry ; Trigonometry, Plane and Sphe¬ rical ; Seleft Exercifes; and his Doftrine and Appli¬ cation of Fluxions, which he profeffes to be rather a new work, than a fecond edition of his former publica¬ tion on fluxions, In 1743> he obtained the mathema¬ tical profefforfhip at Woolwich academy ; and foon af¬ ter was chofen a member* of the Royal Society, when the prefident and council, in confideration of his mode¬ rate circumftancesj were pleafed to cxcufe his admiffion. threaten fuffocation. , x.t . in my bread; that I had imbibed a part of it, nor was I free of an afthmatic fenfation till I had been feme months in Italy, at the baths of Poretta, near two years afterwards.” Though the feverity of this blaft feems to have palled over them almoft inffontaneoudy, it con¬ tinued to blow fo as to exhauft them till twenty minutes before five in the afternoon, lading through all its ftages very near fix hours, and leaving them in a ftate of the utmoft defpondency. SIMPLE, fomething not mixed or compounded ; in which fenfe it ftands oppofed to compound. Simple, in the materia medica, a general name for all herbs or plants, as having each its particular virtue, whereby it becomes a fimple remedy. SIMPLICITY IN writing. If we examine the writers whofe compofttions have flood the teft of ages, and obtained that higheft honour, “ the concurrent ap¬ probation of diftant times and nations,” we lhall find that the character of fimplicity is the unvarying circum- flance which alone hath been able,to gain this univerfal homage from mankind. Among the Greeks, whofe writers in general are of the fimple kind, the divined poet, the mod commanding orator, the fined hidouan, and deeped philofopher, are, above the reft, conlpicu- oufiy eminent in this great quality. The Roman wri¬ ters rife towards perfeAion according to that meafure of fimplicity which they mingle in their works } indeed they are all inferior to the Greek models. But who will deny that Lucretius, Horace, Virgil, Livy, Te¬ rence, Tully, are at once the fimpleft and bed of Ro¬ man writers ? unlefs we add the noble annalift who ap¬ peared in after-times; who, notwithftanding the politi¬ cal turn of his genius, which fometimes interferes, is ad¬ mirable in this great quality, and by it far fuperior to his contemporaries. It is this one circumftance that hath railed the venerable Dante, the father of modern poetry, above the fucceeding poets of his country, who could never long maintain the local and temporary ho¬ nours beftowed upon them ; but have fallen under that jyft negleft which time will ever decree to thofe who defert a juft fimplicity for the florid colourings of ftyle, contraded phrafes, affecled conceits, the mere trappings of compofition and Gothic 'minutiae. It is this hath given to Boileau the mod lading wreath in France, and to Shakefpeare and Milton in England ; efpecially to the former, whofe writings contain fpecimens of per¬ haps the pureft and fimpleft Englifh that is anywhere to be found, except in the Bible or Book of Common Prayer. As it appears from thefe inftances, that fim¬ plicity is the only univerfal charafteriftic of juft writing, fo the fuperior eminence of the facred Scriptures in this quality hath been generally acknowledged. One of the gieateft critics in antiquity, himfelf confpicuous in the fublime and fimple manner, hath borne this tefti- mony to the writings of Mofes and St Paul ; and by parity of reafon we muft conclude, that had he been converfant with the other facred writers, his tafte and candour would have allowed them the fame encomium. It hath been often obferyed even by writers of no mean rank, that the “ Scriptures fuffer in their credit by the diladvantage of a literal verfion, while other an¬ cient writings enjoy the advantage of a free and embel- hfliedtranflation.” But in reality thefe gentlemens con-, sern is dl-placed and groundlefs; for the truth is, u that 8 foes- STM [ 504 ] S r M‘ filrrifiTon, fe5g. at1cJ giving bonds for tba fettled future pay- L Simf ,n« ments. At the academy he exerted all his abilities in v~“ inftrucling the pupils who were the immediate obje&s of his duty, as well as others whom the fuperior officers of the ordnance permitted to be boarded and lodged in his hoofe. In his manner of teaching he had a peculiar and happy addrefs, a certain dignity and perfpicuity, temoered with foch a degree of mildnds, as engaged the attention, eflieem, and friendfhip, of his fcholars. He therefore acquired great applaufe from his fuperiors in the difeharge of his duty. His application and clofe confinement, however, injured his health. EKeteife and a proper regimen were preferibed to him, but to little purpofe : for his fpirits funk gradually, till he became incapable of performing his duty, or even of reading the letters of his friends. The effedts of this decay of nature were greatly increafed by vexation of mind, ow¬ ing to. the haughty and infulting behaviour of his fupe¬ rior the firft profeffor of mathematics. This perfonp greatly his inferior in mathematical accOmplifhments, did what he could to make his fituation uneafy, and even to depreciate him in the public opinion : but it was a vain endeavour, and only ferved to deprefs him- felf. At length his phyficians advifed his native air for bis recovery, and he let out in February 1761; but was fo fatigued by his journey, that upon his arrival at Bof- worth, he betook himfelf to his chamber, and grew con¬ tinually worfe till the day of his death, which happened on the 14th qf May, in the 51 It year of his age. ^fsIMSON (Dr Robert), profeffor of mathematics in the univerfity of Glafgow, was born in the year 1687 of a refpeftable family, which had held a fmall eltate in the county of Lanerk for fome generations. He was, we think, the fecond fon of the family. A younger brother was profellor of medicine in the univerfity of St Andrew’s, arid is known by fome works of reputa¬ tion, particularly a DifTertation on the Nervous Syftern, occafioned by the Diffe&ion of a Brain completely Of- iified. Dr Simfon was educated in the univeifity of Glaf¬ gow under the eye of fome of his relations who were profeffors. Eager after knowledge, he made great pro- grefs in all his ftudies ; and, as his mind did not, at the very firft openings of fcience, ftrike into that path which afterwards fo ftrongly attracted him, and in which he proceeded fo far almoft without a companion, be acquired in every walk of fcience a ftock of in¬ formation, which, though it had never been much augmented afterwards, would have done credit to a profcffional man in any of his ftifdies. He became, at a very early period, an adept in the philofophy and theology of the fchools, was able to fupply the place of a fick relation in the clafs of oriental languages, was noted for hiftorical knowledge, and one of the molt knowing botanifts of his time. It was during his'theological ftudies, as preparatory for his entering into orders, that mathematics took hold of his fancy. He ufed to tell in his convivial moments how he amufed himielf when preparing his exercifes for the divinity hall. When tired with vague fpecula- tion, in which he did not meet with certainty to re¬ ward his labours, he turned up a book of oriental phi¬ lology, in which he found fomething which he could dilcover to be true or to be falfe, without going out of the line of ftudy which was t>o be of ultimate life to him. Sometimes even this could not relieve his fatigue. S He then had recourfe to mathematics, which never tail- *— ed to fatisty and refrelh him. For a long while he re- ftri&ed himfelf to a very moderate ufe of the cordial, fearing that he would foon exhauft the fmall ftock which fo limited and abftraft a fcience could yield ; till at lall he found, that the more he learned, a v/ider field opened to his view, and feenes that were in- exhauftible. Becoming acquainted with fabjedts far be¬ yond the elements of the fcience, and with numbers of names celebrated during that period of ardent refearch all over Europe, he found it to be a manly and impor¬ tant ftudy, by which he was as likely to acquire repu¬ tation as by any other. About this time, too, a pro- fpedt began to open of making mathematics his profeffion for life. He then gave himfelf up to it without referve. His original incitement to this ftudy as a treat, as fomething to pleafe and refrelh his mind in the midft of feverer talks, gave a particular turn to his mathematical ftudies, from which he never could afterwards deviate. Perfpicuity and elegance are more attainable, and more difcerm’ble, in pure geometry, than in any other parts of the fcience pf meafure. To this therefore he chiefly devoted himfelf. For the lame reafon he preferred the ancient method of ftudying pure geometry, and even felt a difiike to the Caitefian method of fubftituting fymbols for operations of the mind, and ftill more was he difgufted with the fubftitution of fymbols for the very objeefts of difeuffion, for lines, fuifaces, folids, and their affections. He was rather difpofed in the fo- lution of an algebraic problem, where quantity alone was conlidered, to fubttitute figure and its affeitions for the algebraic fymbols, and to convert the algebraic formula into an analogous geometrical theorem. And he came at laft to confider algebraic analyfis as little better than a kind of mechanical knack, in which we proceed without ideas of any kind, and obtain a refult without meaning, and without being confcious of any procefs of reafoning, and therefore without any convic¬ tion of its truth. And there is no deny ing, that if ge¬ nuine unfophifticated tafte alone is to be confulted, Dr Simfon was in the right : for though it muft alio be acknowledged, that the reafoning in algebra is as ftrict as in the pureft geometry of Euclid or Apollonius, the expert analyft has little perception of it as he goes on, and his final equation is not felt by himfelf as the refult of ratiocination, any more than if he had obtained it by Pafcal’s arithmetical mill. This does not in the leaft diminifh our admiration of tire algebraic analyfis ; for its almoft: boundlcfs grafp, its rapid and certain proce¬ dure, and the delicate metaphyiics and great addrefs which may be difplayed in condufting it. Such, how¬ ever, wras the ground of the ftrong bias of Dr Simfon’s mind to the analyfis of the ancient geometers. It in¬ creafed as he went forward ; and his veneration (we may call it his love or ajfettion) for the ancient geometry was carried to a degree of idolatry. His chief labours were exerted in efforts to reftore the works of the an¬ cient geometers ; and he has nowhere beftowed much pains in advancing the modern difeoveries in mathema¬ tics. The noble inventions, for example, of fluxions and of logarithms, by which our progrefs in mathema¬ tical knowledge, and in the ufeful application of this knowledge, is fo much promoted, attrafted the notice of Dr Simfon ; but he has contented himfelf with de¬ mon- S I M Slmfon. monftratmg their truth on the genuine principles of ~ the ancient geometry. Yet was he very thoroughly acquainted with all the modern difcoveries ; and tliere are to be feen among his papers difcuffions and invefti* gations in the Cartefian method, which fhow him tho- roughly acquainted with all the principles, and even ex- pert in the tours de main, of the moll refined fymbolical analyfis (a). About the age of 25 Dr Simfon was chofen regius profeffor of mathematics in the univerlity of Giafgow. He went to London immediately after his appointment, and there formed an acquaintance with the moft eminent men of that bright era of Britifh fcience. Among thefe he always mentioned Captain Halley (the celebrated Dr Edmund Halley) with particular refoeft ; faying, that he had the moft acute penetration, and the moft juft taite in that fcience, of any man he had ever known. And, indeed, Dr Halley has ftrongiy examplined both of thefe in his divination of the work of Apollonius de SeBione Spatii, and the 8th book of his Conics, and in fome of the moft beautiful theorems in Sir Ifaac New- ton s Princip'ta. Dr Simfon alfo admired the wide and mafterly fteps which Newton was accuftomed to take in his inveftigations, and his manner of fubftituting geome¬ trical figures for the quantities which are obferved in the phenomena of nature. It was from Dr Simfon that the Writer of this article had the remarks which has been oftener than once repeated in the courfe of this* Work, I hat the 39^ propofition of the firft book of the Principia was the moft important propofition that had ever been exhibited to the phyfico-mathematical philo- fopher;” and he ufed always to illuftrate to his more advanced fcholars the fupenonty of the geometrical oyer the algebraic analyfis, by comparing the folution given by Newton of the inverfe problem of centripetal forces, in the 42d propofition of that book, with the one given by John Bernoulli in the Memoirs of the A- 1 ademy of Sciences at Paris for 1713- have heard him fay, that to his own knowledge Newton frequentlyinvefti- gated his propofitions in the fymbolical way, and that it was owing chiefly to Dr Halley that they did not fi¬ nally appear in that drefs. But if Dr Simfon was well informed, we think it a great argument in favour of the Embolic analyfis, when this moft fuccefsful pradical ar. ttjl (for fo we muft call Newton when engaged in a talk of difcovery)_ found it conducive either to difpatch or perhaps to his very progrefs. Returning to_ his academical chair, Dr Simfon dif- charged the duties of a profeflbr for more than 50 years with great honour to the univerfity and to himfelf. It is almoft needlefs to lay, that in his prelettions he followed ftndfly the Euclidian method in elementary geometry. He made ufe of Theodofius as an introduc¬ tion to fpherical trigonometry In the higher geome¬ try he prele&ed from his own Conics; and he gave a fmall fpecimen of the linear problems of the ancients, by explaining the properties, fometimes of the conchoid, Vol. XVII. Part II. f 505 ! S I M fometimes of the cifToid, with their application to the folution of iuch problems. In the more advanced clafs he was accuftomed to give Napier’s mode of con¬ ceiving logarithms, i. e. quantities as generated by motion ; and Mr Cotes’s view of them, as the furos of ratiunculae ; and to demonftrate Newton’s lemmas con¬ cerning the limits of ratios ; and then to give the ele¬ ments of the fluxionary calculus ; and to finifli his courfe with a feleft fet of propofitions in optics, gnomonics, and central forces. His method of teaching was limple and perfpicuous, his elocution clear, and his manner eafy and impreffive. He had the refpeft, and flill more the affedtion, of his fcholars. With refpedt to his ftudies, we have already inform¬ ed the reader that they got an early bias to pure geo¬ metry, and to the elegant but fcrupulous methods of the ancients. We have heard Dr Simfon fay, that it was in a great meafure owing to Dr Halley that he fo early direfted his efforts to the reftoration of the ancient geometers. He had recommended this to him, as the moft certain way for him, then a very young man, both to acquire reputation, and to improve his own knowledge and tafte, and he prefented him with a copy of Pappus’s Mathe¬ matical Colleftions, enriched with fome of his own notes. The perfpicuity of the ancient geometrical analyfis, and a certain elegance in the nature of the folutions which it affords, efpecially by means of the local theorems, foon took firm hold of his fancy, and made him, with the fang nine expe&ation of a young man, direft his very firft efforts to the recovery of this in toto; and the reftoration of Euclid’s Porifms was the firft talk which he fet himfelf. I he accomplifhed geometer knows what a defperate lafk this was, from the fcantv and mutilated account which we have of this work in a fingle paffage of Pappus. . It was an ambition which nothing but fuc- cefs could juftify in fo young an adventurer. He fuc- ceeded ; and fo early as 1718 feemed to have been in complete poffeffion of this method of inveftigation, which was confidered by the eminent geometers of an¬ tiquity as their fureft guide through the labyrinths of the higher geometry. Dr Simfon gave a fpecimen of his difeovery in 1723 in the Philofophical Tranfac- tions. And after this time he ceafed not from his en¬ deavours to recover that choice colleftion of Porifms which Euclid had colledled, as of the moft general ufe m the folution of difficult queftions. What fome of thefe muft have been was pointed out to Dr Simfon by ^ nature ^ie £eneral propofition of Pappus, which he has reftored. Others were pointed out bv the lemmas which Pappus has given as helps to the voung mathematician towards their demonftration. And. be- ing thus in poffeffion of a confiderable number, their mutual relations painted out a fort of fyftem, of which thefe made a part, and of which the blanks now re¬ mained to be filled up. Dr Simfon, having thus gained his favourite point, 3 S had Simfon. W;1 f75.2 *h.e wr.lter °r thls art,cle being then fcholar, requefted him to examine an account which he g ve him of what he thought _a new curve (a conchoid having a circle for its bafe). Dr Simfon returner it next day with a regular lift of its leading properties, and the inveftigation of fuch 'as he thought his khoi,- would not io eaidy trace. In this hafty fcrawl the lines related to the circle were familiarly coffiidere!ras aHth .0 iuiI fr a chons of the radius confidered as unity. This was before Euler publifhed his Arithnn-fe of h > V ' and Tangents, now in univerfal ufe. F nnttmiehc of the Sines S I M r 5o6 i S I M had leiture ta torn his attention to the other v/orks of the ancient geometers, and the porifms of Euclid now 'had only an occafional (hare. The loci p'ani of Apol- jonius was another talk which he very early engaged in, and completed about the year 1738. But, after it was printed, he imagined that he had not given the ipftji o ^ 0 0 & pers,. / SIM [ Simfon. pei-g. He fpoke in high terms of the Analytical Works 0f Mr Cotes, and of the two Bernoullis. He was con- fulted by Mr M‘Laurin during the progrefs of his ine- ftimable Treatife of Fluxions, and contributed not a little to the reputation of that work. The fpirit of that moll ingenious algebraic demonllration ol the flu¬ xions of a rectangle, and the very procefs of the argu¬ ment, is the fame with Dr Simfon’s in his differtation on the limits of quantities. It was therefore from a thorough acquruntance with the fubjeft, and by a juft tafte, that he was induced to prefer his favourite analy- fis, or, to fpeak more properly, to exhort mathematici¬ ans to employ it in its own fphere, and not to become ignorant of geometry, while they fuccefsfully employ¬ ed the fymbolical analyiis in cafes which did not require it, and which fuflered by its admiffion. It mult be ac¬ knowledged, however, that In his later years, the dif- guft which he felt at the artificial and llovenly employ¬ ment on fubjefts of pure geometry, fometimes hin¬ dered him from even looking at the moft refined and in¬ genious improvements of the algebraic analyfis which occur in the writings of Euler, D’Alembert, and other eminent matters. But, when properly informed of them, he never failed to give them their due praife ; and we remember him fpeaking, in terms of great fa- tisfaftion, of an improvement of the infinitefimal cal¬ culus, by D’Alembert and De la Grange, in their re- fearches concerning the propagation of found, and the vibrations of mufical cords. And that Dr Simfon not only was matter of tills cal¬ culus and the fymbolical calculus in general, but held them in proper efteem, appears from two valuable differta- tions to be found in his pofthumous works; the one on logarithms, and the other on the limits of ratios. The laft, in particular, (hows how completely he was fatis- £ed with refpeCl to the folid foundation of the method of fluxions ; and it contains an elegant and5 ilrict dc- monttration of all the applications which have been made of the method by its illuftrious author to the ob¬ jects of pure geometry. We hoped to have given a much more complete and inftru£tive account of this eminent geometer and his works, by the aid of a perfon fully acquainted with both, and able to appreciate their value ; but an acci¬ dent has deprived us of this affiitance, when it was too late to procure an equivalent : and we mutt requeft our readers to accept of this very imperfedt account, fince we cannot do juftice to Dr Simfon’s merit, unlefs al- moft equally converfant in all the geometry of the an¬ cient Greeks. The life of a literary man rarely teems with anecdote; and a mathematician, devoted to his ftudies, is perhaps more abftrafted than any other perfon from the ordina¬ ry occurrences of life, and even the ordinary topics of converfation. Dr Simfon was of this clafs ; and, having never married, lived entirely a college life. Having no occafion for the commodious houfe to which his place in the univerfity intxtled him, he contented himfelf with chambers, good indeed, and fpacious enough for his fober accommodation, and for receiving his choice col- ledlion of mathematical writers, but without any deco¬ ration or commodious furniture. His official fervant fufficed for valet, footman, and chambermaid. As this retirement was entirely devoted to ftudy, he entertained no company in his chambers, but in a neighbouring 508 '] SIM houfe, where his apartment was facred to him and his S'mfon, gucfts. v— Having in early life devoted hlmfelf to the reftoration of the works of the ancient geometers, he ftudied them with unremitting attention ; and, retiring from the pro- mifcuous intercourfe of the world, he contented hlmfelf with a fmall fociety of intimate friends, with whom he could lay afide every reftraint of ceremony or referve, and indulge in all the innocent frivolities of life. Every Friday evening was fpent in a party at whift, in which he ex¬ celled, and took delight in inftrufiling others, till, in- creafing years made him lefs patient with the dulnefs of a fcholar. The card-party was followed by an hour or two dedicated folely to playful converfation. In like manner, every Saturday he had a lefs feletft party to dinner at a houfe about a mile from town. The Doc¬ tor’s long life gave him occafion to fee the dramatis perfona of this little theatre feveral times completely changed, while he continued to give It a perfonal iden¬ tity : fo that, without any delign or wifh of his own, it became, as it were, his own houfe and his own fami¬ ly, and went by his name. In this ftate did the prefent writer firft fee it, with Dr Simfon as its father and head, refpefted and beloved by every branch ; for, as it was for relaxation, and not for the enjoyment of his acknowledged fuperiority, that he continued this habit of his early youth ; and as his notions “ of a fine talk” did not confitt in the pleafure of having “ totted and gored a good many to-day,” his companions were as much at their eafe as he wifhed to be himfelf; and it. was no fmall part of their entertainment (and of his too),, to fmile at thofe innocent deviations from common, forms, and thofe miftakes with refpedl to life and man¬ ners, which an almoft total retirement from the world,, and inceflant occupation in an abftrafft fcience, caufed- this venerable prefident frequently to exhibit. Thefe. are remembered with a more affefling regret, that they are now “ with the days that are paft,” than the moft. pithy apophthegms, ufhered in with an emphatical, “ Why, Sir!” or “ No, Sir!” which precludes all reply.. Dr Simfon never exerted his prefidial authority, unlel's it were to check fome infringement of good breeding, or any thing that appeared unfriendly to religion or purity of manners ; for thefe he had the higheft reverence. We have twice heard him fnvg (he had a fi/ie voice and moft. accurate ear) fome lines of a Latin hymn to the divine, geometer, and each time the rapturous tear flood in his eye. But we afk the reader’s pardon for this digreffion; it is not however ufelefs, fince it paints the man as much as any recital of his ftudies ; and to his acquaintances we are certain that it will be an acceptable memorandum. To them it was often matter of regret, that a perfon of fuch eminent talents, which would have made him fhine equally in any line of life, fhould have allowed himfelf to be fo completely devoted to a ftudy which abftra£led him from the ordinary purfuits of men, unfitted him for. the adtive enjoyment of life, and kept him out of thofe walks which they frequented, and where they would have rejoiced to meet him. Dr Simfon. was of an advantageous ftature, with a fine countenance; and even in his old age had a grace¬ ful carriage, and manner, and always, except when in mourning, dreffed in white cloth. He was of a cheer¬ ful difpofition; and though he did not make the firil advances / SIN i Sin, Sinai. [ 509 ] S I N Niebuhr's ‘Iru’odS) Vol. i. P- 15?. advances to acquaintance, had the moft affable manner ATnrli Pm-' • j r and Grangers were at perfeft cafe in his company. He nai and^'n the’plain^bm h° ^ T ^ enjoyed a long courfe of uninterrupted health • but tn nf ri;r • C r ^ f 5 nd uch were the ll0Pes ''™“ wards the clofe of li'e fuffered from an acute difeafe, and was obliged to employ an afliftant in his profelfional labours, for a few years preceding his death, which hap¬ pened m 1768, at the age of 81. He left to the uni- verlity his valuable library, which is now arranged apart from the reft of the books, and the public ufe of it is limited by particular rules. It is confidered as the moft choice colled ion of mathematical books and manuferipts in the kingdom, and many of them are rendered doubly valuable by Dr Simfon’s notes. SIN, a breach or tranfgreffion of fome divine law or command. SINAI, or Sina, a famous mountain of Arabia Pe- trsa, upon .which God gave the law to Mofes. It Hands in a kind of peninfula, formed by the two arms 01 the Red Sea, one of which ftretches out towards the north, and is called the Gulph of Kolfum; the other ex¬ tends towards the eaft, and is called the Gulph of Elan, Z the Sea' At this day the Arabians call Mount Sinai by the name of Tor, that is, the “ moun¬ tain,” by way of excellence ; or Gihel or fiiel Moufa, the mountain of Mofes.” It is 26c miles from Cairo, and generally it requires a journey of ten days to travel . thither. Ihe wildernefs of Sinai, where the Ifraelites continued mcamped for almoft a year, and where Mofes ereded the tabernacle of the covenant, is confiderably elevated above the reft of the country ; and the afeent to it is by a very craggy way, the greateft part of which IS cut out of the rock ; then one comes to a large fpace of ground, which is a plain furrounded on all iides by rocks and eminences, whofe length is nearly 12 miles i owards the extremity of this plain, on the north fide,’ two high mountains fiiowr themfelves, the higheft of which is called Sinai and the other fforeb. The tops of Horeb and Sinai have a very fteep afeent, and do not itand upon much ground, in cemparifon to their extra¬ ordinary height: that of Sinai is at leaft one-third part and dffiJr ’ a"d ^ arCent " m0re “f"*'1' Twa German miles and a half up the mountain frauds the convent of St Catharine. The body of this monaftery^is a building 120 feet in length and almoft as many m breadth. Before it Hands another fmall building, m. which is the only gate of the convent, which remains always fliut, except when the bifhoo is here. At other times, whatever is introduced within the convent, whether men or provifions, is drawn up by the roof in a bafket, and with a cord and a pulley. The whole building is of hewn ftone ; which, in fuch a de~ lert, muft have coft prodigious expence and pains. Near this chapel iffues a fountain of very good frefh water • it is looked upon as miraculous by fome who cannot con¬ ceive how water can flow from the brow of fe high and arren a mountain. Five or fix paces from ft they fhow a ftone, the height of which is four or five feet, and brdth ST thT> whlch> they fay, is the very ftone whence Mofes caufed the water to gufh out. Its co- loiir is ofa {potted grey, and it is as it were fet in a kind of earth, where no-other rock appears. This ftone has 12 holes or channels, which are about a foot wide, to diilk?811' the Water came f0rth for If- r ir ■ -1— 6 wanuciings ux toe i iraentes from thefe writings, that Dr Clayton bifhop ofClogher o je.e . 500 Sterling to defray the expences of jour¬ ney to any man of letters who would undertake to co- py them. No man, we believe, undertook this tafk • and . the accurate Danifh traveller Niebuhr found no writings there but the names of perfons who had vifited the place from curiofity, and of Egyptians who had chofen to be buried in that region. S1NAPIS, Mustard, in botany: A genus of plants belonging to the clafs of tetradynamia, and to the or¬ der 01 JtUquofa ; and in the natural fyftem ranged under the 39th order, Siliquof*. The calyx confifts of four expanding ftrap-fhaped deciduous leaves; the ungues or bates of the petals are ftraight ; two glandules between ie fhorter ftamma and piftillum, alfo between the longer and .the calyx. There are 17 fpecies ; the arven- ’ 0rieTaIlS; brafficata’ a}ba’ pyrenaica, pubef- ’ ^ 2. The nigra, or common muftard, which is fiyquent- ly found grmying naturally in many parts of Britain-, but is alfo cultivated in fields for the feed, of which I ra v’^ 16 made- Th’S Hfes w,‘th 3 are £eg ih]kyfour Z five feet hi£h 5 the lower leaves lar e, rough, and very like thofe of turnip ; the aS r^ir6 fma?er and lef* ia^ed* The flowers are imaH, yellow, and grow m fpiked clufters at the end of the branches; they have four petals placed in form poiCr° 5 and ^ fuGCeedGd b7 fmooth four-cornered 3. The arvenfis, grows naturally on arable land in many parts of Britain. The feed of this is commonly foxd under the Utk of Durham mujlard-feed. Of this there are two varieties-, if not diftiifa fpeoies; the one two foeUt KrJWlth entlVe kaves- The rife aZed 5 lhe,Ieaves are rough5 ^ the one they are info? ll!i? tu™1P-leaves 5 ^ the other they are long and entire. I he flowers arc yellow ; the pods are- tumid angular, and have long, beaks. ^ * theZrZ !,,y itS acr'mony and pungency, ftimulates defeZdl attenU?ef v;fdd juices; and hence Hands dfoeftfon7 reC°mmendGd f“' .editing appetite, affifting digeftion, promoting the fluid fecretions,- and for the imnarrtPU>P°fen 0t tbe acnd Pbmts called antifcorbutic. It mparts its tafte and fmell in perfoAfon to aqueous li- S;°of “d ^ dl,ftiUati0n ™l‘ “at" -1 effe™w oil Of great acrimony. J o reftified fpirit its fi f th gtve out very little either of their fmell of tafte S ub! jefted to the prefs, they yield a confiderable quantity of imld mfipzd oil, which is as free from acrimony asThat of SIN [51 ffm of almonds. They are applied aa an external (llmulant to I r benumbed or paralytic limbs; to parts affedled with fixed ^ ‘ ^ rheumatic pains ; and to the foies of the feet, in the low ftage of acute difeafes, for raifing the pulfe ; in -this intention, a mixture of equal parts of the powdered feeds and crumb of bread, with the addition fometimes *>f a little bruifed garlic, are made into acataplafm with a fufficient quantity of vinegar. SINAPISM, in pharmacy, an external medicine, in form of a cataplafm, compofed chiefly of muftard-feed pulverized, and other ingredients mentioned in the pre- 1 ceding article. SINCERITY, honefty of intention, freedom from hypocrify. See Moral Philosophy, n° 1 ^7. SINCIPUT, in anatomy, the forepart of the head, reaching from the forehead to the coronal future. SINDY, a province of Plindoitan Proper, bounded on the weft by Makran, a province oi Perfia ; on the north by the territories of the king ©f Candahar ; on the north-eaft by thofe of the Seiks ; on the eaft by A fandy defert; and on the fouth-eaft by Cuteh. It ex¬ tends along the conrfe of the river Sinde or Indus from its mouth to Behker or Bhakor, on the frontiers of Moultan. Reckoned that way, it is 300 miles long ; and its breadth, in its wideft part, is about 160. In many particulars of foil and climate, and in the general appearance of the furface, Sindy refembles Egypt; the lower part of it being compofed of rich vegetable mould, and extended into a wide dell; while the upper part of it is a narrow flip of country, confined on one fide by a ridge of mountains, and on the other by a fandy defert, the river Indus, equal at leaft to the Nile, winding through the midft of this level valley, and annually overflowing it. During great part of the fouth-weft monfoon, or at leaft in the months of July, Auguft, and part of September, winch is the rainy feafon in molt other yarns of India, the atmofphere is here generally clouded ; but no rain falls except very near the fea. In¬ deed, very few fhowers fall during the whole year ; owing to which, and the neighbourhood of the fandy deferts, which bound it on the eaft and on the north- weft, the heats are fo violent, and the winds from thofe quarters fo pernicious, that the houfes are contrived fo as to be occafionally ventilated by means of apertures on the tops of them, refembling the funnels of fmall chimneys. When the hot winds prevail, the windows are clofely (hut ; and the loweft part of the current of air, which is always the botteft, being thus exclu¬ ded, a cooler, becaufe more elevated, part defeends into the houfe through the funnels. By this contrivance alfo vaft clouds of duft are excluded ; the entrance of which would alone be fufScient to render the houfes un¬ inhabitable. The roofs are compofed of thick layers of earth inftead of terraces. Few countries are more unwholefome to European conftitutions, particularly the lower part of the Delta. The prince of this pro¬ vince is a Mahometan, tributary to the king of Can¬ dahar. He refides at Hydrabad, although Tatta is the capital. The Hindoos, who were the original inhabi* tantsof Sindy, are by their M^rometan governors treat¬ ed with great rigour, and denied the public exercife of their religion ; and this feverity drives vaft numbers of them into other countries. The inland parts of Sindy produce faltpetre, fal-ammoniac, borax, bezoar, lapis la- 0 ] .SIN zuli, and raw filk. They have alfo manufa&ories of cotton and filk of various kind’s; and they make fine cabinets, inlaid with ivory, and finely lackered. They alio export great quantities of butter, clarified and wrapt up in duppas, made of the hides of cattle. The ladies wear hoops of ivory on both their arms and legs, which when they die are burnt with them. They have large black cattle, excellent mutton, and fmall hardy horles. Their wild game arc deer, hares, antelopes, and foxes, which they hunt with dogs, leopards, and a fmall fierce creature called a fhiahgufh. SINE, or Right Sine of an Arch, in trigonometry, is a right line drawn from one end of that arch, perpen¬ dicular to the radius drawn to the other end of the arch ; being always equal to half the cord of twice the arch. See Trigonometry and G-eometry. SINECURE, a nominal office, which has a revenue without any employment. SINEW, a tendon, that which unites the mufcles to the hones. SINGING, the aftion of making divers infledlions of the voice, agreeable to the ear, and correfpondent to the notes of a long or piece of melody. See Me¬ lody. The firft thing to be done in learning to nng, is to raife a fcale of notes by tones and femitones to an oc¬ tave, and defeend by the fame notes; and then to rife and fall by greater intervals, as a third, fourth, fifth, &c. and to do all this by notes of different pitch. Then thefe notes are reprefented by lines and fpaces, to which the fyllables /b, Jo!, la, mi, are applied, and the pupil taught to name each line and fpace thereby ; whence this praSHce is czlAedi fol-faing, the nature, reafon, effects, &c. whereof, fee under the article Solfaing. Singing of Birds. It is worthy of obfervation, that the female of no fpecies of birds ever fings : with birds it is the reverfe of what occurs in human kind. Among the feathered tribe, all the cares of life fall to the lot of the tender fex; theirs is the fatigue of incubation ; and the principal fhare in nurfing the helplels brool: to al¬ leviate thefe fatigues, and to fupport her under them, nature hath given to the male the fong, with all the little blandifhments and foothing arts; theie he fondly exerts (even after courtfhip) on lome fpray contiguous to the neft, during the time his mate is performing her parental duties. But that fhe fhould be filent is alfo another wife provifxon of nature, for her fong would difeover her neft; as would a gaudinefs of plumage, which, for the fame reafon, feems to have been denied her. On the fong of birds feveral curious experiments and obfervations have been made by the Hon. Daines Bar¬ rington. See Phil. Pranf. vol. Ixiii. SINGULAR number, in grammar, that number of nouns and verbs which {lands oppofed to plural. See Grammar, n* 14. SINISTER, fomething on ®r towards the left hand. Hence fome derive the word fimjler, a finendo ; becaufe the gods, by fuch auguries, permit us to proceed in our deligns. Sinister, is ordinarily ufed among us for unlucky; though, in the facred rites of divination, the Romans ufed it in an oppofite fenfe. Thus avis finijlra, or a bird 8ir.ifler I! fjipontuni ' SIP [ 5I m law of the 12 tables) j4ve Jtnyiv<3 popul'i Tnagtjler — Sinister, m heraldry. The finlfter fide of an ef. cutcheon is the left-hand fide ; the fiififter chief, the left angle of the chief; the finifter bafe, the left-hand part a11 the poets agree that he was punifh- ed in iartarus for his crimes, by rolling a great itone to the top of a hill, which conftantly recoiled, and, rolling down inceffantly, renewed his labour. SISYRINCHIUM, in botany; A genus of plants belonging to the clafs of gynandria, and order oftrian- dna; and in the natural fyftem ranged under the 6th or¬ der, EnfaU. The fpatha is diphyllous ; there are 6 plane petals. The capfule is trilocular and inferior liii re 3re tWO ^eaes’ t^ie bermudiana and palmifo- SITE, denotes the fituation of an houfe, See. and fometimes the ground-plot or fpot of earth it {lands on. SITTA Nuthatch, in ornithology : A genus be- longing to the clafs of aves, and order of piece. It is thus charafterized by Dr Latham. The bill is for the / ,, , moft part ftraight ; on the lower mandible there is a olnnZL fmall angle; noftnls fmall, covered with briftles rcfleft-,?.v, vol. if. cd over them; tongue (hort, horny at the end, jagged j toes placed three forward and one backward • 3T the S I V [514] S I u Sitea the middle toe. joined clofely at the bafe to both .it the outmoll; back toe as large as the middle one.-- Jg1 Ya~ , There are 11 fpecies : the europsea, canadenfis, caroli- nenfis, jainaicenfis, pufilla, major, naevia, furinamenhs, cafra, longiroftra, and chloris. The europaea, or nut¬ hatch, is in length near five inches three-quarters, in breadth nine inches; the bill is ftrong and ftraight, about three-quarters of an inch long ; the upper man¬ dible black, the lower white : the irides are hazel ; the crown of the head, back, and coverts of the wings, of a fine bluifh grey ; a black ftroke paffes over the eye from the mouth : the cheeks and chin are white ; the breaft and belly of a dull orange-colour; the qu:ll--featbers dulky ; the wings underneath are marked with two fpots, one white at the root of the exterior quills, the other black at the joint of the baftard-wing ; the tail con fills of twelve feathers ; the two middle are grey, the two exterior feathers tipt with grey ; then fucceeds a tranfverfe white fpot ; beneath that the reft is black : the legs are of a pale yellow ; the back toe very ftrong, and the claws large. The fe - ’ ■ :s like the male, but kfs in fize, and weighs commonly 5 or at molt 6 drams. The e.jos are fix or feven in number, of a dirty white, dotted with rufous; thefe are depofited in fome hole of a tree, frequently one which has been deferted by a woodpecker, on the rotten wood mixed with a little mofs, &c. If the entrance be too large, the bird nice¬ ly flops up part of it with clay, leaving only a fmall hole for itfelf to pafs in and out by. While the hen is fitting, if any one puts a bit of Hick into the hole, (he hilfes like a lhake, and is fo attached to her eggs, that fhe will fooner fuffer any one to pluck off her feathers than fly away. During the time of incubation, the male fupplies her with fuftenance, with all the tendernefs of an affeftionate mate. The bird runs up and down the bodies of trees, like the woodpecker tribe ; and feeds not only on infcdls, but nuts, of which it lays up a confiderable provifion in the hollows of trees. “ It is a pretty fight, fays Mr Willoughby, to fee her fetch a nut out of her hoard, place it tall in a chink, and then, Handing above it with its head downwards, linking it with all its force, break the {hell, and catch up the kernel. It is fuppofed not to fleep perched on a twig like other birds ; for when confined in a cage, it prefers ffeeping in a hole or cor¬ ner. When at reft it keeps the head down. In autumn it begins to make a chattering noife, being filent for the greateft part of the year.’> Dr Plott tells us, that this bird, by putting its bill into a crack in the bough of a tree, can make fuch a violent found as if it was rending afimder, fo that the noife may be heard at leaft twelve fcore yards. SITOPHYLAX,S'T(>?>vx«S;}formedfrom “corn,” and pvxaf, “ keeper,” in antiquity, an Athenian magi' ftrate, who had the fuperintendence of the corn, and was to take care that nobody bought more than was ne- ceffary for the provifion of his family. By the Attic laws, particular perfons were prohibited from buying more than fifty meafures of wheat a man; and that fuch perfons might not purchafe more, the fitophylax was appointed to fee the laws properly executed. It was a capital crime to prevaricate in it. There were 15 of thefe Jitophylaces, ten for the city, and live for the Pi- leseus. SIVA, a name given by the Hindoos to the Supreme Being, v;hen confidered as the avenger or deftroyer. Sir S va, William Jones has fhown that in feveral refpefts the cha- , Slum- rafter of Jupiter and Siva are the fame. As Jupiter Aftuth overthrew the Titans and giants, fo did Siva overthrowy^,,*/^. the Daityas, or children of Diti, who frequently rebel¬ led again!! Heaven ; and as during the conteft the god of Olympus was furnilhed with lightning and thunder¬ bolts by an eagle, fo Brahma, who is fometimes repre- fented riding on the Garuda, or eagle, prefented the god of deftruftion with fiery fhafts. Siva alio corre- fponds ’with the Stygian Jove, or Pinto ; for, if we can rely on a Perfian tranflation of the BlvSgavat, the fove- reign of Patala, or the infernal regions, is the king of ferpents, named Sefhanaga, who is exhibited in painting and fculpture, with a diadem and feeptre, in the lame manner as Pluto. There is yet another attribute of Siva, or Mahadeva, by which he is viftbly diftinguiihed in the drawings and temples of Bengal. 'To deftroy, ac¬ cording to the Vedantis of India, the Sufis of Pcrfia, and many philofophers of our European fchools, is only to generate and reproduce in another form. Plence the god of deftruftion is holden in this country to prefide over generation, as a fymbol of which he rides on a white bull. Can we doubt that the loves and feats of Jupiter Genitor (not forgetting the white bull of Europa), and his extraordinary title of J^apis, for which no fatisfac- tory reafon is commonly given, have a connection with the Indian philofophy and mythology ? SIUM, Water Parsnep, in botany: A genus of plants belonging to the clals of pentandria, and order of digynia, and in the natural fyllem ranging under the 45th order, Umbe/Iala. The fruit is a little ovated, and llreaked. The involucrum is polyphyllous, and the pe¬ tals are heart-lhaped. There are 12 Ipecies ; the lati- foltum, anguftifolium, nodiflorum, fifarum, ninfi, rtgi- dius, japonicum, falearica, graecum, fi&iilum, repens, and decumbens. The three firft are natives of Britain. 1. The latifolium, or great water-parinep, which grows fpontaneoufly in many places both of England and Scot¬ land on the fidcs of lakes, ponds, and rivulets. The llalk is ereft and furrowed, a yard high or more. The leaves are pinnated with three or four pair of large el¬ liptic pinnae, with an odd one at the end, all ferrated on the edges. The ftalk and branches are terminated, with ereft umbels, which is the chief charafteriftic of the fpecies Cattle are laid to have run mad by leed- ing upon this plant. 2. The angu/l'tfolium, or narrdw- leaved water-parlnep, has pinnated leaves ; the axillary umbels are pedunculated, and the general involucrum is pinnatifid. It grows in ditches and rivulets, but is not common. 3. The nodifiorum, reclining water-parinep, has pinnated leaves, but the axillary umbels are leffile. It grows on the lides of rivulets. The/hm\fifarum, or fkirret, is a native of China, but has been for a long time cultivated in Europe, and particu¬ larly in Germany. The root is a bunch of flelhy fibres,, each of which is about as thick as a finger, but very un¬ even, covered with a w’hitxfh rough bark, and has a hard core or pith running thro’ the centre. From the crown of this bunch comefeveral winged leaves, conliftingof two or three pair of oblong dentated lobes each, and termina¬ ted by an odd one. The ftalk rifes to about two feet, is fet with leaves at the joints, and breaks into branches towards the top, each terminating with an umbel of fmall white flowers, which are fucceeded by ftriatesl 2 feedi. Sixtuv S I Sa cVrks feeds like thofe of parfley. parfneps of any of the eicnlent roots, both for flavour , and nutritive qualities. They are rather fweeter than the parfnep, and therefore to fome few palates are not altogether fo agreeable. Mr Margraaf extradfed from l lb. of flcirret root tr¬ ounces of pure fugar. SIX-Clerks, officers in chancery of great account, next in degree below the twelve maflers, whofe bulinefs is to inrol commiffions, pardons, patents, warrants, &c. which pafs the great feal, and to tranfadl and file all proceedings by bill, anfwer, &c. They were anciently c/er'tct, and forfeited their places, if they married ; but when the conflitution of the court began to alter, a law was made to permit them to marry. Stat. 14. and 15. Hen. VIII. cap. 8. They are alfo folicitors for parties in luits depending in the court of chancery. Under them are 6 deputies and 60 clerks, who, with the under clerks, do the bufinefs of the office. SIX Nations. See Niagara. SIXTH, in mufic, one of the fimple original con¬ cords, or harmonical intervals. See Interval. SIXTUS V. (Pope), was born the 13th December 1521, in La Marca, a village in the feigniory of Mont- «dto. His father, Francis Peretti, was a gardener, and his mother a fervant maid. H.e was their elddt child, and was called Felix. At the age of nine he was hired out to an inhabitant of the village t« keep ffieep ; but difobliging his matter, he wasjlfoon after -degraded to be keeper of the hogs. He was en¬ gaged in this employment when Father Michael An¬ gelo Selleri, a Fnmcifcan friar, allied the road to Af- celi, where he was going to preach. Young Felix conducted him thither, and ftruck the father fo much with his converfation and eagernefs for knowledge, that he recommended him to the fraternity to which he had come. Accordingly he was received among them, in- vefied with the habit of a lay brother, and placed un¬ der the facrifian, to affift in fvveeping the church, lighting the candles, and other offices of that nature ; for which he was to be taught the refponfes, and the rudiments of grammar. His progrefs in learning was fo furprifing, that at the age of 14 he Was thought qualified to be¬ gin his noviciate, and was admitted the year following to make his profeffion. He purfued his ftudies with fuch unwearied affiduity, that he was foon reckoned equal to the bell difputants. He was ordained prieft in 1545, when he affirmed the name of Father Montalto ; foon after he took his doc¬ tor’s degree, and was appointed profefibr of theology at Sienna. It was then that he fo effedtually recom¬ mended himfelf to Cardinal di Carpi, and his fecretary Boffins, that they ever remained his ficady friends. Meanwhile the feverity and obftinacy of his temper inceflantly engaged him in difputes with his monar- t?c brethren. His reputation for eloquence, which was now fpread over Italy, about this time gain¬ ed him fome new friends. Among thefe were the Colonna family, and Father Ghililieri, by whofe recom¬ mendation he was appointed inquiiitor-general at Ve¬ nice ; but he exercifed that office with fo much feveri- ty, that he was obliged to flee precipitately from that city. Upon this he went to Rome, where he was made procurator-general of his order, and foon after accom¬ panied Cardinal Euon Compagnon into Spain, as a x - [ 515 J SIX' Skirrets come nearetl to chaplain and confultor to the inquifitiort. There he was treated with great refpetl, and liberal offers were ' made him to induce him to continue in Spain, which, however, he could not be prevailed bn to accept. In the mean time, news were brought to Madrid that Pius IV. was dead, and that Father Ghifilieri, who had been made Cardinal Alexandrine by Paul IV. had fucceeded him under the name of Pius V. Thefe tidings filled Montalto with joy, and not without rea- fon, for he was immediately invefted by the pontiff with new dignities. He was made general of his order, bi- fliop of St Agatha, was foon after railed to the digni¬ ty of cardinal, and received a penfion. About this time he was employed by the Pope to draw up the bill of excommunication againfl Queen Elizabeth. He began now to call his eyes upon the papacy; and, in order to obtain it, formed and executed a plan of hypocrify with unparalleled conflancy and fuccefs. He became humble, patient, and affable. He changed his drefs, his air, his words, and his afkions, fo com¬ pletely, that his mod intimate friends declared him a new man. Never was there fuch an abfolute vic¬ tory gained over the paffions ; never was a fi&itious character fo long maintained, nor the foibles of human nature fo artfully concealed. He courted the ambaffa- dors of every foreign power, but attached himfelf to the interefts of none} nor did he accept a fingle favour that would have laid him under any peculiar obligation. He had formerly treated his relations with the greateft tendernefs, but he now changed his behaviour altoge¬ ther. When his brother Anthony came to vifit him, he lodged him in an inn, and fent him home next day, charging him to inform his family that he was now dead to his relations and the world. When Pius V. died in 1572, he entered the conclave with the other cardinals, but feemed altogether indiffe¬ rent about the elebtion, and never left his apartment ex¬ cept to his devotion. When folicited to join any party, he declined it, declaring that he was of no confequence, and that he would leave the choice of a Pope entirely to perfons of greater knowledge and experience. When Cardinal Boon Compagnon, who affumed the name of Gregory XIII. was elebted, Montalto affured him that he never wilhed for any thing fo much in his life, and that he would always remember his goodnefs, and the favours he had conferred on him in Spain. But the new Pope treated him with the greateft: contempt, and deprived him of his penfion. The cardinals alfo, de¬ ceived^ by his artifices, paid him no greater refpebt, and ufed to call him, by way of ridicule, the Roman beaft ; the afs of La Marca. He now aflumed all the infirmities of old age ; his head hung down upon his fhoulders} he tottered as he walked, and fupported himfelf on a llaff. Plis voice became feeble, and was often interrupted by a cough lo exceedingly fevere, that it feemed every moment to threaten his diflolution. He interfered in no public tranfablions, but fpent his whole time in abts of devo¬ tion and benevolence. Mean time he conftantly em¬ ployed the able ft fpies, who brought him intelligence of every particular. When Gregory XIII. died in 1585, he entered the conclave with the greateft relublance, and immediately fluit himfelf up in his chamber, and was no more thought of than if he had not exiited. When he went 3 2 to SixtUfC SIX [51 Sixuip. to mafs, for which purpofe alone he left his apartment, he aopeared perfeftly indifferent about the event of the eletfion. He joined no party, yet flattered all. He knew early that there would be great divifions in the conclave, and he was aware that when the leaders of the different parties were difappointed in their own views, they all frequently agreed in the eledtion of fomc old and infirm cardinal, the length of whofe life would merely enable them to prepare themfelves fufficiently for the next vacancy. Thefe views directed his conduct, nor was he miftaken in his hopes of fuccefs. Three cardinals, the leaders of oppolite factions, be¬ ing unable to procure the election which each of them wifhed, unanimoufly agreed to make choice of Mont- alto. When they came to acquaint him with their in¬ tention, he fell into fuch a violent fit of coughing that every perfon thought he would expire on the fpot. He told them that his reign wrould lafl but a few days ; that, beiides a continual difficulty of breathing, he wanted (Irength to fupport fuch a weight, and that his fmall experience rendered him very unfit for fo impor¬ tant a charge. He conjured them all three not to abandon him, but to take the whole weight of affairs upon their own fhouldcrs ; and declared that he would never accept the mitre upon any other terms : “ If you are refolved,” added he, “ to make me Pope,, it will only be placing yourfelves on the throne. For my part, I fhall be fatisfied with the bare title. Let the world call me Pope, and I make you heartily welcome to the power and authority. The cardinals fvvallowed the bait, and exerted themfelves fo effectually that Montalto was eledted. He now pulled off the mafic which he had worn for 14 years. No fooner was his election fecured, than he flarted from his feat, flung down his ftaff in the middle of the hall, and appeared almoft a foot taller than he had done for feveral years. When he was afked, according tacuflom, if he would accept of the Papacy, he replied, “ It is trifling to afk whether I will accept what I have already accepted.— However, to fatisfy any fcruple that may arife, I tell you that I accept it with great pleafure, and would ac¬ cept another if I could get it; for I find myfelf able, by the Divine affiftance, to manage two papacies.” His former complaifance and humility difappeared, together with his infirmities, and he now treated all around him with referve and haughtinefs. The firft care of Six¬ tus V. the name which Montalto aflumed, was to cor- rett the abufes, and put a flop to the enormities, which were daily committed in every part of the ecclefiaftical Hate. The lenity of Gregory’s government had intro¬ duced a general licentioufnefs of manners, which burfl forth with great violence, after that Pontiff’s death. It had been ufual with former Popes to releafe delin¬ quents on the day of their coronation, who were there¬ fore accuflomed to furrender themfelves voluntary pri- foners immediately after the election of the Pape. At prefent, however, they were fatally difappointed.— When the governor of Rome and the keeper of St Angelo waited on hi^ Holinefs, to know his intention in this particular, he replied,. “ What have you to do with pardons, and releafing of prifoners ?. Is it not fuf- ficient that our predeceffor has fuffered the judges to remain unemployed thefe 13 years? Shall we alfo ftain our pontificate with the fame negleft of juflice ? We have too.kmg feers, with inexpreliible concern, the prodh 6 ] six gious degree of wickednefs that reigns in the ftate to Sixtu*. think of granting pardons. Let the prifoners be brought to a fpeedy trial, and punifhed as they deferve, to fhow the world that Divine Providence has called us to the chair of St Peter, to reward the good, and chaftife the wicked; that we bear not the fword in vain, but are the minifters of God, and a revenger to execute wrath on them that do evil.” He appointed commifiioners to infpett the condmfl of the judges, difplaced thofe who were inclined to le- nicy, and put others of fevere difpolitions in their room. He offered rewards to any perfon who could convict them of corruption or partiality. He ordered the fyn- dics of all the towns and figniories to make out a com¬ plete lift of the diforderly perfons within their diftrids, and threatened the flrapado for the fmallefl omiffion. In confequence of this edid, the fyndic of Albino was fcourged in the market-place, becaufe he had left his nephew, an incorrigible libertine, out ot his lift. He made very fevere laws againft robbers and affaf- fins. Adulterers, when difeovered, fuffered death; and they .who willingly fubmitted to the proftitution of their wives, a cuftom then common in Rome, received the fame punifhment. He was particularly careful of the purity of the female fex, and never forgave thofe who attempted to debauch them. His execution of juftice was as prompt as his edids were rigorous... A Swifs happening to give a Spaiufh gentleman a blow with his halberd, was ftruck by him fo rudely with a pilgrim’s ftaff that he expired on the fpot. Sixtus informed the governor of Rome that he was to dine early, and that juftice mull be executed on the cri¬ minal before he fat down to table.. The Spanifh am- bafl'ador and four cardinals intreated him not to dif- grace the gentleman by fuffering him to die on a gib¬ bet, but to order him to be beheaded. “ He firail be hanged (replied Sixtus), but I will alleviate his difgrace by doing him the honour to afliit perfonally at his death.” He ordered a gibbet to be ereded before his own windows, where he continued fitting during the whole execution. He then called to his fervants to bring in dinner, declaring that the ad of juftice which he had juft feen had increafed his appetite. When hs rofe from table, he exclaimed, “ God be praifed for the good appetite with which I have dined!” When Sixtus afeended the throne, the whole ecclefi- aftical ftate was infefted with bands of robbers, who, from their numbers and outrages, were exceedingly for¬ midable ; by his prudent and vigorous condudt, how¬ ever, lie in a fhort time extirpated the whole of thefe banditti. Nor was the vigour of his condud lefs confpicuous, in his tranfadions with foreign nations. Before he had been pope two months he quarrelled with Philip II. of Spain, Henry ILL of France, and Henry king of Na¬ varre. His intrigues indeed in fome meafure influenced all the councils of Europe. After his acceffion to the pontificate he fent for his family to Rome, with exprefa orders that they fhould appear in a decent and modeft manner. Accordingly, his filler Camilla came thither, accompanied by her daughter and two grandchildren. Some cardinals, in. order to pay court to the pope, went out to meet her, and introduced her in a very magnificent drefs. Six¬ tus pretended not to know her, and afked two or three times s 1 x r 5*7 ] S I Z Upon this one ®f the cardinals faid, favour which had been conferred on him before His ex- altation. Sixtus, times who fhe was . —V—' “ It is your filler, holy father.” “ I have but one li¬ fter (replied Sixtus with a frown), and (he is a poor woman at Le Grotte ; if you have introduced her in this difguife, I declare I do not know her; yet I think I would know her again, if I faw her in the clothes Ihe ttfed to wear.” Her condu&ors at laft found it neceflary to carry her to an inn, and ftrip her of her finery. When Ca¬ milla was introduced a fecond time, Sixtus embraced her tenderly, and laid, “ Now we know indeed that it is our filler: nobody lhall make a princefs of you but ourfelves.” He ilipulated with his filler, that Ihe Ihould neither afk any favour in matters of government, nor intercede for criminals, nor interfere in the admini- ftration of jullice ; declaring that every requell of that kind would meet with a certain refufal. Thefe terms being agreed to, and pun&ually obferved, he made the molt ample provifion not only for Camilla but for his whole relations. This great man was alfo an encourager oflearning. He earned an Italian tranflation of the Bible to be pub¬ lished, which raifed a good deal of difeontent among the Catholics. When fome cardinals reproached him for his condudt in this refpeCl, he replied, “ It was publifhed for the benefit of you cardinals who cannot read Latin.” Sixtus died in 1590, after having reigned little more than five years. His death was aferibed to poifon, faid to have been adminillered by the Spaniards; but the ftory feems rather improbable. It was to the indulgence of a difpofition naturally formed for feverity, that all the defeds of this wonder¬ ful man are to be aferibed. Clemency was a llranger to his bofom ; his punilhments wer* often too cruel, and feemed fometimes to border on revenge. Pafquin was drefied one morning in a very nafiy Ihirt, and being allied by Martorio why he wore fuch dirty linen ? replied, that he could get no other, for the pope had made his walherwoman a princefs, alluding to Camilla, who had formerly been a laundrefs. The pope ordered ftrid fearch to be made for the author of this lampoon, and offered him his life and a thoufand piltoles if he would difeover himfelf. The author was fimple enough to make his appearance and claim the reward. “ It is true (faid the pope) we made fuch a promife, and we lhall keep it; your life lhall be fpared, and you lhall re¬ ceive the money prefently : but we have referved to. ourfelves the power of cutting off your hands and bo¬ ring your tongue through, to prevent your being fo witty for the future.” It is needlefs to add, that the fentence was immediately executed. This, however, is the only inftanee of his refenting the many fevere fa- tires that were publifiied againft him. But though the condudt of Sixtus feldom excites love, it generally commands our efteem, and fometimes our admiration.. He ftrenuoully defended the caufe of the .poor, the widow, and the orphan he never refufed. audience to the injured, however wretched or forlorn their appearance was. He never forgave thofe magi- ftiates who were capable of partiality or corruption nor fuffered crimes to pafs unpunilhed, whether commit¬ ted by the rich or the poor. He was frugal, tempe¬ rate, fober, and never negleded to reward the fmalleft; When he mounted the throne, the treafury was not only exhaufted, but in debt: at his death it con- tamed hve millions of gold. Rome was indebted to him for feveral of her great- eft embelhfhments, particularly the Vatican library • it was by urn, too that trade was firft introduced into- the Lcclefiaftical State. SIYA;Ghush, the caracal of Buffon, an. animal of the cat kind. See Felis, n' xviii. u or.^,ZER> ,n Latin Sizator, an appellation by which the loweft order of ftudents in the univerfi- ties of Cambridge and Dublin are diftinguifhed, is de- rived from the word Jzt, which in Cambridge, and probably in Dublin likewife, has a peculiar meaning. lojize, in the language of the univerfity, is to get any fort of vnftuals rrom the kitchens, which the ftu- dents may want, in their own rooms, or in addition to their commons in the hall, and for which they pay the cooks or butchers at the end of each quarter. A iize of any thing is the fmallefl quantity of that thing which can be thus bought: two fizes, or a part of beef, beW nearJy equal to what a young perfou will eat of that ; u \°c and a flze of aIe or beer being equal to half an Enghfii pint. ° ^ The fizars are divided into two daffes, viz. fubfiza- tores or fizars, and fizatores or proper fizars. The former of thefe are fupplied with commons from the table of the fellows and follow-commoners ; and in for¬ mer times, when thefe were more fcanty than they are now, they were obliged to fupply the deficiency by ft. znig, as is fometimes the cafe itill. The proper fizars had formerly no commons at all, and were therefore obliged to fize the whole. In St John’s- college they have now fome commons allowed them for dinner, from a benefadion, but they are flill obliged to iize ‘heir fuppers : in the other colleges they are allowed a part oi the fellow-commons, but mult fize the reft • and from being thus obliged to fize the whole or part' of their victuals, the whole order derived the name of jizars. In Oxford, the order fimilar to that of fizar is deno- minated Jervitor, a name evidently derived from the me¬ nial duties which they perform. In both univeriities thefe orders were formerly dillinguifhed by round caps and. gowns of different materials from thofe of the penfioners or commoners, the order immediately above them. But about 30 years ago the round cap was entirely abolilhed in both feminanes. There is Hill, however, in Oxford, we beheve, a ^Hindion in the gowns, and there is alfo a trifling difference in. fome of the fmall colleges in. Cambridge ; but m the large colleges the drefs of the penfioners. and lizars is entirely the lame In Oxford, the fervitors are Hill obliged to wait at table on the follows and gendesnen-commoners : but much to the credit of the univerfity of Cambridge, this, molt degrading and disgraceful cuitom was entirely abohlhed about . 10 or 12 years ago, and of courfe the lizars ol Cambridge are now on a much more relpeft- able footing than the lervitors of Oxford, ^ 1 he fizars are not upon the foundation, and there- fore while they continue hears are not capable of be. mg defted fellows, but they may at an, time, it tney 4 chooli Siya ghufli • Sizar. S I z C 5‘B ] SKA choofcj become peniioners : and they generally fit for fcholarfhips immediately before they take their tirft de¬ gree. If fuccefsful, they are then on the founda¬ tion, and are entitled to become candidates for fellow- fhips when they have got that degree. In the mean time, while they continue fizars, befides free commons they enjoy many benefactions, which have been made at different times, under the name offvzar’s prxtor, ex¬ hibitions, &c. and the rate of tuition, the rent of rooms, and other things of that fort within their refpedtive col¬ leges, is lefs than to the other orders. But tho’ their edu¬ cation is thus obtained at a lefs expence, they are not now confidered as a menial order; for lizars, penfioner-fcho- lars, and even fometimes fellow-commoners, mix toge¬ ther with the utmoft cordiality. It is worthy of re¬ mark, that at every period this order has fupplied the univerfity with its moft diftiaguiihed officers ; and that many of the moft illuftrious members of the church, many of the moft diftinguifhed men in the other libe¬ ral profeffions, have, when under-graduates, been fi¬ zars, when that order was on a lefs refpedtable footing than it is now. SIZE, the name of an inftrument ufed for finding the bignefs of fine round pearls. It confifts of thin pieces or leaves, about two inches long, and half an inch broad, faftened together at one end by a rivet. In each of thefe are round holes drilled of different dia¬ meters. Thofe in the firft leaf ferve for meafuring pearls from half a grain to fevdn grains ; thofe of the fecond, for pearls from eight grains or two carats to five carats, &c.; and thofe of the third, for pearls from fix carats and a half to eight carats and a half. Size, is alfo a fort of paint, varnifh, or glue, ufed by painters, &c The (hreds and parings ef leather, parchment, or vellum, being boiled in water and drained, make fize. This fubftance is much ufed in many trades.—The manner of ufing fize is to melt fome of it over a gentle fire ; and feraping as much whiting into it as will juft colour it, let them be well incorporated together ; af¬ ter which you may whiten frames, &c. with it. After it dries, melt the flze again, and put more whiting, and whiten the frames, &c. (even or eight times, let¬ ting it dry between each timfe : but-^before it is quite dry, between each wafhing with fize, you muft fmoothe and wet it over with a clean brufh-pencil in fait water. To make gold-tize. Take gum-animi and afphal- tum, of each one ounce ; minium, litharge of gold, and amber, of each half an ounce i- reduce all into a very fine powder, and add to them four ounces of lin- leed-oil, and eight ounces of drying oil: digeft them over a gentle lire that does not flame, fo that the mixture may only fimmer, but not boil; left it fhould run over and fet the houfe on fire, ftir it con- ftantly with a flick till all the ingredients are dif- folved and incorporated, and do not leave off ftirring till it becomes thick and ropy ; after being Efficiently boiled, let it ftand till it is almoft cold, and then ftrain it through a coarfe linen cloth, and keep it for life.—To prepare it for working, put what quantity you pleafe in a horfe-msfcle fhell, adding as much oil of turpentine as will diffolve it; and making it as thin as the bottom of your feed-lac varnifh, hold it over a candle, and then ftrain it through a linen-rag into ano¬ ther fhell j add to thefe as much vermilion as will make it of a darkifh red : if it is too thick for drawing, you may thin it with fome oil of turpentine. The chief ufe of this fize is for laying on metals. The heft gold-fize for burnifhing is made as follows: Take fine bole, what quantity yrou pleafe ; grind it finely on a piece of marble, then ferape into it a little beefluet; grind all well together ; after which mix in a fmall proportion of parchment-fize with a double pro¬ portion of water, and it is done. To make filver-fize. Take tobacco-pipe clay in fine powder, into which ferape fome black-lead and a little Genoa foap, and grind them all together with parch¬ ment fize as already direfted. SKATING, an exercife on ice, both graceful and healthy. Although the ancients were remarkable for their dexterity in moft of the athletic fports, yet flea- ting feems to have been unknown to them. It may therefore be confidered as a modern invention; and pro¬ bably it derived its origin in Holland, where it was praftifed, not only as a graceful and elegant amufement, but as an expeditious mode of travelling when the lakes and canals were frozen up during winter. In Holland long journeys are made upon fkates with eafe and expe¬ dition ; but in general lefs Attention is there paid to graceful and elegant movements, than to the expedition and celerity of what is czWtd journey Jkating. It is on¬ ly in thofe countries wherfe it is confidered as an amufe¬ ment, that its graceful attitudes and movements can be ftudied ; and there is no exercife whatever better calcu¬ lated to fet off the human figure to advantage. The acquirement of moft exercifes may be attained at an ad¬ vanced period of life ; but to become an expert fkater, it is neceffary to begin the practice of the art at a very early age. It is difficult to reduce the art of flea- ting to a fyftem. It is principally by the imitation of a good Heater that a young praftitioner can form his own practice. The Englifh, though often remarkable for feats of agility upon fkates, are very deficient in gracefulnefs; which is partly owing to the conftruc- tion of the fkates. They are too much curved in the furface which embraces the ice, confequently they involuntarily bring the uiers of them round on the out- fide upon a quick and fmall circle ; whereas the fkater, by ufing fkates of a different conftruftion, lefs curved, has the command of his ftroke, and can enlarge or di- minifh the circle according to his own wifli and defire. The metropolis of Scotland has produced more inftances of elegant Heaters than perhaps any other country whatever; and the inftitution of a Skating Club about 40 years ago, has contributed not a little to the im¬ provement of this elegant amufement. We are indebt¬ ed for this article to a gentleman of that Club, who has made the practice and improvement of fixating his particular ftudy ; and as the nature of our work -will not permit the infertion of a full treatife on Heating, we lhall prefent our readers with a few inftrudtions. Thofe who wifh to be proficients fhould begin at an early period of life ; and fhould fitft endeavour to throw off the fear which always attends the commencement of an apparently hazardous amufement. They will foon ac¬ quire a facility of moving on the infide ; when they have done this, they muft endeavour to acquire the movement on the outfde of the fkates; which is nothing more than throwing themfelves upon the outer edgeof the fleate, and making the balance of their body tend towards that Sksting. S K E [ 5' STtafin?. fide, which will necefTarily enable them to form a fe- Skel^w;>, micurcle. In this, much affiftance may be derived from placing a bag of lead-fhot in the pocket next to the foot employed in making the outfide ftroke, which will produce an artificial poife of the body, which after¬ wards will become natural by practice. At the com¬ mencement of the outfide ftroke, the knee of the em¬ ployed limb ftiould be a little bended, and gradually brought to a rectilineal petition when the ftroke is com¬ pleted. When the practitioner becomes expert in form¬ ing the femicircle with both feet, he is then to join them together, and proceed progreffively and alternate¬ ly with both feet, which will cany him forward with a graceful tnovement. Care fhould be taken to ufe very little mufcular exertion, for the impelling mo¬ tion^ fhould proceed from the mechanical impulfe of the body thrown into fuch a oofition as to regulate the ftroke. At taking the outfide ftrokc, the body ought to be thrown forward eaiily, the unemployed limb kept in a dh eft line with the body, and the face and eyes direClly looking forward : the unemployed foot ought to be fb etched towards the ice, with the toes in a di- red line with the leg. In the time of making the curve, the body mutt be gradually, and almoft imperceptibly, railed, and the unemployed limb brought in the fame mannei forward ; fo that, at finishing the curve, the bo¬ dy will bend a (mail degree backward, and the unem¬ ployed foot will be about two inches before the other, ready to embrace the ice and form a correfpondent curve. The mufcular movement of the whole body muft covrefpond with the movement of the fkate, and fhould be regulated fo as to be almoft imperceptible to the fpedators. Particular, attention fhould be paid in carrying round the head and eyes with a regular and imperceptible motion ; for nothing fo much diminifhes the grace and elegance of Heating as fudden jerks and exertions, which are too frequently ufed by the ge¬ nerality of Heaters. . I he management of the arms like- wne deferves attention. There is no mode of difpofinw o: them more gracefully in Heating outfide, than folding the hands into each other, or ufmg a muff. There are various feats of adivity and manoeuvres uted upon fleates ; but they are fo various that we can- -»ot pietend to detail them. Moving on the outfide is the primary objeft for a Heater to attain ; and when he becomes an adept in that, he will ealily acquire a fa- eihty in executing other branches of the art. There are few excrcifes but will afford him hints of elegant and graceful attitudes. For example, nothing can be more beautiful than the attitude of drawing the bow and arrow whilft the fkater is making a large circle on the outfide : the manual exercife and military falutes have like wife a pretty effedl when ufed by an expert &ater. r SKELETON, in anatomy, the dried bones of any animal joined together by wires, or by the natural liga¬ ment dried, in fuch a manner as to fhow their pofition when the creature was alive. . We have> the Philofophical Tranfaftions, an ac- ,mint of a human Hceleton, all the bones of winch were io united, as to make but one articulation from the back to the os facrum, and downwards a little way. On iawing iome of them, where they were unnaturally joined, they were found not to cohere throughout their whole fubftance, but only about a fixth of an inch deep 9 1 SKY all round. The figure of the trunk was crooked, the Skids fpinje making the convex, and the infide of the verte- II bne the concave part of the fegment. The whole had , Sky‘ been found in a chargel-houfe, and was of the fize of a full grown perfon. SKIDS, or SKtEns, in fea-language, are long com- paffing pieces of timber, notched below fo as to fit clofely upon the wales, extending from the main-wale to the top Oi the fide, and retained in this pofition by bolts or fpike-nails. J hey are intended for preferving the planks of the fide, wdien any heavy body is hoifted or lowered. • SKIE (Ifie of). , See Sky. SKIbF, a finall boat refembliiig a yawl, ufually erm* ployed for paffing rivers. SKIMMER, black. See Shearbill. SKIMMIA, in botany: A genus of the tnonogynid order, belonging to the tetrandria clafs of plants ; and in the natural method ranking under the 40th order, Perfonat*. The calyx is quadripartite ; the corolla con lifts of four concave petals j and the berry contains four feeds. There is only one fpecies, viz. the Jaba- nica. r SKIN, in anatomy, the genera! covering of the body of any animal. See Anatomy, n° 74. Skin, in commerce, is particularly ufed for the mem¬ brane fti ipped off the animal to be prepared by the tan¬ ner, fidnner, parchment-maker, &c. and converted into leather, See. See Tanning. . SKINNER (Stephen), an Englift antiquarian, bom in 1622. He travelled, and Itudied in feveral foreign univerfities during the civil wars; and in 16^4, return¬ ed and fettled at Lincoln, where he pra&ifed phyfic with fuccefs until the year 1667, when he died of a malignant fever. His works were collected in folio in 1671, by Mr Henfhaw, under the title oi Etymologic on lAngu/t Anglicana, See. SKIPPER, or Saury, a fpecies of E sox, which fee. SKIRMISH, in war, a flight engagement between fmall parties, without any regular order ; and is there¬ fore eafily diftinguifhed from a battle, which is a general engagement between two armies continued for iome time. SK.iJLL, in anatomy, the bony cafe in which the brain is inclofed. See Anatomy, n° ii. Sec. SKur.r.-Cap. See Scutellaria. SK\, the blue expanfe of air or atmofphere. For the reafon of its blue colour and concave figure fee Optics. 0 ’ Sky, one of the greateft of the Weftern Iflands of ocotland, fo called from Skianach^ which in the Erfe dialect fignifies winged, becaufe the two promontories of Vakrnefs and Troternifh, by which it is bounded on the north-well and north-eaft, are fuppofed to refemble wings. The Hand lies between the fhire of Rofs and the weftern part of Lewis. According to the computa¬ tion of Mr Pennant, Dr Johnfon, and Dr Campbell, it is 60 miles in length, and nearly the fame in width where broadeft ; according to others it 1V50 miles in length, and m fome places 30 broad. The ifiand of Sky is di¬ vided between two proprietors; the fouthern part be¬ longs to the laird of Macleod, faid to be lineally de- feended from Leod fon to the black prince of Man ° the northern diltrid, or barony of Troternifh is the property of Lord Macdonald,, whofe anceftor was Do¬ nald.v SKY C 520 1 SKY ^7. nald, king or lord of the Ifles, and chief of the nume- rous clan of Macdonalds, who are counted the moft warlike of all the Higlilanders. Sky is part of the (hire of Invernefs, and formerly belonged to the diocefe of the Ifles: on the fouth it is parted from the main land by a channel three leagues in breadth ; tho’, at the ferry of Glenelly, it is fo narrow that a man may be heard calling for the boat from one fide to the other. Sky is well provided with a variety of excellent bays and harbours. 1 he face of the country is roughened with moun¬ tains, lome of which are fo high as to be covered with fnow on the top at midfummcr^ in general, their fides are clothed v/ith heath and grafs, which afford good pafturage for flieep and black cattle. Between the mountains there are fome fertile valleys, and the greater part of the land towards the fea-coaft is plain and arable. The ifland is well watered with a great num¬ ber of rivers, above 30 of which afford falmon ; and fome of them produce black mufcles in which pearls are bred, particularly the rivers Kilmartin and Ord: Martin was affured by the proprietor of the former, that a pearl hath been found in it valued at 20 1. Ster¬ ling. Here is alfo a confiderable number of frefh- water lakes well ftored with trout and eels. The largeft of thefe lakes takes its denomination from St Colum- ba, to whom is dedicated a chapel that (lands upon a fmall ifle in the middle of the lake. Sky likewife af¬ fords feveral cataradts, that roar down the rocks with great impetuofity. That the ifland has been formerly covered with woods, appears from the large trunks of fir and other trees daily dug out of the bogs and peat- marfhes in every part of this country. From the height of the hills, and proximity of the .Account of fea, the air feldom continues long of the fame tempera- ScotlanJ, ture . fometimes it is dry, oftener moifl, and in the lat- f I4®VI *er en^ w’nter aHd beginning of fpring cold and pier¬ cing ; at an average, three days in twelve throughout the year fcarcely free from rain, far lefs from clouds. Th'efe, attra&ed by the hills, fometimes break in ufeful and refrefhtng fhowers; at other times fuddenly burft- ing, pour down their contents with tremendous noife, in impetuous torrents that deluge the plains below, and render the fmalleft rivulet impaflable ; which, together with the ftormy winds fo common in this country in the months of Auguft and September, frequently blall the hopes, and difappoint the expe&ations, of the hu- fbandman. Snow has been often known to lie on the ground from three to feven weeks ; and on the higheft bills, even in the middle of June, fome fpots of it are to be feen. To this various temperature of the air, and uncertainty of weather, the fevers and agues, head- achs, rheumatifms, colds, and dyfenteries, which are the prevailing diftempers, may be aferibed. That k is far, however, from being unwholefome, is fufficiently evin¬ ced by experience ; for the inhabitants are, in gene¬ ral, as ftrong and healthy, and arrive at as advanced an age, as thofe who live in milder climates, and under a ferener iky. The gout is fcarcely known in this ifland. The foil is generally black, though it likewife affords clay of different colours; fuch as white, red, and blue, and in fome places fuller’s earth. It is, however, much lefs adapted for agriculture than for paflure, and fel- dom, .unkfs in very good years, fupplies itfelf with a fuf- ficiency of provifiona. Yet, though the foil is not ve* ry fertile or rich, it might with proper management be made to produce more plentiful crops. But the gene¬ rality of the f armers are fo prejudiced in favour of old cuftoms, and indeed fo little inclined to induftry, that they will not eafily be prevailed on to change them for better ; efpecially if the alteration or amendment propofed be attended with expence. Therefore, with refpedl to improvements in agriculture, they are Hill much in the fame Hate as they were 20 or 30 years ago. Ploughs, on a new and improved model, that in comparifon to the advantages derived from them might be had at a moderate expence, have lately been intro¬ duced into feveral diflri&s around, where their good ef- fe&s are manifeft, in improving the crops and diminifh- ing the labour of man and bead ; but the laird of Raa- fay and one other gentleman are the only perfons in Portree that have ufed them. The cafcroim, a crooked kind of fpade, is almoft the only inftrument for labouring the ground ufed among the ordinary clafs of tenants. The average crops of corn are 800c bolls. When Mr Knox viflted this ifland in i'786, the number of inhabitants amounted to 15,000 : but fome gentlemen who refided there affirmed there were 16,000. It is divided into eight parifhes, in each of which there is a fchool, befides three charity-fchools in different places. The minerals found here are lead and iron ore, which, however, have never been wrought to any ad¬ vantage. Near the village of Sartle, the natives find black and white marcafites, and variegated pebbles. The Applefglen, in the neighbourhood of Loch fallart, produces beautiful agates of different fizes and colours: ftones of a purple hue are, after great rains, found in the rivulets: cryftal, of different colours and forms, abounds in feveral parts of the ifland, as well as black and white marble, free-ftone, lime-ftone, and talc: fmall red and white coral is found on the fouthern and weftern coafts in great abundance. The fuel confifls chiefly of peat and turf, which are impregnated with iron ore and faltpetre; and coal has been difeovered in feveral di« ftrifts. The wuld birds of all forts moft common in the coun¬ try are, lolan geefe, gulls, cormorants, cranes, wild gtefe, and wdld ducks ; eagles, crows, ravens, rooks, cuc¬ koos, rails, woodcocks, moor-fowl, partridges, plover, wild pigeons, and blackbirds, owls, hawks, fnipes, and a variety of fmall birds. In mild feafons, the cuckoo and rail appear in the latter end of April ; the former difappears always before the end of June; the latter fometimes not till September. The woodcock comes in Odlober, and frequently remains till March. The tame forts of fowl are geefe, ducks, turkeys, cocks, pul¬ lets, and tame pigeons. The black cattle are here expofed to all the rigours of the fevere winter, without any other provender than the tops of the heath and the alga marina ; fo that they appear like mere fkeletons in the fpring ; though, as the grafs grows up, they foon become plump and juicy, the beef being fweet, tender, and finely interlarded.— The amphibious animals are feals and otters. Among the reptiles they reckon vipers, afps, weafels, frogs, toads, and three different kinds of ferpents ; the firft fpotted black and white, and very poifonous; the fecond yel- SKY [ 1 **'1**. brown fpots j and the third of a brown co- towers, beacons, IoUr, the imalleft and leaft poifonous. Whales and cairbans, or 1'un-fifh, come in fometimes to the founds after their prey, but are rarely purfued with any fuccefs. The fifties commonly caught on the coaft are herrings, ling, cod, fcate, haddock, mackerel, lythe, fye, and dog-fifti. The average price of ling at home is L. 13, 13 s. per ton ; when fold, one by one, if frefti, the price is from 3 d. to 5 d. ; if cured, from 5 d. to yd. _ The barrel of herrings feldom fells under 19 s. which is owing to the great difficulty of procuring fait, even fometimes at any price ; and the fame caufe pre¬ vents many from taking more than are fufficient for their own ufe. Phe kyle of Scalpe teems with oyfters, in fuch a man¬ ner, that after fome fpring-tides, 20 horfe-loads of them are left upon the fands. Near the village of Bern- ftill, the beach yields mufcles fufficiem. to maintain 60 perfons per day ; this providential fupply helps to fup- port many poor families in times of fcarcity. The people are ftrong, robuft, healthy, and prolific. They generally profefs the Proteftant religion ; are ho- nelt, brave, innocent, and hofpitable. They fpeak the language, v/ear the habit, and obfexve the cuftoms that are common to all ^he Hebrides. The meconium in new-born infants is purged away with frefti butter : the children are bathed every morning and evening in wa¬ ter, and grow up fo ftrong, that a child of 10 months is able to walk alone : they never wear fiioes or ftock- ings before the age of eight or ten, ami night-caps are hardly known ; they keep their feet always wet; they he on beds of ftraw or heath, which laft is an excellent reftorative : they are quick of apprehenfion, ingenious, and very much addi&ed to mufic and poetry/ They eat heartily of. fifh ; hut feldom regale themfelves with fieih-meat: their.ordinary food con lifts of butter, cheefe, milk, potatoes, celewort, brochan, and a difh called oon, which indeed is no other than the froth of boiled milk or whey raifed with a flick like that ufed in ma¬ king chocolate. A fort of coarfe woollen cloth called cloa, or cad. does, the manufafttire of their wives, made into fhort jackets and troufers, is the common drefs of the men. The plulibeg is rarely worn, except in fummer and on Sundays; on which days, and fome other occafions, thofe in better circumftances appear in tartans, a bonnet, and •fhort hofe, and fome in a hat, fhort coat, waiftcoat, and breeches, of Scotch or Englifh manufa&ure. The women are in general very cfeanly, and fo exceffively fond of drefs, that many maid-fervants are often known to lay out their whole wages that way. There are two fairs held annually at Portree, to which almoft every part of Sky fends cattle. The firft i_s held m the end of May, and the fecond in the end of The fair commanly continues from Wednefday ^ r 1 j ?atur i very common in the north parts of Kngland, and is uted in mofl places for the covering of houfes. T here are other (pecies of this Hate, viz. the brownifh blue friable fteganium, ufually called coal-Jlate; the greyifh black friable fteganium, commonly called Jhiver; and the greyifh blue fparkling fteganium. 4. The friable, alu¬ minous, black fteganium, being the Irifh flate of the flfcps : this is compofed of a multitude of thin flakes, laid very evenly and regularly over one another, and fplits very regularly at the commiftures of them. It is common in many parts of Ireland, and is found in fome places in England always lying near the furface in very thick ft rata. In medicine it is ufed in hemorrhagies of all kinds with fuccefs, and is taken often as a good me¬ dicine in fevers. The ifland of Eufdale, one of the Hebrides on the weft ccaft of Scotland, is entirely compofed of flate. The ftratum is 36 feet thick. About two millions and a half, at the rate of twenty (hillings per thoufand, are fold annually to England, Canada, the Weft Indies, and Norway. SLAVE. See Slavery. 1 SLAVERY is a word, of which though generally fioed^ e"underftood, it is not eafy to give a proper definition. An excellent moral writer has defined it to be “ an ob¬ ligation to labour for the benefit of the mailer, without the contraft or confent of the fervant.” But may not he be properly called a flave who has given up his freedom to difeharge a debt which he could not otherwife pay, or who has thrown it away at a game of hazard ? In ma¬ ny nations, debts have been legally difeharged in this manner'; and in fome lavage tribes, fuch is the univerfal ardour for gaming, that it is no uncommon thing for a man, after having loft at play all his other property, to flake, on a fingle throw of dice, himfelf, his wife, and his children (A ). That perfons who have thus loft their liberty are flaves, will hardly be denied; and furely the infatuated gamefter is a (lave by his own contraft. The debtor, too, if he was aware of the law, and con- tradted debts larger than he could reafonably expeft to be able to pay, may juftly be confidered as having come under an obligation to labour for the benefit of a mailer. with his own confent; for every man is anfwerable for all the known confequences of his voluntary a&ions. This definition of flavery feems to be defeftive as well as inaccurate. A man may be under an obligation to labour through life for the benefit of a mafter, and yet that mafter have no right to difpofe of him by fale, or Stave’T in any other way to make him the property of a third ■"•v*"'* perfon ; but the word Jlave, as ufed among us, always denotes a perfon who may be bought and fold like a bead in the market (b). In its original ienfe, indeed, it was of the fame import with noble, illujlnous ; but vaft numbers of the people among whom it had that fignification being, in the decline of the Roman empire, fold by their countrymen to the Venetians, and by them difperfed over all Europe, the word Jlave came to de¬ note a perfon in the lowed (late of lervitude, who was confidered as the ablblute property of his mafter. See Philology, n° 220. 4 As nothing can be more evident than that all men Inequalities have, by the law of nature, an equal right to life, liber-ofra^iri- ty, and the produce of their own labour (fee Right,1'v‘u c“ n0 5.), it is not eafy to conceive what can have firft led one part of them to imagine that they had a right to enflave another. Inequalities of rank are indeed in¬ evitable in civil fociety ; and from them refults that fer- vitude which is founded in contrafl, and is of tempo¬ rary duration. (See Moral Philosophy, n°i4i.) He who has much property has many things to attend to, and mud be difpofed to hire perfons to aflift and ferve him ; while thole who have little or no property rauft be equally willing to be hired for that purpofe. And if the mafter be kind, and the fervant faithful, they will both be happier in this connedlion than they could have been out of it. But from a date of fervitude, where the flave is at the abfolute difpofal of his mafter in all things, and may be transferred without his own confent from one proprietor to another, like an ox or an afs, happi- nefs mud be for ever baniftied. How then came a traf¬ fic fo unnatural and unjuft as that of flaves to be origi¬ nally introduced into the world ? The common anfwer to this queftion is, that it took its rife among favages, who, in their frequent wars with each other, either maffacred their captives in cold blood, or condemned them to perpetual flavery. In fupport of this opinion we have heard it obferved, that the Latin word fervus, which fignifies not a hired fervant, but a . Jlave, \s derived from fervare," to preferve;” and that fuch men were called fervi, becaufe they were captives, whofe lives were preferved on the condition of their becoming the property of the vi&or. That flavery had its origin from vyar, we think ex-0rjgfn o{ tremely probable (c), nor are we inclined to controvertflavery. this etymology of the word fervus ; but the traffic in men prevailed almoft univerfally long before the Latin * lan- (a) Aleam (quod mirere) fobrii inter feria exercent, tanta lucrandi perdendive temeritatc, ut cum omnia de- fecerunt, estremo ac noviffimo ja&u de libertate et corpore contendant. Vnftus voluntanam iervitutem adit; quamvis junior, quamvis robuftior, alligari fe ac venire patitur.—Tacitus de Mor. Germ. The favages of North America are equally addidted to gaming with the ancient Germans, and the negroes on the Slave Coaft of Guinea perhaps ftill more. .. c (b) The Roman orator’s definition of flavery. Farad. V. is as accurate as any that we have feen. Serv.tus eft obedientia fradli animi et abjeai et arbitrio carentis fuo ;” whether the unhapppy perfon fell into that (late with or without his own contraft or confent. (c) In the article Society, the reader will find another account of.the origin of flavery, which we think like- wife probable, though we have not transferred it to this place ; as it would, in our opinion, be wrong to g^e to one writer what we know to belong to another. It may be proper, however, to obferve here, that between the two articles there is no contradiction, as barbarous wars were certainly one fource 01 ilavery. SLA Slavery, language or Roman name was heard of; and there is ■"‘■'v ' no good evidence that it began among favages. The word *Gy, ir the Old Teltament, which in our verlion is rendered fervant, fignifies literally a JIave, either bora in the family or bought with money, in contradiftinc- [ 523 1 S I, A » Gem 4- captives. Trior to the tion to TDtt', which denotes a hired fervant: and as Noah deluge. makes ufe of the word in the curfe which he de¬ nounces upon Ham and Canaan immediately after the deluge, it would appear that flavery had its origin be¬ fore that event. If fo, there can be little doubt but that it began among thofe violent perfons whom our tranflators have called giants *, though the original word erte) literally fignifies ajfauIters of others. Thofe wretches feem firft to have feized upon women, whom they forcibly compelled to minifter to their pleafures ; and from this kind of violence the progrefs was natural to that by which they enflaved their weaker brethren among the men, obliging them to labour for their bene- S ht, without allowing them fee or reward. Wmreden- After the deluge the firft dealer in Haves feems fiaved his to have been Nimrod. “ He began,” we are told, “ to be a mighty one in the earth, and was a mighty hunter before the Lord.” He could not, however, be the firft hunter of wild beafts ; for that fpecies of hunt¬ ing muft have been pratfiied from the beginning ; nor is it probable that his dexterity in the chafe, which was then the univerfal employment, could have been fo far luperior to that of all his contemporaries, as to en¬ title him to the appellation of the “ the mighty hunter before the Lord.” Hence moft commentators have concluded, that he was a hunter of men ; an opinion which they think receives fome countenance from the import of his name, the word Nimrod fignifying a re¬ bel. Whatever be in this, there can be little doubt but that he became a mighty one by violence; for being the fixth fon of his father, and apparently much young¬ er than the other five, it is not likely that his inheri¬ tance exceeded theirs either in extent or in population. He enlarged it, however, by conqueft ; for it appears from Scripture, that he invaded the territories of A ilmr the fon of Shem, who had fettled in Shinar; and obli¬ ging him to remove into Aflyria, he feized upon Ba¬ bylon, and made it the capital of the firft kingdom in the world. As he had great projedts in view, it feems to be in a high degree probable that he made bond- fervants of the captives whom he took in his wars, and employed them in building or repairing the metropolis of his kingdom ; and hence we think is to be dated the origin of poftdeluvian flavery. . • That it began thus early'can hardly be queftioned ; Abraham!* f°r Wt? knOW that k Prevailed univerfally in the age of Abraham, who was born within feventy years after the death of Nimrod. That patriarch had three hundred and eighteen fer-vants or Haves, born in his own houfe, and trained to arms, with whom he purfued and con- t Gen x' 14* early begun among the patriarchs defeended to their if r4 poftenty, is known to every attentive reader of thexxx.43.’ 4‘ Bibky It was exprefsly authorifed by the Jewifh law, 7 in which are many direaions how fuch fervants were to ^athorifed be treated. They were to be bought only of the hea- ^ic lawl0* then ; for if an ifraelite grew poor and fold himfelf ei¬ ther to difeharge a debt, or to procure the means of fubfiftence, he was to be treated not as a flave “Ciq but as a hired fervant Tau-, and r.eftored to freedom at the year of Jubilee. “ Both thy bond men and thy bond¬ maids (fays Mofes) flrall be of the heathen that are round about you : of them fhall ye buy bond-men and bond-maids. And ye fhall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a pof- fellion ; they fuall be your bond-men for ever |j.” Un- II Lev- hmited as the power thus given to the Hebrew's over 39, 4°» 44» their bond-fervants of heathen extradion appears to45’ have been, they were llriAly prohibited from acquiring fuch property by any other means than fair purchafe? “ he that Jiealeth a man and felleth him,” faid their great lawgiver, “ fhall furely be put to death $.” * § Lev. xxL Whilft flavery, in a mild form, w'as permitted among l6' the people of God, a much worfe kind of it prevailed SDrea8dover among the heathen nations of antiquity. With other Se whole abominable cuftoms, the traffic in men quickly fpread world, from Chaldea into Egypt, Arabia, and over all the eaft, and by degrees found its way into every known region under heaven(d). r Of tfrfs hateful commerce w'e fhall not attempt to trace ’-.the progiefs thro’ every age and country, but fhali con- 3 ^ 2 tent vi>) If credit be due to a late account of China, the people of that vaft empire have never made merchandife of men 01 women i he exception, however, is fo Angular, that we flrould be glad to fee it better authenticated * fen il is apparent from works of the moft undoubted credit, that over all the other eaftern countries with which we are acquainted flavery has prevailed from time immemorial, and that forae of the Indian nations nutp 1 journeys into Africa for the foie purpofe of buying Haves. °nS make Ion- Slavery. 9 Slavery 3- tnong the Greeks and * JuJHn. Jib. lii. cap. 4. t et Arrian. Beattie's .Moral Science, vol, ii. SLA tent ourfelves with taking a tranfient view of it among the Greeks and Romans, and a fewother nations, in wh ji'e cuftdms and manners our readersTnuft be intereited. One can hardly read a book of the Iliad or Odyffey, without perceiving that, in the age of Homer, all prifoners of war were liable to be treated as Haves, and compelled, without regard to their rank, fex, or years, to labour for their mailers in offices of the vileft drudgery. So univerfally was this cruel treatment of captives admitted to be the right of the vidtor, that the ooet introduces Hedtor, in the very adt of taking a tender and perhaps laft farewell of his wife, when it was furely his bufinels to afford her every confolation in bis power, telling her, as a thing of courfe which could not be concealed, that, on the conqueft of Troy, fhe would be compelled To bear the vidtor’s hard commands, or bring The weight of water from Hyperia’s fpring (e). Pope. At that early period, the Phoenicians, and probably the Greeks themlelves, had fuch an eftabliihed commerce in jflaves, that, not fatisfied with reducing to bondage their prifoners of war, they fcrupled not to kidnap in cold blood perfons who had never kindled their refentraent, in order to fupply their foreign markets. In the 14th book of the Odyffey, Ulyffes reprefents himfelf as ha¬ ving narrowly efcaped a fnare of this kind laid for him by a falfe Phoenician, who had doomed the hero to Li¬ byan flavery : and as the whole narrative, in which this circumftance is told, is an artful fidlion, intended to have the appearance of truth to an Ithacan peafant, the pradtice of kidnapping Haves could not then have ap¬ peared incredible to any inhabitant of that iHand. Such were the manners of the Greeks in the heroic age; nor were they much improved in this refpedl at periods of greater refinement. Philip of Macedon ha¬ ving conquered the Thebans, not only fold his captives, but even took money for permitting the dead to be bu¬ ried *; and Alexander, who had more generoiity than Philip, afterwards razed the city of Thebes, and fold the inhabitants, men, women, and children, for Havesf. This cruel treatment of a brave people may indeed be fuppofed to have proceeded, in the firft inftance, from the avarice of the conqueror; and in the fecond, from the momentary refentment of a man who was favage and gene¬ rous by turns, and who had no command of his paffions. We fhall not pofitively affign it to other caufes; but from the manner in which the Spartans behaved to their Haves, there is little reafon to imagine that had they re¬ ceived from the Thebans the fame provocation with A- lexander, they would have treated their captives with greater lenity., “ At Sparta (fays a humane and ele¬ gant writer) Haves were treated with a degree of ri¬ gour that is hardly conceivable; although to them, as their hufbandmen and artificers, their proud and idle mailers were indebted for all the neceffaries of life. The Lacedemonian youth, trained up in the practice of de¬ ceiving and butchering thole poor men, were from time SLA them, in order to fhow their pro- Slavery, and maffacre. And once, without and merely tor their own amufement, we are told that they murdered three thoufand in one night, not only with the connivance of law, but by its a- vowed permiffion. Such, in promoting the happinefs of one part of fociety and the virtue of another, are the effefts of flavery.” It has been laid, that in Athens and Rome Haves were better treated than in Sparta : but in the former city their treatment cannot have been good, nor their lives comfortable, where the Athenians reliffied that tragedy of Euripides in which Hecuba, the wife of Priam, is introduced as lamenting that fhe was chained like a dog at Agamemnon’s gate ! Of the eflimation R^ans, in which Haves were held in Rome, we may form a to¬ lerable notion from the well known fadl, that one of thole unhappy beings was often chained at the gate of a great man’s houie, to give admittance to the guefts invited to a feaft*. In the early periods of the common- * Kama's wealth it was cuftomary, in certain facred fhews exhi- ^kcU^e,‘ bited on folemn occalions, to drag through the circus a Have, who had been fcourged to death holding in his hand a fork in the form of a gibbet-j-. But we need f Cicero d* not multiply proofs of the cruelty of the Romans to their Haves. If the inhuman combats of the gladiators caP* (fee Gladiators) admit of any apology on account of the martial fpirit with which they were thought to infpire the fpeftators, the condpdl of Vedius Pollio muft have proceeded from the m@il wanton and brutal’ cruelty. This man, who flourilhed not in the earlieft. periods of the republic, when the Romans were little better than a favage banditti, but in the polifhed age of Auguftus, frequently threw fuch Haves as gave him the flightefl offence into his fiffi-ponds to fatten his lam¬ preys ; and yet he was fuffered to die in peace ! The emperor, indeed, upon coming to the knowledge of his cruelty, ordered his lampreys to be deftroyed, and his ponds to be filled up ; but we do not recolleA that any other punifhment was inflicted on the favage mailer. Till the reign of the fame emperor the depofitions of Haves were never admitted in the courts of judicature ; and then they were received only when perlons were ac- cufedof treafonable. praftices. ir The origin of flavery in Rome was the fame as iti-Origin of every other country. Prifoners ot war were of courfe Roman reduced to that Hate, as if they had been criminals. The^avetJl‘* di&ator Camillus, one of the moil aceomplilhed gene¬ rals of the republic, fold his Hetrurian captives to pay the Roman ladies for the jewels which they had pre- fented to Apollo. Fabius, whofe cautious condudl fa- ved his country when Hannibal was victorious in Italy, having fubdued Tarentum, reduced 30,000 of the citi¬ zens to flavery, and fold them to the highell bidder. Co- riolanus, when driven from Rome, and fighting for the Volfci, fcrupled not to make Haves of his own country¬ men ; and Julius Caefar, among whofe faults wanton cruelty I 1 to time let loofe upon ficiency in ftratagem any provocation, (e) In thofe early times drawing water was the office of the meanell Haves. This appears from Jolhua’s curfe upon the Gibeonites who had deceived him.—“ Now therefore ye are curfed, and there ffiall none of you be freed from being bond-men, and hewers of wood, and drawers of water, for the houfe of my God.” To this Hate of bondage Homer makes HeClor fay, that Andromache would necejfari/y be brought upon the dellruClion of Troy ; rpahpti T lib* vi. Slavery- S L A [52^] SLA i4ps:~i= sssiasas dlfcharged the fum they owed : and in Ae beginning the empire itfelf had fallen to pieces S It has already been obferved, that among the ancient Slavery a* Oermans it was not uncommon for an ardent gamefter mon& ^ to lofe his perfonal liberty by a throw of the dice. Thisancknt was indeed a ftrong proof of lavage manners ; but the GenuaC:}> general condition of Haves among thofe favages feems to have been much better than among the polifhed Greeks ditor (g). The confequence was, that the number of attached"t^the fod^anTonTyEmployed ^aulhTc^ Haves belonging to the rich Patricians was almolt incre- tie, and carrying on the bulmefs of arr • 1 g r4' d,ble. Cams Csecilms I.idorus, who died about feveu the’ menial oL! oT^j formed by his wife and children. Such Haves were fel- dom beaten, or chained, or imprifoned. Sometimes in¬ deed they were killed by their mafters in a fit of Hid¬ den pafiion ; but none were confidered as materials of commerce, except thofe who had originally been free¬ men, and loft their freedom byplay. Thefe, indeed, the iuccefsful gamefter was very ready to fell, both bc- caufe he felt them an ufelefs burden, and becaufe their preknee continually put him in mind of that ftate to- which a throw of the dice might one day reduce him- ’ 7 *.*■>***. i v. 1 - difeharged the fum they owed . of the commonwealth they were authorifed to fell fuch debtors, and even to put them to death (f). The chil¬ dren of Haves were the property not of the common¬ wealth, or of their own parents, but of their mafters ; and thus was flavery perpetuated in the families of fuch unhappy men as fell into that ftate, whether through the chance of war or the cruelty of a fordid ere- x» Its dura¬ tion. dible. years before the Chriftian era, left to his heirs 4116 Haves ; and if any one of thole wretched creatures made an unluccefsful attempt to regain his liberty, or was even fufpedted of fuch a defign, he was marked on the forehead with a red hot iron (h). In Sicily, during the moll flourilhing periods of the commonwealth, it feems to have been cuftomary for mafters to mark their Haves in this manner; at leaft we know that fuch was the pra&ice of Damophilus, who, not fatisfied with this fecurity, {hut up his Haves every night in clofe prifons, and ltd them out like beads in the morning to their daily labour in the field. Hence arofe the feivile war in Sicily. Though many laws were enaded by Auguftus and other patriotic emperors to diminilh the power of cre¬ ditors over their infolvent debtors ; though the influence of the mild Ipirit of Chriftianity tended much to meli¬ orate the condition of Haves, even under Pagan matters and though the emperor Adrian made it capital to kill Such is the account which Tacitus gives t of flavery t P* MZr, among the ancient Germans. The Anglo-Saxons, how- G:;rm' a*' ever, after they were fettled in this ifland Teem not to*5" hf^5r!ed. °" that traffic ^ honourably. Bya ttatute of Alfred the Great f, the purchafe of a man, a horfe, f- mikhs'* oranoiv, without a voucher to warrant the fale, was ColUahn of itnctly forbidden. That law was, doubtlefs, enacted to prevent theJlmling of men and cattle; but it {hows H^ryllT us forllkh .0 the fum jufti {unto. Pott dein manum endojacito—Vincito ant nervo a re^ufcluc Jure jiidicatis, triginti dies and the trial pafled, let there be thirty days of forbearance • afte11 “ |Yhen the dcbt is confefTed, a cord or fetters.” After the thirty days^eL expfre;^ hands on him ; bind him either with to the pnetor, who delivered him over to the mercy of’his credito^ tW T d^chla.rged the dtbt’ he was kd for the {pace of fixty days. Afterwards for three marketV V f ^ him and ^ ^ chains bunal of the praetor ; then a public crier proclaimed in the f )S ^ the debtor was brought to the tri- It often happed, tha' rich perfons redded the prifoL by p^ytl It debt, but 7' half of the debtor after the third market-dav the creditor l • \ b 1 f nobody appeared in be- kw. « TeWis nundinis capite pmnas datY ant trans ? be ti * punifliments appointed by the third market-day be puuifhed „i?h ^ 4 ^ they were allowed, in confequence of this fevere kv/ r,, h a u V , thtre were feveral creditors, Ihare it among them in proportion to the Him which’they demanded^' 7 °r ^ Prif°ner Int° feveral Part£> and ( g) 1 his is evident from the ftory of Appius and Virginia. See Romp n° t t , m^rpSKa^dut^^^ TH, tr rfz s rir feme time with what he earned by his daily labour. At length fcompIVof’foid2"'1 ^ f"1’?“rt,:d h!m for approaching the cave, the faithful Have, alarmed « the dMW 1*3^ if fitF TT* “f- “<* rng upon a poor peafant, killed him in their prefence and cut off h,IT J • ’ fo!,ow^ thcm dofc, and fall, my mafter for the marks with which he has branded me ” The fr !H’ CaC f C1.^in'\0ut’ “ X am now revenged on **>had ^swd ^ ‘o ^ f ^ sind f Karnes's Sietcbes, liook i. ikctch 5. rS ; Scotland. S L A r 5 Slavery. U9 that To late as the ninth or tenth century a man, v " when fairly purchafed, was, in England, as much the In England ProPerty l^e buyer as the horfe on which he rode, or the ox wdiich dragged his plough. In the fame country, now fo nobly tenacious of freedom and the rights of man, a fpecies of llavery limilar to that which prevailed among the ancient Germans fubfifted even to the end of the fixteenth-century. This appears from a commiflion iffued by Queen Elizabeth in 1574, for in¬ quiring into the lands and goods of all her bond-mtn and bond-women in the counties of Cornwall, Devon, Somer- fet,and Gloucefter, in order to compound with them for their manumiiTion, that they might enjoy their lands and goods as freemen ||. In Scotland there certainly exifted an order of flavec or bond-men, who tilled the ground, were attached to the foil, and with it were transferable from one proprietor to another, at a period fo late as the thirteenth century; but when or how thofe villains, as they were called, obtained their free¬ dom, feems to be unknown to every lawyer and antiqua- ry of the prefent day. Coalliers and falters were,on the fame country, Haves till little more than 20 years ago, that they were manumitted by an aft of the Britidi legifla- ture, and reftored to the rights of freemen and citizens. Before that period the fons of coalliers could follow no bufinefs but that of their fathers; nor were they at li¬ berty to feek employment in any other mines than thofe to which they were attached by birth, without the co»n- fent of the lord ©f the manor, who, if he had no ufe for their fervices himfelf, transferred them by a written deed to feme neighbouring proprietor. That the favage nations of Africa were at any period of hiibory exempted from this opprobrium of our nature which fpread over ail the reft of the world, the enligh¬ tened reader wall not fuppofe. It is indeed in that vaft country that flavery has in every age appeared in its ug- lieft form. We have already obferved, that'about the era of the Trojan war, a commerce in Haves w^as carried on between Phoenicia and Lybia : and the Carthaginians, who were a colony of Phoenicians, and revered the cuf- toms, manners, and religion of their parent ftate, un¬ doubtedly continued the Tyrian traffic in human flefh with the interior tribes of Africa. Of this we might reft affured, .although we had no other evidence of the faft than what refults from the praftice of human fa- crifices fo prevalent in the republic of Carthage. The genuine inftinfts of nature are often fubdued by dire fuperftition, but they cannot be wholly eradicated*; and the rich Carthaginian, when a human viftim was demanded from him to the gods, would be ready to fupply the place of his own child by the fon of a poor ftranger, perfidiouHy pufehafed at whatever price. That this was, indeed, a very common praftice among them, we learn from the teftimony of various hiftorians *, who affure us, that when Agathocles the tyrant of Syracufe had overthrown their generals Hanno and Bomilcar, and threatened Carthage itfdf with a Hege, the peeple attributed their misfortunes to the juft anger of Saturn for having been worfhipped, for fome years, by the facrifices of children meanly born and fe- cretly bought, inftead of thofe of noble extraftion. Thefe fubftitutions of one offering for another were conHder- ed as a profane deviation from the religion of their fore¬ fathers ; and therefore to expiate the guilt of fo horrid ?,n impiety, afacrifice of two hundred children of the 16 Slavery a- mong the Carthagi- JUM1S, ■ Pclyl, Curt. jDioJ. Sit:. See alfo /Indent Univerfal , Miftory, voh.xv. :6 ] SLA firft rank was on that occafion made to the bloody Slavery, god. As the Carthaginians were a commercial people, '^"***vr~*J we cannot fuppofe that they purchafed Haves only for facrifices. 'I hey undoubtedly condemned many of their prifoners of war to the ftate of fervitude, and either fold them to foreigners, or diftributed them among their fenators and the leaders of their armies. Hanno, who endeavoured to ufurp the fupreme power in Car¬ thage whilft that republic was engaged in war with Timoleon in Sicily J, armed twenty thoufand of his I Haves in order to carry his nefarious purpofe into exe- cution ; and Elannibal, after his decifive viftory at Can-^j^j.^ nse, fold to the Greeks many of his prifoners whom the Hifiory. Roman fenate refufed to redeem That illuftrious T ^lt- AV. commander was indeed more humane, as well as more dfpian and politic, than the generality of his countrymen. Before ^ona his days it was cuftomary with the Carthaginians either to maftacre their captives in cold blood, that they might never again bear arms againft them, or to offer them in facrifice as a grateful acknowledgment to the gods by whofe affiftance they believed that they were vanquifhed; but this was not always done even by their moll fuper- ftitious or moft unprincipled leaders. Among other rich fpoils which Agathocles, after his viftory already men¬ tioned, found in the camp of Hanno and Bomilcar, wereftwenty thoufand pair of fetters and manacles, which thofe generals had provided for fuch of the Sicilian pri¬ foners as they intended to preferve alive and reduce to a ftate of fiavery. With the ancient ftate of the other African nations we are but very little acquainted. The Numidians, 17 Mauritanians, Getulians, and Garamantes, are indeed And Nu» mentioned by the Roman hiftorians, who give us ample m^ins’ details of the battles which they fought in attempting to preferve their national independence ; but we have no particular account of their dift'erent manners and cuftoms in that age when Rome was difputing with Carthage the fovereignty of the world. All the Afri¬ can ftates of which we know any thing, were in alliance with one or other of thofe rival republics ; and as the people of thofe ftates appear to have been lefs enlighten¬ ed than either the Romans or the Carthaginians, we cannot fuppofe that they had purer morals, or a greater regard for the facred rights of man, than the powerful nations by whom they were either protefted or oppref- fed. They would, indeed, infenfibly adopt their cuf¬ toms ; and the ready market which Marius found for the priloners taken in the town Capfa, although Salluft acknowledges + that the fale was contrary to the laws t A//. Jug* of war, ftiows that llavery was then no ftrange thing to caP’ 91‘ the Numidians. It feems indeed to have prevailed through all Africa from the very firft peopling of that unexplored country; and we doubt if in any age of the world the unhappy negro was abfolutely fecure of his perfonal freedom, or even of not being fold to a foreign trader. rg It is the common opinion that the praftice of ma-Slave-trade king Haves of the negroes is of a very modern date ; that ic owes its origin to the incurfions of the Portuguefe on o^nea be- the wefterncoaft of Africa ; and that but for the cun-gun not by ning or cruelty of Europeans, it would not now exift,t,ie Portu- and would never have exifted. But all this is a compli- Suefe> _ cation of miftakes. A learned writer has lately proved, *Wh'tahrt with a force of evidence which admits of no reply *, that from the Coall of Guinea a great trade in Haves was H’Jiory- S L A Slavery, was carried on by the Arabs feme hundreds of years 1 ■ * ? before the Portuguefe embarked in that traffic, or E'it by the even ^ecn a woolly-headed negro. Even the Arabs at an wandering Arabs of the defert, who never had a- earlype- ny friendly correfpondence with the Chriilians of rio.i. Europe, have from time immemorial been ferved by ne- Saugnier’s^ gro (laves. “ The Arab muft be poor indeed (fays M. tud Rrijfon s Saugnier) not to have at leafl one negro Have. His ffyyaga. ^-oje OCCUpatjon js tjie care 0f They are never employed in war, but they have it in their powrer to many. Their wives, who are captive ne- grefles, do all the domeftic work, and are roughly treated by the Arabian women, and by the Arabsthem- felves. Their children are flaves like them, and put to all kinds of drudsrery.” Surely no man wdiofe judge¬ ment is not completely warped by prejudice, will pre¬ tend that thofe roving tribes offavages,, fpots °lgrdund, which they might fafely cultivate with. Thefe are benevolent regulations; but we doubt if pro- ^'v °f out dread of being turned out of polfefiion, or transfer- te&ion can be fo promptly afforded by a council of euar-the ^ red con rary to their mtereft and feelings from one pro- dians as by an individua/attorney who has no othefml^K Kw 77 an0tt\er' T 7 Weri' Undr the Proteaion of payment. In fome of the other Britilh iflands, we have chat 7* law as foon as they arrived in the colony. Proper mif- been confidently told that the unfortunate fons of Afri- P’ S’ f onanes were appointed for the purpofe of training them ca have no proteaion whatever againft the tyranny of a 1 p to a certain degree of religious knowledge,' and am- fordid owner, or the caprice of a boyilh ovJrfeer I'm ) * pie funds were allotted for the maintenance of thofe ec- though it is added, that the humanity of many mailers clefiaftics. On ill treatment received from his mailer, or on being deprived of his allowance of food and rai¬ ment, the Have was dire&ed to apply to the king’s at¬ torney, who was obliged to profecute the mailer forth- ■with.' That officer was alfo bound to profecute, if by f Ttamfay' more than fupplies the want of laws in every refpe£t but that of improvement, and that the attachment of others has in them a like effe^. In fome cafes good fenfe, a regard for their reputation, and a well-informed any other means he heard of the abufe ^theTaw^ddkg ^TdiffiS/on ""and hmZ^ The^flaves^of ’> S ’ ^ ^ ^ r"7 a Planter7°.ffe.fs advVt^eS bef°nd the la- U . n he. maMX- bourer even of Britain enjoysfyet thefe advantagesf Ramf*y'* all denenrl nnnn u: a. i ^ E/Tav* In the Bri- f a?d reljg10»s improvement. 1 his, however, we are, fituation much lefs eligible than was that of the French tilh iflands. alraid> cannot be faid with truth. In the ifland of Ja- Haves under the old aovernment 7^ 77 7 7 • l'K S JiOt many ) ears ago, a white man, whether proprietor quoted well obferves thnt « 4 ^ ■ aip^TtHs ssi^s^g of paffion or cruelty, occafioned the bo2" °f ,reed°m am0ng thc,r nei«h- groes in the death of any negro, it Hiall be capital for the JirJl of- and as a check on thofe who^a^hlve^he^imiffimeS gre^JuLiw^” 1 detaiIr°f the rife and Pr°-The J7- dies^ and is interred by the owner or overfeer, without of man and the immutable laws of virtue. ^ ^ That the dodlor’s having feen or been fent for to Inch negro, in this, cafe, the owner or overfeer cauiing the negro to be fo interred is liable to a profecution for fuch con- tludl.” This law muft doublefs be produftive of good effedls; but being a colonial a&, it cannot have the vigour of the Code Noir; nor do we know of any attorney in*the ifland who is obliged to defend the rights of the negroes, or profecute the mailer whofe cruelty has by any means Vol. XVII. Part II. f . 111 a of nature one man has a right to leize upon.another, and to compel him by force^to la¬ bour for his lubliHence, is a pofition which we believe has never been feriouily maintained. But independent communities ftand to each other in the very fame rela- tion that individuals do in a Hate of nature ; and there- tore if in fuch a Hate the man of greater bodily itrength or mental fagacity would have no right to convert his weaker neighbour into perfonal property, neither can 3 X Foyages to the Coajl of Africa by Mejjrs than of a black man who would treat them with the greateft cruelty. Saugnter and Griffon, p. 332. 335. Englifh Tranflation. * - ~ - - iM) Ini rrbad°eS there is faid to be a law for the proteftion of Haves, which is the moll infoW vu jufticc and humanity that the writer of this article has e»er feen. It is euafted, foZth “« T1 t ? "g p1; ° or only of b/mdy-mimUJnef,, or crml intention, wilfully kUU neyro or other L,e if 1,7 he lhall Pay mto the public treafury^a poU Sterling I Sec DkVLu LtUtrt Z Sla^v i s L A [.53 Shvary. the more powerful and enlightened nation have a right '~J to carry off by force, or entice by fraud, the fubjedls of a weaker and more barbarous community for the pur- pofe of reducing them to a ftate of fervitude. This is a truth fo obvious as to admit neither of proof nor of denial. In thus ftating the cafe between two independent na¬ tions, we have in our eye that traffic in flaves which is carried on between the civilized Europeans and the bar¬ barous Africans: and the utmoft length which we think an apologill for that trade can go is to contend, that we may lawfully purchafe Haves in thofe countries where ,^5 from time immemorial they have been a common branch The com- of commerce. But the European right to purchafe men apolo- cannot be better than the African right to fell 5 and f f ffr' t WC ^ave never yet been informed what gives one Afri- j.uu j m. can ^ right to fell another. Such a right cannot be na¬ tural, for the reafon which we have elfewhere affigned (fee Right) : neither can it be adventitious ; for ad¬ ventitious rights are immediately derived from the mu¬ nicipal la v/r which is the public will of the ftate. But the ftate has no authority to deprive an innocent man of his perfonal freedom, or of the produce of his own labour ; for it is only to fecure thefe, by protecting the weak from the violence of the ftrong, that ftates are formed, and individuals united under civil govern¬ ment. It may perhaps be faid, that by patiently fubmitting to governments which authorife the traffic in human ftefh, men virtually give up their perfonal liberty, and veil their governors with a right to fell them as flaves : but no man can veil another with a right which he poffeffes not himfelf; and we fhall not hefitate to af¬ firm, that in a ftate of nature, where all have equal rights, no individual can fubmit himfelf to the abfolute difpofal of another without being guilty of the greateft Nomanhs*crime' The reafon is obvious. From the relation in & right to which men ftand to one another as fellow-creatures, and give him- t0 God as their common Creator, there are duties in- rheabfoiutecurnbent uPon each Pecuhar to himfelf; in the perform- difpofai of ance which he can be guided only by his own rea- smother. fon, which was given him for that very purpofe. But he who renounces his perfonal freedom, and fubmits un¬ conditionally to the caprice of a mafter, impioufly at¬ tempts to fet himfelf free from the obligation of that law which is interwoven with his very being, and chobfes a diredfor of his conduCl different from that which God has affigned him. A man therefore cannot put him¬ felf in a ftate of unconditional fervitude ; and wdiat he cannot do for himfelf, he furely cannot authorize others to do for him either by a tacit or by an open confent. Thefe confiderations have often made us regret that writers, for whofe talents and integrity we have the higheft refpeft, fhould, without accurately defining what they mean by flavery, have peremptorily affirmed, that, conliftently with the law of nature men may be redu- 5g ced to that ftate as a punifhment for crimes, or to dif- What kind charge debts which they cannot otherwife pay. That of flavery a criminal, who has forfeited his life to the laws of his maybe em-COHntryj may jiave pmflfhment commuted for hard pumfh-11* a labour, till death in the courfe of nature fhall put a pe¬ riod to his terreftrial exiftence, is a truth which we ap¬ prehend cannot be controverted; but to make fuch a commutation of punifhments confiftent with the laws of nature and of nature’s God, it appears to us that the Bient. ® ] SLA kind and degree of labour mull be precifely afeertained, Slavery, and the conduct of the criminal not left to the capricious direftion of any individual. Punifhments can be juftly inflidled only for one or other of two ends, or for both. They may be calcula¬ ted either to reform the criminal or to be a warning to the innocent ; and thofe which moft effe&ually anfwer both thefe purpefes are furely to be preferred to fuch as anfwer but one of them. For this reafon we confi- der hard labour as a much fitter punifhment for mofl crimes than death : but to intitle it to preference, the kind and degree of the labour muft be afeertained by the law ; for if thefe circumftances be omitted, and the of¬ fender delivered over as a Have to the abfolute difpofal and caprice of a private mafter, the labour to which he is condemned, inftead of operating to his reformation, may be converted into the means of tempting him to the commiffion of new crimes. A young woman, in the ftate of fervitude, would hardly be able to maintain her virtue againft the folicitations of a mafter who ftiould promife her liberty or a remiffion of toil upon her yield¬ ing to his defires ; and the felon, who had long been accuftomed to a life of vagrancy and idlenefs, would not ftrenuoufly objedl to the perpetration of any w^ck- ednefs to obtain his freedom, or even a diminution of his daily talk. Indeed fuch temptations might be thrown in his way, as human nature could not relift but by means of much better principles than felons can be fuppofed to poffefs. He might be fcourged into compliance ; or his labour might be fo increafed as to make him for a little refpite eagerly embrace the moft nefarious propo- fal which his mafter could make : for being abfolute property, there is no earthly tribunal to which he could appeal for juftice ; and felons do not commonly fupport themfelves under trials by pious meditation on a future ftate. By reafoning in this way, we are far from meaning to infinuate that fiave-holders in general torture their Haves into the commifiion of crimes God forbid ! Many of them we know to be religious, humane, and benevolent: but they are not infallible; and fome of them may be inftigated, fome of them undoubtedly have been infti- gated, by avarice and other worfe principles, to compel creatures, who are fo abfolutely their dependents, to ex¬ ecute deeds of davknefs too hazardous lor themfelves. But the morality or immorality of any adlion, and the moral fitnefs of any ftate, are to be judged of by their natural tendency, if the one were univerfally praftifed and the other univerfally prevalent (fee Moral Philo¬ sophy, n° 156.) : and as the natural tendency of abfo¬ lute domeftic flavery among fuch creatures as men is to. throw the moft powerful temptations to vice in the way both of mafter and of Have, it muft be in every in- ftance, even when employed as a punilhment, inconlift- ent with the fundamental principles of moral virtue. jp Some writers indeed have maintained, and the civil Children law feems to fuppofe, that children are the property ofn"' ^ their parents, and may by them be fold as flaves in cafes ^ of urgent neceffity : but if we duly confider how pro-r£Uts. perty is acquired (fee Property), and attend to the natural confequences of flavery, we lhall foon be con¬ vinced that this, opinion is very ill founded. The rights of parents refult from their duties; and it is certainly the duty of that man who has been the inftrument of bringing into the world an intelleflual and moral being, to g(&VWf, SLA Co do every thing in his power to render the exigence of that being happy both in the piefent life and in that which is to come. If this duty be confeientioufly dif- charged, the parent has a manifelt right to the grati¬ tude, love, and reafonable obedience, "of his child ; but he cannot, in confequence of any duty performed, claim a right to transfer that child as property to the uncon¬ trolled difpofal of any private mailer; for this plain realon, that the man who is confidered as the private property of another, cannot reafonably be fuppofed to enjoy happinefs in this world, and is under many temp¬ tations to do what muft neceffarily render him miferable in the next. See Moral Philosophy, n° 138. If criminals cannot be lawfully reduced to a Rate of abfolute private flavcry, much lefs furely can it be lawful to reduce infolvent debtors and prifoners of war to that Rate. Many a virtuous man, who has contra&ed debts with the fairelt profpea of paying them, has been fud- denly rendered infolvent by fire, by fhipwreck, or by the bankruptcy of others with whom he was neceffarily in the courfe of his trade. Such a man can be conhdered in no refpett as criminal. Pie has been in¬ deed unfortunate ; but it would be groisly unjuft, as well as fliockingly cruel, to add to his misfortune by re¬ ducing him to a ftate to which we have juft feen that 30 tJie V1hft felon cannot be reduced without a violation of Fraudulent the laws of morality. Fraudulent bankrupts indeed, of bankrujits whom we daily fee many, might with great propriety y and the ftridleft juftice be compelled to extenuate their debts by labouring for the benefit of thofe whom they have injured ; and criminals of other deferiptions might be made to work for the benefit of the public: but in both cafes the talk to he performed fhould be alcertain- ed by the law, and the perfons of the labourers be pro- te&ed by the ftate. If fuch can be called flaves, their flavery is undoubtedly confident with every principle of virtue and religion ; for they fuffer nothing but the due reward of their deeds. Prifoners of war, however, can upon no honeft principle be reduced even to this ftate of mitigated bondage ; for they are fo far from incurring guilt by lighting for their country, that even to their enemies their courage and conduft in fuch a cauft nvift appear worthy of reward. A victorious general has certainly a right to prevent the priloners taken in battle from again drawing their fwords againft him during the continuance of the war ; but there are many ways by which this may be done effectually without chaining the unfortunate captives to the oar, or felling them like cattle to private purchafers, by whom they may be treat¬ ed with capricious cruelty, and driven to the perpetra¬ tion of the greateft crimes. bjec- To thele concluftons, and the reafoning on which coTciuLTthey are bu,lt’ we art' aw:ire Jt may be objected, that if "private flavery were in every inftance unlawful and in- conhilent with the fundamental principles of morality, it would not have prevailed among the ancient patri¬ archs, and far lefs have been authorifed by the Jewifh law. , rePty to tbls objection, it may be obferved, that r^. Abraham, Ifaac, and Jacob, though excellent men, were not characters abfolutely perfeCt; that as their praCtice does not authorife polygamy or inceft among us, it will not authorife the reducing of our fellow-creatures to a ftate of hopelefs fervitude ; and that from the circum- itances of the age in which they lived, many things C ] SLA compelled to labi ur for the be¬ nefit of their cre¬ ditors. 31 Two 1 3 a The former were permitted to them, and wrere indeed harmlefs, Slavery, wnich are forbidden to us, and would now be perni-1 ' v-— cious. T he character of Abraham appears to have been much more perfeCt than that of his fon or grandfon; and was cerfainly equal, if not fuperior, to that of any other mere man of whom we read either in profane or even in facred hiftory. We are to remember, however, that he was born amidft idolaters, and was probably an idolater himfelf till enlightened by the infpiration of Je¬ hovah, and called from his kindred and from his fa- ther’s houfe. Before his converfion, he muft have had much cattle and many flaves, which conftituted the riches of that early period ; and his cafe would indeed have been peculiarly hard, had he been commanded to divtft Inmfelf of his fervants, and to depart into a ftrangc country very thinly inhabited, without people to pro- teCl his flocks and herds from hearts of prey. Nor would his lofs have contributed in any degree to the benefit of his flaves, who, as the ranks of men were then adjlifted, could not long have preferved their liberty. Had they not been forcibly reduced to their former ftate .by their idolatrous countrymen, which in all pro¬ bability they would have been, they muft have loon fub- mitted to it, or perifhed by hunger. Let it be remem¬ bered, too, that the bond-fervants of Abraham, though conftituting the moft valuable part of his property, were not confidered as a fpecies of inferior beings, but were treated rather as childeren than as flaves. This is evi¬ dent from his Ipeaking of the fleward of his houfe as his heir, when complaining to God of the .want of feed. Indeed the manner in which this circumftance is men¬ tioned, fiiows that it was then the general praCtice to confider domeftic flaves as members of the family ; for the patriarch does noc fay, “ I vvill leave my fubltance to this Eliezer ofDamafcusj” but his words are, “ Be¬ hold to me thou haft given no feed; and, lo! one born in my houfe is my heir%.» From this mode of expreffion f Gen xv we are ttrongly inclined to think that captives taken 3. • * in war were in that age of finaplicity incorporated into the family or tribe of the conqueror, as they are faid to be at prefent among the North American Indians, to fupply the place of thofe who had fallen in battle. If fo, flavery was then a very mild thing, unattended with the evils which are now in its train, and muft often have been highly beneficial to the captive. The other part of the objection appears at firft fight Anfwer to moie foinudable: but perhaps a little attention to the the otheri defign of the Mofaic economy may enable us to rdmove it even more completely than this. We need not in¬ form our theological readers, that one great purpofe for which the pofterity of Abraham were feoarated from the heathen nations around them, was to preferve the knowledge of the true God in a world run head¬ long into idolatry. As idolatry appears to have had lomething. in its forms of worfhip extremely captivating to rude minds, and as the minds of the ifraelites at the era of their departure from Egypt were exceedinriy rude, every method was taken to keep their feparation from their idolatrous neighbours as complete as pof- nble. With this view they were commanded to facri- fjee the animals which their Egyptian mafters had wor- ftupped as gods, and were taught to confider boos and Inch other creatures as the heathen offered in facrifice when celebrating their myftical and magic rites, as too unclean to be eaten or even to be touched. Of this di- 3^2 itinCtion SLA r 532 ] SLA Slavery, ftin&ton between clean and unclean beafts, God him- ^ felf ^ffigns' the reafon : “ I am the Lord your God (fays he)u who have feparated you from other people j ye fhall therefore put difference between clean and un- | Lev. xx. dean beafts, and between unclean fowls and clean a4> %(l- p0r the fame reafon they were prohibited from inter¬ marrying with the heathen, or having any tranfaftion whatever with them as neighbours ; and the feven ido¬ latrous nations of Canaan they were ftriftly command¬ ed to exterminate. “ When the Lord thy God (fays Moffs) fhall deliver them before thee, thou {halt fmite them, and utterly deltroy them : thou {halt make no covenant with them, nor {how mercy unto them : nei¬ ther {halt thou make marriages with them: thy daugh¬ ter thou {halt not give unto his fon, nor his daughter (halt thou take to thy fon ; for they will turn away thy t Deut.vil. fon frorn following me, that they may ferve other godsf.” 3>3.}4* Under thefe laws, it is plain that no intercourfe what¬ ever could have place between an Ifraelite and a man of any other nation, unlefs the latter was reduced to . fuch a ftate as that he could neither tempt the former nor praftife himfelf the rites of his idolatrous worftiip. But the Ifraelites w^ere not feparated from the reft of the world for their own fakes only: They were intend¬ ed to be the repofitorxes of the lively oracles of God, and gradually to fpread the light of divine truth thro’ other nations, till the fulnefs of time ftiould come, when in Chrift all things were to be gathered together in one. To anfwer this end, it was neceftary that there Ihould be fome intercourfe between them and their Gentile neighbours; but we have feen that fueh an intercourfe could only be that which fublifts between mailers and their flaves. Should this apology for the flavery which was au- thorifed by the Jewilh law be deemed fanciful, we beg leave to fubmit to the confideration of our readers the following account of that matter, to which the fame objeftion will hardly be made. It was morally impoflible that between nations differing fo widely in religion, cuftoms, and manners, as the Jews and Gen¬ tiles, peace {hould for ever reign without interruption ; but when wars broke out, battles would be fought, and prifoners would be taken. How were thefe priioners to be difpofed of? Cartels for exchange were not then known : it was the duty of the Ifraelites to prevent their captives from taking up arms afecond timeagainft them ; they could not eftablifh them among themfelves cither as artificers or as hufhandmen ; for their law en¬ joined them to have no communication with the hea¬ then. There was therefore no other alternative but ei¬ ther to maffacre them in cold blood, or to reduce them to the condition of flaves. It would appear, however, that thofe flaves were raifed to the rank of citizens, or at leaftthat their burdens were much lightened, as foon as they were convinced of the truth of the Mofaic re' •velation, and received into covenant with God by the rite of circumcifion. They were then admitted to the celebration of the paffover ; concerning which one law was ciecreed to the ftraoger, and to him that was home-born. Indeed, when we confider who was the legiflator of the Jews ; when we refleft upon the num¬ ber of laws enabled to mitigate flavery among them, and call to mind the means by which the due execution ©f all their laws was enforced, (fee Theology), we cannot help being of opinion that the heathen, who was S’ave» reduced to flavery in Judea, might be happier, if he , tra^e- pleafed, than when living as a freeman in his own "Tr-,~v"" country. But whether this be fo or not, is a matter with which we have no concern. On account of the hardneis of their hearts, and the peculiarity of their c.rcumftances, many things, of which flavery may have been one, were permitted to the Jews, which, if pra&i- fed by Chriftians, would render them highly guilty. After treating thus largely of llavery in general, wc need not occupy much of the reader’s time with the . 34 SLAVE-traoe carried on at prefent by the mer-Slave-trade, chants of Europe with the natives of A frica. It is well known that the Portuguefe were the firft Europeans who embarked in this trade, and that their example was foon followed by the Dutch and the Englifh. Of the rife and progrefs of the Englifh commerce in flaves, the reader will find a fufficient account in other articles of this work$. That commerce, though long cherifhed by§SeeCw. the government as a fource of national and colonial/’'™)'* vol-v» wealth, was from its commencement confidered by the ani* thinking part of the nation as a traffic inconfiftent with ^ the rights of man, and fufpe&ed to be carried on by afts of violence. Thefe fufpicions have been gradually fpread through the people at large, and confirmed, in many inftances, by evidence incontrovertible. Laws have in confequence been enadled to make the negroes more comfortable on what is called the middle paffage, and to proteft them againft the wanton cruelty of their mailers in the Weft Indies : but the humanity of the nation was rouled ; and not many years ago a number of gentlemen, of the moft refpecftable chara&ers, find¬ ing that no adequate proteblion can be afforded to per- fons in a {late of hopelefs fervitude, formed themfelves into a fociety at London, for the pnrpofe of procuring a total abolitio'n of the flave-trade. That the motives which influence the leading men of this fociety are of the pureft kind, cannot, we think, be queftioned; for their objett is to deliver thofe who had none te help them, and from whom they can expeft no other reward for their labours of love than the bleffings of them who are ready to perifh. To a caufe fo truly Chriftian, who would not pray for fuccefs ? or who but muft feel the moft pungent regret, if that fuccefs has been rendered doubtful, or even been delayed, by the imprudence of fome of the agents employed by the fociety ? This we apprehend to have been really the cafe. Language cal¬ culated only to exafperate the planters cannot ferve the negroes ; and the legiflature of Great Britain will never fuffer itfelf to be forced into any meafure by the me¬ naces of individuals. 35 In the year 1795, petitions were prefented to parlia- Petitions ment for the abolition of this inhuman traffic, which gave a pleafing picture of the philanthropy of the na-it_ tion ; but, unfortunately for the caufe of freedom, it was difeovered that many of the names fubjoined to thofe petitions had been collefted by means not the moft ho¬ nourable. This difeovery, perhaps, would never have been made, had not the infulting epithets indiferimi- nately heaped upon the ffave-holders provoked thofe men to watch with circumfpe&ion over the conducft of their opponents. The confequence was, that fufpicions- of unfair dealing on the part of the petitioners were ex¬ cited Slave. traie. .36. Objection to the abo lition J AJiat'rc Kefearches, vol. ii. S Kpy on Coloniza - im. . . , SLA [533 cited in the breafts of many who, though they ardent- , ty wifhed well to the caufe, chofe not to add their names to thofe of fchool-boys under age, and of pea- fants who knew not what they were fubfcribino-. Let the rights of the .Africans be maintained with ardour and firmnefs; but never let their advocates fuppofe that the caufe of humanity requires the fupport of* artifice. Abfolute flavery, in which the a&ions of one man are regulated by the caprice of another, is a ftate demon- ftrably inconliftent with the obvious plan of the moral government of the world. It degrades the mental fa¬ culties of the Have, and throws, both in his way and in his mallei s, temptations to vice almoft infurmount- able. Let thefe truths be let in a proper light by thofe who have doubtlefs feen them exemplified ; and they will furely have their full effedl on the minds of a generous, and, we trull, not yet an impious people (n). The trade will be gradually'abolilhed ; pains will be ta- ken to cultivate the minds of the Well Indian negroes; and the era may be at no great dillance when flavery flrall ceafe through all the Britilh dominions. But what benefit, it will be alked, would the ne¬ groes of Africa reap from an abolition of the Have trade ? Should any thing fo wildly incredible happen, as that all the nations of Chrillendom, in one common paroxyfm of philanthropy, Ihould abandon this com¬ merce in fervants, which has been profecuted in all ages, and under all religions ; they would only abandon it to thofe who were originally pofleffed of it, who Hill penetrate into the country, and who even puflr up to Gago at the very head of the Have coaft; and leave the wool-headed natives of it to Mahometan mailers, in pteference to Chrillian. Under luch mailers they were in Judea at the time of the crufades. Under fueh, as we learn from Meffrs Saugnier, Briflbn, and others, they Hill are in the deferts of Africa, as well as in the iflands of Johanna J and Madagafcar: and it is univerfal- ly known that they enflave one another as a punilhment for the moll whimfical crimes. Among them, indeed, flavery feems to be reduced to a fyllem, and to delcend, as it lias done in more polilhed nations, from father to fon ; for both Saugnier and Wadltrom § fpeak of parti¬ cular families of negroes who are exempted from that degrading Hate by the laws of the country. All this we admit to be true. Moll certainly the negroes would not be exempted from the miferies of fervitude, though Europe and the W^ell Indies were ] SLA fwallowed up In the ocean. The cuflonu of the coun. Slave*- try, as the king of Dahomy aflured Mr Abfon $, will trade, be made as long as black men flrall continue to poflefs their own territories, in their prefent Hate of depravity Hi/lory. and ignorance; and thefe cuHonrs appear to involve flavery of the cruelleH kind. But if flavery be in itfelf unlawful, is it a fufficient excufe for our continuing the traffic that it is carried on by the rude negroes and the 37 favage Arabs? Are people, whom we fometimes affedt Of no to conflder as an inferior order of beings, to furnifh ex-krength, amples of condudl to tbofe who boafl of their advance¬ ments in fcience, in literature, and in refinement ? Or will the benevolent Lord of all things pardon us for oppreffing our helplefs brethren, merely becauie they are cruelly oppreffed by others ? It is indeed true that the natives of Guinea cannot be made really free but by introducing- among them the bleffings of religion and the arts of civil life ; but furely they would have fewer temptations than at prefent to kidnap one another, or to commence unprovoked wars for the purpofe of making captives, were the nations of Europe to abandon the commerce in flaves(o). That commerce, we grant, would be continued by the Arabs, and perhaps by others of the eaflern nations ; but the fame number of people could not be carried off by them alone that is now carried off both by them and by the Europeans. Were it indeed poffible to put the flave-trade under proper regulations, lo as to prevent all kidnapping and unjuff wars among the Africans, to fupply the markets; and v/ere it likewife to enfure to the negroes in the Welt Indies mild treatment and religious inffruftion; we are fai Irom being fure that while the natives of Guinea con¬ tinue fo rude, and their neighbours the Arabs fo felfilhly favage, it would be proper to abandon at once to hordes of barbarians the whole of this commerce in bond lervants. i he trade, which in its prefent form is a reproach to Britain, might be made to take a new ffiape, and be¬ come ultimately a bleffing to thoufands of wretches who, left in their native country, would have dragged out a life of miferable ignorance, unknowing the hand that framed them, unconlcious of the reafon of which they were made capable, and heedlefs of the happi- nefs laid up for them in It ore §. * - Fam/' ^ Slavery is, indeed, in every form an evil; but it feems to be one of thofe many evils which, having long pre-P-&c* vailed m the world, can be advantageoufly removed on- ly by degrees, and as the moral cultivation of the flaves may commodities of Europe ; but the bare affirmati f ?! ^ ’T "" iav^/ieU^er ^aT10nS n0r aPPetites> but for the thoufands at the cujcm, will „ot conv;nce tI,ofc who^a!” .1“ Ihe^WadfcomT Effif Co? ^ the evidence refpeclino- the flave-trade ^ k c .e tj “lcr AT lom 8 •Llla> 011 Colonization, or embarked in war merely to protute flaves to barter for European°conunoditie&!’t “ ““ ”0 •Daho“ra S'w, ti a !e Sleep- walker. Tiie aboli- tinn fhould be gradual. 39 Danger of a fudden manunnf- lion of flaves. S L E [53 may enable them to fupport the rank and dlfcharge the duties of free men. 'i his is doubtlefs the reafon why it was not exprefsly prohibited by the divine Author ot our religion, but fuffered to vaniih gradually before the mild influence of his Heavenly dodhrines. It has va- nifhed before thefe dodtrines in mod countries of Eu¬ rope ; and we truft that the time is at hand when our traffic in human flefh with the inhabitants of Africa fhall ceafe ; and that the period is not very diftant when the (laves in the Weft Indies fhall be fo much improved in moral and religious knowledge, as that they may be fafely trufted with their own freedom. To fet them free in their preiefit ftate of ignorance and depravity, is one of the wildefl propofals that the ardour of innova¬ tion has ever made. Such freedom would be equally ruinous to themfelves and to their mafters ; and we may lay of it what Cicero faid of fome unfeafonable indul¬ gences propofed to be granted to the (laves in Sicily ; ±hi£ cum accidunt, nemo e/l, quin intelligat mere illam rempublicam ; hate ubi veniunt, nemo ejl, qui ullam J'pem Jaluiis reliquam ejfe arbitretur. 'SLAUGHTER. See Man-slaughter, Homi¬ cide, Murder, &c. SLEDGE, a kind of carriage, without wheels, for the conveyance of very weighty things, as huge {tones, bells, &c. The fledge for carrying criminals, condemn¬ ed for high treafon, to execution, is called hurdle. The Dutch have a kind of fledge on which they can carry a veflel of any burden by land. It conlifts of a plank of the length of the keel of a moderate (hip, railed a little behind, and hollow in the middle; fo that the fides go a little aflope, and are furnilhed with holes to receive pins, &c. The reft is quite even. Sledge is a large fmith’s hammer, to be ufed with both hands : of this there are two forts, the up-hand fledge, which is ufed by under workmen, when the work is not of the largeft fort; it is ufed with both the hands before, and they feldom raile it higher than their head. But the other, which is called the about-fledge, and which is ufed for battering or drawing out the largeft work, is held by the handle with both hands, and fwung round over their heads, at their ami’s end, to ftrike as hard a blow as they can. SLEEP, that ftate of the body in which, though the vital fundtions continue, the ienfes are not aftedted by the ordinary iraprefiions ol external objedts. See Dreams ; and Physiology, n° 287. Slbep-Walker, one who walks in his deep. Many in- llances might be related of perfons who were addidted to this pradtice ; but it will be fufficient to feledt one remarkable xnftance from a report made to the Phyfical Society of Lauianne, by a committee of gentlemen ap¬ pointed to examine a young man who was accuftomed to walk in his fleep. “ The difpoiition to fleep-walking feems, in the opi¬ nion of this committee, to depend on a particular aftec- tion of the nerves, which both feizes and quits the pa¬ tient during fleep. Under the influence ot this affec¬ tion, the imagination reprefents to him the objedts that (truck him while awake, with as much force as if they really affedted his fenfes ; hut does not make him per¬ ceive any ©f thole that are adtually prefented to his itnles, except in fo far as they are connedted with the dreams which engrofs him at the time. If, during this itate, the imagination has no determined purpole, he receives the impreffion of objedts as if he were awake ; 4 ] S L E only, however, when the imagination is exerted to bend Sleep* its attention towards them. The perceptions obtained , wa‘^er- in this ftate are very accurate, and, when once received, ""r’-" the imagination renews them occalionally with as much force as if they were again acquired by means of the fenfes. Laftly, thefe academicians fuppofe, that the impreffions received during this date of the fenfes dil- appear entirely when the perfon awakes, and d© not re¬ turn till the return of the fame difpofition in the ner¬ vous fyftem. “ T heir remarks were made on the Sieur Devaud, a lad thirteen years and a half old, who lives in the town of Vevey, and who is fuhjedt to that lingular affection or difeaie called Somnambuhjm or fleep-walking. This lad poflefies a ftrong and robuft con fti tut ion, but his nervous fyftem appears to be organifed with peculiar delicacy, and to difeover marks of the greateft fenlibi- lity and irritability. His fenfes of fmell, tafte, and touch, are exquilite ; he is fubjedl to fits of immoderate and involuntary laughter, and he fometirnes hkewife weeps without any apparent cauie. “ This young man does not walk in his fleep every night; feveral weeks fometimes pafs without any ap¬ pearance of a fit. He is fubjeCt to the dtfeafe generally two nights lucceflively, ene fit lafting for feveral hours. T he longeft are from three to four hours, and they commonly begin about three or four o’clock in the morning. “ The fit may be prolonged, by gently paffing the finger or a feather over his upper lip, and this flight irritation likewife accelerates it. Having once fallen afleep upon a ftaircaie, his upper lip was thus irritated with a feather, when he immediately ran down the fteps with great precipitation, and relumed all his accuftomed activity. This experiment was repeated feveral times. “ The young Devaud thinks he has oblerved, that, on the evenings previous to a fit, he is fenhble of a cer¬ tain heavinels in his head, but eipecially of a great weight in his eyelids. “ His fleep is at all times unquiet, but particularly when the fits are about to feize him. During his fleep, motions are obfervable in every part of his body, with flatting and palpitations; he utters broken words, lometimes fits up in his bed, and afterwards lies down again. He then' begins to pronounce words more di- ftindtly, he rifes abruptly, and afts as he is inlligated by the dream that then poflefles him. He is fometimes in fleep fubjttl to continued and involuntary motions. “ The departure of the fit is always preceded by two or three minutes of calm fleep, during which he Inores. He then awakes rubbing his eyes like a perlon who has flept quietly. “ It is dangerous to-awaken him during the fit, efpe- cially ii it is cone iuddenly ; for then he iometimes falls into convullions. Having rifen one night with the in¬ tention ot going to eat grapes, he left the houfe, palled through the town, and went to a vineyard where he expedted good cheer. He was followed by feveral per¬ fons, w ho kept at fome diitance from him, one of whom fired a piftoi, the node of which inllantly awakened him, and he fell down without lenfe. He was carried home aud brought to himielf, when he recolltdled very well the having been awakened in the vineyard ; but nothing more, except the flight at being found there alone, which had made him Iwoon. “ After the fits he generally leels a degree of laffi- tucie ; S L E [ tudes iometimes, though rarely, of indlfpofition. At the end of one of thofe fits, of which the gentlemen of the committee were witnefies, he was a fleeted with vo¬ mitings ; hut he is always foon reftored. “ When he is awaked, he never for the mofl part recolletls any of the aftions he has been doinw durincr the fit. ° 0 “ 1 he fubject of his dreams is circumfcribed in a fmall circle of objeds, that relate to the few ideas with which at his age his mind is furnifhed ; fuch as his lef- fons, the church, the bells, and efpecially tales of ghofls. It is fufilcient to ftrike his imagination the evening be¬ fore a fit with fome tale, to direct his fomnambulifm towards the objedl of it. There was read to him while in this fituation the flory of a robber ; he imagined the very next moment that he faw robbers in the room. However, as he is much difpofed to dream that he is furrounded with them, it cannot be affirmed that this was an effedl of the reading. It is obferved, that when his fupper has been more plentiful than ufual, his dreams are more difmal. “ In their report, the gentlemen of the committee dwell much on the ftate of this young man’s fenfes, on the impreffion made upon them by ilrange objeds, and on the ufe they are of to him. “ A bit of ftrong fmelling wood produced in him a degree of reftleffiiefs; the fingers had the fame effea, whether from their fmell or their tranfpiration. He knew wine in which there was wormwood by the fmell, and faid that it was not wine for his table. Metals make no impreffion on him. “ Having been prefented with a little common wine while he was in a ftate of apathy, and all his motions were performed with languor, he drank of it willingly ; but the irritation which it occafioned produced a deal of vivacity in all his words, motions, and aftions, and caufed him to make involuntary grimaces. “ Once he was obferved dreffing himfelf in perfea darknefs. His clothes were on a large table, mixed with thofe of fome other perfons ; he immediately per¬ ceived this, and complained of it much ; at latt a fmall light was brought, and then he drefled himfelf with fufficient precilion. If he is teafed or gently pinched, he is always fenfible of it, except he is at the time ftrongly engrafted with fome other thing, and wifhes to ftrike the offender ; however, he never attacks the per- fon who has done the ill, but an ideal being whom his imagination prefents to him, and whom he purfues thro’ the chamber without running againft the furniture, nor can the perfons whom he meets in his way divert him from his purfuit: “ While his imagination was employed on various fubje&s, he heard a clock ftrike, which repeated at eve¬ ry ftroke the. note of the cuckoo. There are cuckoos here, faid he ; and, upon being defired, he imitated the fong of that bird immediately. “ When he wifhes to fee an objemake all their experiments in the dark ; becaufe it has been hi¬ therto fuppofed that the eyes of fleep-walkers are of no life to them.” SLEEPERS, in natural hiftory, a name given to thofe animals which fieep all winter ; fuch as bears, marmots, dormice, _ bats, hedgehogs, fwallows, &c. ihele do not feed in winter, liave no fenfible evacua¬ tions, breathe little or none at all, and moft of the viicera ceafe from their fundlions. Some of thefe crea¬ tures feem to be dead, and others return to a ftate like that of the foetus before birth : in this ftate they con- tinue, till by new heat the fluids are attenuated, the amma1 is reftored to life, and the funefions begin where they deft off. ° Sleepers, in a fln'p, timbers lying before and aft in the bottom of the ftiip, as the rungheads do : the lower- moit of them is bolted to the rungheads, and the up- permoft to the futtocks and rungs. SLEIDAN (John), an excellent German hiftorian, bom ot obfeure parents, in 1506, at Sleidan, a fmall tovvn on the confines of the duchy of juliers. After Ludymg fome time in his own country, together with h.s townfman the learned John Sturmius, he went to France, and in 15^, , cardinal and archbifhop John du Bellay. He retired to htrafburg in 1542, where he acquired the efteem and fnendfh.p of the moft confiderable perfons, parti¬ cularly o. James Sturmius; by whofe advice and affift- ance he was enabled to write the hiftory of his own 5ir”e' , e ^as employed in fome public negociations : but the death of his wife, in lyyy, plunged him into fo deep a melancholy, that he loft his memory entirely, and IT f°nowin|- In x555 came out, in folio, ne //atu Rdigwrm et Republic* Jub Carolo 9uinto, &c. m 25 books; from the year 1517, when Luther began to preach, to the year of its publication; which hiftory was prefently tranflated into moft of the languages of Europe. Belides this great work, he wrote, De qua- tuor fumms Imperils, libri tres ; with fome other hiilo- ncal and political pieces- HAND= '^ee Legerdemain, w ju jT,?DE* the anc‘ent Scots name of the blood-hound. The word is from the Saxon flot, “ the ampreffion that a deer leaves of its foot in the mire,” and bound2 a dog” • f0 they derive their name from folWmg the track. See the article Bioon-Hound. cu^WlLK, an ancient and confiderable town of Denmark, and capital of a duchy of the fame name in the province of Gottorp, with a bifhop’s fee, fecularized in i S86. Clofe to it is the old palace of Gottorp, for- the^ftadA refldence’ but at Pre^nt inhabited by the ftadtholder or governor. This town was once much more confideraHe than it is at prefent, having fuffered Tdnl/ofSI W?,rS Gerfnany* L ^ feated on the gulph of Sley, where there is a good harbour, 60 miles north-weft of Lubeck and 125 fouth-weft ofCopenhagen. A. Bong. 10. o. N. Lat. 54. 40. Sleswick, the duchy of, or Soutl Jutland, is about T ^ 'i ungth and 60 breadth It is bounded «n the north by North Jutland, on the eaft by the Bal. VoTXVII.6 Part llj Holllein» and on the wcft by S L 1 It contains 14 cities, 17 towns, 13 caftles, 278 parffhes, 1480 villages, 162 farms, 116 water-mills, and io5 gentlemens feats. It is a pleafant, fertile, po¬ pulous country, and a fovereign duchy. Formerly the king of Denmark had half of it, and the other belong¬ ed to the home of Holftein-Gottorp; but the former having conquered this duchy, had the pofTeflion of it confirmed to him by the treaty of the north in 1720. In 1731, a prince of Bareith-Culmbach was made go- vernor of this duchy, who refides at Gottorp. SUCH, in metallurgy, the ore of any metal, parti¬ cularly of gold, when it has been pounded, and prepa¬ red for farther working. The manner of preparing the fiich at Chremnitz in Hungary is this ; they lay a foundation of wood three yards deep, upon this they place the ore, and over this there are 24 beams, armed at their bottoms with iron ; thefe, by a continual motion, beat and grind the ore, tdl it is reduced to powder; during this operation, the ore is covered with water. There a-e four wheels ufed to move thefe beams, each wheel moving fix ; and the water, as it runs off, carrying fome of the metalline particles with it, is received into feveral bafons, one placed behind another ; and finally, after having paffed through them all, and depofited fome fediment in each, it is let off into a very large pit, almoft half an acre i* extent ; in which it is fuffered to Hand fo long, as to r T • . .V . wtTc 10 extent 5 in which it is iuffered to ftand fo long-, as to "op John dliBelkv^H6 TT aI1 ita fediment, of whatever kind, and after this 10P JTm T B<%* He retired it is let out. This work is carried on day and night, and the ore taken away and replaced by more as often' as occafion requires. That ore which lies next the beams, by which it was pounded, is always the cleanell or ncheft. When the flich is wafhed as much as they can, a hundred weight of it ufually contains about an ounce, or perhaps but half an ounce of metal, which is not all gold ; for there is al ways a mixture of gold and filver, but the gold is in the largeft quantity, and ufually is two-thirds of the mixture: they then put the flich in¬ to a furnace with fome limeftonc, and flacken, or the fcona of former meltings, and run them together. The firft melting produces a fubftance called led ; this lech they burn with charcoal, to make it lighter, to open its body, and render it porous, after which it is called roll; to this roll they add fand in fuch quantity as they find neceflary, and then melt it pver again. . ^ Chremnitz they have many other ways of redu¬ cing gold out of its ore, but particularly one, in which they employ no lead during the whole operation ; whereas, in general, lead is always neceffary, after the before mentioned proceffcs. See Gold. . SLIDING rule, a mathematical inftrument, fer- vmg to work queftions in gauging, meafuring, &c. with¬ out the ufe of compaffes ; merely by the Aiding of the parts of the inftrument one by another, the lines and divifions whereof give the aafwer by Upeftion. I his inilrument is varioufly contrived, and applied by various authors, particularly Everard, CoggefhJl, Gunter, Hunt, and Partridge; but the moft common ana ufeful are thofe of Everard and Coggefhall. SLIGO, a county, in the province of Connaught, Ireland, 25 miles in length, and as much in breadth ; bounded on the eaft by that of Leitrim, on the weft by the county of Mayo, on the north and north weft by the weftern ocean, and on the feuth and fouth-weft 3 Y bv / Sling Sloane. S L by Rofcommon and Mayo. 41 parifhes, 6 baronies, r borough, and fends 4 mem¬ bers to parliament, two for the county, and two for the borough of tire fame name, which is the only market- town in the county, and is feated on a bay of the, fame name, 30 miles well of Killalla, and r 10 north-eaft of Dublin. W. Long. 8. 26. N. Lat. 54. 13. SLING, an inftrument ferving for calling Hones with great violence. The inhabitants of the Balearic iflands were famous in antiquity for the dexterous ma¬ nagement of the fling : it is faid they ufed three kinds of flings, fome longer, others fhorter, which they ufed according as their enemies were either nearer or more, remote, ft it added, that the firlt ferved them for a head-band, the fecond for a girdle, and that the third they conllantly carried in their hand. SLINGING is uftd varioufly at fea ; but chiefly for hoifting up calks or other heavy things with flings, i.e. contrivances of ropes fpliced into themfelves at either end, with one eye big enough to receive the calk or whatever is to be flung. There are other flings, which are made longer, and with a fmall eye at each end ; one of which is, put over the breech of a piece of ordnance, and the other eye comes over the end of an iron- crow, which is put into the mouth of the piece, to weigh and hoife the gun as they pleafe. There are alfo flings by which the yards are bound faft to. the crofs-tree aloft, and to the head of the ’•nail, with a flrong rope or chain, that if the tie fliould happen to break, or to be fhot to pieces in fight, the yard, never- t helefs, may not fall upon the hatches. Swinging a Man overboard, in order to flop a leak in a (hip, is done thus : the man is trufled up about the middle in a piece of canvas, and a rope to keep him from finking, with his arms at liberty, a mallet in one hand, and a plug, wrapped in oakum and well tarred in a tarpawling clout, in the other, which he is to beat with all difpatch into the hole or leak. SLOANE (Sir Hans), baronet, eminently diftin- guifhed as a phylician and.a natuialift, was of Scotch ex- tradlion, his father Alexander Sloane being at the head of that colony of Scots which King James I. fettled in the north of Ireland, where our author was born, at Killieagh, on the 16th of April 1660. At a very early period, he difplayed a flrong inclination for natural hi- ilory ; and this propenfity being encouraged by a fuit- able education, he employed thofe hours which young people generally lofe by purfuing low and trifling amufe- ments, in the iludy of nature, and contemplating her works. When about iixteen, he was attacked by a fpitting of blood, which threatened to be attended- with confiderable danger, and which interrupted the regular courfe of his application for three years ; he had, how¬ ever, already learned enough of phyfic to know that a malady of this kind was not to be removed fuddenly, and he prudently abflained from wine and other liquors that were likely to increafe it. By ftridlly obferving this fevere regimen, which in fome meafure he continued ever after, he was enabled to prolong his life beyond the ordinary bounds ; being an example ot the truth of his own favourite maxim, that lobriety, temperance, and moderation, are the befl and moft powerful prefervatives that nature has granted to mankind. As foon as he recovered from this infirmity, he re- O [ J3* 1 ; s L o It contains 5970 houfes, folved to perfe& himfelf in the different branches of phyfic, which was the profefiion he had made choice Sfoane. of; and with this view he repaired to London, where he hoped to receive that affiflance which he could not find in his own country. On his arrival in the metropolis, he entered himfelf as a pupil to the great Stafforth, an excellent chemifl, bred under the illuftrious Stahl; and by his inftnidtions he gained a perfedl knowledge of the compoiition and preparation of the different kinds of medicines then in ufe. At the fame time, he fludied botany at the cele¬ brated garden at Chelfea, afliduoufly attended the pub¬ lic ledlures of anatomy and phyfic, and in fhort negledl- ed nothing that he thought likely to prove ferviceable to him iu his future pradtice. His principal merit, however, was his knowledge of natural hiftory ; and it was this part of his character which introduced him- early to the acquaintance of Mr Boyde and Mr Ray, two of the moft eminent naturalifts of that age. His intimacy with thefe diflinguifhed charadlers continued as long as they lived ; and as he was careful to com¬ municate to them every ohjedt of curiofity that at¬ tracted his attention, the obfervations which he occa- flonally made often excited their admiration and obtain¬ ed their applaufe. After ftudying four yrears at London with unremit¬ ting feverity, Mr Sloane determined to vifit foreign countries for farther improvement. In this view he fet out for France in the company of two other flu- dents, and having crofled to Dieppe, proceeded to Pa¬ ris. In the way thither they weie elegantly entertain¬ ed by the famous M. Lemery the elder ; and in return Mr Sloane prefcnted that eminent chemift with a fpeci- men of four different kinds of phofphorus, of which, upon the credit of other wiiters, M. Lemery had treat¬ ed in his book of chemiftry, though he had never feen any of them. At Paris Mr Sloane lived as he had done in Lon¬ don. He attended the hofpitals, heard the le&ures of Tournefort, De Verney, and other eminent matters ; vifited all the literati, who received him with particular marks of efteera, and employed himfelf wholly iu Iludy. From Paris Mr Sloane went to Montpelier ; and, be¬ ing furniflied with letters of recommendation from M. Tournefort ta M. Chirac, then chancellor of that uni- verfity, he found eafy accefs, through his means, to all the learned men of the province, particularly to M. Magnol, who in he always accompanied in his botanical excurfions in the environs of that city, where he beheld with pleafure and admiration the fpontaneous produc¬ tions of nature, and learned under his inftruCtions to- clafs them in a proper manner. Having here found an ample field for contemplation, which was entirely fuited to his tafte, he took leave 06 his two companions, whom a curiofity of a different kind led into Italy. After fpending a whole year in colle&ing plants, he- travelled through Languedoc with the fame defign ; and paffing through Thouloufe and Bourdeaux, return¬ ed to Paris, where he made a fhort flay. About the end of the year 1684 he fet out for England, with an intention of fettling there as a phyfician. On his ar¬ rival in London, he made it his firfl bulinefs to yifit his two illuftrious friends Mr Ray and Mr Boyle, in order to S L O [ 539 1 S L G fcloane. to communicate to them the difcoveries he had made “‘“v ' in his travels. ’Ihe latter he found at home, but the former had retired to Eflex ; to which place Mr Sloane tranfmitted a great variety of plants and feeds, which Mr Ray has deferibed in his Hiftory of Plants, and for which he makes a proper acknowledgment. About the year 1706 our author became acquainted with the celebrated Sydenham ; who foon contracted fo 'warm an affedfion for him that he took him into his houfe, and recommended him in the ftrongeft manner to his patients. He had not been long in London before he was propofed by Dr Martin Lifter as a candidate to be admitted a member of the Royal Society, on the 26th ol November 1684 ; and being approved, he was •elefted on the 21ft of January following. In 1685 he communicated fome curiolities to the So¬ ciety ; and in July the fame year he was a candidate for the office of their affiftant fecretary, but without fuc- cefs, as he was obliged to give way to the fuperior in- tefeft of his competitor Dr Halley. On the 1 2th of April 1687, he was chofen a fellow of the college of phyficians in London ; and the fame year his friend and fellow traveller Dr Tancred Robinfon, having mention¬ ed to the Society the plant called the Jlar of the earth, as a remedy newly difeovered for the bite of a mad dog, Dr Sloane acquainted them that this virtue of the plant was to be found in a book called De Grey’s Farriery ; and that he knew a man who had cured with it twenty couple of dogs. This obfervation he made on the 13th -of July, and on the 12th of September following he embarked at Portfmouth for Jamaica with the duke of Albemarle, who had been appointed governor of that Jfland. The doclor attended his grace in quality of phyfician, and arrived at Jamaica on the 19th of De¬ cember following. Here a new field was opened for frefh difcoveries in natural productions ; but the world would have been deprived of the fruits of them, had not our author, by incredible application, converted, as we may fay, his minutes into hours. The duke of Albemarle died foon aiter he landed, and the duchefs determined to return to England whenever an anfwer fhould be received to the letter fhe had fent to court on that melancholy oc- cafion. As Dr Sloane could not think of leaving her grace in her diftrefs, whilft the reft of her retinue were preparing for their departure he improved it in making colledions of natural cmiofities ; fo that though his whole ftay at Jamaica was not above fifteen months, he brought together fuch a prodigious number of plants, that on his return to England Mr Ray was aftonifhed that one man could procure in one ifland, and in fo fhdrt a fpace, fo vaft a variety. On his arrival in London he applied himfelf to the praftice of his profefiion ; and foon became fo eminent, that he was chofen phyfician to Chrift’s Hofpital on the 17th of October J 694 : and this office he held till the year 1730, when, on account of his great age and infirmities, he found it neceffary to refign. It is fome- what lingular, and redounds much to the DoCtor’s ho¬ nour, that though he received the emoluments of his office punctually, becaufe he would not lay do a pre¬ cedent which might hurt his fucceffors, yet he conftant- Jy applied the money to the -relief of thofe who were the greateft objects of compafiion in the hofpital, that at might never be laid he enriched himfelf by giving health to the poor. He had been elected fecretary to the Royal Society on the 30th of November 1693 ; and upon this eccafion be revived the publication of the Philofophical TranfaCtions, which had been omit¬ ted for fome time. He continued to be the editor of this work till the year 1712; and the volumes which appeared during that period are monuments of his in- duftry and ingenuity, many of the pieces contained in them being written by himfelf. In the mean time he publifhed Catalogus Plantarum qua in Infula Jamaica fponte proveniunt, &c. Seu Pro- clromi Hijlor 'ue Nuturalis pars prima, which he dedica- cated to the Royal Society and College of Phyficians. About the fame time he formed the plan of a difpen- fary, where the poor might be furnifhed at prime coft with fuch medicines as their feveral maladies might re¬ quire ; which he afterwards carried into execution, with the affiftance of the prefident and other members of the college of phyficians. Our author’s thirft for natural knowledge feems to have been born with him, fo that his cabinet of cutio- fities may be faid to have commenced with his being. He was continually enriching and enlarging it ; and the fame which, in the courfe of a few years, it had ac¬ quired, brought every thing that was curious in art or nature to be firft offered to him for purchafe. Thefe acquifitions, however, increafed it but very flowly in comparifon of the augmentation it received in 17CJ by the death of William Courten, Efq; a' gentleman who had employed all his time, and the greater part of his fortune, in colleding rarities, and who bequeathed the whole to Dr Sloane, on condition of his paying cer¬ tain debts and legacies with which he had charged ig. Thefe terms our author accepted, and he executed the will of the donor with the moft fcrupulous exa&nefs j on which account fome people have faid, that he pur- chafed Mr Courten’s curiofitres at a dear rate. In 1707 the firft volume ofDrSloane’s Natural Hif¬ tory of Jamaica appeared in folio, though the publica¬ tion of the fecond was delayed till 1725. By this very ufeful as well as magnificent work the materia medica was enriched with a great number of excellent drugs not before known. In 1708 the Doctor was ele&ed a foreign member of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, in the room of Mr Tfchirnaus ; an honour ft, much the greater, as we were then at war with France, and the queen’s exprefs confent was neceffary before he could accept it. In proportion as his credit rofe among the learned, his pra&ice increafed among the people of rank : Queen Anne herfelf frequently confalted him, and in her laft illnefs was blooded by him. On the advancement of George I to the throne, that prince, on the 3d of April 1716, created the Doc¬ tor a Baronet, an hereditary title of honour to which no Engliih phyfician had before attained; and at the fame time made him phyfician general to the army, in which ftation he continued till 1727, when he was ap¬ pointed phyfician in ordinary to George LI. He at¬ tended the royal family till his death ; and was parti¬ cularly favoured by Queen Caroline, who placed fhe greateft-confidence in his preferiptions. In the mean tune he had been unanimoufly chofen one of the eledts of the college of phyficians June 1. 1716, -and he was tlcdfed prefident of the fame body on September 30. 1719, an office which he held for fixteen years. Du- 3 ^ 2 ring Sloane. S L O [ 54c ] S L O Sloane. finer that period be not only gave the higheft proofs of his zeal and afiiduity In the difeharge of his duty, but in 1721 made a prefent to that fociety of L. ico ; and fo far remitted a very confiderable debt, which the cor¬ poration owed him, as to accept it In fuch fmall fums as were lead inconvenient to the flate of their affairs. Sir Hans was no lefs liberal to other learned bodies. He had no fooner purchafed the manor of Chelfea, than he gave the company of apothecaries the entire freehold of their botanical garden there, upon condition only that they fhould prefent yearly to the Royal Society fifty new plants, till the number fhould amount to zooo(a). He gave beficles feveral other confiderable donations for the improvement of this garden ; the iituation of which, on the banks of the Thames, and in the neighbourhood of the capital, was fuch as to render it ufeful in two refpedts: Firft, by producing the mofl rare medicinal plants ; and, fecondly, by ferving as an excellent fchool for young botanifts ; an advantage v;hich he himfelf had derived from it in the early part of bis life. The death of Sir Ifaac Newton, which happened in 1727, made way for the advancement of Sir Hans to the prefidency of the Royal Society. He had been vice-prefident, and frequently fat in the chair for that great man ; and by his long connexion with this learn¬ ed body he had contrafted lo ftrong an affection for it, that he made them a prefent of an hundred guineas, eaufed a curious buff of King Charles II. its founder, to be eretled in the great hall where it met, and, as is faid, was very inftrumental in procuring Sir Godfrey Copley’s benefaftion of a medal of the value of five uineas, to be annually given as an honorary mark of iftinftion to the perfon who communicates th^ bell ex¬ periments to the Society. On his being raifed to the chair, Sir Hans laid afide all thoughts of further promotion, and applied hrmfelf wholly to the faithful difeharge of the dirties of the of¬ fices which he enjoyed. In this laudable occupation he employed his time from 1727 to 1740, when, at the age of fourfeore, he formed a refolution of quitting the fervice of the public, and of living for himfelf. With this view he refigned the prefidency of the Royal So¬ ciety much againi! the inclination of that refpe&able body, who chofe Martin Folkes, Efq; to fucceed him, and in a public affembly thanked him for the great and eminent fervices he had rendered them. In the month of January 1741, he began to remove his library, and his cabinet of rarities, from his houfe in Bloomfbury to that at Chelfea ; and on the 12th of March following, having fettled all his affairs, he retired thither himfelf, to enjoy in peaceful tranquillity the remains of a well-fpent life. He did not, however, bury himfelf In that foil. S!oan«, tude which excludes men from fociety. He received Sloanea, at Chelfea, as he had done in London, the vifits of people of diftin&ion, of all learned foreigners, and of the royal family, who fometimes did him the honour to w^it on him; but, what was Hill more to his praife, ho never refufed admittance or advice to rich or poor who came to confult him concerning their health. Not con¬ tented with this contradled method of doing good, he now, during his retreat, prelented to the public fuch ufeful remedies as fuccefs had warranted, during the courfe of a l@ng continued praftice. Among thefe is the efficacious receipt for dillempers in the eyes, and his remedy for the bite of a mad dog. During the whole courfe of his life. Sir Hans had lived with fo much temperance, as had preferred him from feeling the infirmities of old age ; but in his 90th year he began to complain of pains, and to be fenfible of an univerfal decay. He was often heard to fay, that the approach of death brought no terrors along with it ; that he had long expefted the ftroke ; and that he was prepared to receive it whenever the great Author of his being ffiould think fit. After a ffiort illnefs of three days, he died on the nth of January 1752, and was interred on the 18th at Chelfea, in the fame vault with his lady, the folemnity being attended with the greateft concourfe of people, of all ranks and conditions;, that had ever been feen beiore on the like occafioji. Sir Hans being extremely felicitous left his cabinet of curioirties, which he had taken fo much pains to col- left, ftrould be again diffipated at his death, and being at the fame time unwilling that fo large a portion of his fortune ffiould be loft to his children, he bequeathed it to the public, on condition that L. 30,000 ffiould be made good by parliament to his family. This fum, though large in appearance, was fcarcely more than the intrinfic value of the gold and filver medals, the ores and precious ftones that were found in it ; for in his laft will he declares, that the firft coft of the whole amounted at leaft to L. 50,000. Befides his library, confifting of more than 50,000 volumes, 347 of which were illuftrated with cuts finely engraven and coloured from nature, there were 35^0 manufcripts, and an infi¬ nite number of rare and curious works of every kind, Tire parliament accepted the legacy, and fulfilled the conditions. SLOANEA, in botany; A genus of plants be¬ longing to the clafs of polyandria, and order of mono- gynia ; and in the natural fyftem ranging under the 50th order, Amentacea. The corolla is pentapetalous f the calyx pentaphyilous and deciduous; the fttgma ie perforated 5 (a) This garden was firft eftabliffied by the company in 1675 5 an^ having after that period been flocked by them with a great variety of plants, for the improvement of botany, Sir Hans, in order to encourage fo fervice- able an undertaking, granted to the company the inheritance of it, being part of his eftate and manor of Chelfea, on condition that it ffiould be for ever preferred as a phyfic garden. As a proof of its being fo maintained, he obliged the company, in confideration of the (aid grant, to prefent yearly to the Royal Society, in one of their weekly meetings, fifty fpecimens of plants that had grown in the garden the preceding year, and which were all to be fpecifically diftinft from each other, until the number of two thouland ffiould be completed. This num¬ ber was completed in the year 1 761. In 1733 the company erefted a marble ftatue of Sir Hans, executed by Ryfbrac, which is placed upon a pedeftal in the centre of the garden, with a Latin infeription, expreffing lust (donation, and the defign and advantages of it. S L U 8!ee II Sluice. perforated ; the berry is corticofe, echinated, polyfper- mous, and gaping. There are two fpecies, the dentata I and emarginata. SLOE. See Prunus. SLOOP, a fmall vdiel fU'rniihed with one mail, the mainfail of which is attached to a gaff above, or to the mail on its foremoft edge, and to a long boom below, by which it is occaiionally Ihifted to either quarter. See Ship. Slqop of War, a name given to the fmalleft veffels of war 'except,cutters. ri hey are either rigged as ffiips or fnows. SLOT, in the fportfman’s language, a term ufed to txpiefs the mark ol the foot of a flag or other animal proper for the chace in the clay or earth, by which they are able to guefs when the animal palled, and which way he went. The flot, or treading of the C 54> 1 S M A >Lg» is very nicely ftudied on this occafion ; if the tiot be large, deep printed in the ground, and with an open cleft, and, added to thefe marks, there is a large fpace between mark and mark, it is certain that the flag is an old one. If there be obferved the dots or treadings of two, the one long and the other round, and both of one fize, the long ffot is always that of the larger animal, d here is alfo another way of knowing the old ones from the young ones by the treading; which is, that the hinder feet of the old ones never reach to their fore feet, whereas thofe of the youn<>- ones do. ° SLOTH, in zoology. See Bradypus. SLOUGH, a deep muddy place. The caff fkin of a fnake, the damp of a coal pit, and the fear of a wound, are alfo called by the fame appellation. The Hough of a wild boar is the bed, foil, or mire, wherein he wallows, or in which he lies in the day-time. SLUCZK, a large and populous town in Poland, in Lithuania, anu capital of a duchy of the fame name ; famous for three battles gained here by Conftantine duke of Oftrog over the Tartars, in the reign of Sigif- xijund I. It is feated on the river Sluczk, 72 miles fouth-eaft of IVIiniki, and 7,0 fouth of Novogrodeck. E. Long. 27. 44. N= Lat. 53. 2. SLUG, in zoology. See Limax. SLUICE, a frame of timber, ffone, or other matter, ferving to retain and raife the water of a river, &c. and cn occalion to let it pals. Such is the fluice of a mill, which ftope and colle&s the water of a rivulet, &c. to let it fall at length in the greater plenty upon the mill-wheel: fuch alfo are thofe ufed as vents or drains to difeharge water off land. And fuch are the fluices of Flanders, &c. which ferve to prevent the waters of the fea from overflowino1 the lower lands. 0 Sometimes there is a kind of canal inclofed betv/een two gates or Unices, in artificial navigations, to fave the water, and render the paflage of boats equally eafy and fafe, upwards and downwards ; as in the ffuices of Bri- are in France, which are a kind of maffive walls built parallel to each other, at the diftance of 20 or 24 feet, elofed with ftrong gates at each end, between which is a kind of canal or chamber, conliderably longer than broad ; wherein a veflel being inclofed, the water is let out at the fu ff gate, by whtch the veflel is raifed 15 or 10 feet, and paffed out of this canal into another much ing ier. By fuch means a boat is conveyed out of the Loire into the Seine, though the ground between them Sin Icq rife above 150 feet higher than either of thofe rivers^;. II Sluices are made different ways, according to the ufe , Smalty for which they are intended : when they ferve for navi- f See gation, they are fhut witn two gates, prefenting an/w/. angle towards the ftream ; when they are made near the fea, two pair of gates are made, the one to keep the water out and the other in, as oecanon requires ; in thin cafe, the gates towards the fea prefent an angle that way, and the others the contrary way ; and the fpace inclofed by thole gates is called the chamber. When duices are made in the ditches of a fortrefs, to keep up the water ift fomc parts, inftead of gates, {butters are made fo as to Hide up and down in grooves ; and when they are made to raife an inundation, they are then {hut by means of fquare timbers let down in culliies, fo as to lie clofe and firm, The wordy/a/rt- is formed ©f the French efchfe, which Menage derives from the Latin exclufa, found in the Salic law in the fame fenfe. But this is to be reftrained to the duices of mills, &c. for as to thofe ferving to raife veflels, they were wholly unknown to the ancients. SLUR, in mulic, a mark like the arch of a circle, drawn from one note to another, comprehending two or more notes in the fame or different degrees. If the notes are in different degrees, it dgnifies that they are all to be fung to one fyllable ; for wind inftrunients, that they are to be made in one continued breath ; and for ftringed inffruments that are {truck with a bow, as a violin, &c. that they are made with one ftroke. If the notes are in the fame degree, it fignifks that it is all one note, to be made as long as the whole notes fo con¬ nected ; and this happens molt frequently betwixt the laft note of one line and the firft of the next ; which is particularly called fyncopaticn. SLUYS, a town of Dutch Flanders, oppofite the idand of Cadfand, with a good harbour, 1 o miles north of Bruges. E. Long. 3. 25. N. Lat. 51. 19. SMriCK, a fmall veffel, commonly rigged asadoop or hoy, ufed in the coafting or fifhing "trade, or as a tender in the king’s fervice, SMALAND, or East Gothland, a province of Sweden, which makes part ol Gothland and is bound¬ ed on the north by Ollrogothia or Fall Gothland, on the eaff by the Baltic Sea, on the fouth by Schonen and Bleckingia, and on the weft by Weftrogothia or Weft Gothland. It is about 11 2 miles in length, and 62 fn breadth. Calmar is the capital town. SMALKALD, a town of Germany, in Franconia, and in the county of Henneberg : famous for the con¬ federacy entered into by the German Proteftants againft the emperor, commonly called the league of Smalka/d. The defign of it was to defend |heir religion and liber¬ ties. It is feated on the river Werra, 2 3 miles fouth- weft of Friord, and 50 north-weft of Bamberg. E. Long, jo. 53. N. Lat. 50.49. It is fubjeCt to the prince of Heffe-Caffel. J SMALLAGE, in botany. See Apium. SMALT, a kind of glafs of a dark blue colour, which when levigated appears of a moft beautiful co¬ lour; and if it could be made fufficiently fine, would be an excellent fuccedaneum for ultramarine, as not only refilling all kinds of weather, but even the moft violent fires. It is prepared by melting one part of calcined* cobalt with two of flint powder, and one of pot-afh 1 a£ S M E r 542 1 S M E €r»arasr’us At tlie bottoms of the crucibles in which the fmalt is- Smeaton. manufa£tured we generally find a regulus of a whitifh ^"v_ colour inclining to red, and extremely brittle. This is melted afreih, and when cold feparates into two parts ; that at the bottom is the cobalt'C regulus, which is em¬ ployed to make more of the fmalt; the other is bif- muth. SiVfARAGDUS, in natural hiftory. See Eme¬ rald.' SMEATON (John), an eminent civil engineer, was born the 28th of May 1724, O. S. at Aufthorpe, near Leeds, in a houfe built by his grandfather, and where his family have refided ever fince. The ftrength of his underftanding and the originality of his genius appeared at an early age ; his playthings were not the playthings of children, but the tools which men employ; and he appeared to have greater entertain¬ ment in feeing the men in the neighbourhood work, -and afking them queftions, than in any thing elfe. One day he was feen (to the diftrefs of his family) on the top of his father’s barn, fixing up fomething like a windmill ; another time, he attended fome men fixing a pump at a neighbouring village, and obferving them cut off a piece of bored pipe, he was fo lucky as to pro¬ cure it, and he actually made with it a w-orking pump that raifed water. Thefe anecdotes refer to circum- ftances that happened while he was in petticoats,( and moil likely before he attained his fixth year. About his 14th and 15th year, he had made for himfelf an engine for turnings and made feveral pre- fents to his friends of boxes in ivory or wood very neatly turned. He forged his iron and fteel, and melted his metal; he had tools of every fort for working in wood, ivory, and metals. He had made a lathe, by which he had cut a perpetual ferew in brals, a thing little known at that day, which was the inveiri tion of Mr Henry Hindley of York ; with whom Mr Smeaton foon became acquainted, and they fpent many a night at Mr Hindley’s houfe till day-light, converfing on thofe fubje&s. Thus had Mr Smeaton, by the flrength of his ge¬ nius and indefatigable induftry, acquired, at the age of 18, au extenfive fet of tools, and the art of working in moft of the mechanical trades, without the affiftance of any mailer. A part of every day was generally oc¬ cupied in forming fome ingenious piece of mecha- nifm. Mr Smeaton’s father was an attorney, and defirous hf bringing him up to the fame profeffion, Mr Smea- ton therefore came up to London in 1742, and attend¬ ed the courts in Weftminfter hall; but finding (as his common expreffion was) that the law did not fuit the bent of his genius, he wrote a ftrong memorial to his father on that fubjett; whefe good fenfe from that mo¬ ment left Mr Smeaton to purfue the bent of his genius in his own way. In 1751 he began a courfe of experiments to try a machine of his invention to meafure a fhip s way at lea, and alfo made two voyages in company with Dr Knight te try it, and a compats of his own invention and ma¬ king, which was made magnetical by Dr Knight’s arti¬ ficial magnets : the fecund voyage was made in the For¬ tune floop of war, commanded at that time by Captain Alexander Campbell. f Q *753 was ele&ed member of the Royal So¬ ciety ; the number of papers publifhed in their Tranf- Smeafba. actions will fliow the univerfality of his genius and L——v—-* knowledge- In 1759 he was honoured by an unani¬ mous vote with their gold medal for his paper intitled “ An Experimental Inquiry concerning the Natural •Powers of Water and Wind to turn Mills, and other Machines depending on a Circular Motion.” This paper, he fays, was the refult of experiments made on working models in the years 1752 and 1753* “but not communicated to the Society till 1759; before which time he had an opportunity of putting the effedt of thefe experiments into real praftice, in a variety of cafes, and for various purpofes, fo as to affure the So¬ ciety he had found them to anfwer. In December 1755, the Eddyftone lighthoufe was burnt down : Mr Wefton, the chief proprietor, and the others, being defirous of rebuilding it in the moll fub- flantial manner, inquired of the earl of Macclesfield (then prefident of the Royal Society) whom he thought the moll proper to rebuild it; his Lordfhip recommend¬ ed Mr Smeaton. Mr Smeaton undertook the work, and completed it in the fummer of 1759-. Of this Mr Smeaton gives an ample defeription in the velume he publifhed in 1791 : that edition has been fold fome time ago, and a fecond is now in the prefs, under the revifal of his much efleemed friend Mr Aubert, F. R. S. and governor of the Lon¬ don aflurance corporation. Though Mr Smeaton completed the building of the Eddyflone lighthoufe in 1759 (a work that does him lo much credit), yet it appears he did not foon get into full bulinefs as a civil engineer ; for in 1764, while in Yorkfhire, he offered himfelf a candidate for one of the receivers of the Derwentwater eflate ; and on the 31ft of December in that year, he was appointed at a full board of Greenwich hofpital, in a manner highly flattering to himfelf ; when two other perfons flrongly recommended and power fully fupported were candidates for the employment. In this appointment he was very happy, by the afiillance and abilities of his partner Mr Walton one of the receivers, who taking upon himfelf the ' management and accounts, left Mr Smeaton leifure and opportunity to exert his abilities on public works, as welt as to make many improvements in the mills and in the eilates of Greenwich hofpital. By the year 1'75 he had fo much bufinefs as a civil engineer, that he wifhed to reflgn this appointment; and would have done it then, had not his friends the late Mr Stuart the hofpi¬ tal furveyor, and Mr Ibbetfon their fecretary, prevailed upon him to continue in the office about two years longer. Mr Smeaton having now got into full buiinefs as a civil engineer, performed many works of general utili¬ ty. He made the river Calder navigable; a work that required great fkill and judgment, owing to the very impetuous floods in that river: He planned and at¬ tended the execution of the great canal in Scotland for conveying the trade of the country either to the Atlan¬ tic or German ocean ; andjiaving brought it to the place originally intended, he declined a handforne year¬ ly falary, in order that he might attend to the multi¬ plicity of his other bufinefs. On the opening of the great arch at London bridge, the excavation around and under the flerlings was fo conliderabie, that the bridge was thought to be in great $ M E [ 543 ] S M E Smeaten. great danger of falling. He was then in Yorkfhire, and was fent for by cxprefs, and arrived with the ut- moft difpatch : “ I think (fays Mr Holmes, the au¬ thor of his life) it was on a Saturday morning, when the apprehenfion of the bridge was fo general that few would pafs over or under it. He applied himfelf im¬ mediately to examine it, and to found about the fterlings as minutely as he could ; and the committee being call¬ ed together, adopted his advice, which was to repur- chafe the hones that had been taken from the middle pier, then lying in Moorfields, and to throw them into the river to guard the fterb'ngs,” Nothing fhows the apprehenfions concerning the falling of the bridge more than the alacrity with which this advice was purfued ; the Hones were repurchafed that day, horfes, carts, and barges, were got ready, and they began the work on Sunday morning. Thus Mr Smeaton, in all human probability, faved Tondon-biidge from falling, and fe* cured it till more effectual methods could be taken. The vaft variety of mills which Mr Smeaton con- ftrudted, fo greatly to the fatisfaftion and advantage of the owners, will fhow the great ufe which he made of his experiments in 17.52 and 1753; for he never traded to theory in any cafe where he could have an oppor¬ tunity to inveftigate it by experiment. He built a fteam engine at Aufthorpe, and made experiments thereon, purpofely to afcertain the power of Newco¬ men’s fteam engine, which he improved and brought to a far greater degree of perfection, both in its conftruc- tion and powers, than it was before. Mr Smeaton during many years of his life was a frequent attendant on parliament, his opinion being con¬ tinually called for ; and here his ftrength of judgment and perfpicuity of expreftion had its full diiplay : it was his conftant cuftom, when applied to, to plan or fupport any meafure, to make himfelf fully acquainted with it, to fee its merits before he would engage in it :■ by this caution, added to the clearnefs of his deferip- tion and the integrity of his heart, he feldom failed to obtain for the bill which he fupported an aft of parlia¬ ment. No one was heard with more attention, nor had any one ever more confidence placed in his teftimony. In the courts of law he had feveral compliments paid' him from the bench by Lord Mansfield and others, for the new light which he threw on difficult fubjefts. About the year 1785 Mr Smeaton’s health began to decline ; and he then took the refolution to endeavour to avoid all the bufinefs he could, fo that he might have leilure to publifh an account of his inventions and works, which was certainly the firft wifti of his heart ; for he has often been heard to fay, that “ he thought he could not render fo much fervice to his country as by doing that.” He got only his account of the Ed- dyftone lighthoufe completed, and- fome preparations to his intended Treatife on Mills ; for he could not refiftr the felicitations of his friends in various works : and Mr Aubert, whom he greatly loved and refpefted, be- ing chofen chairman of Rarnfgate harbour, prevailed upon him to accept the place of engineer to that har¬ bour; and to their joint efforts the public is chiefly in¬ debted for the improvements that have been made there within thefe few years, which fully appears in a- report that Mr Smeaton gave in to the board of truftees in 1791, which they immediately publiflied. Mr omeaton being at Aufthorpe, walking in his garden on the 16th of September 1792, wasftruck with Smeaton the palfy, and died the 28th of Oftober. “ In his ill- c II. 1 nefs (fays Mr Holmes) I had feveral letters from him, Trruj-1,|ery figned with his name, but written and figned by ano¬ ther’s pen ; the diftion of them {bowed the ftrength of his mind had not left him. In one written the 26th of September, after minutely deferibing his health and feelings, he fays, ‘ in confequence of the foregoing, I conclude myfelf nine-tenths dead ; and the greateft fa¬ vour the Almighty can do me (as I think), will be to complete the other part; but as it is likely to be a ling¬ ering illnefs, it is only in His power to fay when that is likely to happen.” Mr Smeaton had a warmth of expreffion that might appear to thofe who did not know him well to border on harftinefs ; but thofe more intimately acquainted with him, knew it arofe from the intenfe application of his mind, which was always in the purfuit of truth, or engaged in inveftigating difficult fubjefts. He would- lometimes break out haftiry, when any thing was laid that did not tally with his ideas ; and he would not gjve up any thing he argued for1, till his mind was con¬ vinced by found reafoning. In all the focia-1 duties of life he was exemplary ; he was a moft affeftionate hufhand, a good father, a warm, zealous, and fincere friend, always ready to affift thofe he refpefted, and often before it was pointed out to him in what way lie could ferve them. He was a lover and encourager of merit wherever he found it ; and many men are in a great meaiure indebted to his af- fiftance and advice for their prefent fituation. Asa companion, he was always entertaining and inftruftive ; and none could fpend any time in his company without* improvement. SMELL, odouh., with regard to the organ, is an impreffion made on the nofe by little particles conti¬ nually exhaling from odorous bodies : With regard to the oh}eft, it is the figure and difpofition of odorous ef¬ fluvia, which, flicking on the organ, excite the fenfe of fmeljing: And wilft regard to the foul, it is the per¬ ception of the impreffion of the objeft on the organ, or the affeftion in the foul refulting therefrom." See Anatomy, n° 140 ; and Metaphysics. SMELLING, the aft whereby we perceive fmells, or whereby we become fenfible of odorous bodies, by means of certain effluvia thereof; which, ftriking on the olfaftory organ, briflriy enough to have then im- pulfe propagated to the brain, excite a fenfation in the foul. The principal organs of fmelling are the* noftrils and the olfaftory nerves ; the minute ramifications of winch latter are diftributed throughout the whole con¬ cave of the former. For their deferiptions, fee Anato¬ my. Smelling is performed by drawing into the noftrik the odorous effluvia floating in the air in infpirationy which ftrike with fuch force againft the fibrilise of the olfaftory nerves, which the figure of the nofe, and the fituation of the little bones, render oppofite thereto, as to fhake* them, and give them a vibratory motion ; which aftion, beino communicated hence to the com* mon fonfory, oecafions an idea of a fweet, or fetid, or four, or an aromatic, or a putrefied objeft, &c. The matter m animals, vegetables, foffils; &c. which chiefly affefts the fenfe of fmelling, Boerhaave obferves, h# that fubtile fubftar.ee, inherent in their oily parts, ^ called S M E [ 544 1 SMI Smelling cajle(j falrUs t becaufe, when this is taken away from ri li . ^ the moft fragrant bodies, what remains has fcarce any omeumg. ^ ajj . t^;3> pOUreci on the mott inodorous bodies, gives them a fragrancy. Willis obferves, that brutes have generally the fenfe of fmelling in much greater perfection than man : by this alone they diftinguilh the qualities of bodies, which could not otherwife be known; hunt out their food at a great diitance, as hounds and birds of prey ; or hid among other fubltances, as ducks, See. Man, having other means of judging of his food, &c. did not need fo much fagacity in his nofe ; yet have we inftances of a great deal even in man. In the Hijioire des Antilles, we are affured there are negroes who, by the fmell alone, can diftinguifh between the footfteps of a French¬ man and a negro. It is found, that the laminje, where¬ with the upper part of the noltrils is fenced, and which ferve to receive the divarications of the olfaftory nerves, are always longer, and folded up together in greater numbers, as the animal has this fenfe more acute : the various windings and turnings of thefe laminse detain¬ ing the odoriferous particles. The fenfe of fmelling may be diminifhed or deftroy- ed by difeafes ; as by the moilture, drynefs, inflammation, or fuppuration of the olfaftory membrane, the compref- fion of the nerves which fupply it, or fome fault in the brain itfelf at their origin. A defect, or too great a degree of folidity of the fmall fp»ngy bones of the up¬ per jaw, the caverns of the forehead, &c. may likewife impair this fenfe ; and it may be alfo injured by a col¬ lection of fetid matter in thefe caverns, which is conti¬ nually exhaling from them, and alfo by immoderate ufe of fnuff. When the nofe abounds with moifture, after gentle evacuations, fuch things as tend to take off irri¬ tation and coagulate the thin fliarp ferum may be ap¬ plied ; as the oil of anife mixed with fine flour, cam¬ phor diflblved in oil of almonds, &c. the vapours of am¬ ber, frankincenfe, gum-maflic, and benjamin, may like¬ wife be received into the nofe and mouth. For moift- cning the mucus when it is too dry, fome recommend fnuff made of the leaves of marjoram, mixed with oil of amber, marjoram, and anileed; or a ffernutatory of cal¬ cined white vitriol, twelve grains of which may be mix¬ ed with two ounces of marjoram water and filtrated. The fteam of vinegar upon hot iron, and received up the noftrils, is alfo" of ufe for foftening the mucus, re¬ moving ob'IruClions, &c. If there be an ulcer in the nofe, it ought to be dreffed with fome emollient oint¬ ment, to which, if the pain be very great, a little lau¬ danum may be added. If it be a venereal ulcer, 12 grains of corrofive fublimate may be diffolved in a pint and a half of brandy, a table fpoonful of which may be taken twice a day. The ulcer ought likewife to be waflied with it, and the fumes of cianabar may be re¬ ceived up the noftrils. If there be reafon to fufpeCl that the nerves which fupply the organs of fmelling are inert, or want ftimu- lating, volatile falls, or ftrong fnuffs, and other things which occafion freezing, may be applied to the nofe ; the forehead may likewife be anointed with balfam of Peru, to which may be added a little oil of amber. SMELT, in ichthyology. See Sal mo. SMELTING, in metallurgy, the fufion or melting of the ores of metals, in order to feparate the metalline part from the earthy, ftony, and other parts. See Ms* Smsw* TALLURGY, Part III. Sn-lijax, SMEW, in ornithology. See Mergus. , SMI LAX, rough bindweed, in botany : A ge¬ nus of plants belonging to the clals of dicecia and order ot hexandria ; and in the natural fyllem ranging under the i i th order, Sarmentacea. The male calyx is hexa- phyllous, and there is no corolla ; the female calyx is al¬ fo hexaphylious, without any corolla ; there are three ftyles, a trilocular berry', and two feeds. There are 18 fpecies; the afpera, excelfa, z&ilanlca, farfaparilla, china, rotunditolia, laurifolia, tamnoides, caduca, bona nox, herbacea, tetragona, lanceolata, and pfeudo-china. Of thefe, the fmilax farfaparilla, wlpch affords the farfapa¬ rilla root, is the moft valuable. This is well deferibed in the London Medical Journal hy Dr Wright, who, during a long refidence in Jamaica, made botany his peculiar ftudy. “ This fpecies (fays he) has ftems of the thicknefs of a man’s finger : they are jointed, triangular, and befet with crooked fpines. The leaves are alternate, fmooth and fhining on the upper fide ; on the other fide are three nerves or coftee, with fundry fm?.ll crooked fpines. The flower is yellow, mixed wnth red. The fruit is a black berry, containing feveral brown feeds. “ Sarfaparilla delights in low moift grounds and near the banks of rivers. The roots run frperiicially under the furface of the ground. The gatherers have only to loofen the foil a little, and to draw out the long fibres with a wooden hook. In this manner they proceed till the whole root is got out. It is then cleared of the mud, dried, and made into bundles. “ The fenfible qualities of farfaparilla are mucilagi¬ nous and farinaceous, with a flight degree of acrimony. The latter, however, is fo flight as not to be perceived by many; and I am apt to believe that its medicinal pov/ers may fairly be aferibed to its demulcent and fa¬ rinaceous qualities. “ Since the publication of Sir William Fordyce’s pa¬ per on Sarfaparilla in the Medical Obfervations and In¬ quiries, Vol. I. farfaparilla has been in more general ufe than formerly. The planters in Jamaica fupply their eftates with great quantities of it; and its exhibition has been attended with very happy confequences in the yawsand in venereal affedtions; as nodes, tophi, and exof- tolis; pains of the bones, and carious or cancerous ulcers. “ Sir William Fordyce feems to think farfaparilla a fpecific in all ftages of lues ; but from an attentive and careful obfervation of its effects in fome thoufands of cafes, I muft declare I could place no dependence on farfaparilla alone. But if mercury had formerly been tried, or was ufed along with farfaparilla, a cure was foon effefted. Where the patients had been redu¬ ced by pain, diforder, ?nd mercury, I preferibed a de~ coition of farfaparilla, and a table-fpoonful of the pow¬ der of the fame, twice a day, with the greateft fuccefs, in the moft deplorable cafes of lues, ill-cured yaws, and carious or ill-difpofed fores or cancers.” The china, or oriental fpecies of china root, has roundifh prickly ftalks and red berries, and is a native of China and Japan. The pfeudo-china, or occidental fpecies, has rounder fmooth ftalks and black berries, grows wild in Jamaica and Virginia, and bears the colds of our own climate. Thefe SMI Smi'ax, Smith. J.e-wi.i ’s Mate rid Mtdtei. Thefe roots have fearce any fmell or particular taile: when frefh, they are faid to be fomewhat acrid, hut a# brought to us they difcover, even when long chewed, no other than a flight unftuofity in the mouth. Boiled in water, they impart a reddiih colour, and a kind of vapid foftnels: the decoftion when infpiflated yields an unc¬ tuous, farinaceous, ahnoft infipid mafs, amounting to up¬ wards of half the weight of the root. They give a gold yellow tinaure to re&iiied fpirit, but make no fenlible alteration in its tarte : on drawing off the fpirit from the filtered liquor, there remains an orange-coloured ex- trafl:, nearly as infipid as that obtained by water, but fcarcely in half its quantity. China root is generally fuppofed to promote perfpi- ration and urine, and by its loft un&uous quality to blunt acrimonious humours. It was firft introduced into Europe about the year r with the chara&er of a fpecific again ft venereal diforders: the patient was kept warm, a weak deco&ion of china root was ufed for common drink, and a ftronger decoftion taken twice a day in bed to promote a fweat. Such a regimen is doubtlefs a good auxiliary to mercurial alteratives: but whatever may be its effedfs in the warmer climates, it is found in this to be of itfelf greatly infufficient. At prefent the china root is very rarely made ufe of, having tor feme time given place to farfaparilla, which is fup- poled to be more effectual. Profper Alpinus informs us, that this root is in great efteem among the Egyp¬ tian women for procuring fatnefs and plumpncfs. SMITH (Sir Thomas), was born at Walden in Ef- lex in 15x2. At 14 he was fent to Queen’s college Cambridge, where he diftinguiflxed himfelf fo much, that he was made Henry VIII.’s fcholar together with John Cheke. He was chofen a fellow of his col¬ lege in 153 r, and appointed two years after to read the piiblic Greek ledfure. The common mode of reading Greek at that time was very faulty ; the fame found being given to the letters and diphthongs <>u, n, 01, vi. Mr Smith and Mr Cheke had been for fome time fenfible that this pronunciation was wrong : and after a good deal of confultation and relearch, they agreed to intro¬ duce that mode of reading which prevails at prefent. Mr Smith was lediurhag 011 Ariftoile de Republica in Greek. At firft he dropped a word or two at intervals in the new pronunciation, and fometimes he would Hop as if he had committed a miftake and correct hi*m« felf. No notice was taken of this for two or three days ; but as he x-epeated more frequently, his audience began to wonder at the unufual founds, and at laft fome oi his friends mentioned to him what they had remark- cth He owned that fomething was in agitation, but that it was not yet fufficiently digefted to be made pub¬ lic. Ehey entreated him earneftly to difcover his pro- jeft . he did lo ; and in a fhort time great numbers re- iorteci to him for information. The new pronunciation was adopted with enthufiafm, and foon became univer- fal at Cambridge. It was afterwards oppofed by bi- rtiop Gardiner the chancellor; but its iuperiority to the old mode was fo vifible, that in a few years it fpread over all England. ^n l539 he travelled into foreign countries, and ftu- died for iome time in the univerfities of France and Ita¬ ly. On his return he was made regius profeffor of ci- vil law at Cambridge. About this time he publifhed a Vol. XVII. Part II. [ 545 1 s m r treatife on the modebf pronouncing Englifli, He was Smith. ufeful I ike wife in promoting the reformation. Having v — gone into the family of the duke of Somerfet, the pro- tettor during the minority of Edward VI. he was em¬ ployed by' that nobleman in public affairs ; and in 154$ was made fecretary of ftate, and received the honour of knighthood. While that nobleman continued in office, lie was fent ambaffador, firft to Bruffels and afterwards to trance. Upon Mary's acceffion he loft all his places, but was fortunate enough to preferve the friendffiip of Gardiner and Bonner. He was exempted from perfection, and was allowed, probably by their influence, a penfion of Li. i00.. During Elizabeth’s reign he was employed in public affairs, and was fent three times by that princefs as her ambaffador to France. He died in 1577. His abilities were excellent, and his attainments un¬ commonly great: He was a philofopher, a phyfician, a chemilt, mathematician, linguift, hiftorian, and archite6t» He wrote, 1 A treatife called the Eng/i/b Common, wealth. 2. A letter De Reda et Emendata Lingu* Gr*e* Pronunciatione. 3. De Moribus Turcarum. 4. De DruU dum Moribus. Smith (Edmund), a diftinguiffied Englifh poet, the only fon of Mr Neale an eminent merchant, by a daugh- ter of baron Lechmere, was born in 1668. By his fa¬ ther’s death he was left young to the care of Mr Smith who had married his father’s filter, and who treated him with fo much tendernefs, that at the death of his generous guardian he affumed his name. His writings are not many, and thofe are fcattered about in mifcella- mes and colkaions : his celebrated tragedy of Phadra and Hippolitus was a&ed in 1707 ; and being introdu¬ ced at a time when the Italian opera fo much engroffed the polite world, gave Mr Addifon, who wrote the prologue, an opportunity to rally the vitiated tafte of the public. However, notwithflanding the efteem it has always been held in, k is perhaps rather to be con- fidered as a fine poem than as a good play. This tra¬ gedy, with a Poem to the memory of Mr John Philips three or four Odes, with a Latin oration fpoken at Ox! ford in laudem Thomx Bodleii, were publifhed as his works by his friend Mr Oldifworth. Mr Smith died 111 1710, funk into indolence and intemperance by po¬ verty and difappointments; the hard fate of many a man of genius. ' Smith (JohnV an excellent mezzotinter, flouriflied about 1700; but neither the time of his birth nor death are accurately known. He united foftnefs with itrength, and fimfhed with freedom. He ferved his time with one Tillet a painter iu Moorfields ; and as loon as he became his own mafter, learned from Bccket the fecret of mezzotinto, and being farther inftru&ed by Van der Vaart, was taken to work in Sir Godfrey Kneller’s houfe ; and as he was to be the publiiher of that mailer’s works, doubtlefs received conliderable hints from him, which he amply repaid. “ To pofterity per- uaps his punts (fays Mr Walpole) will carry an idea of ^ n ,, fomething burlefque ; perukes of an enormous length Sf* flowing over fiats of armour, compofe wonderful habits."/ E'g™- is equally ftrange that fafhion could introduce the vcrs* one, and eftabhfh the pra&ice of reprefenting the other when it was out of fafhion. Smith excelled in exhibi! ting both, as he found them in the portraits of Knel- 3 Z ler. S M I Snvt’i. ler, wVo was Icfs happy in what he fubflitutcd to ar- ^ moUr. In the Kit-cat club he has poured full bottoms chiefly over night-gowns. If thofe dreams of hair were incommode in a battle, I know nothing (he adds) they were adapted to that can be done in a night-gown. Smith compofed two large volumes, with proofs of his own plates, for which he allied L. 50. His fineft works are duke Schomberg on horfeback ; that duke’s fon and fucceflor Maynhard ; the earls of Pembroke, Dor¬ set, and Albemarle ; three plates with two figures in each, of young perfons or children, in which he fhone; William Cowper; Gibbons and his wife; Queen Anne; the duke of Gloucefter, a whole length, with a flower¬ pot ; a very curious one oi Queen Mary, in a high head, fan, and gloves ; the earl of Godolphin ; the duchefs of Ormond, a whole length, with a black ; .Sir George Rooke, &c There is a print by him of James II. with an anchor, but no infcription ; which not being finished when the king went away, is fo fcarce that it is fometimes fold for above a guinea. Smith alfo per¬ formed many hiftoric pieces ; as the loves of the gods, from Titian, at Blenheim, in ten plates; Venus Hand¬ ing in a ihell, from a pidture by Correggio, and many more, of which perhaps the moll delicate is the holy family with angels, after Carlo Maratti.” JPhilofobnhal Smith (Dr Adam), the celebrated author of the ‘TranfiSiions Inquiry into the Nature and Caufes of the Wealth of of the Royal Nations, was the only fon of Adam Smith comptroller Soiuiy of 0p cuftoms at Kirkaldy, and of Margaret Douglas daughter of Mr Douglas of Strathenry. He was born at Kirkaldy on the 5th June 1723, a few months after the death of his father. His conllitution during his infancy was infirm and fickly, and required all the care of his furviving parent. When only three years old he was carried by his mother to Strathenry on a vifit to his uncle Mr Douglas; and happening one day to be amufing himfelf alone at the door of the houfe, he was ftolen by a party of thofe vagrants who in Scotland are called tinkers. Luckily he was mifled immediately, and the vagrants purfued and overtaken in Leflie wood ; and thus Dr Smith was preferved to extend the bounds of fcience, and reform the commercial policy of Eu¬ rope. - ... 1 Pie received the rudiments of his education in the fchool of Kirkaldy under David Miller, a teacher of eonfiderable eminence, and whofe name deferves to be recorded on account of the great number of eminent men which that feminary produced while under his di- reftion. Dr Smith, even while at fchool, attracted no¬ tice by his pafilonate attachment to books, and by the extraordinary powers of his memory ; while his friend¬ ly and generous difpofition gained and fecured the af- fedtion of his fchoolfellows. Even then he was remark¬ able for thofe habits which remained with him through life, of fpeaking to himfelf when alone and of abfence in company. He was fent in 1 737 to the univerfity of Glafgow, where he remained till 1740, when he went to Baliol college Oxford, as an exhibitioner on Snell’s foundation. His favourite purfuits while at the uni- verfity were mathematics and natural philofophy. Af¬ ter his removal to England he frequently employed him- fclf in tranflating, particularly from the French, with a view to the improvement of his own ftyle: a practice which he often lecommended to all who wilhed to cul- S M I tivate the art of compofition. It wa* probably then’s!. Smith. - fo that he applied himfelf v/ith the greateil care to the V'"*^ ftudy of languages, of which, both ancient and modern, his knowledge was uncommonly extenfive and accu¬ rate. After feven years refidence at Oxford he returned to Kirkaldy, and lived two years with his mother without any fixed plan for his future life. Pie had been defign- ed for the church of England ; but difliking the eccle- fiallical profeflion, he refolved to abandon it altogether, and to limit his ambition to the profpeft of obtaining fome of thofe preferments to which literary attainments lead in Scotland. In 1748 he fixed his reiidence in E- dinburgh, and for three years read a courfe of leftures on rhetoric and belles lettres under the patronage of Lord Karnes. In 1751 he was eledled profeffor of lo¬ gic in the univerfity of Glafgow, and the year follow- ing was removed to the profefforlhip of moral phi¬ lofophy, vacant by the death of Mr Thomas Craigie the immediate fucceffor of Dr Plutchefon. In this fi- tuation he remained t 3 years, a period he ufed frequent¬ ly to look back to as the mod ufeful part of his life. His ledlures on moral philofophy were divided into four parts : The fird contained natural theology; in which he confidered the proofs of the being and attributes of God, and thofe truths on which religion is founded : the fecond comprehended ethics, dridlly fo called, and confided chiefly of thofe dodtrines which he afterwards publiihed in his theory of moral fentiments: in the third part he treated more at length of that part of mo¬ rality called jujlice ; and which, being fulceptible of precife and accurate rules, is for that reafon capable of a full and accurate explanation : in the lad part of his ledlui is he examined thofe political regulations which are founded, not upon the principle of juftice, but of expediency ; and which are calculated to increale the riches, the power, and the prolperity of a date. Un¬ der this view he confidered the political inditutions re¬ lating to commerce, to finances, to eccleliadical and military governments : this contained the fubdance of his Wealth of Nations. In delivering his ledtures he truded almod entirely to extemporary elocution : his manner was plain and unaffedled, and he never failed to intered his hearers. His reputation foon rofe very high, and many dudents reforted to the univerfity merely up¬ on his account. When his acquaintance with Mr Hume fird com¬ menced is uncertain, but it had ripened into friendlhip before the year 1752. In 1759 he publidied his Theory of Moral Senti¬ ments ; a work which defervedly extended his reputa¬ tion : for, though feveral of its conclufions be ill- founded, it mud be allowed by all to be a Angular ef¬ fort of invention, ingenuity, and fubdlty. Befides, it contains a great mixture of important truth ; and, tho’ the author has fometimes been mifled, he has had the merit of diredling the attention of philofophers to a view of human nature, which had formerly in a great meafure efcaped their notice. It abounds everywhere with the pared and mod elevated maxims concerning the praftical condind of life ; and when the fubjeft oF his work leads him to addrefs the imagination and the heart, the variety and felicity of his illudrations, the richnefs and fluency of his eloquence, and thefldll with/ A which.- [ 546 1 S M I Smith, which he wins the attention and commands the paffions ot his readers, leave him among our Britifh moralills without a rival. Towards the end of 1763 Dr Smith received an in- vitation from Mr Charles Townfend to accompany the Duke of Buccleugh on his travels; and the liberal terms in which this propofal was made induced him to refign his office at Glafgow. He joined the Duke of Buccleugh at London early in the year 1764, and fet out with him for the continent in the month of March following. After a ftay of about ten days at Paris, they proceeded to 1 houloufe, where they fixed their reiidence for about 18 months; thence they went by a pretty exteniive route through the fouth of France to Geneva, where they paffed two months. About Chrhtmas *7^5 they returned to Paris, and remained there till Oftober following. The iociety in which Di Smith paired thefe ten months may be conceived in confequence of the recommendation of Mr Hume. Tur¬ got, Queinai, Necker, D’Alembert, Helvetius, Mar- niontel, Madame Riccoboni, were among the number of his acquaintances; and fome of them he continued over after to reckon among the number of his friends. In Odlober 1766 the duke of Buccleugh returned to England. . Dr Smith fpent the next ten years of his life with his mother at Kirkaldy, occupied habitually in intenfe ftudy, but unbending his mind at times in the compa¬ ny of fome of his old fchoolfellows, who ilill continued to reiide near the place of their birth. In 1776 he publifhed his Inquiry into the Nature ami Caufes of the Wealth of Nations; a book fo univerfally known, that any panegyric on it would be ufelefs. The variety, im¬ portance, and (may we not add) novelty, of the iidor'- nration which it contains ; the fkill and comprehenfive- nels of mind difplayed in the arrangement; the admi- raole illuftrations with which it abounds ; together with a plamnefs and perfpicuity which makes it intelligible to all—render it unqueitionably the molt perfedl work which has yet appeared on the general principles of any branch of legiflation. He fpent the next two years of his life in London, where he enjoyed the fociety of fome of the moft emi¬ nent men of the age : but he removed to Edinburgh in 377S) in coniequence of having been appointed, at the requefl of the duke of Buccleugh, one of the commif- fioners of the cultoms in Scotland. Plere he fpent the laft twelve years of his life in an affluence which was more than equal to all his wants. But his ftudies feem- ed entirely fufpended till the infirmities of old age re- iminded him, when it was too late, of what he yet owed .to the public and to his own fame The principal mate¬ rials of the works which he had announced had long ago been collefted, and little probably was wanting but a^few years of health and retirement to complete them, I he death of his mother, who had accompanied him to Edinburgh in 1784, together with that of his coufin Mrfs Douglas in 1788, contributed to fruftrate thefe ' projedts. 1. hey had been tbe objedts of his affedtion for more than 60 years, and in their Society he had en¬ joyed from his infancy all that he ever knew of the en- deaiments of a family. He was now alone and help- lefs ; and though he bore his lofs with equanimity, and regained apparently his former cheerfulnefs, yet his Eealth and itrength gradually declined till the period of C 547 1 S M O his death, which happened in July 1790. Some days before his death he ordered all his papers to be burnt except a few effays, which have fince been publiffied. Of the originality and comprehenlivenels of his views ; the extent, the vaiiety, and the corredfnefs of his infor¬ mation ; the inexhauftible fertility of his invention—-he has icft behind him lafling monuments. To his private worth, the molt certain of all teftimonies may be found in that confidence, refpedl, and attachment, which fol¬ lowed him through all the various relations of life. He was habitually abfent in converfation, and was apt when he fpoke to deliver his ideas in the form of a lec¬ ture. He was rarely known to ftart a new topic him- felf, or to appear unprepared upon thofe topics that were introduced by others. In his external form and appear¬ ance there was nothing uncommon. When perfectly at eafe, and when warmed with converfation, his geftures were animated and not ungraceful; and in the' fociety of thole he loved, his features were often brightened by a Imile of inexpreffible benignity. In the company of ftrangers, his tendency to abfeuce, and perhaps itill more his confeioulnefs of that tendency, rendered his manners fomewhat embarrafled ; an effedt which was probably not a little heightened by thofe fpeculative ideas of pro¬ priety which his reclufe habits tended at once to per¬ fect in his conception, and to diminifh his power of re¬ alizing. SMITHIA, in botany : A genus of the decandria order, Delonging to the diadelphia clafs of plants ; and in the natural method ranking under the 3 2d order, Papilionacea. The calyx is monophyllous and belabia! ted ; the. corolla winged; the legumen inclofed in the calyx, with three or four joints, and contain as many feeds, which are fmooth, comprefl'ed, and kidney-fhaped. There is only one fpecies, viz. the thonina. bMi I Z (Gafpar), who, from painting a great num¬ ber of Magdalena, was called Magdalen Smith, was a Dutch painter, who came to England foon after the Melioration. For thefe portraits fat a woman that he kept, and called his wife. A lady, whom he had taught to draw, took him with her to Ireland, where he paint¬ ed, fmall portraits in oil, had great bufmefs, and high pi ices. His flowers and fruit were fo much admired, that one bunch of grapes fold there for L. 40. In his Magdalens he generally introduced a thiftle on the fore ground. He had ieveral fcholars, particularly Maubert, and one Gawdy of Exeter. Yet, notwithttanding his iuccefs, he died poor in Ireland in 1707. SMI 111LKY, a fmith’s fliop; alfo the art of a fmith, by which iron is wrought into any fhape by means of fire, hammering, filing, See. SMITING-line, in a fflip, is a fmall rope faftened to the mizen-yard-arm, below at the deck, and is always furled up with the mizen-fail, even to the upper end of the yard, and thence it comes down to the poop. Its ufe is to loofe the mizen-fail without ftriking down the yard, which is eafily done, becaufe the mizen-fail is furled up only with rope-yarns ; and therefore when this rope is pulled hard, it breaks all the rope-yarns, and fo the fail falls down of itfelf. The faiior’s phrafe is fmitethe mlzen (whence this rope takes its name), that is’ hale^by this rope that the fail may fall down. ’ . SMOKE, a denfe elaftic vapour, arifing from burn¬ ing bodies. As this vapour is extremely difagreeable to the fenfes, and oiten prejudicial to the health, man- 3 Z * kind Smith 1! Smoke. S M O r 548 ] S M O cittj. Smoke, kind have fallen upon feveral contrivances to enjoy the benefit of fire, without being annoyed by fmoke. The niofl univerfal of thefe contrivances is a tube leading from the chamber in which the fire is kindled to the top of the building, through which the fmoke afcends, and is difperfed into the atmofphere. Thefe tubes are called chimneys; which, when conftrufted in a proper manner, carry off the fmoke entirely ; but, when im¬ properly conftrudted, they carry off the fmoke imper- ieftly, to the_ great annoyance of the inhabitants. As our mafons at prefent leem to have a very imnerfect knowledge of the manner in which chimneys ought to be built, we can hardly perform a more acceptable fer- vice to the public than to point out the manner in which they ought to be conftrufted, fo as to carry off the fmoke entirely ; as well as to explain the caufes from which the defetffs fo often complained of generally proceed, and the method of removing them. 'Tranfafliens Thofe w ho would be acquainted with this fubjeft, t>f the Ame- ffould begin by coniidering on what principle fmoke ruan afcentts {n any chimney. At firlt many are apt to think 0 {"moke js ;n |ts nature, and of itfelf, fpecifically lighter than air, and rifes in it for the fame reafon that cork rifes in water. Thefe fee no oaufe why fmoke fhould not rife in the chimney though the room be ever fo clofe. Others think there is a power in chimneys to draw up the fmoke, and that there are different forms of chimneys w'hich afford more or lefs of this power. Thefe amufe themfelves with fearching for the bell form. The equal dimenfions of a funnel in its whole length is not thought artificial enough, and it is made, for fancied reafons, fometimes tapering and narrowing from below upwards, and fometimes the contrary, &c. &c. A fimple experiment or two may ferve to give more cor- re£t ideas. Having lighted a pipe of tobacco, plunge the Item to the bottom of a decanter half filled with cold water; then putting a rag over the bowl, blow through it, and make the fmoke defeend in the Item of the pipe, from the end of which it will rife in bubbles through the water ; and being thus cooled, will not afterwards rife to go out through the neck of the decanter, but re¬ main fpreading itfelf and refting on the furface of the water. This fhows that fmoke is really heavier than air, and that it is carried upwards only when attached to or adled upon by air that is heated, and thereby' ra¬ refied and rendered fpecifically lighter than the air in its neighbourhood. Smoke being rarely feen but in company with heat¬ ed air, and its upward motion being vifible, though that of the rarefied air that drives it is not fo, has naturally given rife to the error. It is now well known that air is a fluid which has weight as well as others, though about 800 times lighter than water ; that heat makes the particles of air recede from each other, and take up more fpace, fo that the fame weight of air heated will have more bulk than equal weights of cold air which may furround it, and in that cafe muff rife, being forced upwards by fuch colder and heavier air, which preffes to get under it and take its place. That air is fo ra¬ refied or expanded by heat, may be proved to their com- prehenfion by a lank blown bladder, which laid before a fire, will foon fwell, grow tight, and burft. Another experiment may be to take a glafs tube ccccxxxi a^out an inc^ diameter, and T2 inches long, open at tg. 1. ends, and fixed upright on legs fo that it need not be handled, for the hands might warm it. At the end Srr.ale, of a quill faften five or fix inches of the fineft light fila-v—* ment of filk, fo that it may be held either above the upper end of the tube or under the lower end, your warm hand being at a diftance by the length of the quill. If there were any motion of air through the tube, it would manifeit itfelf by its effeft on the iiik; but if the tube and the air in it are of the fame tempe¬ rature with the furrounding air, there will be no fuch motion, whatever may be the form of the tube, whether crooked or itraight, narrow below and widening up¬ wards, or the contrary, the air in it will be quiefeent. Warm the tube, and you will find as long as it continues warm, a conftant current of air entering below and paf- fing up through it till difeharged at the top ; becaufe the warmth of the tube being communicated to the air it contains, rarefies that air, and makes it lighter than the air without; which therefore preffes in below, forces it upwards, follows and takes its place, and is rarefied in its turn. And, without warming the tube, if you hold under it a knob of hot iron, the air thereby heat¬ ed will rife and fill the tube, going out at its top ; and this motion in the tube will continue as long as the knob remains hot, becaufe the air entering the tube be¬ low, is heated and rarefied by palling near and over that knob. That this motion is produced merely by the difference of fpecific gravity between the fluid within and that without the tube, and not by any fancied form of the tube itfelf, may appear by plunging it into water con¬ tained in a glafs jar a foot deep, through which fuch motion might be feen, The water within and without the tube being of the fame fpecific gravity, balance each other, and both remain at reft. But take out the tube, ftop its bottom with a finger, and fill it with olive oil, which is lighter than water; then Hopping the top, place it as before, its lower end under water, its top a very little above. As long as you keep the bot¬ tom Hopped the fluids remain at reft ; but the moment it is unftopt, the heavier enters below, forces up the lighter, and takes its place: and the motion then ceafes, merely becaufe the new fluid cannot be fuccef- fively made lighter, as air may be by a warm tube. In faft, no form of the funnel of a chimney has any fhare in its operation or effeft refpedting fmoke except its height. The longer the funnel, if ereft, the greater its force when filled with heated and rarefied air to draw in below and drive up the fmoke, if one may, in compliance with cuftom, ufe the expreflion draw, when in fadt it is the fuperior weight of the funounding at¬ mofphere that preffes to enter the funnel below, and 16 drives up before it the fmoke and warm air it meets with in its paffage. What is it then which makes a fmoky chimney, that is, a chimney which, inftead of conveying up all the fmoke, diicharges a part of it into tire room, offending the eyes and damaging the furniture ? The caufes of this effedf may be reduced to nine, dif¬ fering from each other, and therefore requiring different remedies- I. Smoky chimneys in a new houfe are fuch frequently from mere want of air. The workmanfhip of the room* being all good, and juft out of the workman’s hands, the joints of the boards of the flooring, and of the pannels of wainfeotting, are all true and tight j the more fo as the S M O T 549 J S M O Smoke the walls, perhaps Hot yet thoroughly ] S M o ing the higheft or longed, and thole of the other floors Smoke, fliorter and dorter, till we we come to thofe in the garrets, which are of courfe t!i£ fhorteft ; and the force of draft being, as already faxd, in proportion to the height of funnel filled with rarefied air, and a current of air from the room into the chimney, lufficient to fill the opening, being neceffary to oppofe and prevent the fmoke from coming out into the room; it follows, that the openings of the longeft funnels may be larger, and that thofe of tne fhorter funnels ffiould be fmaller. For if there be a large opening to a chimney that does not drawftrongly, thefunnel may happen to be furnifhedwith the air which it demands by a partial current entering on one fide of the opening, and leaving the other fide tree of any oppofing current, may permit the fmcke to iffue there into the room. Much too of the force of draft in a funnel depends on the degree of rarefaftion in the air it contains, and that depends on the nearnefs to the fire of its paffage in entering the funnel. If it can enter far from the fire on each fide, or far above the fire, in a wude or high opening, it receives little heat in palling by the fire, and the contents of the funnel are by thole means lefs oifferent in levity from the furrounding atmofphere, and its force in drawing confequently weak¬ er. Hence it too large an opening be given to. chim¬ neys in upper rooms, thofe rooms will be fmoky : On the other hand, if too fmall openings be given fo chim¬ neys in the lower rooms, the entering air operating too direCtly and violently on the fire, and afterwards ftrength- ening the draft as it afeends tire funnel, will confume the fuel too rapidly. Remedy. As different circumftances frequently mix themfelves in thefe matters, it is difficult to give preafe difnenfions for the openings of all chimneys. Our fa¬ thers made them generally much too large: we have lefiened them ; but they are often ftrll of greater dimen¬ fions than they Ihould be, the human eye not being ea- fily reconciled to fudden and great changes. . If you ItifpeA that your chimney fmokes from the too great dimenlion of its opening, contraft it by placing move- able boards io as to lower and narrow it gradually till you find the fmoke no longer iffues into the room. The proportion fo found will be that which is proper for that chimney, and you may employ the bricklayer or mafon to reduce it accordingly. However, as in building new houfes fomething muft be fometimes ha¬ zarded, Hr Franklin propofes to make the openings in the lower rooms about 30 inches fquare anti ib deep, and thofe in the upper only 18 inches fquare and not quite fo deep ; the intermediate ones dimimflring in pro¬ portion as the height of the funnel is diminifhed. In the larger openings, billets of two feet long, or half the com¬ mon length of cordwood, may be burnt conveniently ; and for the fmaller, fuch wood may be fawed into thirds. Where coals are the fuel, the grates will be proportioned to the openings. The fame depth is nearly neceflary to all, the funiif'ls being all made of a fize proper to admit a chimney-fweeper. If in large and elegant rooms cuftom or fancy ffiould require the appearance of a larger chimney, it may be formed of expenfive marginal decorations, in marble, &c. But in time perhaps, that which is fitteft in the nature of things may come to be thought handfomeft. 3. Another caufe of fmoky chimneys is too Jhort a funnel This happens neceffarily in fome cafes, as where S M O 8mnk«- a chimney i* required in a low building; for; il the ^ funnel be raifed high above the roof, in order to ftrength* en its draft, it is then in danger of being blown down, and crufhing the roof in its fall. , Rsrneriiet. Contrail the opening of the chimney, fo as to oblige all the entering air to pafs through or very near the fire ; whereby it will be more heated and rare¬ fied, the funnel itfelf be more warmed, and its contents have more of what may be called the force of levity, fo as to rife flrongly and maintain a good draft at the opening. Or you may in fome cafes, to advantage, build addi¬ tional ftories over the low building, which will fupport a high funnel. If the low building be ufed as a kitchen, and a con- trailion of the opening therefore inconvenient, a large one being neceffary, at lead when there are great din¬ ners, for the free management of fo many cooking uten- fils ; in fuch cafe the befl expedient perhaps would be to build two more funnels joining to the firft, and ha¬ ving three moderate openings, one to each funnel, in- flead of one large one. W' lien there is occafion to ufe but one, the other two may be kept fhut by Aiding plates, hereafter to be deferibed ; and two or all of them may be ufed together when wanted. This will Int.eed be an ex pence, but not an ufelefs one, fince your cooks will work with more comfort, fee better than in a frnoky kitchen what they are about, your vidluals will be cleaner drefled and not tafle of fmoke, as is of¬ ten the cafe ; and to render the effedl more certain, a flack of three funnels may be fafely built higher above the roof than a Angle funnel. The cafe of too fiiort a funnel is more general than C 1 S M O into its toom as often as the door communicating with the ftai cafe was opened. Rave y. I ake care that every room have the means of fupplying itfelf from without with the a r which its chimm y may require, fo that no one of them may be obliged to borrow from another, nor under the neceffity of lending, A variety of thefe means have been already deferibed. 5. Another caufeof fmoking is, when the tops of chim¬ neys are commanded by higher buddings, or by a hill, fo that the wind blowing over fuch eminences falls like water over a dam, fometimes almofl perpendicularly on the tops of the chimneys that He in its way, and beats down the fmoke contained in them. To illuftrate this, let A (fig. 3.) reprefent a fmall building at the fide of a great rock B, and the wind coming in the dire&ion Cl) ; when the current of air comes to the point D, being hurried forward with great velocity, it gees a little forward, but loon defeends downward, and gradudly is reflecled more and more in¬ ward, as.reprelented by the dotted lines EEr &c. fo that, defeending downwards upon the top of the chim- ney A, the fmoke is beat back again into the apart¬ ments. " r It is evident that houfes fituated near high hills or thick woods will be .in fome meafure expofed to the fame inconvenience ; but it is likewife plain, that if a houfe be fituated upon the dope of a hill (as at F, %• 3-% ^ will not be in any danger of fmoke when the wind blows towards that fide of the hill upon which it is fituated ; for the current of air coming over the houfe-top in the direftion GH, is immediately changed Smoke, would he imagined, and often fo.mdwhe^'o^^ii “E not expea it. For it is not uncommon, in ilheontri- fhe chimrfe, R„ i, “Tl T fr?m th,e loP 01 A"'lng “ f“.nnel for.each room A'V fituation will be liabft'to'fmoke whe^thrlvind ' © — — ^ ^ 1 wwm or fire-place, to bend and turn the funnel of an upper r oom fo as to make it enter the fide of another funnel that comes fiom below. By thefe means the upper room funnel is rr^ade fhort of courfe, fince its length can only be reckoned from the place where it enters the lower- room funnel ; and that funnel is alfo fhortened by all the diftance between the entrance of the fecond funnel and the top of the flack : for all that part being readi¬ ly fupplied with air through the fecond funnel, adds no ftrength to the draft, efpecially as that air is cold when there is no fire in the fecond chimney. The only eafy remedy here is, to keep the opening of that funnel fhut in which there is no fire, blows from the hill ; for the current of air coming downward in the diredion CH, will beat downward on the chimney F, and prevent the fmoke from aleend-. mg with freedom. The effed will be much height¬ ened if the doors and windows are chiefly in the lower- mofl fide of the houfe. Remedy. That commonly applied to this cafe is a tumcap made of tin or plate iron, covering the chimney above and on three fides, open on one fide, turning on a iprndle ; and which being guided or governed by a vane always prefents its back to the current. This- may be generally effectual,, though not certain, as there 4. Another very common caufe of the fmoking of your funnelsV^radlicab/e fo as A^ ^UCCeed‘ R^.fing chimneys is, their overpowering one another. For in- Jr or at lead ennA wfit i/ aS their be high- fiance, if there be two rhin^-ffn ‘ \ C1 ’ or dt,Ieaiy with the commanding eminence. A fiance, if there be two chimneys in one large room, and you make fires in both of them, the doors and windows clofe fhut, you will find that the greater and ftronger fire Ihall overpower the weaker, from the funnel of which it will draw air down to fupply its own demand; which air defeending in the weaker funnel, will drive down its fmoke, and force it into the room. If, inftead of being in one room, the two chimneys are in two different rooms, communicating by a door, the cafe is the fame when¬ ever tiiat door is open. In a very tight houfe, a kitchen chimney on the loweft floor, when it had a great fire in it, has been known to overpower any vther chimney in the houfe, and draw air and fmoke . , - , - -nanding eminence, is, more to be depended on.. But the turning cap, being eafieradd cheaper, fhould firft be tried. “ If obli-ed to build m fuch a iituation, I would choofe (fays Dr rransom) to place my doors on the fide next the hill and the backs of my chimneys on the fartheft fide • for then the column of air falling over the eminence, and of courfe preffing on that below, and forcing it to enter the doors or was-i/Masts on that fide, would tend to. balance the prefiure down the chimneys, and leave the tunnels more free in the exercife of their func- 6. There is another cafe which is the reverfe of that: laft mentioned. It is where the commanding eminence fss fjg. 4. S M O [ SJ 5m«kp. is farther from the wind than the chimney commanded. ' To explain this a figure may be neceflary. Suppofe then a building whole fide AB happens to be expofed to the wind, and forms a kind of dam againtl its pro- grefs. Suppofe the wind blowing in the dire&ion FE. The air obltrudted by this dam or building AB will like water prefs and fearch for pafiages through it; but finding none, it is beat back with violence, and fpreads itfelf on every fide, as is reprefented by the curved lines e, e, e, e, e, e. It will therefore force itfelf down the fmall chimney C, in order to get through by fome door or window open on the other fide of the building. And if there be a fire in fuch chimney, its fmoke is of courfe beat down, and fills the room. Remedy. There is but one remedy, which is to raife fuch a funnel higher than the roof, fupporting it if ne- celfary by iron bars. For a turncap in th:s cafe has no efFedl, the dammed up air prefiing down through it in whatever pofition the wind may have placed its open- ing. "Dr Franklin mentions a city in which many houfes are rendered ftnoky by this operation. For their kitch¬ ens being built behind, and conne&ed by a paffage with the houfes, and the tops of the kitchen-chimneys lower than the tops of the houfes, the whole fide of a Itreec when the wind blows againft its back forms fuch a dam as above defcribed; and the wind fo obftruftcd forces down thofe kitchen-chimneys (efpecially when they have but weak fires in them) to pafs through the paf¬ fage and houfe into the llreet. Kitchen chimneys fo formed and fituated have another inconvenience. In fummer, if you open your upper room windows for air, a light breeze blowing over your kitchen chimney towards the houfe, though not ftrong enough to force down its fmoke as aforefaid, is fufficient to waft it into your windows, and fill the rooms with it ; which, be- iides the difagreeablenefs, damages your furniture. 7. Chimneys, otherwife drawing well, are fometimes made to fmoke by the improper and inconvenient Jituation of a door. When the door and chimney are on the fame fide of the room, if the door being in the corner is made to open againft the wall, which is commem, as . being there, when open, more out of the way, it follows, that when the door is only opened in part, a current of air rulhing in pafles along the wall into and acrofs the opening of the chimney, and flirts fome of the fmoke out into the room. This happens more certainly when the door is Ihutting, for then the force of the current is augmented, and becomes very inconvenient to thofe who, warming themfelves by the fire, happen to fit in its way. The remedies are obvious and eafy. Either put an intervening fereen from the wall round great part of the fireplace ; or, which is perhaps preferable, Ihift the hinges of your door, fo as it may open the other way, and when open throw the air along the other wall. 8. A room that has no fire in its chimney is fome¬ times filled with fmoke which is received at the top of its funnel, and defends into the room. Funnels without fires have an effect according to their degree of coldnefs or warmth on the air that happens to be contained in them. The furrounding atmofpheie is frequently changing its temperature ; but flacks of funnels covered from winds and lun by the houfe that contains them, retain a more equal temperature. If, after a warm feafon, the out- 2 ] S M O ward air fuddenly grows cold, the empty warm funnels begin to draw ftrongly upward; that is, they rarefy the air contained in them, which of courfe riles, cooler air enters below to fupply its place, is rarefied in its turn, and rifes; and this operation continues till the funnel grows cooler, or the outward air warmer, or both, when the motion ceafesv On the other hand, if after a cold feafon the outward air fuddenly grows warm and of courfe lighter, the air contained in the cool fun¬ nels being heavier defeends into the room ; and the warmer air which enters their tops being cooled in its turn, artd made heavier, continues to defeend ; and this operation goes on till the funnels are warmed by the palling of warm air thro’ them, or the air itfelf grows cooler. When the temperature of the air and of the funnels is nearly equal, the difference of warmth in the air between day and night is fufficient to produce thefe currents : the air will begin to afeend the funnels as the cool of the evening comes on, and this current will con¬ tinue till perhaps nine or ten o’clock the next morning, when it begins to hefitate ; and as the heat of the day approaches, it fets downwards, and continues fo till to¬ wards evening, when it again hefitates for fome time, and then goes upwards conftantly during the night, as before-mentioned. Now when fmoke iffuing from the tops of neighbouring funnels paffes over the tops of fun¬ nels which are at the time drawing downwards, as they often are in the middle part of the day, fuch fmoke is of neceffity drawn into thefe funnels, and defeends with the air into the chamber. The remedy is to have a Hiding plate that will fhut perfectly the offending funnel. Dr Franklin has thus deferibed it: “ The opening of the chimney is con¬ tracted by brick-work faced with marble fiabs to about two feet between the jams, and the‘breait brought down to within about three feet of the hearth. An iron frame is placed juft under the breaft, and extending quite to the back of the chimney, fo that a plate of the fame metal may Hide horizontally backwards and for¬ wards in the grooves on each fide of the frame. This plate is juft fo large as to fill the whole fpace, and Hint the chimney entirely when thruft quite in, which is con¬ venient when there is no fire. Draw it out, fo as to leave between its further edge and the back a fpace of about two inches ; this fpace is fufficient for the fmoke to pafs; and fo large a part of the funnel being ftopt by the reft of the plate, the paffage of warm air out of the room, up the chimney, is obftrufted and retardetl ; and by thofe means much cold air is prevented from co¬ ming in through crevices, to fupply its place. This ef¬ fect is made manifeft three ways. 1. When the fire burns briikly in cold weather, the howling or whiftiing noife made by the wind, as it enters the room through the crevices, when the chimney is open as ufual, cealea as foon as the plate is Hid in to its proper diftance. 2. Opening the door of the room about half an inch, and holding your hand againft the opening, near the top of the door, you feel the cold air coming in againft your hand, but weakly, if the plate be in. Let another perfon fuddenly draw it out, fo as to let the air of the room go up the chimney, with its ufual freedom where chimneys are open, and you immediately feel the cold air rufliing in ftrongly. 3. If fomething be let againlt the door, juft lufficient, when the plate is in, to keep the door nearly Hurt, by refilling the preffure ol the Smoke. 5 M O [ 553 1 S M O f'/n-ok?. sir that would force it open : then, when the plate is 'V"—*"' drawn out, the door will be forced open by the in¬ creased prefiure of the outward cold air endeavouring to get in to fupply the place of the warm air that now palfes out of the room to go up the chimney. In our common open chimneys, half the fuel is wafted, and its effeft loft ; the air it has warmed being immediately drawn off.” g. Chimneys which generally draw well, do neverthe- Jefs fometimes give fmoke into the rooms, it being driven down by ftrong winds pajpng over the tops of their funnels> though not defeending from any commanding eminence. This cafe is moft frequent where the funnel is ftiort and the opening turned from the wind, it is the more grievous, when it happens to be a cold wind that pro¬ duces the effeft, becaufe when you moft want your fire you are fometimes obliged to extinguifh it. To un- derftand this, it may be confidered that the rifing light air, to obtain a free iffue from the funnel, muft pufh out of its way or oblige the air that is over it to rife. In a time of calm or of little wind this is done vifibly ; for we fee the fmoke that is brought up by that air rife in a column above the chimney; but when a vio¬ lent current of air, that is, a ftrong wind, paffes over the top of a chimney, its particles have received fo much force, which keeps them in a horizontal direftion and follow each other fo rapidly, that the rifing light air has not ftrength fufficient to oblige them to quit that direftion and move upwards to permit its iffue. Remedies. In Venice, the cuftom is to open or widen the top of the flue rounding it in the true form of a fun¬ nel. In other places the contrary is pra&ifed ; the tops of the flues being narrowed inwards, fo as to form a flit for the iffue of the fmoke, long as the breadth of the funnel, and only four inches wide. This feems to have been contrived on a fuppofition that the entry of the wind would thereby be obftrufted. and perhaps it might have been imagined, that the whole force of the fifing warm air being condenfed, as it were, in the nar¬ row opening, would thereby be ftrengthened, fo as to overcome the refiftance of the wind. This, however, did not always fucceed ; for when the wind was at north-eaft and blew frefh, the fmoke was forced down by fits into the room where Dr Franklin commonly fat, fo as to oblige him to fhift the fire into another. The pofition of the flit of this funnel was indeed north-eaft and fouth-weft. Perhaps if it had lain acrefs the wind, the effedft might have been different. But on this'we can give no certainty. It feems a matter proper to be referred to experiment. Poffibly a turncap might have been ferviceable, but it was not tried. With all the fcience, however, that a man fhall fup- pofe himfelf poffeffed of in this article, he may fometimes meet with cafes that fhall puzzle him. “ I once lodged (fays Dr Franklin) in a houfe at London, which in a little room had a Angle chimney and funnel. The open¬ ing was very fmall, yet it did not keep in the fmoke, and all attempts to have a fire in this room were fruit- lefs.. I could not imagine the reafon, till at length ob- ierving that the chamber over it, which had no nreplace in it, was always filled with fmoke when a fire was kin¬ dled belowr, and that the fmoke came through the cracks and crevices of the wainfeot; I had the wainlcot taken down, and difeovered that the funnel which went up behind it had a crack many feet in length, and wide Vql. XVII. Part II. enough to admit my arm ; a breach very dangerous with Smnke- regard to fire, and occafioned probably by an apparent | Lcb- irregular fettling of one fide of the houfe. The air en- — tering this breech freely, deftroyed the drawing force of the funnel. The remedy would have been, filling up the breach, or rather rebuilding the funnel: but the landlord rather chofe to ftop up the chimney. “ Another puzzling cafe I met wuth at a friend’s country houfe near London. His beft room had a chimney in wLich, he told me, he never could have a fire, for all the fmoke came out into the room. I flat- tered myfelf 1 could eafily find the caufe and preferibe the cure. I had a fire made there, and found it as he faid. I opened the door, and perceived it was not want of air. I made a temporary contraction of the opening of the chimney, and found that it was not its being too large that caufed the fmoke to iffue. I went out and looked up at the top of the chimney : Its fun¬ nel was joined in the fame ftack with others; fome of them fhorter, that drew very well, and I faw nothing to prevent its doing the fame, in fine, after every other examination I could think of, I was obliged to own the infufficiency of my Ikill. But my friend, jvho made no pretenfion to fuch kind of knowledge, afterwards difeo¬ vered the caufe himfelf. He got to the top of the fun¬ nel by a ladder, and looking down found it filled with twigs and ftraw cemented by earth and lined with fea¬ thers. It feems the houfe, after being built, had flood empty fome years before he occupied it ; and he con¬ cluded that fome large birds had taken the advantage of its retired fituation to make their neft there. The rub- bifh, confiderable in quantity, being removed, and the funnel cleared, the chimney drew well, and gave fatis- fattion.” Chimneys whofe funnels go up in the north wall of a houfe, and are expofed to the north winds, are not fo apt to draw well as thofe in a fouth wall; becaufe jwhen rendered cold by thofe winds, they draw downwards. Chimneys inclofed in the body of a houfe are better than tkofe whofe funnels are expofed in cold walls. Chimneys in flacks are apt to draw better than fepa- rate funnels, becaufe the tunnels that have conftant fires in them warm the others in fome degree that have none. SMOKF.-Jacki This ingenious machine is of German extraction ; and Meflinger, in his CoHeSion of Mechani¬ cal Performances, fays it is very ancient, being repre- fented in a painting at Nurenbergh, which is known to be older than the year 1350. Its conftru&ion is abundantly Ample. An upright iron fpindle GA (fig. 5.), placed in the narrow part Hate of the kitchen chimney, turns round on two pivots H CCCCLXXI*. and I. _ 7 he upper one H paffes through an iron bar, which is built in acrofs the chimney ; and the lower pi¬ vot I is of tempered fteel, and is conical or pointed, refting in a conical bell-metal focket fixed on another crofs bar. On the upper end of the fpindle is a circu¬ lar fly G, confiding of 4, 6, 8, or more thin iron plates, fet obliquely on the fpindle like the fails of a windmill, as we fhall deferibe more particularly by and by. Near the lower end of the fpincile is a pinion A, which works in the teeth of acontrate or face wheel B, turning on a horizontal axis BC. One pivot of this axis turns in a cock fixed on the crofs bar, which fupports the lower end of the upright fpindle HI, and the other pivot 4 & turns SiimIic- Jack. S M O [ 554 ] S M O turns in a cock fixed on the fide wall of the chimney; fo that this axle is parallel to the front of the chimney. On the remote end of this horizontal axle there is a fmall pulley C, haviiiT a deep angular groove. Over this pulley there paffes a chain CDE, in the lower bight of which hangs the large pulley E of the fpit. This end of the fpit turns loofely between the branches of the fork of the rack or raxe F, but without refting on it. This is on the top of a moveable Hand, which can be ftiifted nearer to or farther from the fire. The other end turns in one of the notches of another rack. The number of teeth in the pinion A and wheel B, and the diameters of the pulleys C and E, are fo proportioned that the fly G makes from I 2 to 20 turns for one turn of the fpit. The manner of operation of this ufeful machine is eafily underflood. The air which contributes to the burning of the fuel, and-paffes through the midft of it, is greatly heated, and expanding prodigioufly in bulk, becomes lighter than the neighbouring air, and is there¬ fore pufhed by it up the chimney. In like manner, all the air which comes near the fire is heated, expanded, becomes lighter, and is driven up the chimney. This is called the draught or fuElion, but would with greater propriety be termed the drift of the chimney. As the chimney gradually contrafts in its dimenfions, and as the fame quantity oc heated air pafles through every fedlion of it, it is plain that the rapidity of its afcent muft be greateft in the naVroweft place. There the fly G fhould be placed, becaufe it will there be expofed to the ftrongeft ctirrent. . This air, ftriking the fly vanes obliquely, pufhestliem afide, and thus turns them round with a confiderable force. If the joint of meat is ex- afitly balanced on the fpit, it is plain that the only re- fiftance to the motion of the fly is what arifes from the fii&ion of the pivots of the upright fpindle, the fri&ion of the pinion and wheel, the friftion of the pivots of the horizontal axis, the fri&ion of the fmall end of the fpit, and the friftion of the chain in the two pulleys. The whole of this is but a mere trifle. But there is fre¬ quently a confiderable inequality in the weight of the meat on different fides of the fpit: there muff there¬ fore be a fufficient overplus of force in the impulfe of the afcending air on the vanes of the fly, to over¬ come this want of equilibrium occailoned by the unfkil- fulnefs or negligence of the cook. There is, how¬ ever, commonly enough of power when the machine is properly conftrufted. The utility of this machine will, we hope, procure us the indulgence of fome of our readers, while we point out the circumftances on which its performance depends, and the maxims which fiiould be followed in its conffruftion. The upward current of air is the moving power, and fhould be increafed as much as pofftble, and applied in the jmoff advantageous manner. Every thing will in- creafe the current which improves the draught of the chimney, and fecures it from fmoking. A fmoky chim¬ ney muff always have a weak current. For this parti¬ cular, therefore, we refer to vvhat has been delivered in the article Pneumatics, ^359; and in the article Smoke. With refpedt to the manner of applying this force, it is evident that the beff conftruftion of a windmill fails will be nearly the beff conftrudtion for the fly. Ac¬ cording to the ufual theory of the impulfe of fluids, the greateft effe&tve impulfe (that is, in the dire&ion of the fly's motion) will be produced if the plane of the vane be inclined to the axis in an angle of 54 degrees 46 minutes. But, fince we have pronounced this the¬ ory to be fo very defedtivo, we had better take a deter¬ mination founded on the experiments on the impulfe of fluids made by the academy of Paris. Thefe authorife us to fay, that 49^- or 5c degrees will be the beff angle to give the vane but this muft be underftood only of that part of it which is clofe adjoining to the axis. The vane itfelf muft be twifted, or 'weathered as the mill¬ wrights term it, and muft be much more oblique at its outer extremity. The exacft pofition cannot be determined with any preciiion ; becaufe this depends on the proportion of the velocity of the vane to that of the current of heated air. This is fubjedl to no rule, being changed according to the load on the jack. We ima¬ gine that an obliquity of 61; degrees for the outer ends of the vanes will be a good polition for the generality of cafes. Meffinger defcribes an ingenious contrivance lor changing this angle at pleafure, in order to vary the velocty of the motion. Each vane is made to turn round a midrib, which Hands out like a radius from the fpindle, and the vane is moved by a ftiff wire attached to one of the corners adjoining to the axle. Thefe wires are attached to a ring which Hides on the fpindlc like the fpreader of an umbrella ; and it is flopped on any part of the fpindle by a pin thruft through a hole in the fpindle and ring. We mention this briefly, it be¬ ing eafily underftood by any mechanic, and but of little confequence, becaufe the machine is not fufceptible of much precifion. It is eafy to fee that an increafe of the furface of the vanes will increafe the power: therefore they Ihould oc¬ cupy the whole fpace of the circle, and not confift of four narrow arms like the fails of a windmill. It is bet¬ ter to make many narrow vanes than a few broad ones; as will appear plain to one well acquainted with the mode of impulfe of fluids ariting obliquely. We recom¬ mend 8 or 12 at leaft ; and each vane fliould be fo broad, that when the whole is held perpendicular be¬ tween the eye and the light, no light lhall come through the fly, the vanes overlapping each other a very [mail matter. We alfo recommend the making them of ftiff plate. Their weight contributes to the fteady motion, and enables the fly, which has acquired a confiderable velocity during a favourable pofition of things, to retain a momentum fufficient to pull round the fpit while the heavy fide of the meat is rifing from its loweft pofition* In fuch a fituation a light fly foon lofes its momentum, and the jack daggers under its load. It is plain, from what has been faid, that the fly fhould occupy the whole of that feftion of the vent where it is placed. The vent muft therefore be brought to a round form in that place, that none of the current may pafs ufelefsly by it. It is an important queftion where the fly fliould be placed. If in a wide part of the vent, it will have a great furface, and aft by a long lever ; but the current in that place is flow, and its impulfe weak. This is a fit fubjeft of calculation. Suppofe that we have it in our choice to place it either as it is drawn in the figure, or far¬ ther up at g, where its diameter muft be one half of what it is at G. Since the fame quantity of heated air paffes through both feftions, and the feftion g has only one- fourth S M O f 555 ] S M O ftittoks' area of the fe&k>o C, j‘ b pts'n that the j'aeii, ajj muflt be moving four times falter, and that its immilfe is 16 times greater- But the furfaee on vvhieh it is* str¬ ing is the fourth part of that of the hy G ; the actual jmpulfe therefore is only four times greater, fuppoling both flies to be moving with the lame relative velo¬ city in refpe£l of the current ; that is, the rim of each moving with the fame portion of the* velocity of the current. This will be the cafe when the fmall fly turns eight times as often in a minute as the large fly: for the air is moving four times as quick, at g, and the diameter of g is one-half of that of G. Therefore, when the fmall fly is turning eight times as quick as the great' one, there is a quadruple impulfe afting at half the diitance from the axis. The momen¬ tum or energy therefore of the current is double. There¬ fore, fuppoling the pinion, wheel, and pulleys of both jacks to be the fame, the jack with the fmall fly, placed in the narrow part oi the vent, will be 16 times more powerful. By this example, more eafily underllood than a ge¬ neral procefs, it appears that it is of particular impor¬ tance to place the fly in an elevated part of the vent, where the area may be much contra&ed. In order ftill farther to increafe the power of the machine, it would be very proper to lengthen the fpindle ftill more, and to put another fly on it at a coniiderable diftance above the firft, and a third above this, &c. As the velocity of the current changes by every change of the fire, the motion of this jack mull be very unfteady. To render it as adjuftable as may be to the ■particular purpofe of the cook, the pulley E has feverai grooves of different diameters, and the fpit turns more or lefs llovvly, by the fame motion of the fly, according as it hangs in the chain by a larger or fmaller pulley or groove. Such is the conftru&ion of the fmoke-jack in its moil Ample form. Some are more artih».al and complicated, having, in place ot the pulleys and connedting chain, a fpindle coming down from the horizontal axis BC. On the upper end of this fpindle is a horizontal 'contrate wheel, driven by a pinion in place of the pulley C. On the lower end is a pinion, driving a contrate wheel in place of the pulley E. This conftru&ion is reprefent- ed in fig. 6. Others are conftrudled more Amply, in the manner reprefented in fig. 7. But our fir It c»n- ftruftion has great advantage in point of fimplicity, and allows a more ealy adjuilment of the fpit, which tnay be brought nearer to the fire or removed farther from it without any trouble ; whereas, in the others, with a train of wheels and pinions, this cannot be done without feverai changes of pins and ferews. The only imperfection of the pulley is, that by long ufe the grooves become flippery, and an ill balanced joint is apt to hold back the fpit, while the chain Aides in the grooves. This may be completely prevented by ma¬ king the grooves flat inftead of angular (which greatly dimimlhts the fridlion), and furnifhing them with fnort ftuds or pins which take into every third or fourth link of the chain. If the chain be made of the fimplelt form, with flat links, and each link be made of an exadl length (making them all on a mould), the motion will be as eafy as with any wheelwork, and without the leaft chance of flipping. It is always of importance to asmid this flipping of Smoke* the chain by balancing the loaded fpit. For this pur- pofe it will be extremely convenient to have what is called a balance-Jhewer. Let a part of the ipit, imme* diately adjoining to the pulley, be made round, and let an arm be made to turn on it ftiffiy, fo that it may be made fall in any polition by a ferew. Let a leaden ball be made to Aide along this arm, with a ferew to fallen it at any diftance from the fpit. When the meat is fpitted, lay it on the racks, and the heavieft fide will immediately place itfelf undermoft. Now turn round the balance-lkewer, fo that it may point ftraight up¬ wards, and make it fall in that pofition by the ferew. Put the leaden ball on it, and Aide it inwards or out¬ wards till it exadlly balances the heavy fide, which will appear by the fpit’s remaining in any pofition in which it is put. The greateft difficulty is Upkeep the machine in re¬ pair. The moll confequential part of it, the firll mo¬ ver, the fly, and the pinion and wheel, by which its mo¬ tion is tranfmitted to the reft of the machine, are (itu- ated in a place of difficult accefs, and where they are expofed to violent heat and to the fmoke and foot. The whole weight of the fly, refting on the lower pivot I, mull exert a great preffure there, and occalion great friclion, even when this pinion is reduced to the fmall- eft fize that is compatible with the neceffary ftrength. The pivot mull be of hardened Heel, tapered like an ob- tufe cone, and mull turn in a conical focket, alfo of hardened fteel or of bell-metal; and this feat of preffure and fridion mull be continually fupplied with oil, which it confumes very quickly. It is not fufficient that it be from time to time fmeared with an oiled feather ; there mull be an iron cup formed round the focket, and kept filled with oil. It is furpriiing how quickly it diiappears : it foon becomes clammy by evaporation, and by the foot which gathers about it. I he continued rubbing of the pivot and focket wears them both very fall; and this is increafed by hard powders, fuch as fandy dull, that are hurried up by the rapid current every time that the cook Airs the fire. Thefe, getting between the rubbing parts, caufe them to grind and wear each other prodigioufly. It is a great improve¬ ment to invert thefe rubbing parts. Let the lower end of the fpindle be of a confiderable thicknefs, and have a conical hollow nicely drilled in its extremity. Let a blunt pointed conical pin rife up in the middle of the oil-cup, on which the conical hollow of the ipindle may reft. Here will be the fame fteady fuppoit, and the lame fiiciion as 111 the other way 1 but no grinding dull can now lodge between the pivot and its fock¬ et : and if this upright pin be fere wed up through the bottom 01 the cup, it may be fere wed farther up in propoitkm as it wears; ana thus the upper pivot g will never defert its hole, a thing which foon happens in the common way. We can fay from experience,1 that a jack conlli lifted in this way will not require the fifth part of the repairs of one done in the other way. It is of importance that the whole he fo put to^e- thei as to be eafily taken down, in order to fweep the vent, or to be repaired, See. For this purpofe, let the crofs bar which carries the lower end of the uprinht fpindle be placed a little on one fide of the perpendicu¬ lar line from the upper pivot hole. Let the cock which 4 -A- 2 carries S M O [ 556 ] S M o Smoke- Jack II Smoilet. carries the oil-cup and the pivot of the horizontal axis BC be fcrewed to one lide of this cr' r bar, fo that the centre of the cup may be exaftly under the upper pivot j hole. By this conilrwdlion we have only to unfcrew this cock,1 and then both axles come out of their places at once, and may be replaced without any trouble. We have Iketched in fig. 8. the manner in which this may be done, where M reprefents a feftion of the lower crofs bar. BCDE is the cock, fixed to the bar by the pins which go through both, with finger nuts a and b on the oppofite fide. F i is the hard fteel pin with the conical top ?, on which the lower end I of the upright fpindle AG refts, in the manner recommended as the belt and the molt durable. The pivot of the horizon¬ tal axis turns in a hole at E the top of the cock- After all, we muft acknowdedge that the fmoke jack is inferior to the common jack that is moved by a weight. It is more expenfive at firft, and requires more frequent repairs ; its motion is not fo much un¬ der command ; it occafions foot to be thrown about the fire,,to-the great annoyance of the cook ; and it is a great encumbrance when we would clean the vent. SMOKE-Farthings. The pentecoftals or cuftomary oblations offered by the difperfed inhabitants within a diocefe when they made their proceffion to the mother or cathedral church, came by degrees into a {landing an¬ nual rent called fmoks-farthtngs. SMOKE’Silver. Lands were holder, in feme places by the payment of the fum of 6 d. yearly to the {heriff, called jmckc-Jiher (Par. 4. Edw. VI.) Smoke-filver and fmoke-penny are to be paid to the minifters of di¬ vers parilhes as a modus in lieu of tithe-wood : and in fome manors formerly belonging to religious houfes, there is {till paid, as appendant to the faid manors, the ancient Peter-pence, by the name offnioke-money (Twi/d. Fiji. Vindicat. 77.)—The bifhop of London anno 1444 Blued out his co.mmiffion, Ad levandum le fmoke-far- things, &c. SMOLENSK©, a large and ftrong city of Ruffia, and capital of a palatinate of the fame name, with a caftie feated on a mountain, and a bilhop’s fee. It is ftrong by its iituation, being in the middle of a wood, and furrounded by almoft inaccelfible mountains. It has been taken and retaken feveral times by the Poles and Ruffians ; but thefe laft have had poffeffion of it ever fince the year ]687. It is feated on the river Nieper, near the frontiers of Lithuania, 188 miles fouth-weft of Mofcow. E. Long. 31.22. N. Lat. 54. 30. Smolensko, a duchy and palatinate of Ruffia, bound¬ ed on the north by Biela, on the eaft by the duchy of Mofcow, on the fouth by that of Severia and the pala¬ tinate of Meiflaw, and on the weft by the fame palati- »ate and by that of Witepfk. It is full of forefts and mountains: and the capital is of the fame name. SMOLLET (Dr Tobias), an author whofe writings will tranfmit his name with honour to pofterity, was born in the year 1720 at a fmall village within two miles of Cameron, on the banks of the river Leven. He appears to have received a claffical education, and was bred to the pra&ice of phyfic and furgery; and in the early part of his life ferved as a furgeon’s mate in the navy. The incidents that befel him during his continuance_ sn this capacity ferved as a foundation for Roderic Ran¬ dom,, one of the moft entertaining novels in the Engh'ffi SmoUet, tongue. He was prefent at the fiege of Carthagena ;' and in the before-mentioned novel he has given a faith¬ ful, though not very pleafing, account of the manage- meat of that ill-conduced expedition, which he cenfure* in the warmeft terms, and from circumftances which fell under his own particular obfervation. His connection with the fea feems not to have been of long continuance ; and it is probable that he wrote feveral pieces before he became known to the public by his capital productions. The firft piece we know of with certainty is a Satire in two parts, printed firft in the years 1746 and 1747, and reprinted in a Collection of his Plays atd Poems in 1777. About this period, or fome time before,- he wrote for Mr Rich an opera in- titled Alcefte, which has never been performed nor printed. At. the age of 18 he wrote a tragedy intitled The Regicide, founded on the ftory of the aflaffination of James I. of Scotland. In the preface to this piece, puhlilhed by fubfeription in the year 1749, he bit¬ terly exclaimed againft falfe patrons, and the dupli¬ city of theatrical managets. The warmth and impetu- ofity of his temper hurried him, on this occafion, into unjuft refleftions againft the late George Lord Lyttle- ton and Mr Garrick ; the character of the former he charaderifed in the novel of Peregrine Pickle, and he added a burlefque of the Monody written by that no¬ bleman on the death of his lady. Againft Mr Garrick he made illiberal ill-founded criticifms ; and in his novel of Roderic Random gave a very unfair reprefentation of his treatment of him refpeCting this tragedy. Of this conduCf he afterwards repented, and acknowledged his errors ; though in the fubfequent editions of the no¬ vel the paftages which were the hafty effufions of difap- pointment are not omitted. However, in giving a {ketch of the liberal arts in his Hi ftory of England, he afterwards remarked, “ the exhibitions of the itage were improved to the moft ex- quifite entertainment by the talents and management of Garrick, who greatly furpaffed all his predeceffors of this and perhaps every other nation, in his genius for aCting, in the fweetnefs and variety of his tones, the ir- refiftible magic of his eye, the fire and vivacity of his aCtion, J:he eloquence of attitude, and the whole pathos of expreffion. “ Candidates for literary fame appeared even in the- higher fphere of life, embelliffied by the nervous fenfe and extenfive erudition of a Corke; by the delicate tafte^ the polilhed mufe, and the tender feelings, of a Lyttle- ton.” Not fatisfied with this public declaration, he wrote an apology to Mr Garrick in ftill ftronger terms. With thefe ample conceffions, Mr Garrick was completely fa¬ tisfied ; fo that in 1737, when Dr Smollet’s comedy of the Reprifals, an afterpiece of two ads, was performed at Drury Lane theatre, the latter acknowledged himfelf highly obliged for the friendly care of Mr Garrick ex¬ erted in preparing it for the ftage ; and ftill more for his ading the part of Lufignan in Zara for his benefit, on the fixth inftead of the ninth night, to which he was only intitled by the cuftom of the theatre. The Adventuresof Roderic Random,publiffiedin 1748, 2 vols izmo, a book which ftill continues to have a moft extenfive S M O r J57 J S M O Srnollef, estenfive fale, firft eftabli/hed the Deftor’s reputation. All the firil volume and the beginning of the fecond ap¬ pears to conlift of real incident and chara&er, tho’ cer¬ tainly a gooddcal heightened and difguifed. The Judge his grandfather, Crab and Potion the two apothecaries, and ’Squire Gawky, were chara&ers well known in that part of the kingdom where the fcene was laid. Cap¬ tains Oakhum and Whiffle, Doftors Mackfflane and Morgan, were alfo faid to be real perfonages ; but their names we have either never learned or have now for- gcttea. A bookbinder and barber long eagerly con¬ tended for being lhadowed under the najne of Strap. The Do61 or fee ms to have enjoyed a peculiar felicity in defcribing fea-chai afters, particularly the officers and failors of the navy. His Trunnion, Hatchway, and Pipes, are highly finifhed originals ; but what exceeds them all, and perhaps equals any charafter that has yet been painted by the happieft genius of ancient or mo¬ dern times, is his Lieutenant Bowling. This is indeed nature itfelf ; original, unique, and Jui generis. By the publication of this work the Doftor had ac¬ quired fo great a reputation, that henceforth a certain degree of fuccefs was infured to every thing known or fuipefted to proceed from his hand. In the courfe of a few years, the Adventures of Peregrine Pickle ap¬ peared ; a work of great ingenuity and contrivance in the compohtion, and in which an uncommon degree of erudition is difplayed, particularly in the defeription of the entertainment given by the Republican Doftor, af¬ ter the manner of the ancients. Under this perfonage the late Dr Akenfide, author of The Pleafures of Ima¬ gination, is fuppofed to be typified ; and it would be difficult to determine whether profound learning or ge¬ nuine humour predominate moil in this epifode. An¬ other epifode of The Adventures of a Lady of Quality, likewife inferted in this work, contributed greatly fo its fuccd's, and is ind*:d admirably executed; the materials, it is faid, the lady herfelf (the celebrated lady Vane) furniffled. Thefe were not t^e only original compofitions of this ftamp with which the Doftor has favoured the public. Ferdinand Count Fathom, and Sir Launcelot Greaves, are Hill in the lift of what may be called reading novels, and have gone through feveral editions; but there is no injuftice in placing them in a rank far below the former. No doubt invention, charafter, compofition, and con¬ trivance, are to be found in both ; but then fituations are deferibed which are hardly poffible, and charafters are painted which, if not altogether unexampled, are at leaft incompatible with modern manners; and which ought not to be, as the feenes are laid in modern times. The lail work which we believe the Doftor publifhed was of much the fame fpecies, but call into a different form—The Expedition of Humphrey Clinker. It con- fifts of a feries of letters, written by different perfons to their refpeftive correfpondents. Pie has here carefully avoided the faults which may be juftly charged to his two former produftions. Here are no extravagant charac¬ ters nor unnatural fituations. On the contrary, an ad¬ mirable knowledge of life and manners is difplayed ; and moft ufeful leffons are given applicable to interefl- ing but to very common fituations. W e know not whether the remark has been made, but there is certainly a very obvious fimilitude between the charafters of the three heroes of the Doftor’s chief • produftions. Roderic Random, Peregrine Pickle, and Matthew Bramble, are all brothers of the fame family, 1 he fame fatirical, cynical, difpofition, the fame gene- rofity and benevolence, are the diltinguifhin'g and cha- rafteriflical features of all three ; but they are far from being fervile copies or imitations of each other. They differ as much as the Ajax, Dionied, and Achilles of Homer. 'Phis was undoubtedly a great effort of ge¬ nius ; and the Doftor feems to have deferibed his own charafter at the different ftages and fituations of his life. Before he took a houfe at Chelfea, he attempted to fettle as praftitioner of phyfic at Bath ; and with that view wrote a treatife on the waters ; but was unfuccefs- ful, chiefly becaule he could not render himfelf agree¬ able to the women, whole favour is certainly of great confequence to all candidates for eminence, whether in medicine or divinity. This, however, was a little ex¬ traordinary ; for thofe who remembered Dr Smollet at that time, cannot but acknowledge that he was as grace¬ ful and handfome a man as any of the age he lived in ; befides, there was a certain dignity in his air and man¬ ner which could not but infpire refpeft wherever he ap¬ peared. Perhaps he was too foon difeouraged ; in all probability, had he perfevered, a man of his great learn¬ ing, profound fagacity, and intenfe application, befides being endued with every other external as well as inter¬ nal accomplifhment, muff have at lall fucceeded, and, had he attained to common old age, been at the head of his profeffion. Abandoning phyfic altogether as a profeffion, he fix¬ ed his refidence at Ghelfea, and turned his thoughts en¬ tirely to writing. Yet, as an author, he was not near fo fuccefsful as his happy genius and acknowledged me¬ rit certainly deferved. He never acquired a patron among the great, who by his favour or beneficence re¬ lieved him from the neceffity of writing for a fubfiftence. 'I he truth is, Dr Smollet poffeffed a loftinefs and eleva¬ tion of fentiment and charafter which appears to have difqualified him for paying court, to thofe who were ca¬ pable of conferring favours. It would be wrong to call this difpofition prrde or haughinefs ; for to his equals and inferiors he was ever polite, friendly, and generous- Bookfellers may therefore be faid to have been his on¬ ly patrons ; and from them he had conftant employ¬ ment in tranflating, compiling, and reviewing. He tranflated Gil Bias and Don (jhiixote, both fo happily,, that all the former tranflations of thefe excellent pro- duftions of genius have been almoft iuperfeded by his* His name likewife appears to a tranflation of Voltaire’s Profe Works : but little of it was done by his own hand ; he only revifed it, and added a few notes. He was concerned in a great variety of compilations. His Hiftory of England was the principal work of that kind. It had a moft extenfive fale ; and the Doftor is faid to have received L. 2000 for writing it and the continuation. In 1755 he fet on foot the Critical Review, and continued the principal manager of it till he went abroad for the firfl time in the year 1763. He was perhaps too acrimonious fometimes in the conduft of that work;, and at the fame time difplayed too much fenfibility whea ffmoITef. t S 'M O [ 5.58 ] S M U v ;«*. v hpn a*v of the unfortunate authors attempted to re- tfehate whofe works be had perhaps jurtly cenfured. Among other controverliee in which hw engagements ■ in this publication involved him, the moll material in its confequenees was that occefsoned by his remarks on a pamphlet publilhed by Admiral Knowles. That gen¬ tleman, in defence of his conduct on the expedition to Rochfort, publifhed a vindication of himfelf; which fal¬ ling under the Do&or’s examination, produced fome very fevere ftridhires both on the performance and on the chara&er of the writer. Tire admiral immediately- commenced a profecutinn againft the printer; declaring at the fame time that he defired only to be infonoed who the writer was, that if he proved to be a gentle¬ man he might obtain the fatisfaClion of one from him. In this affair the Doctor behaved both with prudence and with fpirit. Defirous of compromiling the difpute with the admiral in an amicable manner, he applied to his friend Mr Wilkes to interpofe his good offices with his opponent. The admiral, however, was inflexible ; and juft as fentence was going to be pronounced againft the printer, the Doctor came into court, avowed him¬ felf the author of the Striftures, and declared himfelf ready to give Mr Knowles any fatisfadlion he chofe. The admiral immediately commenced a frefh abtion againft the Doctor, who was found guilty, fined L.ioo, and condemned to three months imprifonment in the King's Bench. It is there he is faid to have written The Adventures of Sir Launcelot Greaves, in which lie has deferibed fome remarkable characters, then his fellow-prifonere. When Lord Bute was called to the chief adminiftra- tion of affairs, he was prevailed upon to write in defence of that nobleman’s meafures ; which he did in a weekly paper called the Briton. This gave rife to the famous North Briton ; wherein, according to the opinion of the public, he was rather baffled. The truth is, the Dodtor did not feem to poflefs the talents neceffary for political altercation. He wanted temper and coolnefs ; and his friends accufed his patron of having denied him the neceffary information, and even negledted the fulfil¬ ling of fome of his other engagements with him. Be that as it will, the Doftor is faid not to have forgotten him in his fubfeqnent performances. Befides the Briton, Dr Smollet is fuppofed to have written other pieces in fupport of the caufe he efpou- fed. The Adventures of an Atom, in two volumes, are known to be his production. His conftitution being at laft greatly impaired by a fedentary life and afliduous application to ftudy, he went abroad for his health in June 1763, and continued in France and Italy two years. He wrote an account of his travels in a feries of letters to fome friends, which were afterwards publifhed in two volumes oftavo, 1766, During all that time he appears to have laboured under a conftant fit of chagrin. A very flight pmifal of thele letters will fufficiently evince that this obfervation is founded in fad, and is indeed a melancholy inftance of the influence of bodily diftemper over the belt difpofl- tion. His relation of Lis travels is actually cynical; for which Sti rne, in his Sentimental Journey, has animad¬ verted on him under the character of Smelfungus. 1 he DoCtor lived to return to his native country: but his health continuing to decline, and meeting with frefh Srool!??, mortifications and difappointment.s, he went back to Italy, where he died in October 21, 1771. He was cm- ^ ployed, during the laft years, of his life, in abridging the Modern Univerfal Hiitury, great part of which he had originally written himfelf, particularly the hiftories of France, Italy, and Germany, He certainly met with many mortifications and dif* appointments j which, in a letter to Mr Garrick, he thus feelingly exprefies: “ I am old enough to have feen and obferved, that we are all playthings of For¬ tune ; and that it depends upon fomething as infignifi- cant and precarious as the toffing up of a halfpennv, whether a man rifes to affluence and honours, or conti. nues to his dying day ftruggling with the difficulties and difgraces of life.” It would be needlefs to expatiate on the character of a man fo well known as Dr Smollet, who has, befides, given fo many ftriftures of his own charaCIer and man¬ ner of living in his writings, particularly in Humphrey Clinker ; where he appears under the appellation of Mr Ser/e, and has an interview with Mr Bramble; and his manner of living is delciibed in another letter, where young Melford is fuppofed to dine with him at his houfe in Chelfea. N° doubt he made money by his connec¬ tions with the bookfellers; and had he been a rigid, economift, or endued with the gift of retention (an ex- preffioa of his own), he might have lived and died very independent. However, to do juftice to his memory, his difficulties, whatever they were, proceeded not from extravagance or want of economy. He was hofpitable, but not oftentatioufly fo ; and his table was plentiful, but not extravagant. No doubt he had his failings ; but ftill it would be difficult to name a man who was fo refpeCIable for the qualities of his head, or more ami. able for the virtues of his heart. Since his death a monument has-been ereCKd to hia memory near Leghorn, on which is inferibed an epitaph written in Latin by bis friend Dr Armfirong, author of The Art of Preferving Health,, and many other ex¬ cellent pieces. An infeription written in Latin was likewife iwferibed on a pillar eredled to his memory on the banks of the Leven, by one of his relations. To thefe memoirs we are extremely forrv to add, that fo late as 1785 the widow of Dr .Smollet was re- fiding in indigent circumftances at Leghorn. On this account the tragedy of Venice Preferred was ailed for her benefit at Edinburgh on the 5th of March, and an excellent prologue fpoken on that occafion. The pieces inferted in the pofthumous collection of Dr Smoilet’s plays and poems are, The Regicide, a tragedy: The Reprifal, a comedy; /Advice and Re¬ proof, two fat ires ; The Tears of Scotland; Vetfes on a Young Lady; a Love Elegy, in imitation of Tibullus; two Songs; a Burlefque Ode; Odes to Mirth, to Sleep, to Leven Water, to Blue-ey’d Ann, and-to In¬ dependence. SMUGGLERS, perfons who import or export -pro- hibited goods without paying the duties appointed by the law. The duties of cuftoms, it is faid, were originally in- ftituted, in order to enable the king to afford protec¬ tion to trade againft pirates : they have fince been con¬ tinued as a branch of the public revenue. As duties rm- Smoke Plate CCCCLXXL S M IT. [ 559 J S M Y mportation of goods necefTarily ralTes pricty or utility of fuch laws, confider them as oppref- Smujiglsrs five and tyrannical, and never hefitate to violate them II —1— ^ . , . . - ~ - - Smyrna. Smnggler. impofed, upon the ^ their price above what they might otherwife have been fold for, a temptation is prefenled to import the com¬ modity clandeftinely and to evade the duty. Many perfons, prompted by the hopes of gain, and confider- ing the violation of a pofitive law of this nature as in no refpett criminal (an idea in which they have been en- couraged by a great part of the community, who make no fcruple to purchafe fmuggled goods), have engaged in this illicit trade. ■ It was impoffible that government could permit this practice, which is highly injurious to the fair trader, as the fmuggler is enabled to underfell him, while at the fame time he impairs the national re¬ venue, and thus wholly deftroys the end for which thefe duties were appointed. Such penalties are therefore in- , flicted as it was thought would prevent fmuggling. Many laws have been made with this view. If any vol. .sroods bc di pped or landed without warrant and pre¬ fence of an officer, the veffel ffiall be forfeited, and the wharfinger ffiall forfeit L. xy, and the mafter or ma- - riner of any ffiip inward bound ffiall forfeit the value of the goods : and any carman, porter, or other affiftiag, fhall be committed to g-aol, till he find furety of the good behaviour, or until he ffiall be difeharged by the court of exchequer (13 & 14 C. II. c 11.) If goods be relanded after drawback, the vefifel and goods ffiall be forfeited ; and every perfon concerned therein ffiall forfeit double the value »f the drawback (8 An. c. 13.) Goods taken in at fea fhall be forfeited, and alfo the veil el into which they are taken ; and every perfon con¬ cerned therein ffiall forfeit treble value (9 G. II. c. 35.) A veffiel hovering near the coaft fliall be forfeited, if under 50 tons burden ; and the goods ffiall alfo be for¬ feited, or the value thereof (5 G. III. c. 43.) Perfons receiving or buying run goods ffiall forfeit L. 20 (S G. c. 18.) A concealer of run goods ffiall forfeit treble value (8 G. c. 18.) Offering run goods to fale, the fame (hall be forfeited, and the perfon to whom they are offered may feize. them ; and the perfon offering them to fale ffiall forfeit treble value (11 G. c. 30.) A porter or other perfon carrying run goods ffiall forfeit treble value (9 G. IL c. 35.) Perfons armed or dif- guifed carrying run goods fiiall be guilty of felony, and tranfported for feven year* (8 G. c. 18. 9 G. II. c* 35 ) But the laft flatute, 19 G. II. c. 34’ i*or this pur- pofe \nfiar omnium; tor it makes all forcible afts of fmuggling, carried on in defiance of the laws, or even in difguife to evade them, felony without benefit of cler¬ gy : enabling, that if three or more perfons fhall af- femble, with fire-arms or other offenuve weapons, to af- fift in the illegal exportation or importation of goods, or in refeuing the fame after feizure*, or in reicuing of¬ fenders in cuftody for fuch offences ; or ffiall pafs with fuch goods in difguife ; or ffiall wound, ffioot at, or af- fault, any officers of the revenue when in the execution of their duty; fuch perfons ffiall be felons, without the benefit of clergy. When we confider the nature, and ftill more the hl- ftory, of mankind, we muft allow that the enacting of fevere penal laws is not the way to prevent crimes. It weie indeed much to be wiihed that there were no fuch thing as a political crime ; for the generality of men, but efpeciaUy the lower orders, not difeerning the pro- when they can do it with impunity. Inftead therefore °f punishing fmugglers, it would be much better to re- Smitl/7 move the temptation. But the high duties which have Wealth of been impofed upon the importation of many different Nati^s> forts of foreign goods, in order to difeourage their con-™"111" fumption in Great Britain, have in many cafes ferved only to encourage fmuggling ; and in all cafes have re¬ duced the revenue of the cuftoms below what more mo¬ derate duties would have afforded. The faying of Dr Swift, that in the arithmetic of the cuftoms two and two, inftead of making- four, make fometimes only one, holds perfectly true with regard to fuch heavy duties, which never could have been impofed, had not the mer- cantde fyftem taught us, in many cafes, to employ tax¬ ation as an inftrument, not of revenue, but of mono- Po!/- The bounties which are fometimes given upon the exportation of home produce and manufactures, and the drawbacks which are paid upon the re-exportation of the greater part of foreign goods, have given occafion to many frauds, and to a fpeeies of ftnuggling more de- ftruftive of the public revenue than any other. In or¬ der to obtain the bounty or drawback, the goods, it is well known, are fometimes (hipped and fent to fea, but foon afterwards clandeftinely relanded in fome other part of the country. Heavy duties being impofed upon almoft all goods imported, our merchant importers fmuggle as much, and make entry of as little as they can. Our merchant- exporters, on the contrary, make entry of more than they export ; fometimes out of vanity, and to pais for great dealers in goods which pay no duty ; and fome- times to gain a bounty or a drawback. 'Our exports, in confequence of thefe different frauds, appear upon the cuftomhoufe books greatly to overbalance our im¬ ports ; to the unfpeakable comfort of thofe politicians who meafure the national profperity by what they call the balance of trade. SMUl, in huffiandry, a difeafe in corn, when the grains, inftead of being filled with flour, are full of a (linking black powder. See Wheat. SMYRNA, or Ismir, at prefent the largeft and ncheft city of Afia Minor, is fituated in north 1 latitude 38 28 , and in E. Long. 270 27 from Greenwich, and about 183 miles weft by fouth of Conftantinople. The town extends along the ffiore about half a mile on a gentle declivity. Thehoufes of the EngHfli, French, and Dutch confuls are handfome ftru&ures; thefe, with moil of thofe occupied by the Chriftian merchants, are vv a died on one fide by the fea, forming a ilreet named Frank-jlreet, from its being folely inhabited by European Ghriftians. In the year 1763 whole of this quarter was confumed by fire : the lofs fuftained by this cala- mity in ra^rchandife was eftimated at a million and a half of Turkiffi dollars, or near L. 200,000 Sterling. I he port is one of the fined of the Levant, it being able to contain the largeft fleet ; and indeed there are feldom in it fewer than 10c (hips of different nations.- A caftle lianas at its entrance, and commands all the z> » (nipping which fail in or out. There is likewife an old cZlaplf. ruinous caftle, near a mile in circumference, which (lands in the upper part of the city, and, according \o tradi- 5 tion. S M Y r 560 ] SNA ■Smyrna. tion, was built by the emprefs Helena: and near it is an ancient ftrufture, faid to be the remains of a palace where the Greek council was held when Smyrna was the metropolis of Aha Minor. They alfo {how the ruins or an amphitheatre, where it is faid St Polycarp, the irrll bifhop, fought with lions. This city is about four miles in circumference, .and nearly of a triangular form; but the fide next the mountain is much longer than the other fides The houles are low, and moftly built with clay-walls, on ac¬ count of the earthquakes to which the country is fub- qeft ; but the caravanieras and fome other of the public buildings have an air of magnificence. The ftreets are wide, and almoft a continued bazar, in which a great part of the merchandize of Europe and Alia is expofed to fale, with plenty of provilions ; though thefe are not fo cheap as in many other parts of Turkey, on account of the populoufnefs of the place, and the great refort of foreigners. It is faid to contain 15,000 Turks, 10,000 Greeks, 1800 Jews, 200 Armenians, and 200 Franks. The lurks have 19 mofques ; two churches belong to the Greeks; one to the Armenians; and the Jews have eight fynagogues. I he Romanifts have three convents. There is alfo one of the fathers Della Terra Santa. Here refides an archbifhop of the Greek church ; a Latin bifhop who has a falary from Rome, with the title of bifirop of Smyrna in partibus injldelium; and the Englifh and Dutch fadories have each their chaplain. The walks about the town are extremely pleafant, particularly on the welt fide of Frank ftreet, where there are feveral little groves of orange and lemon trees, which being always clothed with leaves, bloffoms, and fruit, regale feveral of the fenfes at the lame time. The vines which cover the little hills about Smyrna afford both a delightful profped and plenty of grapes, of which good w ine is made. 1 hefe hills are agreeably interfperfed with fertile plains, little forefts of olives and other fruit-trees, and many pleafure-houfes, to which the Franks ufually retire during the fummer. In the neighbourhood of Smyrna is great plenty of game and wild-fowl, and particularly deer and wild-hogs. The fea alfo abounds with a variety of good fifli. The European Chriftians are here allowed all imaginable li¬ berties, and ufually clothe themfelves after the Euro¬ pean manner. The chief commerce of this city confifts in raw filk, filk-lluffs, grograms, and cotton yarn. However, the unhealthfulnefs of the fituation, and more efpecially the frequent earthquakes, from which, it is faid, they are fcarcely ever free for two years to¬ gether, and which have been felt 40 days fucceffively, are an abatement of the pleafure that might otherwise be enjoyed here. A very dreadful one happened in June 1688, which overthrew a great number of the houfes ; and the rock opening where the cattle ftood, fwallowed it up, and no lefs than 5000 perfons periflted on this occafion. In the year 1758, fo defolating a plague raged here, that fcarcely a fufficient number of the inhabitants fur- vived to gather in the fruits of the earth. In the year 1772, three-fourth parts of the city were confumed by fire; and fix years after it was vifitedby the moft dread¬ ful earthquakes, which continued from the 2 jth of June to the 5th of July ; by which fucceflive calamities the Smyrnlm* city has been fo much reduced, that its former confe- II quence is never likely to be reftored. ■ k n^ce' j, The ladies here wear the oriental drefs, confifting of large trawlers or breeches, which reach to the ancle ; long wefts of rich filk or velvet, lined in winter with coftly furs ; and round their waift an embroidered zone with clafps of filver or gold. Their hair is plaited, and defeends down the back often in great plofufion. The girls have fometimes above twenty thick treftes, befides two or three encircling the head as a coronet, and fet off with flowers and plumes ot feathers, pearls, or other jewels. They commonly ftain it of a chefnut colour, which is the moft defired Their apparel and carriage are alike antique. It is remarkable that the trowfers are mentioned in a fragment of Sappho as part of the female drefs. SMYRNIUM, Alexanders : A genus of plants belonging to the clafs of pentandria, and to the order of digynia ; and in the natural fyftem ranging under the 45th order. Umbellate. The fruit is oblong and ilria- " ted ; the petals have a lharp point, and are keel-fhaped. There are five fpecies: 1. Theperfoliatumy or perfoliate alexanders, which is a native of Candia and Italy; 2. The JEgyptiacum ; 3. The aureum, or golden alexan¬ ders, which is a native of North America; 4. ’’I 'he in- tegerrimim ; 5. The olufatrum, common alexanders, a native of Britain ; the leaves of which are cauline, ter- nate, petiolated, and ferrated. It grows on the iea- coaft at Dunglas on the borders of Berwickftrire North Britain. Since the introdu&ion of celery into the garden, the alexanders is almoft forgotten. It was for¬ merly cultivated for falading, and the young {hoots or ftalks blanched were eaten either raw or ftewed. The leaves too were boiled in broths and foups. It is a warm comfortable plant to a cold weak ftomach, and was in much eftefcm among the monks, as may be in¬ ferred by its ftill being found in great plenty by old ab¬ bey walls. SNAFFLE, in the manege, is a very {lender bit- mouth without any branches, much ufed in England; the true bridles being referved for war. SNAIL, in zoology. See Helix and Limax. SNAKE, in zoology. See Anguis and Serpens. Method of Preferring Snakes. When the fnake is killed, it muft firft be walked clean, and freed from all filth and naftinefs; then it is to be put into a glals of a proper fize, the tail firft, and afterwards the reft of the body, winding it in fpiral afeending circles, and difpo- fing the back, which is alway the moft beautiful, out¬ wardly. A thread, connefted with a fmall glafs bead, is, by the help of a needle, to be paffed through the upper jaw from within outwardly, and then through the cork of the bottle, where it muft be faftenecl; by this means the head will be drawn into a natural pofture, and the mouth kept open by the bead, whereby the teeth, &c. will be difeovered : the glafs is then to be filled with rum, and the cork fealed down to prevent its exhala¬ tion. A label, containing the name and properties of the fnake, is then to be affixed to the wax over the cork ; and in this manner the fnake wall make a beau¬ tiful appearance, and may be prelerved a great number of years ; nor will the fpirits impair or change the luttre of its colours. 6 ^ Snakr- SnaV*- Srijiie?. SNA T s6i SvjKR'Stones, /fmnonita, in natural hiftory, the name t of a large genus of foffil fhells, very few if any of which are yet known in their recent ftate, or living either on our own or any other fhores ; fo that it feems won¬ derful whence fo vaft a number and variety of them fhould be brought into our fubtenanean regions. They feem indeed difperfed in great plenty throughout the world, but nowhere are found in greater numbers, beau¬ ty, and variety, than in our ifland. Mr Harenberg found prodigious numbers of them on the banks of a river in Germany. He traced this river through its feveral windings for many miles, and among 1 N E See PoLYGAr.A, See Pouygonum, See Antirrhi. 3nJz[l]^ a great variety of belemnitce, cornua ammonis, and coch- litae, of various kinds ; he found alfo great quantities of wood of recent petrifa&ion, which {fill preferved plain marks of the axe by which it had been cut from the trees then growing on the fhore. The water of this river he found in dry feafons, when its natural fprings were not diluted with rains, t@ be conliderably heavier than common water; and many experiments fhowed him that it contained ferruginous, as well as ftony particles, in great quantity, whence the petrifaftions in it appear¬ ed the lefs wonderful, though many of them of recent date. Of the cornua ammonis, or ferpent ftones, he there obferved more than 30 different fpecies. They lie im- rnerfed in a bluifh foflil ftone, of a foft texture and fatty appearance, in prodigious numbers, and of a great va¬ riety of fizes, from the larger known forts down to fuch as could not be feen without very accurate infpec- tion or the affiftance of a microfcope. Such as lie in the foftefl of thefe ffones are foft like their matrix, and eafily crumble to pieces ; others are harder. In a piece of this ftone, of the bignefs of a finger, it is common to find 30 or more of thefe foffils ; and often they are feen only in form of white fpecks, fo minute that their fi¬ gure cannot be diflinguifhed till examined by the mi¬ crofcope. They all confift of feveral volutae, which, are different in number in the different fpecies, and their ftrias alfo are extremely various ; fome very deep with very high ridges between them, others very flight ; fome ftraight, others crooked; others undulated, and fome termina¬ ting in dots, tubercles, or cavities, towards the back, and others having tubercles in two or three places. They are all compofed of a great number of chambers or cells, in the manner of the nnuti/us Gracorum, each having a communication with the others, by means of a pipe or fiplmnculus. There is a fmall white fhell fiih of Barbadoes, which feems truly a recent animal of this genus ; and in the Eaft Indies there is another alio, fmall and greyifh ; but the large and beautifully marked ones are found only foffil. They are compofed of various foffil bodies, often of quarry fione, fometimes of the matter of the common pyrites, and of a great variety of other fubftances ; and though they appear ufually mere ftones, yet in fome the pearly part of the original fhell is preferved in all its beauty. Sometimes alfo, while the outer fubftance is of the matter of the pyrites, or other coarfe, ftony, or mineral matter, the inner cavity is filled with a pure white Ipar of the common plated texture. This gives a great beauty to the fpecimert. The cornua ammonis, or fnake-ftones, are found in many parts of England, •particularly in Yorkfhire, where they are very plentiful in the alum rocks of feveral fizes. Vol. XVII. Part II. SNAKE-RoQt, in botany. SivAKE-fVeeJ, in botany. SNAPEDRxVGON, in botany. N UM. SNEEZING, a convullive motion of the mufcles of the breaft, whereby the air is expelled from the nofe with much vehemence and noile. It is caufed by the ir¬ ritation of the upper membrane of the nofe, occafioned by acrid fubftances floating in the air, or by medicines Called flernutatory. This irritation is performed either externally, by ftrong fmells, as marjoram, rofes, &c. or by duft float- Rou-t ing in the air, and taken in by infpiration ; or by fharp pungent medicines, as creffes and other fternutatories, which vellicate the membrane of the nofe ; or internally, by the acrimony of the lympha or mucus, which natu¬ rally moiftens that membrane. The matters caft forth in fneezing come primarily from the nofe and throat; the pituitary membrane continually exuding a mucus thither; and, fecondarily, from the breaft, the trachea, and the bronchia of the lungs. The praftice of fainting the perfon who fneezed ex- ifted in Africa, among nations unknown to the Greeks and Romans. The accounts we have of Monomotapa inform us *, that when the prince fneezes, all his fub- * Strain, jeds in the capital are advertifed of it, that they may Pr°l- AcaJ. offer up prayers for his fafety. The author of the con- queft of Peru aflures us, that the cacique of Guachoia having fneezed in prefence of the Spaniards, the In¬ dians of his train fell proftrate before him, ftretehed forth their hands, and difplayed to him the accuftomed marks of refped, while they invoked the fun to en¬ lighten him, to defend him, and to be his conftant guard. Every body knows that the Romans fainted each other on thefe ocafions : and Pliny relatesf, that Tibe-f^. Htf, rius exa&ed thei'e figns of homage when drawn in his Nat‘ chariot. Superftition, whofe influence can debafe eve-caF' a* ry thing, had degraded this cuftom for feveral ages, by attaching favourable or unfavourable omens to ineezing according to the hour of the day or night, according to the figns of the zodiac, according as a work was more or lefs advanced, or according as one had fneezed to the right or ta the left J. If a nitn fneezed at rifing from t Spond, table or from his bed, it was neceftary for him to fit or ^omeri lie down again. You are ftruck with aftonifhment, laid CommenU Timotheus to the Athenians, who wifhed to return in¬ to the harbour with their fleet$, becaufe he had fneezed; § Fronting you are ftruck with aftonifhment, becaufe among 10,000lib- • there is one man whofe brain is moift. caP- 1I* Polydore Virgil pretends, that in the time of Gre¬ gory the Great, there reigned in Italy an epidemic dif- temper, which carrried off by fneezing all thole who were feized by it ; and that this pontiff ordered prayers to be made againit it, accompanied by certain figns of the crofs. But befides that, there are very few cafes in which fneezing can be confidered as dangerous, and that it is frequently a favourable fymptom j| : it is evi-1| HippocrcH^ dent, that we ought not to date from the lixth century Kalhri the origin of a cuftom which lofes itfelf in the obfeurity of antiquity. Avicenna and Cardan fay, it is a fort of convulfion, which gives occailon to dread an epilepfy, and that this difeafe is endeavoured to be warded off by prayers. Clement of Alexandria confiders it as a mark of intemperance and effeminacy, which ought to be profcribed. And he inveighs bitterly againft thofe 4 ^ who gnpezkij?, * Plutarch f]e. fca* ho‘ trat. j- Ar'ijlenaet. ^ Homeri Qdyjf . _ lib.xvii. § XenCipf}. Anub. U Acad, dec Infer ip. voJ. iv. % Arijfct. in. Prob. S N E r .0 who endeavour to procure fheezlng by external aid, Montaigne, on the contrary, explains this faft in a tone rather cynical. It is Angular enough, that fo many ri¬ diculous, contradiftory, and fuperftitious opinions, have not abolifhed thofe cuftomary civilities which are ftill preferved equally among high and low ; and which on¬ ly the Anabaptifts and Quakers have reje&ed, becaufe they have renounced falutations in every cafe. Among the Greeks freezing was almoft always a good omen. It excited marks of tendernefs, of refpeft, and attachment. The genius of Socrates informed him by fneezing, when it was neceffary to perform any action*. The young Parthenis, hurried on by her paffion, refol- ved to, write to Sarpedon an avowal ot her love f ; fire freezes in the moft tender and impaffioned part of her letter : This is fufficient for her ; tin’s incident fupplieis the place of an anfvver, and perfuades her that Sarpedon is her lover. Penelope, harafTed by the vexatious court- fhip of her fuitors, begins to curfe them all, and to pour forth vows for the return of Ulyfles X- Hcr fon rL'ele- machus interrupts her by a loud freeze. She inftantly exults wnth joy, and regards this fgn as an affirance of the approaching return of her hufband. Xenophon was haranguing his troops ; a foldier fneezed in the mo¬ ment when he was exhorting them to embrace a dange¬ rous but neceffary refolution. The whole army, moved by this prefage, determine to purfue the projeft of their general; and Xenophon orders facrifices to Jupiter the preferver$. This religious reverence for fneezing, fo ancient and fo uiiiverfal even in the times of Homer, always excited the curiofity of the Greek plrilofophers and of the rab¬ bins. Thefe laft have fpread a tradition, that, after the creation of the world, God made a general law to this purport, that every living man fhould fneeze but once in his life, and that at the fame infant he fhould render- up his foul into the hand of his Creator ||, without any preceding xndifpofition. Jacob obtained an exemption from the common law, and the favour of being informed of his laft hour : He fneezed and did not die ; and this fgn of death was changed into a frgn of life. Notice of this was fent to all the princes of the earth; and they- ordained, that in future breezing fhould be accompanied with forms of bleffing, and vows for the perfons who fneezed. Ariftotle remounts likevvife to the fources of natural religion. He obferves, that the brain is the origin of the nerves, of our fentiments, ,our fenfations, the feat of the foul, the image of the Divinity ; that upon all thefe accounts, the fubftance of the brain has ever been held in honour ; that the firft men fwore by their head; that they durft not touch nor eat the brains of any ani¬ mal ; that it was even a facred word which they dared not to pronounce. Filled with thefe ideas, it is not wonderful that they extended their reverence even to fneezing. Such is the opinion of the moft ancient and fugacious philofophers of Greece. According to mythology, the firfl fign of Life Pro¬ metheus’s artificial man gave was by flernutation. This fnppofed creator is faid to have«.ftolen a portion of the folar rays; and filling with them a phial, which he had made on purpofe, fealed it up hermetically. He inftant¬ ly flies back to his favourite automaton, and opening the phial holds it clofe to the ftatue; the rays ftill re¬ taining all their activity, infinuate themfelves. through 2 ] S N O the pores, and fet the fictitious mart a fneezing. Pro. metheus, tranfported with the fuccefs of his machine, offers up a fervent prayer, with wifhes for the preferva tion of fo Angular a being. His automaton obferved him, remembering his ejaculations, was very careful, on the like occafions, to offer thefe wifhes in behalf of his defendants, who perpetuated it from father to Ion in all their colonies. SNIGGLING, a method of fifhing for eels, chiefly ufed in the day-time, when they are found to hide themfelves near wears, mills, or flood gates. It. is per¬ formed thus : Take a ftrong line and hook, baited with a garden-worm, and obferving the holes where the eels lie hid, thruft your bait into them by the help of a flick; and if there be any, you fhall bq fure to have a bite ; and may, if your tackling hold, get the iargeft eels. SNIPE, in ornithology. See Scolopax and Shoot ING. SNORING, in medicine, othervvife called Jlertor> is a found like that of theceichnon, but greater and mor© manifeft. Many confound thofe affeftions, and make them to differ only in place and magnitude, calling by the name of ftertor that found or nolle which is heard or fuppofed to be made in the paffage between the palate and the noftrils as in thofe who fleep ; that boiling or bubbling noife, which in refpiration proceeds from the larynx, or or head, or orifice of the afpera arteria, they call ce’chon; but if the found comes from the afpera arteria itfelfi they will have it called cerchnos, that is, as fome under- ftand it, a rattling, or as others a ftridulous or whee¬ zing roughnefs of the afpera arteria. In dying perfonai this affe&ion is called by the Greeks p^xx^’ rhenchost which is a fnoring or rattling kind of noife, proceeding as it were from a conflid between the breath and the humours in the afpera arteria. This and fuch like affetfions are owing to a weak- nefs of nature, as when the lungs are full of pus or hu¬ mours : to which purpofe we read in the Prognoftics of Hippocrates, “ it is a bad fign when there is no expec¬ toration, and no difeharge from the lungs, but a noife as from an ebullition is heard in the afpera arteria from a plenitude of humour.” Expe&oration is fuppreffed. either by the vifeidity of the humour, which requires to be difeharged, and which adhering to the afpera ar¬ teria, and being there agitated by the breath, excites* that bubbling noife or ftertor ; or by an obftru&ion of the bronchia ; or, laftly, by a compreflion of the afpera. arteria and throat, whence the paffage is ftraitened^ in < which the humours being agitated, excite fuch a kind of noife as before defcribed. Hence Galen calls thofe who arc ftrait-breafted Jlertorous. That author afiigns but two caufes of this fymptom, which are either the. ftraitnefs of the paffage of refpiration or redundance ol humours, or both together ; but it is neceffary to add a third, to wit, the weaknefe of the faculty, which is the caufe of the rhenchos in dying perfons, where nature is too weak to make difeharges. From what has been faid we conclude,/ that this, fymptom, or this fort of fervour or ebullition in the throat, is not always mortal, but only when nature is. oppreffed with the redundance of humour, in fuch a. manner, that the lungs cannot difeharge themfelves by fpitting ; or the paffage appointed for the breath (being, the afpera arteria) is very much obftru&ed, upon whichi account Snigcling II Snoring, S N O Snow, account many dying perfons labour under a flertor with their mouths gaping. SNOW, a well-known meteor, formed by the freez¬ ing of the vapours in the atmofphere. It differs from hail and hoar-froft, in being as it were cryflallized, which they are not. This appears on examining a hake of fnow by a magnifying glafs; when the whole of it will appear to be compofed of fine fhining fpicula diverging like rays from a centre. As the flakes fall down through the atmolphere, they are continually jSined by more of thefe radiated fpicula, and thus in- creafe in bulk like the drops of rain or hailllones. Dr Grew, in a difcourfe of the nature of fnow, obferves, that many parts thereof are of a regular figure, for the mofl part ftars of fix points, and are as perfedl and tranfparent ice as any we fee on a pond, &c. Upon each of thefe points are other collateral points, fet at the fame angles as the main points themfelves : among which there are divers other irregular, which are chief¬ ly broken points, and fragments of the regular ones. Others alio, Ijy various winds, feem to have been thaw¬ ed and frozen again into irregular clufters ; lb that it feems as if the whole body of fnow were an infinite mafs of icicles irregularly figured. That is, a cloud of va¬ pours being gathered into drops, the faid drops forth¬ with defcend; upon which defcent, meeting with a free7.1 no air ac t-ViPxr -rvafc o C 563 1 S N O of the fnow, and the regularity of the flru&ure of its parts (particularly fome figures of fnow or hail which ' fall about 'I urin, and which he calls rofette), fhow that- cloUds of fnow are a died upon by fome uniform caufe hke eledlricity ; and he endeavours to Ihow how ele£ri- city is capable of forming thefe figures. He was con¬ firmed in his conjeaures by obferving, that his appara¬ tus for obferving the elearicity of the atmofphere never failed to be ekarified by fnow as well as rain. Pro- feflbr Winthrop fometimes found his apparatus ekari- fied by fnow when driven about by the wind, though it had not been affedted by it when the fnow itfelf was falling. A more intenfe ekaricity, according to Bec- caria, unites the particles of hail more clofely than the more moderate ekaricity does thofe of fnow, in the fame manner as we fee that the drops of rain which fall from thunder-clouds are larger than thofe which fall from others, though the former defcend through a lefs fpace. But we are not to confider fnow merely as a curious and beautiful phenomenon. The Great’Difpenfer of umverfal bounty has fo ordered it, that it is eminently fubfervient, as well as all the works of creation, to his benevolent defigns. Were we to judge from appear- | ances only, we might imagine, that fo far from beiW ? ufeful to the earth, the cold humidity of fnow would a 7 O v v til til j LUC COICI freezing air as they pafs through a colder region, each be detrimental to vegetation. But the experience of *op ,s immediately frozen into an iciele, (hooting itfelf all ages aflerts the cent,ary. Snow, partieularly in thofe forth into feveral points : but thefe Hill continuinp-their northern ren-mno «rV.^-0 _ , • , . forth into feveral points ; but thefe ftill continuing their ■defeent, and meeting with fome intermitting gales of warmer air, or in their continual waftage to and fro touching upon each other, fome of them are a little thawed, blunted, and again frozen into clufters, or in- tangled fo as to fall down in what we ciiW. Jlales. The lightnefs of fnow, although it is firm ice, is ow¬ ing to the excels of its furface, in comparifon to the matter contained under it; as gold itfelf may be ex¬ tended in furface till it will ride upon the kaft breath of air. ■ I'he whitenefs of fnow is owing to the fmall particles into which it is elivided ; for ice, when pounded, will become equally white. An artificial fnow has been made by the following experiment A tall phial of can be fenfibly efficaciou, in promoting edge"" L Al. aquafortis beinor placed bv the fire til it is warm Winn- .m- aquafortis being placed by the fire till it is warm, and filings ©f pure filver, a few at a time, being put into it; alter a brilk ebullition, the filver will diffolve flowly. The phial being then placed in a cold window, as it cools the filver particles will Ihoot into cryftals, feveral ©f which running together will form a flake of fnow, which will defcend to the bottom of the phial. While they are defeending, they reprefent perkdlly a fhower ■of filver fnow, and the flakes will lie upon one another at the bottom like real fnow upon the ground. According to Signior Beccaria, clouds of fnow differ In nothing from clouds of rain, but in the circumftance of cold that freezes them. Both the regular diffuhon ^ , J "7 l a j All on WAV.. northern regions where the ground is covered with it for feveral months, fructifies the earth, by guarding the corn or other vegetables from the intenfer cold of the air, and efpecially from the cold piercing winds. It has been a vulgar opinion, very generally received, that fnow fertilizes the lands on which it falls more than rain, in confequence of the nitrous halts which it is fuppoled to acquire by freezing. But it appears from the experi- merits ©fjMargraaf(A) in the year 175ij that the che¬ mical difference between rain and fnow-water is ex¬ ceedingly fmall ; that the latter is fomewhat kfs ni¬ trous, and contains a fomewhat lefs proportion of earth than the former; but neither of them contain ei¬ ther earth or any kind of fait in any quantity which lowing, therefore, that nitre is a fertilizer of lands, which many are upon good grounds difpofed utterly to deny yet fo very fmall is the quantity of it contained in fnow* that it cannot be fuppofed to promote the vegetation of plants upon which the fnow has fallen. The pecu¬ liar agency of fnow, as a fertilizer in preference to rain may admit of a very rational explanation, without re¬ curring to nitrous falts fuppofed to be contained in it It may fee rationally aferibed to its furnifhing a covering to the roots of vegetables, by which they are guarded bom the influence of the atmofpherical cold, and the internal heat of the earth is prevented from eicapin^. I he internal parts of the earth, by fome principle 4 2 which (a) Margraaf collected of the pureft fnow he could find as much as when melted afforded icomeafures of watei, each meafure containing 36 ounces. By diftilling this quantity he obtained 60 grains, not of nitre "but « ca/careous tru th, with fome grains^of the acid of fea-falt, impregnated with a nitrous vapour. The fame quan! . y o rain-water oolkaed in the winter months with equal attention, when diitilkd yielded loc grains ©1 cal s feo8w“;r«r;tre Era,M ,>f ,he acid °f ,i:tre ^ ^ ^t Snow. S N O [ 564 ] S N O Snow, which we no not underhand, is heated uniformly to the * \ ' 48th degree of Fahrenheit’s thermometer. This degree of heat is greater than that in which the watery juices of vegetables freeze, and it is propagated from the in¬ ward parts of the earth to the furface, on which the ve¬ getables grow. The atmofphere being variably heated by the adtion of the fun in different climates, and in the fame climate at different feafons, communicates to the furface of the earth and to fome diftance below it the degree of heat or cold which prevails in itfelf. Diffe¬ rent vegetables are able to preferve life under different degrees of cold, but all of them perifh when the cold which reaches their roots is extreme. Providence has therefore, in the coldeft climates, provided a covering of fnow for the roots of vegetables, by which they are protefted from the influence of the atmofpherical cold. The fnow keeps in the internal heat of the earth, winch ' furrounds the roots of vegetables, and defends them from the cold of the atmofphere. Snow or ice water is always deprived of its fixed air, which efcapes during the procefs of congelation. Ac¬ cordingly, as fome of the inhabitants of the Alps who life it for their conftant drink have enormous wens up¬ on their throats, it has been aferibed to this circum- llance. If this were the caule of thefe wens, it would be ealy to remove it by expofing the fnow-water to the air for fome time. But feveral eminent phyficians have rejected the notion that fnow-water is the caufe of thefe wens ; for in Greenland, where fnow-water is common¬ ly ufed, the inhabitants are not affefted with fuch fwel- lings : on the other hand, they are common in Sumatra where fnow is never feen. Snow, in fea-aflairs, is generally the largeftof all two- malled veflels employed by Europeans, and the moft convenient for navigation. The fails and rigging on the mainmaft and foremall of a fnow are exactly fimilar to thofe on the fame malls in a fliip ; only that there is a fmall mall behind the mainmall of the former, which canies a fail nearly re- fembling the mizen of a fliip. The foot of this mall is fixed on a block of wood on the quarter-deck abaft the mainmaft ; and the head of it is attached to the after¬ top of the maintop. The fail which is called the try- foil is extended from its mail towards the flern of the veflel. When the floops of war are rigged as fnows, they are furnilhed with a horfe, which anfwers the purpofe of the tryfail-mali, the lore-part of the fail being at¬ tached by rings to the faid horfe, in different places of its height. SuGiv-Grotto, an excavation made by the waters on the fide of Mount Etna, by making their way under the layers of lava, and by carrying away the bed of pozzolana below them. It occurred to the proprietor, that this place was very fuitable for a magazine of Inow : for in Sicily, at Naples, and particularly at Mal¬ ta, they are obliged for want of ice to make ufe of fnow for cooling their wine, flieibet, and other liquors, and for making fweetmeats. This grotto was hired or bought by the knights of Malta, who having neither ice nor fnow on the burning rock which they inhabit, have hired feveral caverns on Etna, into which people whom they employ collett and preferve quantities of fnow to be lent to Malta when needed. This grotto kas therefore been repaired with¬ in at the expenee of that order; flights of fteps are cut Snow, into it, as well as two openings from above, by which Snowdon* they throw in the fnow, and through which the grotto, is enlightened. Above the grotto they have alfo le¬ velled a piece ot ground of confiderable extent: this they have incloted with thick and lofty walls, fo that when the winds, which at this elevation blow with great violence, carry the fnow from the higher parts of the mountain, and depofite it in this inclofure, it is retained and amaffed by the walls. The people then remove it into the grotto through the two openings ; and it is there laid up, and preierved in fuch a mariner as to re¬ fill the force of the fummer heats ; as the layers of lava with which the grotto is arched above prevent them from making any impreflion. When the feafon for exporting the fnow comes on, it is put into large bags, into which it is prefi'ed as clofely as pofiible ; it is then carried by men out of the grotto, and laid upon mules, which convey it to the fhore, where fmali veffels are waiting to carry it av/ay. But before thofe lumps of fnow are put into bags, they are wrapped in frelh leaves; fo that while they are conveyed from the grotto to the Ihore, the leaves may prevent the rays ot the fun from making any rm- prelfion upon them. The Sicilians carry on a confiderable trade in fnow, which affords employment to fome thoufands of mules, horfes, and men. They have magazines of it on the fummits of their loftielt mountains, from which they diftribute it through all their cities, towns, and houfes ; for every perfon in the ifland makes ufe of fnow. They confider the pra&ice of cooling their liquors as abfolute- ly neceffary for the prefervation of health ; and in a cli¬ mate the heat of w hich is conftantly relaxing the fibres, cooling liquors, by communicating a proper tone to the fibres of the llomach, mull greatly itrengthen them for the performance of their fundlions. In this climate a fcarcity of fnow is no lefs dreaded than a fcarcity of corn, wane, or oil. We are inform¬ ed by a gentleman who was at Syracufe in the year >777, when there was a fcarcity ol fnow, the people of the town learned that a fmall veffel loaded with that ar¬ ticle was palling the coaft : without a moment’s delibera¬ tion they ran in a body to the Ihore and demanded her cargo ; which vdien the crew refufed to deliver up, the Syracufans attacked and took, though with the lofs of feveral men. S^orr-Urop, in botany. See Chionanthus. SNOWDON-hill, the name of a mountain in Caer- narvonlhire in Wales, generally thought to be the high- ell in Britain ; though fome have been of opinion that its height is equalled, or even exceeded, by mountains in the Highlands of Scotland. The mountain is fur- rounded by many others, called in the Wellh language Crib Coch, Crib y Dijlill, Liinxieddy yr Arran, &c. According to Mr Pennant*, this mountainous tradl » jwrrtj yields fcarcely any corn. Its produce is cattle and Iheep; to Snowdon which, during fummer, keep very high in the moun¬ tains, followed by their owners with their families, who refide during that feafon in havodtys, or “ fummer dairy- houfes,” as the farmers in the Swifs Alps do in their Jenna. Thefe houfes conlilt of a long low room, with a hole at one end to let out the fmoke from the fire which is made beneath. Their furniture is very limple; Hones are fubllituted for itools, and their beds are of S . N O [ 565 ] S N Y fin«wcJon. hay, ranged along the fides. They manufa&ure their clouds by this lofty mountain, it becomes fuddenly and S-.u/T, , ' , own clothes, and dye them with the lichm omphalotdes unexpedledly enveloped in mift, when the clouds have Snyd«’s* v and lichen parutmui* modes collected from the rocks, juft before appeared very high and very remote. At'— During fummer the men pais their time in tending their times he obferved them lower t® half their height ; and herds or in making hay, &c. and the women in milk- notwithftanding they have been difperfed to the rMit ing or in making butter and cheefe. For their own ufe and left, yet they have met from both fides, and united they milk both ewes and goats, and make cheefe of to involve the fummit in one great obfcuritv. -the milk. Their diet confifts of milk, cheefe, and but- The height of Snowdon was meafured, in 1682 by ter: and their ordinary drink is whey ; though they Mr Cafwell, with inftruments made by Flamftead : ’ aj- have, by way of referve, a few bottles of very ftrcng cording to his menfuration, the height is 3720 feet ; beer, which they ufe as a cordial when fick. They are but more modern computations make it only 3c68* people of good underftanding, wary, and circumfpett; reckoning from the quay at Caernarvon to the highefi. tall, thin, and of ftrong conftitutions. In the winter- peak. The ftone that compofes this mountain is ex time they defcend into the hen-drej\ or “ old dwelling,” ceffively hard. Large coarfe cryftals, and frequently where they pafs their time in ina£tivity; _ cubic pyrites, are found in the hfTures. An immente The view Lorn the higheft peak of Snowdon is very quantity of water rufhes down the lides of Snowdon and extenhve. From it Mr Pennant faw the county of the neighbouring mountains, infomuch that Mr Pennant Chefter, the high hills ot Yorkfhire, part of the north of fuppofes, if colkdfed into one ftream, they would ex- Lngland, Scotland, and Ireland; a plain view of the ifle ceed the waters of the Thames. of Man; and that of Anglefea appeared like a map ex- SNUFF, a powder chiefly made of tobacco, the ufe tended under his feet, with every rivulet vifible. Our of which is too well known to need any description author took much pains to have this view to advantage; here. ^ fat up at a farm on the weft till about 12, and walked Tobacco is ufually the bafis of fnuff; other matters up the whole way. The night was remarkably fine being only added to give it a more agreeable feent, &c and Harry ; towards morning the ftars faded away, lea- The kinds of fnuff, and their feveral names, are infinite^ ving an interval of darknefs, which, however, was foon and new ones are daily invented ; fo that it would be difpolled by the dawn of day. The body of the fun ap- difficult, not to fay impoffible, to give a detail of them, peared moft diftinft, with the roundnefs of the moon, We fliall only fay, that there are three principal forts • before it appeared too brilliant to be looked at. The the firft granulated ; the fecond an impalpable powder • lea, which bounded the weftern part of the profped, and the third the bran, or coarfe part remaining after appeared gilt with the fun-beams, firft in flender ftreaks, fifting the fecond fort. 0 and at length glowed with rednefs. The profpeft was “ Every profefled, inveterate, and incurable fnuff. difclofed like the gradual drawing up of a curtain in a taker (fays Lord Stanhope), at a moderate computa- theatre; till at laft the heat became fufficiently ftrong tion, takes one pinch in ten minutes. Every pinch to raife mifts from the various lakes, which in a flight with the agreeable ceremony of blowing and wiping the degree obfeured the profped. The fhadow of the moun- nofe and other incidental circumftances, confumes a mi- tain extended many miles, and fhowed its bicapitated nute and a half. One minute and a half out of every form ; the Wyddfa making one head, and Crib y Diftill ten, allowing 16 hours to a fnuff-taking day, amounts - the other. _ At this time he counted between 20 and to two hours and 24 minutes out of every natural day, 30 lakes either in Caernarvon or in Merionethfhire. In or one day out of every ten. One day out of every 10 making another vifit, the fky was obfeured very foon amounts to 36 days and a half in a year. Hence if we after he got up. A vaft mift involved the whole cir- fuppofe the praaice to be perfifted in 40 years, two en- emt of the mountain, and the profpeft down was hor- tire years of the fnuff-taker’s life will be dedicated to lible. It gave an idea of numbers-of abyffes, concealed tickling his nofe, and two more to blowing it. The by a thick fmoke furioufly circulating around them. Ve- expence of fnuff, fnuff-boxes, and handkerchiefs,' will be ry often a guft of wind made an opening in the clouds, the fubjeft of a fecond effay ; in which it will’appear which gave a fine and diftinft vifta of lake and valley, that this luxury encroaches as much on the income of Sometimes they opened in one place, at others in many the fnuff-taker as it does on his time ; and that by a at once; exhibiting a moft ftrange and perplexing fight proper application of the time and money thus loft to of water, fields, rocks, and chaftm. They then elofed the public, a fund might be conftituted for the difeharge again, and every thing was involved in darknefs; in a of the national debt.” See Ni eon ana. h few miftutes they would feparate again, and repeat the SNYDERS (Francis), a Flemiffi painter, born at above-mentioned Jcene with infinite variety. From this Antwerp in 1579, and bred under his countryman Hen- profpeft our traveller defeended with great reluftance ; ry Van Baku. His genius firft difplayed itfelf in paint- but before he had reached the place Avhere his horfee ing fruit : he afterwards attempted animals, huntinps, were left, he was overtaken by a thunder ftorm. The &c. in which he exceeded all his predeceffors. He rolling ot the thunder-claps, being reiterated by the alfo painted kitchens, &c. and gave dignity to fubie&s mountains, was inexpreffibly awful ; and alter he had that feemed incapable of it. He was made painter to mounted, he was in great danger of being fwept away Ferdinand and Ifabella, archduke and duchefs, and be- by the torrents vvhich poured down in confequence of came attached to the houl'e of the cardinal ’infant of a very heavy rain. Spain. The king of Spain and the ele&or Palatine It is very rare (Mr Pennant obferves) that the tra- adorned their palaces with huntings bv this artift. Ru- veller gets a proper day to afeend this hill : it indeed bens, Jordaens, and Snyders, ufed ’to co-operate in the often appears clear; but by the evident attraction of the enriching of each other’s pi&ures according to their feveral l s o A 1 566 1 S O A Soal-fifh, feveral talents ; and thus they became more valuable , b 'aF- than if finilhed by either of them fingly. Snyders died in 16^7. SOAL-fish, in ichthyology. See Pleuronec- tes. SOAP, a compolition of cauftic, fixed alkaline fait, and oil, fometimes hard and dry, lometimes foft and li¬ quid ; much ufed in wafhing, whitening linens, and by dyers and fullers.—Soap may be made by feveral me¬ thods, which, however, all depend upon the fame prin¬ ciple. The foap which is ufed in medicine is made without heat. See Chemistry, n° 1026. In manufactures where large quantities of it are pre- pared, foap is made with heat. A lixivium of quicklime and foda is made, but is lefs concentrated than that above referred to, and only fo much that it can fuftain a frefh egg. A part of this lixivium is to be even di¬ luted and mixed with an equal weight of oil of olives. The mixture is to be put on a gentle fire, and agita¬ ted, that the union may be accelerated. When the mix¬ ture begins to unite well, the reft of the lixivium is to be added to it ; and the whole is to be digefted with a very gentle heat, till the loap be completely made. A trial is to be made of it, to examine whether the juft proportion of oil and alkali has been obferved. Good foap of this kind ought to be firm, and very white when cold ; not fubjeCt to become moift by expofure to air, and entirely mifcible with pure water, to which it com¬ municates a milky appearance, but without any drops of oil floating on the furface. When the foap has not thefe qualities, the combination has not been well made, or the quantity of fait or of oil is too great, which faults muft be corrected. In foft or liquid foaps, green or black foaps, cheaper oils are employed, as oil of nuts, of hemp, of filh, &c. Thefe foaps, excepting in conliftertce, are not elfentially ■different from white foap. Fixed alkalis are much difpofed to unite with oils that are not volatile, both vegetable and animal, fince this union can be made even without heat. The com¬ pound refulting from this union partakes at the fame time of the properties of oil and of alkali; but thefe properties are modified and tempered by each other, according to the general rule of combinations. Alkali formed into foap has not nearly the fame acrimony as when it is pure ; it is even deprived of almoft all its caufticity, and its other faline alkaline properties are almoft entirely aboliflied. The fame oil contained in ■foap is lefs comhuftible than when pure, from its union with the alkali, which is an uninflammable body. It is mifcible, or even foluble, in water, to a certain de¬ gree, by means of the alkali. Soap is entirely foluble in fpirit of wine ; and ftill better in aquavitas fharpened by a little alkaline fait, according to an obfervation of Mr Geoffroy. The manufacture of foap in London firft began in the year 1524 ; beiore which time this city was ferved with white foap from foreign countries, and with grey foap fpeckled with white from Briftol, which was fold for a penny a pound; and alfo with black foap, which fold for a halfpenny the pound. The principal foaps of our own manufacture are the foft, the hard, and the ball foap. The foft foap is ei¬ ther white or green. The procefs of making each of thefe fhall now be defcribed. Green foft foap. The chief ingredients ufed in ma- Soap, king this are lees drawn from pot-afh and lime, boiled-v— up with tallow and oil. Firft, the ley of a proper de¬ gree of ftrength (which muft be eftimated by the weight of the liquor), and tallow, are put into the copper to¬ gether, and as foon as they boil up the oil is added ; the fire is then damped or flopped up, while, the ingre¬ dients remain in the copper to unite ; when they are united, the copper is again made to boil, being fed or filled with lees as it boils, till there be a fufficient quan¬ tity put into it; then it is boiled off and put into calks. When this foap is firft made it appears uniform ; but in about a week’s time the tallow feparates from the oil into thofe white grains which we lee in common foap. Soap thus made would appear yellow, but by a mixture of indigo added at the end of the boiling, it is rendered green, that being the colour which refults from the mixture of yellow and blue. White foap. Of this one fort is made after the fame man¬ ner as green foft foap, oil alone excepted, which is not ufed in white. The other fort of white foft foap is made from the lees of allies of lime boiled up two diffe¬ rent times with tallow. Firft, a quantity of lees and tallow are put into the copper together, and kept boil¬ ing, being fed with lees as they boil, until the whole is boiled fufficiently ; then the lees are feparated or dif- charged from the tallowilh part, which part is removed into a tub, and the lees are thrown away ; this is called the jirjl half-boil: then the copper is filled again with freih tallow and lees, and the ftril half-boil is put out of the tub into the copper a fecond time, where it is kept boiling with frefli lees and tallow till the foap is produced. ^ It is then put out of the copper into the fame fort of calks as are ufed for green foft foap. The common foft foap ufed about London, generally of a greenifh hue, with fome white lumps, is prepared chief¬ ly with tallow : a blackilh fort, more common in fome other places, is laid to be made with whale oil. Hard foap is made with lees from alhes and tallow, and is moft commonly boiled twice : the firft, called the ba/f-boi/, hath the lame operation as the firft half-boil of foft white foap. Then the copper is charged with freih lees again, and the firft half boil put into it, where it is kept boiling, and fed with lees as it boils, till it grains or is boiled enough; then the ley is difeharged from it, and the Ibap put into a frame to cool and harden. Com¬ mon lalt is made ufe or for the purpofe of graining the foap ; for when the oil or tallow has been united with the ley, after a little boiling, a quantity of fait is thrown into the mafs, which diflblving readily in water, but not in the oil or tallow, draws out the water in a eon- fiderable degree, fo that the oil or tallow united with the ialt of the ley fwims on the top. When the ley is of a proper ftrength, lefs fait is neceffary to raife the curd than whew it is too weak. It muft be obferved, that there is no certain time for bringing off a boiling of any of thefe forts of foap: it frequently takes up part of two days. Bal/foap, commonly ufed in the north, is made with lees from athes and tallow. The lees are put into the copper, and boiled till the watery part is quite gone, and there remains nothing in the copper but a fort of faline matter (the very ftrength or effence of the ley) ; to this the tallow is put, and the copper is kept boil¬ ing and ftirring for above half an hour, in which time , the s O A [ 567 ] BOA Soap, the foap is jrrade ; and then it re put out of the cop- mentioned by Pliny as made of fat and a flies, and as an per into tubs or bafkets with fheets in them, and imme¬ diately (whilft loft) made into balls. It requires near 24 hours in this procefs to boil away the watery part of the ley. When oil unites with alkali in the formation of foap, it is little altered in the connexion of its principles ; for it may be feparated from the alkali by decompofing foap with any acid, and may be obtained nearly’in its original Hate. Concerning the decompolition of foap by means of acids, we mull obferve, fiiit, that all acids, even the weaked vegetable acids, may occalion this decompoli¬ tion, becaufe every one of them has a greater affinity than oil with fixed alkali. Secondly, thefe acids, even when united with any bafis, excepting fixed alkali, are capable of occafioning the fame decompofition ; whence all ammoniacal falts, all falls with bafis’of earth, and all thole with metallic bales, are capable of decompofing foap, in the fame manner as difengaged acids are ; with this difference, that the oil feparated from the fixed al¬ kali, by the acid of thefe falts, may unite more or lefs intimately with the fubftance which was the bafis of the neutral fait employed for the decompofition. Soap may alfo be decompofed by diftillation, as Le- mery has done. When firlt expoled to fire, it yields a phlegm called by him a [pint; which neverthelefs is neither acid nor alkaline, but fome water which enters into the compofition of foap. It becomes more and more coloured and empyreumatic as the fire is increa- fed, which (hows that it contains the moll fubtle part of the oil. It feems even to raife along with it, by help of the oil and adlion of the fire, a fmall part of the alkali of the foap : for, as the lame chemill obferves, it occafions a precipitate in a folution of corrofive fubli- mate. After this phlegm the oil riles altered, precife- ly as if it had been diftilled from quicklime, that is, empyreumatic, foluble in fpirit of wine, at firll fuffi- ciently fubtle and afterwards thicker. An alkaline re- fiduous coal remains in the retort, confilling chiefly of the mineral alkali contained in the foap, and which may be difengaged from the coal by calcination in an open fire, and obtained in its pure Hate. Alkaline foaps are very ufeful in many arts and trades, and alio in chemiftry and medicine. Their principal uti¬ lity confills in a deterfme quality that they receive from their alkali, which, although it is in fome meafure fatura- ted with oil, is yet capable of adling upon oily matters, and of rendering them faponaceous and milcible with water. Hence foap is very ufeful to cleanfe any fub- llarices from all fat matters with which they happen to l)e foiled. Soap is therefore daily ufed for the wafhing and whitening of linen, for the cleanfing of woollen- eloths from oil, and for whitening filk and freeing it from the refinous varnifh with which it is naturally co¬ vered. Pure alkaline lixiviums being capable of diffol- ving oils more effectually than foap, might be employed for the fame purpofes ; but when this activity is not mitigated by oil, as it is in foap, they are capable of al¬ tering, and even of deftroying entirely by their caufti- city, moft fubftances, efpecialiy animal matters, as filk, wool, and others : whereas foap cleanfes from oil almoft as effectually as pure alkali, without danger of altering ®r deftroying ; which renders it very ufetul. Soap was imperfedly known to the ancients. It is invention of the Gauls. Aretaeus and others inform us,'———"f that the Greeks obtained their knowledge of its medi- * cal ufe from the Homans. Its virtues, according to Botany, Bergios, are detergent, refolvent, and aperient, and itsF-S^ ufe recommended in jaundice, gout, calculous complaints, and in obftrudlions of the vifeera. The efficacy of foap in the firft of thefe difeafes was experienced by Sylvius, and fince recommended very generally by various au¬ thors who have written on this complaint; and it has alfo been thought of ufe in fupplying the place of bile in the primae vise. The utility of this medicine in i&e- rical cafes was inferred chiefly from its fuppofed power of diffolving biliary concretions ; but this medicine has- loft much of its reputation in jaundice, fince it is now known that gall-Hones have been found in many after, death who had been daily taking foap for feveral months and even years. Of its good effedls in urinary calcu¬ lous affections, we have the teftimony of feveral, efpe¬ cialiy when diffolved in lane-water, by which its efficacy is confiderably increafed ; for it thus becomes a power- ■ ful folvent of mucus, which an ingenious modern author fuppofes to he the chief agent in the formation of cal- ' culi : it is, however, only in the incipient Hate of the difeafe that thefe remedies promife effedlual benefit; though they generally abate the more violent fymptoms where they cannot remove the caufe. With Boerhaave foap was a general medicine : for as he attributed moll complaints to vifeidity of the fluids, he, and molt of the Boerhaavian fchool, preferibed it in conjundlion with different refinous and other fubitances, in gout, then- matifm, and various vifceral complaints. Soap is alfo externally employed as a refolvent, and gives name to feveral officinal preparations. From the properties of foap we may know that if mull be a very effeftual and convenient anti-acid. It abforbs acids as powerfully as pure alkalis and abfor- bent earths, without having the caullicity of the for¬ mer, and without oppreffing the llomach by its weight like the latter. Laltly, we may perceive that foap mull be one of. the bell of all antidotes to Hop quickly, and with the leall inconvenience, the bad efftdls of acid corrofive poi- fons, as aquafortis, corrofive fublimate, &c. Soap imported is fubjedl by 10 Ann. cap. 19. to a duty of 2d. a pound (over and above former duties)* and by 12 Ann. Hat. 2. cap. 9. to the farther fum of i d. a pound. And by the fame a£ls, the duty on foap made in the kingdom is i^d. a pound. By 17 G. III»- cap. 52. no perfon within the limits of the head office of excife in London Ihall be permitted to make any foap unlefs he occupy a tenement of 1 o 1. a year, be afieffed, and pay the panffi rates * or elfewhere, unlels he be affelfed, and pay to church and poor. Places of making are to be entered on pain of $01. and covers and locks to be provided under a forfeiture of 100I.; the furnace-door of every utenfil ufed in the manufacture of foap {hall be locked by the excife offi¬ cer, as foon as the fire is damped or drawn out, and fallenings provided, under the penalty of 501.; and. opening or damaging fuch faftening incurs a penalty of 1001. Officers are required to enter and furvey at all times, by day or night, and the penalty of obltru&ing is 20 1. and they may unlock and examine every copper- &c. between the hours of five in the morning and ele. § ven ■Macift. Utmment. ’»ol> ii. S O C f 568 ] S O C Men in the evening, and the penalty of obftrueting is tool. Every maker of foap before he begins any ma¬ king, if within the bills of mortality, {hall give 12 hours, if elfe where 24 hours, notice in writing to the officer, of the time when he intends to begin, on pain of $0 1. No maker (hall remove any foap unfurveyed on pain of 201. without giving proper notice of his intention. And it any maker {hall conceal any foap or materials, he fhall forfeit the fame, and alfo 5001. Every barrel of foap fhall contain 256 lb. avoirdupois, half barrel 1 28 lb. firkin 641b. half-firkin 321b. behdes the weight or tare of each caflc: and all foap, excepting hard cake foap and ball foap, (hall be'put into fuch calks and no other, on pain of forfeiture, and <; 1. The maker {hall weekly enter in writing at the next office the foap made by him in each week, with the weight and quantity at each boiling, on pain of 501. ; and within one week after entry clear off the duties, on pain of double duty. See, befides the ftatutes above cited, 5 Geo. III. cap. 43. 12 Geo. III. cap. 46. 11 Geo. cap. 30. i Geo. ftar. 2. cap. 36. Starkey's Soap. See Chemistry, n° 1027. sicicl Soap. This is formed by the addition of con¬ centrated acpds to the exprefied oils. Thus the oil is rendered paftially ioluble in water ; but the union is not fufficiently complete to anfwer any valuable purpofe. SoAP-Berry Tree. See Sapindus. SoAP-Earth. See Steatites. SOAPWOUT. See Saponama. SOC (Sax.), fignifies power or liberty to minifter lultice or execute laws : alfo the circuit or territory wdierein fuch power is exercifed. Whence our law- Latin word focca is ufed for a feigniory or lordftiip en- franchifed by the king, with ths liberty of holding or keeping a court of his fockmen : And this kind of li¬ berty continues in divers parts of England to this day, and is known by the names offoke and foken. SOCAGE, in its moft general and extenfive fignifi- cation, feems to denote a tenure by any certain and determinate fervice. And in this fenfe it is by our ancient writers conftantly put in oppofition to chivalry or knight-fervice, wdiere the render was precarious and uncertain. The fervice mail therefore be certain, in or¬ der to denominate it focage ; as to hold by fealty and 20s-. rent; or, by homage, fealty, and 20s. rent; or, by homage and fealty without rent; or, by fealty and certain corporal fervice, as ploughing the lord’s land for three days ; or, by fealty only without any other fer¬ vice : for all thefe are tenures in foeage. Socage is of two forts: /mAocage, wdiere the fer- vices are not only certain but honourable ; and vi/lein- focage, where the fervices, though certain, are of a bafer nature (fee Villenage). Such as hold by the former tenure are called, in Glanvil and other fubfequent au¬ thors, by the name of lileri fokemanni, or tenants in free- focage. The word is derived from the Saxon appella¬ tion Jbc, which fignifies liberty or privilege ; and, being joined to an ufual termination, is called focage^ in La- vm focagium ; fignifying thereby a free or privileged te¬ nure. It feems probable that the focage-tenures were the relics of Saxon liberty; retained by fuch perfons as had neither forfeited them to the king, nor been obliged to exchange their tenure for the more honourable, as it was called, but at the fame time more burthenfome, te¬ nure of knight-fervice. This is peculiarly remarkable Society- in the tenure which prevails in Kent, called gavelkimly — which is generally acknowledged to be a fpecies of fo- cage-tenure ; the prefervation whereof inviolate from the innovations of the Norman conqueror is a fa£t uni- verfally known. And thole who thus preferved their liberties were faid to hold in free and common focage. As therefore the grand criterion and diftingyithing mark of this fpecies of tenure are the having iys renders or fervices afcertained, it will include under jft all other methods of holding free lands by certain and invariable rents and duties ; and in particular, Petit Serjeanty^ Tenure in Burgage, and Gavelkind. See thefe ar¬ ticles. j SOCIETY, a number of rational and moral be-Definition, ings, united for their common preiervation and happi- nefs. a There are fhoals of filhes, herds of quadrupeds, and How far flocks of birds. But till obfervation enable us to de-}’r,ltes afe termine with greater certainty, how far the inferior ani-'a^.'^0^ mals are able to look through a feries of means to the gate> end which theie are calculated to produce, how far their conduft may be influenced by the hope of re¬ ward and the fear of puniihment, and wdiether they are at all capable of moral diftimfrions—we cannot with propriety apply to them the term Society. We call crows, and beavers, and feveral other Ipecies of animals, gregarious ; but it is hardly good Englilh to fay that they are fecial. It is only human fociety, then, that can become the Mankind fubjeft of our prefent inveftigati^n. The phenomena the only which it prefents are highly worthy of our notice. fi cial be- Such are the advantages which each individual evi-!^5^^^ dently derives from living in a fecial ftate ; and fo help-y(,fervatioa lefs does any human being appear in a folitary ftate, 4 that we are naturally led to conclude, that if there ever A focial was a period at which mankind were folitary that period could not be of long duration; for theirVa,t>e averfion to folitude and love ot tociety would foon in¬ duce them to enter into focial union. Such is the opi¬ nion which we are led to conceive, when we compare our own condition as members of civilized and en¬ lightened iociety with that of the brutes around us, or with that of favages in the earlier and ruder periods of focial life. When we hear of Indians wandering naked through the woods, deftitute of arts, unlkilled in agri¬ culture, fcarce capable of moral diftin&ions, void of all religious fentiments, or poffefled with the mofl abfurd notions concerning fuperior powers, and procuring means of fubfiftence in a manner equally precarious with that of the beads of prey—we look down with pity on their condition, or turn from it with horror. When we view the order of cultivated fociety, and confider our inftitutions, arts, and manners—we rejoice over our fuperior wifdom and happinefs. Man in a civilized ftate appears a being of a fuperior order to man in a favage ftate; yet fome philofophera tell us, that it is only he who, having been educated in fociety, has been taught to depend upon others, that can be helplefs or miferable when placed in a folitary ftate. They view the favage who exerts himfelf with intrepidity to fupply his wants, or bears them with for¬ titude, as the greateft hero, and poflefling the greateft happinefs. And therefore if we agree with them, that the propenlities of nature may have prompted men to 7 eater Society. s o c enter into focial union, though they may have hoped to enjoy fuperior feminity and happinefs by engaging to protect and hipport each other, we muft conclude that the /-luthor of the univerfe has deftined man to at- tain greater dignity and happinefs in a favage and fo- litary than in a focial ftate ; and therefore "that thofe difpohtions and views which lead us to fociety are fal¬ lacious and inimical to our real intcreft. Whatever be. the fuppofed advantages of a folitary state, certain it is that mankind, at the eariieft periods, were united in fbciety* Various theories have been foimed concerning the circumftances and principles which gave rife to this union : but we have elfewhere ihown, that the greater part of them are founded in er¬ ror; that they fuppofe the original ftate of man to have been that of lavages ; and that fuch a fuppofition is con¬ tradicted by the moft authentic records of antiquity, for though the records of the earlier ages are gene- l ally obfeure, fabulous,. and imperfeift ; yet happily there is one free from the imperfeaions of the reft, and uudoiftjted authenticity, to which we may fafely have tSeeJ^recourfe+ I his record is the Pentateuch of Moles, 7 which prefents us with a genuine account of the origin of man. and of focicty, perfe&ly confonant to what*we VC ,d d°Wn hl the article referied to (fee Savage). Srfocty rACnC01in§;° the firil focIetf that of a hu^and and united in the bonds of marnWe - th. C 5^9 ] S O C attention from the management of flocks to the culth Sorfetv, vation of the ground. Next, thefe hufbancimen improve ' their powers, and better their condition, by becomin- artizans and merchants ; and the beginning of this ne°- nod is the boundary between barbarity and civiliL Thefe are the ftages through which they who have employed themfelves on the natural hiftory of fociety have generally conducted mankind in their progreft from rudenefs to refinement; but they feem to have Tkiv°ukjd th^ manner ln wh‘ch mankind were at firft - e tabhfhed on this earth; for the circumftances in which the parents of the human race were originally placed • tor the degree of knowledge communicated "to them * ana for the inftru’et the h^ting or fifiling ftate NoT r. the ^ fodety! Notwithftanding the powers with which we are endovv- ed, we are in a great meafure the creatures of circum¬ ftances. . Phyfical caufes exert, though indireftly, a mighty influence in forming the character and direift- mg the exertions of the human race. From the infor¬ mation of Mofes we gather, that the firft focieties of men lived under the patriarchal form of government,. and employed themfelves in the cultivation of the giound and the management of flocks. And as we ""l fan,kind,’ bein,g fubieaed to the influence tli of phyfical and moral caufes, are no lefs liable to egeneracy than capable of improvement; we may ea- iily conceive, that th«„ The characters and Society. circumitances of nations are fcarce lefs various and ano- malous than thofe of individuals. Among many of the American tribes among the ancient inhabitants of tue forefts of Germany, wdiofe manners have been fo ac¬ curately delineated by the mafterly pen ofTacitus, and in iome of the iflands icattered over the fouthern ocean religion, arts, and government, have been found in that ftate which we have deferibed as characterizing the fe- cond ftage of focial life. ' But neither can we pretend that all thofe fimple and rude focieties have been de¬ feribed by hiftorians and travellers as agreeing precifely in their arts, manners, and religious fentiments; or that the difference of circumftances always enables us to ac¬ count in a fatisfa&ory manner for the diftindion of their characters. There is a variety of fads in the hiftory of the early periods of fociety, which no ingenuity, no in- duftry however painful, can reduce under general heads. Here, as well as when we attempt to philofophize on the phenomena of the material world, we find reafon to confefs that our powers are weak, and our obfervation confined within a narrow fphere. But we may now carry our views a little forward,™- Vn and furyey human life as approaching fome what nearer in the prT to a civilized and enlightened ftate. As property is ac-grefs of fo. quired, inequality and fubordination of ranks neceflarily ciety>in follow: and when men are no longer equal, the many Wfhich idca8 are foon fubjeaed to the will of the few. But whauid'S™! gives rife to thefe new phenomena is, that after having lity of 1 often luffered from the precarioufnefs of the huntino-rsnk*aP* " and fifhing ftate, men begin to extend their cares be°-Pear* yond the prefent moment, and to think of providing- fome ftipply for future wants. When they are enabled to provide fuch a fupply, either by puifuing the chace with new eagernefs and perfeverance, by gathering the fpontaneous fruits of the earth, or by breeding tame animals—-thefe acqmfitions are at firft the property of the whole fociety, and diftributed from a common ftore to each individual according to his wants : But as va- nous reafons wall foon concur to convince the commu¬ nity, that by this mode of diftribution, induftry and ac¬ tivity are treated with injuftice, while negligence and indolence receive more than their due, each individual will in a fhort time become his own fteward, and a community of goods will be abolifhed. As foon as di ftina ideas of property are formed, it muft be unequal- ly diftnbuted ; and as foon as property is unequally di¬ ftributed, there antes au inequality of ranks. Here we have the origin of the depreflion of the female lex hi rude ages, of the tyrannical authority exercifed by pa¬ rents over their children, and perhaps of fkvery. The women cannot difplay the fame pentverance, or activi¬ ty, or addrefs, as the men in puriuing the chace. They are therefore left at home ; and from that moment are no longer equals, but Haves and dependants, who muft fubfift by the bounty of the males, and muft therefore luoinit with implicit obedience to all their capricious commands. Even before the era of property, the ie- male fex were viewed as inferiors; but till that ueriod they were not reduced to a ftate of abject ftavery.’’ n this period of Society new notions are formed of j relative duties. Men now become citizens, mailers and fervants ; huihands, parents, &c. It is impoflible to enumerate all the various modes of government which take place among the tribes who have advanced 4 Cm ta J * s o C [ 57a J s o c Society, to this ; but one thing cettain u, that the autho- rity of the few over the many is now firft eflablifhed, and that the rife of property tirft introduces inequality of ranks. In one place, we fhali perhaps find the com¬ munity fubje&ed during this period to the will of a fingle perfon •, in another, power may be lodged in the hands of a number of chiefs; and in a third, every indi¬ vidual may have a voice in creating public officers, and in enacting laws for the fupport of public order. But as no code of laws is formed during this period, juf- tice is not very impartially adminiftered, nor are the rights of individuals very faithfully guarded. Many ac¬ tions, which will afterwards be confideied as heinoully immoral, are now confidered as praife-worthy or incHt- ferent. This is the age of hero-worfhip, and of houfe- hold and tutelary gods; lor it is in this ftage of fociety that the invention of arts, which gave rife to that wor¬ ship, contributes molt confpicuoufly to the public good. War, too, which we confidered as beginning firft to ra¬ vage the earth during the former period, and which is another caufe of the deification ol dead men, will itill prevail in this age, and Jpe carried on with no lefs fero¬ city than before, though in a more fyftematic form. The prevalence of war, and the means by which fub- fiftence is procured, cannot but have confiderablc influ¬ ence on the chara&er and fentiments of focieties and in¬ dividuals. The hunter and the warrior are charaefters in many refpeAs different from the ftepherd and the hufbandman. Such, in point of government, arts, and manners, religious and moral fentiments, were feveral of the German tribes deferibed by Tacitus; and the Bri¬ tons wliofe character has been fketched by the pen of Csefar: Inch, too, were the Romans in the early period of their hiftory; fuehtoo the inhabitants of Afia Minor about the time of the fiege of Troy, as well as the Greeks whom Homer celebrates as the deftroyers of the T. ro- ian ftate: the northern tribes alfo, who poured thro’ Afia, Africa, and Europe, and overthrew the Roman empire, appear to have been of a nearly fimilar charac¬ ter. It feems to be a general opinion among thofe who have direfted their‘attention to the hiftoiy of fo¬ ciety, that, in the fcale afeendiug from the loweft con¬ dition of human beings to the moft civilized and en¬ lightened ftate of fociety, the Ihephetd ftate is the next in order above the hunting; and that as mankind im¬ prove in knowledge and in moral fentiments, and as the forefts are gradually depopulated of their inhabitants, inftead of deftroying the inferior animals, men become their guardians and protestors. But we cannot unre- Tervedly fubferibe to this opinion : we believe, that in the fhepherd ftate focieties have been fometimes found fuperio'i- to the moft polilhed tribes of hunters ; but upon viewing the annals of mankind in eaily ages, we obferve that there is often no inconfiderable refemblance even between hunters and fhepherds in point of the im¬ provement of the rational faculties and the moral ftme , and we are therefore led to think, that thefe two ftates are. fometimes parallel: for inftance, feveral of the A- merican tribes, who ftill procure their fubfiftence by hunting, appear to be nearly in the ftate which we have deferibed as the third ft age in the progrels of fociety ; and the ancient fhepherds oi Afia do not appear to have been much more cultivated and refined. We even be¬ lieve that men have fometimes turned their attention iro:n hunting to agriculture without palling through any intermediate ftate. Let us remember, that much SoHety, depends upon local circumftances, and fomewhat un- doubtedly on original infpiration and traditionary in- ftrudtion. In this period of fociety the ftate of the arts well deferves our attention. We (hall find, that the fhepherds and the hunters are in that refpeft on a pretty equal footing. Whether we examine the records of ancient hiftory, or view' the Hands fcattered through the South Sea, or range the wilds of America, or fur- vey the fnow'y w'aftes of Lapland and the frozen coaff, oi Greenland—ftill we find the ufeful arts in this pe¬ riod, though known and cultivated, in a very rude ftate; and the fine arts, or fuch as are cultivated merely to pleafe the fancy or to gratify caprice, difplaying an odd and fantaftic, not a true or natural, tafte ; yet this is the period in which eloquence fhines with the trueft luftre : all is metaphor or glowing fentiment. Lan¬ guages are not yet copious ; and therefore fpeech is figurative, expreffive, and forcible. The tones and gef. tures of nature, not being yet laid afide, as they gene¬ rally are, from regard to decorum, in more polifired ages, give a degree of force and expreffion to the ha¬ rangues of the ruftic or favage orator, which the molt laborious ftudy of the rules of rhetoric and elocution could not enable even a more polifhed orator to dif- play. iS But let us advance a little farther, and contemplate Fourth our fpecies in a new light, where they will appear with 111 , greater dignity and amiablenefs of character. Let us aihu-e view them as hufbandmen, artizans, and legiflators. rifhes, the Whatever circumftances might turn the attention of arts are any people from hunting to agriculture, or caufe thefu^fliv,^e<^» herdfman to yoke his oxen for the cultivation of the anTregular ground, certain it is that this change in the occupation govern- would produce an happy change on the character and merit are circumftances of men; it would oblige them to exert 1Iltroc*ucs^ a more regular and perfevering induftry. The hunter is like one of thofe birds that are deferibed as palling the winter in a torpid ftate. The Ihepherd’s life is ex¬ tremely indolent. Neither of thefe is very favourable to refinement. But different is the condition of the hulbandman. His labours fucceed each other in regu¬ lar rotation through the year. Each feafon with him has its proper employments : he therefore muft exert active perfevering induftry ; and in this ftate wc often find the virtues of rude and polilhed ages united. This is the period where barbarifm ends and civilization begins. Nations have exifted for ages in the hunt¬ ing or the Ihepherd ftate, fixed as by a kind of ftagna- tion, without advancing farther. But fcarce any in- ftances occur in the hiftory of mankind of thofe who once reached the ftate of hulbandmen, remaining long in that condition without rifing to a more civilized and polifhed ftate. Where a people turn their attention in any confiderable degree to the objefts of agriculture, a diftindion of occupations naturally arifes among them. The hulbandman is fo clofely employed thro’ the feve¬ ral feafons of the year in the labours of the field, that he has no longer leifure to exercife all the rude arts known among his countrymen. He has not time to falhion the inllruments of hulbandry, to prepare his clothes, to build his houfe, to manufadure houfehold utenfils, or to tend thofe tame animals which he con¬ tinues to rear. Thofe different departments therefore now begin to employ different perfons j each of whom 1 ' dedicates s o c Society, dedicates his whole time and attention to his own oc- p,pwv™~/cupation. The manufacture of cloth is for a confider- able time managed exclijfively by the women ; but fmiths and joiners arife from among the men. Metals begin now to be confidered as valuable materials. The inter- courfe of mankind is now placed on a new footing. Be¬ fore, every individual praftifed all the arts that were known, as far as was neceffary for fupplying himfelf with the conveniences of life. Now he confines him¬ felf to one or to a few of them ; and, in order to ob¬ tain a neceffary fupply of the productions of thofe arts which he does not cultivate himfelf, he gives in ex¬ change a part of the productions of his own labours. Here we have the origin of commerce. C 573 1 s o c One of the nobleft changes which the introduction of Soeicty. the arts by agriculture produces on the form and cir- u~-W'—- cumftances of fociety, is the introduction of regular go- vernment and laws. In tracing the hiftory of ancient nations, we fcarce ever find laws introduced at an ear¬ lier period. Minos, Solon, and Lycurgus, do not ap¬ pear to have formed codes of wifdom and juftice for re¬ gulating the manners of their countrymen, till after the Cretans, the Athenians, and even the Lacedemonians, had made fome progrefs in agriculture and the ufeful arts. Religion, under all its various forms, has in every ftage of fociety a mighty influence on the fentiments and conduft of men (fee Religion) ; and the arts cul- . . o t . n : v4'-'- j “Hu uic arts cm- After continuing perhaps for fome time in this ftate, tivated in fociety have on’the other hand fome influ- as arts and diftinaions multiply in fociety, the ex- ence on the fyftem of religious belief. One happy ef~ change of one commodity for another is found trou- fed which will refult from the invention of arts, though blefome and inconvenient. It is inirenioufiv oontri. nprhans nor immpri.'-.toi.. r.^ » i... .v i blefome and inconvenient. It is ingenioufly contri¬ ved to adopt a medium of commerce, which being efti- mated not by its intrinfic value, but by a certain nomi¬ nal value which it receives from the agreement of the fociety among whom it is ufed, ferves to render the ex¬ change of property, which is fo neceffary for the pur- pofes of focial life, eafy and expeditious. Wherever me¬ tals have been known, they appear to have been adopt¬ ed as the medium of commerce almoft as foon as fuch a medium began to be ufed: and this is one important purpofe for which they ferve ; but they have Hill more important ufes. Almoft all the neceffary arts depend on them. Where the metals are known, agriculture pradifed, and the neceffary arts diftributed among diffe- rent orders of artifans—civilization and refinement, if not obftruded by fome accidental circumftances, ad¬ vance with a rapid progrefs. With regard to the firft applying of the precious metals as the medium of com¬ merce, we may obferve, that this was probably not ac- complifhed by means of a formal contrad. They might be firft ufed as ornaments ; and the love of orna¬ ment, which prevails among rude as much as among civilized nations, would render every one willing to re¬ ceive them in exchange for fuch articles as he could fpare. Such might be the change produced on fociety with regard to the neceffary arts by the origin of agri¬ culture. As foon as ornament and amufement are thought of, the fine arts begin to be cultivated. In their origin therefore they are not long pofterior to the neceffary and ufeful arts. They appear long before men reach the comfortable and refpedable condition of hub bandmen ; but fo rude is their charader at theii firft origin, that our Dilettanti would probably view their produdions of that period with unfpeakable contempt and difguft. But in the period of fociety which we nowconfider, they have afpired to an higher charader; yet poetry is now perhaps lefs generally cultivated than during the fhepherd ftate. Agriculture, confidered by itfelf, is not diredly favourable either to refinement of manners or to the fine arts. The converfation of fhep *3 perhaps not immediately, will be, to render the charac¬ ter oi the deities more benevolent and amiable, and the rites of their worfhip more mild and humane. The female fex in this period generally find the yoke of their flavery fomewhat lightened. Men now become eafier in their circumftances; the focial affedions affume ftronger influence over the mind ; plenty, and fecurity, and eafe, at once communicate both delicacy and keen- nefs to the fenfual defires. All thefe circumftances con¬ cur to make men relax in fome degree that tyrannic fway by which they before depreffed the fofter fex. T. fie foundation of that empire, where beauty triumphs over both wifdom and ftrength, now begins to be laid. Such are the effeds which hiftory warrants us to attri¬ bute to agriculture and the arts; and fuch the outlines of the charader of that which we reckon the fourth ftage in the progrefs of fociety from rudenefs to refine¬ ment. Let us advance one ftep farther. We have not yet Fifth fta^e furveyed mankind in their molt polifhed and cultivated'11 t^le pro- ftate. Society is rude at the period when the arts firft ?re.fs of . begin to fhow themfelves, in comparifon of that ftate wS/.'1* to which it is raifed by the induftrious cultivation ofterature, them. The neighbouring commonwealths of Athens arts> a»d and Lacedemon afford us a happy opportunity of com fciences> paring this with the former ftage in the pro/refs of fo-^!tivTed ciety. The chief efted produced by the inftitutions ofand religbu .Lycurgus feems to have been, to fix the manners of hi3a^uuies a countrymen for a coniiderable period in that ftate tonuld ancl which they had attained in his days. Spartan virtue has been admired and extolled in the language of en-" ^ thufiafm ; but in the fame manner has the charader and the condition ot the favage inhabitants of the wilds of America, been preferred by fome philofophers. to the virtues and the enjoyments of focial life in the molt po¬ lifhed and enlightened ftate. The Spartans in the days of Lycurgus had begun to cultivate the ground, and were not unacquainted with the ufeful arts. They muft foon have advanced farther had not Lycurgus ari- fen, and by effeding the eftablifhment of a code of laws. —- - —-;-r ~ ciLduiiinmeui. or a code ot laws, herds is generally fuppofed to be far more elegant than the tendency of which appears to have been in many that of hufbandmen ; but though the dired and imme- particulars diredly oppolite to the defi^ns of nature7 diate effeds of this condition of life be not favourable —‘---i-j r . . - - - ’ to the fine arts, yet indiredly it has a ttrong tendency to promote their improvement. Its immediate influ¬ ence is extremely favourable to the neceffary and ufe¬ ful arts ; and thefe are no lefs favourable to the fine arts. retarded their progrefs towards complete civilization and refinement. The hiftory of the Lacedemonians, therefore, while the laws of Lycurgus continued in force, exhibits the manners and charader of a people in that which we have denominated the fourth ftage in the progrefs of fociety. But if we turn our eyes to their neigh- s o c [ 574 ] s o c Society, neighbours the Athenians, we behold in their hlftory t)ie natural progrefs of opinions, arts, and manners. The ufeful arts are firft cultivated with fuch fteady in- dultry, as to raife the community to opulence, and to furnilh them with articles for commerce with foreign nations. The ufeful arts cannot be raifed to this height of improvement without leading men to the purfuit of fcience. Commerce with foreign nations, fkill in the ufeful arts, and a tafte for fcience, mutually aid each other, and confpire to promote the improvement of the fine arts. Hence magnificent buildings, noble ilatues, paintings expreffive of life, action, and pafiion ; and j oems in which imagination adds new grace and fubli- mity to nature, and gives the appearances of focial life more irrefiftible power over the affeclions of the heart. Hence are moral diftinftions more carefully ftudied, and the rights of every individual and every order in fociety better underftood and more accurately defined. Moral fcience is generally the firft fcientific purfuit which ftrongly attrafts the attention of men. Lawgivers ap¬ pear before geometricians and aftronomers. Some par¬ ticular circvunftances may caufe thefe fciences to be cul¬ tivated at a very early period. In Egypt the overflow¬ ing of the Nile caui’ed geometry to be early cultivated. Caufes no lefs favourable to the ftudy of aftronomy, concurred to recommend that fcience to the attention of the Chaldean's long before they had attained the height of refinement. But, in general, we find, that the laws of morality are underftood, and the principles of morals inquired into, before men make any confiderable progrefs in phyfical fcience, or even profecute it with any degree of keennefs. Accordingly, when We view the ftate of literature in this period (for it is now become an objedl of fo much importance as to force itfelf on our atten¬ tion), we perceive that poetry, hiftory, and morals, are the branches chiefly cultivated. Arts are generally cafual inventions, and long pradlifed before rules and principles on which they are founded aflume the form of fcience. But morality, if confidered as an art, is that art which men have fooneft and moft conftantly oc- cafion to pradtife. Betides, we are fo conftituted by the wifdom of nature, that human adlions, and the events which befal human beings, have more powerful influ¬ ence than any other objedt to engage and fix our at¬ tention. Hence we are enabled to explain why mora¬ lity, and thofe branches of literature more immediately connedted with it, are almoft always cultivated in prefe¬ rence to phyfical fcience. Though poetry, hiftory, and morals, be putfued with no fmall eagernefs and fuccefs in that period of fociety which we now confider, we need not therefore be greatly furprifed that natu¬ ral philofophy is neither very generally nor very fuccefs- fuliy cultivated. Were we to confider each particular in that happy change which is now produced on the circumftances of mankind, we fhould be led into a too minute and perhaps unimportant detail. This is the period when human virtue and human abilities flu’ne with moft fplendour. Rudenefs, ferocity, and barbarilm, are now baniihed. Luxury has made her appearance ; but as yet (he is the friend and the benefadtrefs of fociety. Commerce has ftimulated and rewarded induftry, but Iras not yet contracted the heart and debafed the cha- rafier. Wealth is not yet become the foie objedl of puriuit. The charms of focial intercourfe are known and rehfhed; but domeftic duties are not yet deferted for public amufements. The female fex acquire new Society, influence, and contribute much to refine aud polifh the "v—■ manners of their lords. Religion now affumes a milder and more pleafing form ; fplendid rites, magnificent temples, pompous facrifices, and gay feftivals, give even fuperftition an influence favourable to the happinefs of mankind. The gloomy notions and barbarous rites of former periods fall into difufe. The fyftem of theology, produced in formei ages ftill remains : but only the mild and amiable qualities of the deities are celebrated; and none but the gay, humane, and laughing divinities, are worfliipped. Philofophy alfo teaches men to difeard fuch parts of their religion as are unfriendly to good morals, and have any tendency to call forth or cheriftt unfocial fentiments in the heart. War (for in this pe¬ riod of fociety enough of caufes will arife to arm one nation againft another)—war, however, no longer retains its former ferocity; nations no longer ftrive to extirpate one another ; to procure redrefs for real or imaginary injuries ; to humble, not to deftroy, is now its objeft, Prifoners are no longer murdered in cold blood, iub- je&ed to horrid and excruciating tortures, or condemn¬ ed to hopelefs flavery. They are ranfomed or exchan¬ ged ; they return to their country, and again fight un¬ der its banners. In this period the arts of government are likewife better underftood, and pradiifed fo as to contribute moft to the interefts of fociety. Whether monarchy, or democracy, or ariftocracy, be the efta- blilhed form, the rights of individuals and of focie¬ ty are in general refpedfed. The interefts of fociety are fo well underftood, that the few, in order to pre- ferve their influence over the many, find it necelfary to a£f rather as the faithful fervants than the imperious lords of the public. Though the liberties of a nation in this ftate be not accurately defined by law, nor their property guaranteed to them by any legal inftitutions, yet their governors dare not violate their liberties, nor deprive them wantonly of their properties. This is tru¬ ly the golden age of fociety : every trace of barbarifm is entirely effaced; and vicious luxury has not yet be¬ gun to fap the virtue and the happinefs of the commu¬ nity. Men live not in liftlefs indolence ; but the induftry in which they are engaged is not of fuch a nature as to overpower their ftrength or exhauft their fpirits. The focial affe&ions have now the ftrongeft influence on mens fentiments and condued. But human affairs are fcarce ever ftationary. circumftances of mankind are almoft. always changing, and decline either growing better or worfe. Their manners are ever foriety- in the fame fludduating ftate. They either advance to¬ wards perfection or degenerate. Scarce have they at¬ tained that happy period in which we have juft contem¬ plated them, when they begin to decline till they per¬ haps fall back into a ftate nearly as low as that from which we iuppofe them to have emerged. Inftances of this unhappy degeneracy occur mote than once in the hiftory of mankind; and we may finiih this Ihort fketch of the hiftory of fociety by mentioning in what manner this degeneracy takes place. Perhaps, ftriftly fpeaking, every thing but the Ample neceffaries of life may be denominated luxury: For a long time, how¬ ever, the welfare of fociety is belt promoted, while its members afpire after fomething more than the mere ne¬ ceffaries of life. As long as thefe fuperfluities are to be obtained only by active and honeft exertion ; as long as T. he Degeneracy Society S G C [ ^ as. they only engage the kifure hours, without beco- objefts of purfuit—the employment which they give to the faculties is favourable both to the virtue and the happinefs of the human race. The period arrives, however, when luxury is no long¬ er ferviceable to the interefts of nations ; when ihe is no. longer a graceful, elegant, aaive form, but a lan¬ guid, overgrown, and bloated carcafe. It is the love of luxury, which contributed fo much to the civiliza¬ tion of fociety, that now brings on its decline. Arts aie cultivated and improved, and commerce extended, , enormous opulence be acquired : the effect of opu- ence is to awake the fancy, to conceive ideas of new and capricious wants, and to inflame the breaft with new defires. Here we. have the origin of that felfifh- neis which, operating in conjunction with caprice and the violence of unbridled paffions, contributes fo much to.the corruption of virtuous manners. Selfiihnefs, ca- price, .indolence,, effeminacy, all join to loofen the bonds or locietv. tn hrfncr rm tl,» r .1 r s o c r . \ —j i iuuicu uic Donas iociety, to bring on the degeneracy both of the ufe- I aim trip finp nvfn 4-^. . i . r i j r ^ — —6v.x1v.ia^j .uuui ui me me- and the fine arts, to banifli at once the mild and the aultere virtues, to deftroy civil order and fubcrdination, anc to introduce in their room anarchy or defpotifm. bca-ce could we have found an example of the beau¬ tiful form of fociety which we lall attempted to defcribe. ever, at leafl, has any nation continued long to enjoy fucn happy circumftances, or to difplay fo amiable and reip.eCtab.e a character. But when we fpeak of the de¬ clining (late of fociety, we have no difficulty in finding milanees to which we may refer. Hiftory tells of the Aiiymns, the Egyptians, and the Perfians, all of them once flouriflung nations, but brought low by luxury and an unhappy corruption of manners. The Greeks the Romans, and the Arabians, owed their fall to the* fame caufes; and we know not if a fimilar fate does not now threaten many of thofe nations who have long made a diftingmfhed figure in the fyftem of Europe. The Portegueje, the Venetians, and the Spaniards, have already fallen ; and what is the prefent (late of our neighbours the French! They have long been a peoule deltitute of religion, corrupted in morals, unfteady in conduCt, and flaves to pleafure and public amufements. Among them luxury had arrived at its highefl pitch • and the confequence has been, that after capricioufly tnakimr oft the vote r«f *1. i _ / *.5 ftaking off the yoke of defpotifn,, they have eilabliLli or rather fet up (for eftablilbed it cannot be), a motely kind of government, which, in the courfe of a few years, has exhibited fcenes of tyranny and oppreflion, to which we doubt if the annals of the world can furnifh any parallel. Yet this is the people whofe manners the other nations of Europe were ambitious to imitate. May thofe nations take warning in time, and avoid the rocks upon which they have fplit.. 575 ] the progrefs of arts and manners. But our proper bir- finefs here was merely to mark the gradations between barbarifm and refinement: and as the painter who is to exhibit a feries of portraits reprefenting the human form in infancy, puerility, youth, and manhood, will not think of delineating all that variety of figures and faces which , each of thofe periods of life affords, and will find himfelf unable to reprefent in any fingle figure all diverfities of form.and features; fo we have not once^ thought of defcribing particularly under this article, all the various national characters reducible to any one of thofe divifions under which we have viewed the progrefs of fociety, nor have found it poffible to comprehend under one confiftent view, all the particu¬ lars which may be gathered from the remains of anti¬ quity, from the relations of later travellers, and the ge¬ neral records of hiilory concerning the progreffive cha¬ racter of mankind in various regions, and under the in¬ fluence of various accidents and circumftances. This indeed would have even been improper, as all that in* formation, appears under other articles in this Work. SOCIETIES, aftbciations voluntarily formed by a number of individuals for promoting knowledge,induftry, or virtue. .1 hey may therefore be divided into three claf- fes; focieties for promoting fcience and literature, focie- ties for encouraging and promoting arts and manufac- tures,.and focieties for diffufing religion and morality and relieving.diftrefs.. Societies belonging to the firft clafs ex¬ tend their attention to all the fciences and literature in general, or devote it to one particular fcience. The lame obfervation may be applied to thofe which are in- ftituted for improving arts and manufactures. Thofe of the third clafs are eftabiiftied, either with a view to prevent crimes, as the Philanthropic Society ; for the dinuhon ot the Chnftian religion among unenlightened nations,, as the Society for the Propagation of the Goi'pel m Foreign Parts; or for introducing arts and civiliza- tion, along with a knowledge of the Chriftian religion, as the Sierra Leona company. The honour of planning and inftituting focieties for thofe valuable purpofes is due to modern times A literary affociation is laid to have been formed in the reign of Charlemagne (fee Academy) ;, but the plan leems.to have been rude and defective. Several others • 7HVS have we.vIewed the feveral ftages in which fo¬ ciety appears in its progrefs from rudenefs to refine¬ ment and decay. The intelligent reader will perceive, t at the various and anomalous phenomena which occur m the natural hiftory of fociety, cannot eafily be fol- y . ; hecaufe the neceffary information cannot be ob¬ tained. Others have been well accounted for by the researches of curious philafophical inquirers. Local circumftances, the influence of climate, the intcrcourfe of nations, m different Hates of civilization, have been taken notice of, as caufes femng to accelerate or. retard were mftituted in Italy in the 16th century ; but from the accounts which we have feen of them, they feem to have been far inferior to thofe which are molt flouriftW at prefent. I he molt enlarged idea of literary focieties feems to have originated with the great Lord Bacon, the lather of modern philofophy, who recommended to the reigning prince toinllitute focieties of learned men, who mould give to the world from time to time a regular account of their refearches and difeoveries. It was the idea of this great philofopher, that the learned world ihould be united, as it were, into one immenfe republic ■ which, though coniiftmg of many detached ftates, fliould hold a ft net union and prefer ve a mutual intelligence with each other, in every thing that regards the com¬ mon intereit. 1 he want of this union and intelligence he laments, as one of the chief obftacles to the advance- ment of fcience ; and, juftly confidering the inftitution of public focieties, in the different countries of Europe under the aufpifes of the fovert-ign, to be the btft re! niedy for that defe&, lie has given, in his fanciful work, the Mew Atlantis, the delineation of a philofophical * fociety Societfes. v— s o c C 576 1 s o c SccietiC*. § Sprat's Uijlury of the Royal Society, id edit. I>‘ i9- fociety onUe moft extended plan, for the improvement 1 of all arts and fciences ; a work which, though written in the language, and tinaured with the colouring of romance, is full of the nobleft philofophic views. The plan of Lord Bacon, which met with little attention from the age in which he lived, was deftined to produce its effea in a period not very diftant. The fcheme of a philofophical college by Cowley is acknowledged to have had a powerful influence in procuring the eftablifhment of the Royal Society of London by charter from Charles II. $ ♦, and Cowley’s plan is manifeftiy copied in almofl all its parts from that in the New Atlantis. The inftitution of the Royal Society of London was foon followed by the eftablifhment of the Royal Aca¬ demy of Sciences at Paris ; and thefe two have ferved as models to the philofophical academies of higheft re¬ putation in the tther kingdoms of Europe. The experience of ages has fhown, that improvements of a public nature are belt carried on by focieties of li¬ beral and ingenious men, uniting their labours without regard to nation, fedt, or party, in one grand jnirfuit alike interefting to all, whereby mutual prejudices are worn off, and a humane philofophical fpirit is cherifhed. Men united together, and frequently meeting for the pnrpofe of advancing the fciences, the arts, agriculture, manufaftures, and commerce, may oftentimes faggeft fuch hints to one another as may be improved to im¬ portant ends : and fuch focieties, by being the repofito- ries of the obfervations and difeoveries of the learned and ingenious, may from time to time furnifh the world with ufeful publications which might otherwife be loft: for men of ingenuity and modefty may not choofe to rifle their reputation, by fending abroad unpatronized what a learned fociety might judge richly worthy the public eye ; or perhaps their circumftances being ftrait- cned, they may not be able to defray the expence of publication. Societies inftituted for promoting know¬ ledge may alfo be of eminent feiwice, by exciting a fpint «f emulation, and by enkindling thofe fparks of genius which otherwife might for ever have been concealed ; and if, when pofleffed of funds fufficient for the pur- pofe, they reward the exertions of the induftrious and enterprifing with pecuniary premiums or honorary me¬ dals, many important experiments and ufeful difeoveries will be made, from which the public may reap the high¬ eft advantages. # Eminent inftances of the beneficial effefts of fuch in- ftitutions we have in the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, the Royal Society, and the Society inftituted for the Encouragement of A rts, Manufactures, and Com- Tnerce in London, and many others of a fimilar kind. . . r , Hereby a fpirit of difeovery and improvement has been Jhan Knowledge, and has been productive of much good Sed among th "ngenfeus in almoft every nation , . in the cities of London and Weftm.nfter ; but upon the knowledge of&various kinds, and greatly ufeful to man- cieties, that their beneficial effects are already confpieu- and Hu- ous. niane S) We will now give fome account of the moft eminent Reties, focieties ; arranging them under the three claffts into > y—— j which we have divided them : I. Religious and Humane Societies. II. Societies for Promoting Science and Literature, III. Societies for Encouraging Arts, Manufactures, &c. I. Religious and Humane Societies. T, Society for the Propagation of the Gofpel in Foreign Parts, was inftituted by King William III. in 1701, in order to i'ecure a maintenance for an orthodox cler¬ gy, and to make other provilions for propagating the gofpel in the plantations, colonies, and factories beyond the feas. To that end he incorporated the archbifhops, feveral of the bifhops, and others of the nobility, gentry, and clergy, to the number of 90, into one body, which, by the name of The Society for the Propagation of the Gofpel in Foreign Parts, was to plead and be impleaded; to have perpetual fucceflion, with privilege to purchafe L. 2000 a-year inheritance, and eftates for lives or years, with other goods and chattels to any value. By its charter the fociety is authorifed to ufe a common feal ; and to meet annually on the third Friday in Fe¬ bruary for the purpofe of choofing a preiident, vice- prefident, and officers for the year enfuing ; and on the third Friday in every month, or oftener if there fhould be occafion, to tranfaA bulinefs, and to depute perfons to take fubferiptions, and colle<£f money contributed for the purpofes aforefaid ; and of all moneys received and laid out, it is obliged to give account yearly to the lord-chancellor or keeper, the lord chief-juftice of the King’s-bench, the lord-chief-juftice of the Common- pleas, or to any two of thefe magiftrates. Of this fo¬ ciety there is a {landing committee at St Paul’s chap- ter-houfe, to prepare matters for the monthly meeting, which is held at St Martin’s library. Before the incorporation of the fociety for the pro¬ pagation of the gofpel in foreign parts, there had been formed, for the promoting of Chriftian knowledge both at home and in the colonies, a voluntary aftbeiation of perfons of rank and refpe&ability, who in March 1699 began to hold ftated meetings in London for that pur¬ pofe, regulating themfelves by the laws of the land and the canons of the church ; and when the new fociety was formed, they had already tranfinitted to America and the Weft Indies L. 800 worth of Bibles, Books of Common Prayer, and treatifes of practical religion, be- fides fecuring a tolerable maintenance to feveral clergy¬ man on that continent. This affociatubn Hill fubfifts un¬ der the denomination of The Society for Promoting Chri- kind, has taken place of the dry and uninterefting fpeculations of fchoolmen ; and bold and erroneous hy- pothefis has been obliged to give way to demonftrative experiment. In fhort, fiuce the eftablifhment of thefe focieties, folid learning and philofophy have more in* creafed than they had done for many centuries belore. As to thofe focieties dtabliffied for promoting in- duftry, religion and morality, and relieving diftrefs, the defign is laudable and excellent, and prefents a beautiful pifture of the philanthrspy of modern times. We are happy to find, from the minutes of iome of thefe fo- formation of the new fociety, into which all its original members were incorporated by name, the care which the voluntary aflbeiation had taken of the colonies de¬ volved of courfe upon the incorporated fociety ; of which incorporation we believe the objeft has been fometimes miftaken, anefthe labours of its miffionaries gi-ofsly mifreprefented. It has by many been fuppofed that the fociety was incorporated for the/o/e purpofe ot converting the favage Americans ; and it has been much blamed for fending miffionaries into provinces where, in the defpicable cant of the complainers, a gofpel-mimjlry was already eftabliffied. But; an impartial view of the rife sac T 5.77 1 S O G Re!*gv'U& end Hu- niane So- cietie-'. Sef his Sermon, II. of lis IVorlts, rife and pro^refs of the American provinces, now be¬ come independent ftates, will fhow the folly and injuf- tice of thofe complaints. 1 The Englifh colonies in North America were in the laft century formed and firft peopled by religious men ; who, made uneafy at home by their intolerant brethren, left the old world to enjoy in peace that firft and chief prerogative of man, the free nvorfh 'ip of God according to his own confcience. At one time Puritans were driven acrofs the Atlantic by the epifcopal church; at another, Churchmen were forced away by the prefbyterians juft as the revolutions of ftate threw the civil power into the hands of the one or the other party ; and not a few members ot the church of Rome were chafed to the cieties. do, good fervice in bringing thofe planters to a ferious RsH^ions fenfe of religion. “ I fpeak it knowingly (fays he), f:lld that the minifters of the gofpel, in thofe provinces which niane So‘ go by the name of New England, fent and fupported at» the expence of the fociety, have, by their fobriety of manners, difereet behaviour, and a competent degree of ufeful knowledge, fhown themfelves worthy of the choice of thofe who fent them.” We have the honour to be acquainted with fome of the miffionaries fent at a latet* period, and have reafon to believe that, down to the era of the American revolution, they had the fame vir¬ tues, and were doing the fame good fervices, which pro¬ cured to their predeceffors this honourable teftimony from one of the greateft and the beft of men. Surely wilds of America by the united exertion-s of both. It ‘ fuch a miflion deferved not to be evil fpoken of by fee has been often obferved, that people perfecuted for their religion become for the moft part enthufiaftically at¬ tached to it ; and the condudl of thofe colonifts was in perfeft harmony with this obfervation. Their zeal, in¬ flamed by their violent removal to the other hemifphere, kept religion alive and aftive among themfelves ; but their poverty difabled them from fupplying fuel to the flame, by making provifion for a miniftry to inftrutl their offspring. The confequence was, that the new Chrillian commonwealth, without the kindly affillance of its mother-country, would have been, in the words of the Roman hiftorian, Res uniuj atotis. Againft this danger a timely aid was to be provided by the focicty ; which, as it confifted not of fanatical members, would not in- truft the impoitant bufinefs of the miffion to fanatical preachers, who, though always ready for fuch fpiritual emerptifes, are never qualified to carry them on with fuccefs. It was therefore thought fit to affi^na decent main¬ tenance for clergymen of the church of England, who might preach the gofpel to their brethren in America : and though thofe miflionaries in general carefully avoid¬ ed the conduct of thofe of Rome, whofe principal aim is to reduce all churches under iubmiffion to the papal tyranny; yet fo lately as 1765, did fome of the colo¬ nies, in which the puritanic fpirit of the laft century chara&erifed the church eftablilhed by law, raife a hi¬ deous outcry againft the fociety for fending a miflion into their quarters, though only for the fervice of the difperfed members of the Epifcopal church refiding among them, and for the converfion of thofe men whom their rigid fanaticifm had prejudiced againft Chriftianity itfelf. Indeed the commodity called Freethinking, as B'ifhop Warburton expreffes it, was at an early period imported by the opulent and fafhionable colonifts. The celebrated Berkeley, who had reiided lomc years in Rhode Ifland, and at his retilrn was called upon to preach the anniverfary fermon before the fociety, in¬ forms us, that the ifland where he lived was inhabited by an Englifh colony, confifling chiefly of fedtaries of many diflerent denominations; that feveral of the better fort of the inhabitants of towns Were aecuftomed to affemble themfelves regularly on the Lord’s day for the performance of divine worfhip ; but that moft of thofe who were difperfed through the colony rivalled fome well bred people ef other countries, in a thorough indifferetice for all that is facred, being equally carelefs of outward worfhip and of inward principles. He adds, that the miflionaries had done, and were continuing.to Vol. XVII. Part II. tarifts of any denomination vfho believe in Chrift ; ef- pecially as the very charter of incorporation affigns aa a reafon for miflionaries being fent to the colonies, “ that by reafon of their poverty thofe colonies were deftitute and unprovided of a maintenance for mini¬ fters and the public worlhip of God.” The fociety, however, was incorporated for other purpofes than this. It was obliged by its charter to attempt the converfion of the native Americans and the negro flaves ; and we have reafon to believe, that, as foon as the fpiritual wants of the colonifts were decent¬ ly fupplied, it was not inattentive to thefe glorious ob- jefts. Its fuccefs indeed in either purfuit has not been fo great as could be wifhed ; but it would be rafh and unfair to attribute this failure to the prefident, vice- prefident, or other officers of the corporation at home,, An erroneous notion, that the being baptized is incon- fiftent with a ftate of flavery, rendered the felfifh colo- nills for a long time averfe from the converfion of their negroes, and made them throw every obftacle in the way of all who made the attempt ; while the difficul¬ ties of the Indian miffron are fuch as hardly any clergy¬ man educated in a Proteftant country can be fuppofed able to furmount. He who hopes fuccefsfully to preach the gofpel among a tribe of favage wafiderers, muft have an ardent zeal and unwearied diligence ; appetites fubdued to all the diftreffes of want; and a mind fuperior to all the terrors of mortality. Thefe qualities and habits may be acquired in the church of Rome by him who from infancy has been trained up in the feverities of fome of the monaitic orders, and afterwards fent to the college de propaganda fide to be inftru&ed in the languages, and inured to the manners and cuftoms of the barbarous na¬ tions whofe converfion he is deitined to attempt. But in the reformed churches of Britain there are no mo- naftic orders, nor any college de propaganda fide ; and yet without the regular preparation, which is to be looked for in fuch inllitutions alone, it is not in na¬ ture, whatever grace may effedt, for any man cheerfully, and at the lame time foberly, to undergo all the accu¬ mulated diftreffes ever ready to overtake a faithful mif¬ fionary among favage idolaters. A fanatic zealot will indeed undertake it, though he is totally unqualified for every fober and important work; and a man of ruined fortunes may be preffed into the fervice, though the impotency of his mind has ftiown him unable to bear either poverty or riches. The failure of the fo¬ ciety therefore in its attempts to convert the American Indians may be attributed, we think, in the firft in- 4 ^ « ftance, and Hu- ?nane So cieties. S O C [ 575 Re’ij»inuB {lance, to the want of a college falf«rthematics, and agriculture. “ If there were a yearly til better fuprfty (fays he) of a dozen fuch miflionaries lent abroad ^Cbur 'dl fr> into their refpeAive countries, after they had received Mr Foreign the degree of mafter of arts, and been admitted into J’lnntatio’ii, fioly orders, it is hardly to be doubted but that in a &c* Httle time the world would fee good and great effeAsof their million.” 2. Society in Scotland fir Propagating Chrijlian Know- cieties. 5 ] S O C ledge, was inftituted Jn the beginning of the prefent een« Tteliginut tury. At that period the condition of the Scotch High- landers was truly deplorable. Shut up in deiolate iflands by tempeftuous feas, or difperfed over a wide extent of i country, interfeAed by high mountains, rapid rivers, and arms of the lea, without bridges or highways, by winch any communication could be kept open either with remote or neighbouring diftriAs, they lived in fmall detached companies in hamlets or folitary huts. Being thus fecluded from intercourfe with the more ci¬ vilized part of the ifland, they could not enjoy the ad¬ vantages of trade and manufaAures. As their foiI-wa» barren and their climate fevere, in agriculture no pro¬ grefs was to be expeAed: and as they were acquainted with no language but Gaelic, in which no books were then written, to poffefs knowledge was impofiible. Their parilhes being of great extent, often 30 or 40 miles long and of a proportionable breadth, and fometimes confiding of feveral iflands feparated by feas, which are often rmpaffable, a confiderable number of the inhabi¬ tants was entirely deprived of religious inftruAion or fell a prey to Popifh emiffaries. A tingle fchool in fuch extenfive parifhes could be of little benefit; yet many parifnes were entirely deilitute even of this refource : and where fchools were eftabhfhed, the want of books prevented them fiom producing the ufeful effeAs other- wife to have been expeAed from them (a). To all this we muft add, that they lived in a ftate of the great- eft oppreffion ; For though the Highlands formed a part ot the Britifh empire, the bleffings of the Britifti conftitution had not reached them. The feudal fyftem reigned in its utmoft rigour; the chieftains exercifing the moft defpotic fway over the inferior Highlanders* whom at their pleafure they deprived of then lives or property ( B). Thus the Highlanders were ignorant, oppreffed, and uncivilized; Haves rather than fubjeAs ; and either en¬ tirely deftitute of the advantages of the Chriftian reli¬ gion, or unqualified to improve them. Hitherto they had been unhappy and ufelefs to themfelves and danger¬ ous to the ftate ; for they were ready at the call of their chieftains to iffue from their mountains, ami to turn their arms againft their lawful king and his loyal iubjeAs. This charaAer, however, arofe from their fi- tuation. It was therefore impoffible for benevolent minds to contemplate this unhappy fituation of their country men without feeling a defire to raiie them to the dignity of rational beings, and to render them ufeful as citizens. Accordingly, in the year 1701, fome private gentle¬ men or the city ot Edinburgh, who had formed them- felves into a fociety for tire reformation of manners, di- reAed their attention to the Highlands of Scotland* and endeavoured to devife tome plan for alleviating the diftreffes of the inhabitants. The remedy which pro- mifed to he moft efficacious was, to eftabli U charity fchools in different places. But as the exigency was oreat it was no eaiy matter to raife a fufficient fund for h this (a) Even fo late a, the year .758, no fewer than >75 parKher, within the boon* of .,9 parochial fchool. We are ferry to add, that even in the prefent enlightened and benevolent age the complaint is not entirely removed. i • •rj-jn* n, (a) The feudal fyftem was at length abcliihed in the year 174^ by jurudiAion a At S O C [579 Religion* this purpofe. They began therefore with what volun- tions afaneSo- tary fuhfcnptions they could procure, hoping after- cieties. wards to increafe their capital by vacant ftipends and —' public contributions. A memorial with this view was prefented to the General Affembly in 1704, which re¬ ceived their approbation ; and they accordingly paffed an aft, recommending a general contribution. In 1706 the General Affembly appointed feme of their number to inquire more carefully into the ftate of the High¬ lands, and the year following appointed a feleft com¬ mittee to confer with the gentlemen who had fuggefted the plan. The refult oi thefe conferences was the pub¬ lication of propofals “ for propagating Chriftian know¬ ledge in the Highlands and iflands of Scotland, and in foreign parts of the world.” Copies of thefe propo- fals, with fublcription papers, were diftributed through the kingdom; and the contributions having foon a- mounted to L. 1000, her majefty Qjaeen Anne encou¬ raged this infant fociety by her royal proclamation, and at the fame time iffued letters patent under the great feal of Scotland for erefting certain of the fubferibers into a corporation ; the firff nomination of whom was lodged with the lords of council and felfion. This corporation held its firft meeting on Thurfday 3d November 1 709. It was attended by feveral of the nobility, fourteen ot the lords of feffion, many gentle¬ men of rank, together with moft of the minilters of the city of Edinburgh and neighbourhood. A prefident, fecretary, and treafurer, with a committee of fifteen di- reftors, were appointed for the difpatch of bufmefs. At their iecond meeting in January 1710, a fcheme of ma¬ nagement was formed and approved; in which it was propofed, 1. To ereft and maintain fchools in fuch places or Scotland, particularly in the Highlands and inlands, as fhould be found to need them molt; in which fchools all perfons whatfoever (hould be taught by fit and well qualified fchoolmaffers, appointed by the fo- cicty, to read the Holy Scriptures and other pious boosts; as alio to write, and to underitand the common rules of arithmetic, with fuch other things as ftould be thought luitable to their circumltances. 2. That the fchoolmalters fhould be particularly careful to inltruft their fcholars in the principles of the Chriftian reform¬ ed religion ; and for that end fhould be obliged to cate- chife them at leaf! twice a-week, and to pray publicly with them twice a-day. 3. That not only fuch as were unable to pay fhould be taught gratis, but that thofe whole circumftances required it, Ihonld have fuch farther encouragement as the faciety fhould think fit in a con- filtency with their patent. 4. To name fome prudent perfons, minilters and others, to be overfeers of thole ichools, who fhould take care that the fchoolmalters do their duty, and that the inltruftions to be given from time to time by the fociety or their committee be punc¬ tually obferved ■; which overfeers fhould make their re¬ port to the fociety quarterly or half-yearly at fartheft. 5. To give fuitable Encouragement to fuch minifters or catechitls as fhould be willing to contribute their aflilt- ance towards the farther inftruftion of the fcholars temote^ from church, by not only catechifing, but preaching to them; which minifters or catechifts fhould take the fame care of the other inhabitants as of the fcholars. 6. 1 o extend their endeavours for the advancement of the Chriftian religion to heathen na- ] s o c ; and for that end to give encouragement to mi- nifters to preach the gofpel among them. Having thus formed a plan, they immediately pro¬ ceeded to eftablifh fchools in the moft ufeful and eco¬ nomical manner ; and as the capital continued Jo accu¬ mulate, the intereft was faithfully applied, and the uti¬ lity of the inftitution was more extenffvely diffufed. Until the year 1738 the attention of the fociety had been wholly direfted to the eftablilhment of fchools ; but their capital being then confiderably augmented, they began to extend their views of utility much-farther. The grand objeft of all public affociations ought cer¬ tainly to be the promoting of religion and morality. It mutt, however, be evident to every man of refkftion, that thefe can neither be propagated nor prelerved among a people without agriculture, unaccuftomed to commerce and manufaftures, and confequently without labour or exertion. Languor and debility of mind muft always be the companions of idlenefs. While the Highlanders roved about with arms in their hands, the latent vigoiir of their minds muft often have been called forth into ac¬ tion ; but when their arms were taken away, and themfelves confined to a domeftic life, where there was nothing to roufe their minds, they muft have funk into indolence and inaftivity. All attempts therefore to in- ftruft them in religion and morality, without introdu¬ cing among them fome of the neceffary arts of life, would probably have been unavailing. The fociety ac¬ cordingly refolved to adopt what appeared to them the moft efteftual methods of introducing induftry amon®' the Highlanders. But as their patent did not extend far enough, they applied to his majefty George II. for an enlargement of their powers ; and accordingly ob¬ tained a fecond patent, by which they are empowered, befides fulfilling the purpofes of their original patent, to caufe fuch of the children as they fhalf think fit to be bred to. hufbandry and houfewifery, to trades and manufactures, or in fuch manual occupations as the fo« ciety fhall think proper.” i he objefts of this fecond patent the fociety have not failed to purfue ; and though many obftacles and diicouragements to their eftorts occurred among a rude and barbarous people, yet their perfeverance, and the oovious utility of their plansj at length fo far overcame the reluftance of the inhabitants, that no lefs than 94 fchools of induftry in various parts of the Highlands and iflands arc now upon their eftablifhment, at which arc educated 2360 fcholars. I he fociety, while anxioufly endeavouring to difliife a fpint of induftry through the Highlands, were ftiil equally fohatous to promote the knowledge of the Chriftian religion. As the Englifh language had been the only channel by which knowledge was conveyed to them (a language which, being not ufed in converfa- tion, was 111 all refpefts foreign to them), it was judged lequiiitc chat they fhould have the Scriptures in their vernacular tongue. ^ The fociety therefore firit appoint- ed a tranflation of the New Teftament to be made in¬ to Gaelic : A tranflation was accordingly undertaken by the Rev. Mr Stewart minifter of Killin in Perth- ftnre, and printed in 1767, which is laid to be executed with much fidelity. Of-this work many thoufand co¬ pies have been diftributed in the Highlands. The great¬ er part of the Old Teftament has alfo been tranilated 4 D 2 , jiy s o c Religious by the Rev. Dr Smith of Campbelton and others, but and Hu- ch|efly by the Rev. Dr Stewart of Lufs, by the appoint- ^detlej0" 111601 311 d at the expence of the fociety : and as foon as l. - ’ the remaining part can be got ready, the whole will be fold at fo low a price as the poor may without difficul¬ ty afford. This, plan the fociety have judicioufly cho- fen, in order to prevent difcontent and murmuring ; ef¬ fects which the diffufion of the-Scriptures ought never to produce ; but which could not poflibly have been prevented, had the diftribution been gratuitous, and of courfe partial. Forfome years pad the funds of the fociety have ra¬ pidly accumulated, from the very liberal donations of ie. veraf individuals. Dady Glenorchy - L. 5,000 By a perfon unknown - x 0,000 Lord Van Vryhouven of Hollarxl 20,000 Mifs Gray of TeafTes - 3>5od' In confequence of thefe great additions to their flock, hnfinuations have been thrown out that the fociety have become fo wealthy as to be at a lofs for proper objects on which to bellow their increafed revenue. 11 Inch an opinion be ferwvjly entertained by any one, we mull beg him to remember, that the fociety have eredled and endued no lefs than 323 fchools for religion, the full principles of literature and induftry, at the annual ex¬ pence of L. 3214, 10 s. Sterling ; and that at thefe fe- minaries are educated from 14,000 to 15,000 chil¬ dren ; who, but for the means of inflrudtion thus ob¬ tained, would in all probability be bred up in ignorance and idlenefs : That they Employ 12 miffionary minilters and catechifts in remote parts of the Highlands and illands, or among the ignorant Highlanders fettled in the great’towns of Scotland, at the annual expence of L. 296 : That they bellow a burfary or penfion of L. 15 per annum on each of fix Undents of divinity ha¬ ving the Gaelic language : That they employ two mif- fionary minifters and one fchoolmaller among the Onei¬ da and Stockbridge Indians of North America (being the dellination of certain legacies bequeathed to them for that purpofe), at the annual expence of L. 140. Such is their fixed fcheme of annual expenditure, amounting in all to L.3740, 10s. Sterling—a fum it will be acknow¬ ledged of veryconfiderable magnitude. The wholeof their incidental expences arifing from the Gaelic tranflation of the Scriptures of the Old Teftament; from annui¬ ties which they have to pay, in confequence of fums left them as refiduary legatees ; from land and houfe-taxes ; from enabling candidates for the office of fchoolmaller to come to Edinburgh for examination ; from furnilhing books to poor fcholars in their various fchools; and from removing fchoolmafters from one llation to an¬ other, is generally about L. 875, which added to the former fum makes the whole annual expence amount to L. 4615, 10 s. If it be inquired at what expence, in the management of it, this extenfive and complicated charity is annually neondudted, we are authorifed to fay, that the treafurer. s o c , bookholder, and clerk, are allowed each L. 25 per an- Religious nmn, the fame falaries which were annexed to thefe of- aiic* fices Irom the commencement of the fociety. The beadle or officer is allowed L. 12 per annum. No fa- > - t - / lary whatever is enjoyed by any of the other officers of the fociety. The fecretary, comptroller, accountant, and librarian, although fubjefted, lome of them elpe- cially, to no fmall expence of time and labour, have no pecuniary recompenle or emolument. Theirs are la¬ bours of love, for which they leek and expedl no other reward than the confcioufnefs of endeavouring to pro¬ mote the bell interells of mankind. The whole amount of the expence of managing the bufinefs of the feciety, including the above falaries, and coals, candle, llation- ary ware, pollages, and other incidents, exceeds not at an average L. 1 l 5 per annum. From this llatement it appears, that hitherto at leafl the diredlors have been at no lols for important objedls within the proper fpheie of their inllitution on which to bellow their increaied funds. They have, it is true, the difpofal of very con- fiderable fums for promoting the obje&s of the inllitu¬ tion ; but they are fo far irom accumulating wealth, that every year their expenditure, notwithllanding the late increafe of their capital, exceeds rather than falls Ihort of their income. They have depended upon a kind Providence and a generous public to refund thefe anticipations of their revenue, and hitherto they have never been difappointed. Thus has the Society forPropagating ChtillianKnow. ledge proceeded for almoft a century. It was founded by the pious exertions of a few private individuals, whofe names are unknown to the world ; and its funds, by faithful and judicious management, as well as by ge¬ nerous contributions, have now become of fuch magni¬ tude, as to excite the hope that they will be produdlive of the moll valuable eftedts. The benefits arifing from public focieties, it is well known, depend entirely upon the management of their diredlors. If fo, the advanta¬ ges which have accrued from this fociety intitle it to the praife and gratitude of the nation. While eager to increale the number of fchools, the fociety have not been inattentive to their profperrty. In the year X771 Mr Lewis Drummond, a gentleman in whom they pla¬ ced great confidence, was commiffioned by them to vifit their fchools, and to make an exadt report of their Hate and circumllances. Again, in the year 1790, a com- miffion was granted to the Rev. Dr Kemp, one of the minilters of Edinburgh and fecretary to the fociety, to vifit all the fchools on their eitablilhfnent., This labo¬ rious and gratuitous talk he accomplilhed in the courfe. of four fummers'with much ability and care, and highly to the fatisfadlion of the fociety. At his return he com¬ municated a variety of important information refpedting the Hate of the Highlands and illands, and the means nectfiary for their improvement in religion, literature, and indullry an abllradl of which was publilhed by the fociety in appendixes to the anniverfary fermons preach¬ ed before them in the years 1789, 90, 91, and 92 (c). The [ 580 ] (c) It is well known, that the number of Roman Catholics in the Highlands is confiderable ; but it mull give much pleafure to the Protellant reader to be informed, that the ancient malignant fpirit of Popery has lit that dillria given place to mildnefs and’liberality. This is chiefly owing to the gentleman who fuperintends the priefts in that quarter, whofe mind is enlightened by fcience and learning, bo far from being hoitile to. the views s o c ReLgiou* The following table will exhibit at a glance the funds, Se So. and expenditure, of the fociety, from a cieties. few years after commencement to the prefent time. ' 1 ~» \\ here the number of (cholars is not mentioned, the de- fed may be fupplied by taking an average from thofe years where a computation has been made. V/here the capital is not mentioned, it may eafily be made out by confidenng the falaries as the intereft. f 581 3 s o c A. I). 1-713 J719 1727 1732 1742 1753 1758 1781 !793 1794 Capital. L.6,177 8,168 9>I3i 19,287 24,308 28,413 34,too Salaries 3,080 Schools. 1 2 25 48 /8 IC9 128 x 52 176 l8o 3°7 323 Scholars. 2757 6409 7000 J2>9'3 I4>37° ^r,^nr°/ cIe^y havc annually received confiderable Religions relief from this ufeful charity. and Hu. 4. Society for the Sons of the Clergy of the Eftahlijhed Church oj Scotland, was inftituted at Edinburgh in Fe¬ bruary^ fjgo, and was conftituted a body corporate by his majeil'y’s royal charter in 1792. The fociety, after feveral meetings, are of opinion, that the period in which the families of clergymen feel moll urgently the need both of friends and of pecuniary aid, is that which commences with the intrcdu&ion of the fans either to an univerfity or to bufinefs, and terminates with their eftablifhment in their refpeftive profeffions; that ma¬ ny" of the miniflers of this church, living eit great di- ftances from the feats either of univerfities or of bufi¬ nefs, poffeis incomes which, in the prefent flate of the country, are inadequate to the purpofes of procuring for their fons cither the literary or profefiional education which might enable them to come forward with credit and fuccefs in the world; that the fons of clergymen, from domeftic tuition and example, have in general very advantageous means of receiving in their eaily y^ears the imnreflinns nf virfiw* 4. • / ^ ttv, . , , . impreiiions of virtue and honour, together with the ru¬ in u J tat?r n°tlCe °f the correfPcnd- diments of liberal knowledge ; and that of courfe the thf v°ard which Wras eibbl'ft!e8 London fo early as public interefl may be promoted, by enabling this clafs fums} ^ThTh’ H -TT fubfC1?r°nS .and lay OUt of yOUnS men to °btaJn their fhare in the reipctfable fi- in b°aid m^eed remained long madtive ; but tuations of life. The views ef the fociet/have been ■tl7 • , Tbers.be?an ,to c°-operate more cordially limited to the fons only of clergymen • as thev a’-e of w- h the,.- brethren rn Scotland Since that period an opinion, that within the limit, whth Ihet h,7e fixed annual fermon has been preached m recommendation the field of beneficence will be Hill very c^tenfive and of the chanty ; and the preacher is now felcded the claims for aid as many and as trrea as their fnTdi whi M Td reRar‘ r t0 tht rc'1S10us denomination to can be fuppofed able to anfwer, at'lead for many years ch he belongs ; fometrmes mom the church of Eng- to come. If the fociety (hall ever be in a fim land, fometimes from the church of Scotland, and fame- undertake more than tiJaids which will be nertSir ' t.ines 10m ft Claries of different perfuafions/The meet- bringing forward the fons of the clergy, it may then b” gs o the correfpondent board have been attended by confidered in what manner the daughters alft mav hZ many. 0 tbe and gentry, who have made great come fliarers in its bounty. ‘J exertions to promote the views of the fociety. From 5. Eoya/ Humane Society, was inflituted in T ondon !:LS!fent fl!ounfhl,ng therefore, from the indefa- in 1774, for the recovery of perfons drowned or other- wife fuffocated. We have already given fame account ot Societies inftituted in other countries with the fame views, and have alfo copied the diredions of this fociety lor the recovery of life, for which fee the article .Drowning. We have therefore only to Hate, that the- plan of this fociety is fo adverfe to any private inte¬ rfiled views, that it acquits its founders of all fordid, motives. I-or the medical pra&itioners accept no pe; ♦ f - , o itj iiuiii iiit. inc.cra- ttgable exertion and laudable zeal of the managers, and from the countenance and fupport which they have re¬ ceived from perfons of the firft rank and refpcaability in the nation, the benevolent mind may look forward with much confidence and fatisfa&ion to a period not very diftant, when its beneficial effefts fball be felt nc t only in the Highlands, but fhall be communicated to the reft of the nation. We have been thus particular FnowlXUrh0f thne S°cry ffPropagaungChriftian cuniary recompenfe for the\ime which t^^e^ Knowledge, becaufe we have had accefs to the moft a difficult and tedious procefs : for the anxietv wb,Vh ht^h °Un-!S of info™at,on’ and becaufe we know they feel while the event is doubtful* for the mortifi t to be an inflitution calculated to enlighten and im- cation which they too often undergo when • provea confidcrable pnr. of the Britifl, nation. fpite of all their efforts, at lalt caari?s ^ his ply ’„‘ r v ^tV ^0cieyrf the Sons of the Clergy was incorporated for the infults to which they willingly expofeythem . by King Charles II. ,11 1678, by the name of The Go- felves from vulgar incredulity. Them foie reward isTn vernors ofthe Chanty for Relief ofthe Poor IVidoavs and the holy joy of doing ^od ^Of an ^n^itutimTtffi^Q f y » the direc- in its o&J front &Cption o? aldlLus ” ewS a"2 on and management of a prefident and vice-prefident, m its plan renouncing felf-intereft in every fliaoe’nhi ree treafurers, and a court of affiftants compofed of lanthropy muft be the only bafis. The <^od intention 01 y members. Several hundreds of widows and chil- therefore of the fociety is proved by its* conftitution the views of the fociety, he recommended to his clergy to promote them. They accordinplv rereiWrl . wit 1 much pohtenefs ; exhorted the people to lend their children to the Proteilant fchools to be inftrnft rK terature, to be taught to read the Scriptures in their own language, and to be Se a^^ 111 \ pnueiples 01 religion m which all Chriftians are agreed. What a blcffed reformation ! q ‘ fe gre s o c C 582 1 s o c Ke1ig:cu